nature as Seneca saith wee must not doubt to be divine if but for this reason that they will melt gold and silver not harming the purse a sword not hurting the scabbard the head of a Lance not burning the wood and shed wine not breaking the vessell According to which decree I can grant that these Lightnings which breake in sunder melte and dissipate and performe other effects so full of admiration are like in substance to the shot of great Ordinance but not these which carry with them fire and flame In proofe whereof there comes into my minde the historie of a certaine Souldier out of whose thigh I remember I drew forth a Bullet wrapped in the taffety of his breeches which had not any signe of tearing or burning Besides I have seene many who not wounded nor so much as touched yet notwithstanding have with the very report winde of a Cannon bullet sliding close by their eares fallne downe for dead so that their members becomming livid black they have dyed by a Gangrene ensuing thereupon These and such effects are like the effects of Lightnings which wee lately mentioned and yet they beare no signe nor marke of poyson From whence I dare now boldly conclude that wounds made by Gunshot are neither poysoned nor burnt But seeing the danger of such wounds in these last civill warres hath beene so great universall and deadly to so many worthy personages and valiant men what then may have beene the cause thereof if it were neither combustion nor the venenate qualitie of the wound This must wee therefore now insist upon and somewhat hardily explaine Those who have spent all their time in the learning and searching out the mysteries of Naturall Philosophie would have all men thinke and beleeve that the foure Elements have such mutuall sympathy that they may bee changed each into other so that they not onely undergoe the alterations of the first qualities which are heate coldnesse drynesse and moisture but also the mutation of their proper substances by rarefaction and condensation For thus the fire is frequently changed into ayre the ayre into water the water into aire and the water into earth and on the contrary the earth into water the water into aire the aire into fire because these 4. first bodies have in their common matter enjoyed the contrary and fighting yet first and principall qualities of all Whereof we have an example in the Ball-bellowes brought out of Germany which are made of brasse hollow and round and have a very small hole in them whereby the water is put in and so put to the fire the water by the action thereof is rarified into aire and so they send forth winde with a great noyse and blow strongly as soone as they grow throughly hot You may try the same with Chesnuts which cast whole and undivided into the fire presently fly asunder with a great cracke because the watry and innate humidity turned into winde by the force of the fire forcibly breakes his passage forth For the aire or winde raised from the water by rarifaction requires a larger place neither can it now bee conteined in the narrow filmes or skinnes of the Chesnut wherein it was formerly kept Iust after the same manner Gunpouder being fiered turnes into a farre greater proportion of ayre according to the truth of that Philosophicall proposition which saith Of one part of earth there are made ten of water of one of water ten of aire and of one of aire are made ten of fire Now this fire not possible to be â—ent in the narrow space of the peice wherein the pouder was formerly conteined endeavours to force its passage with violence and so casts forth the Bullet lying in the way yet so that it presently vanishes into aire and doth not accompany the Bullet to the marke or object which it batters spoiles and breakes asunder Yet the Bullet may drive the obvious aire with such violence that men are often sooner touched therewith than with the bullet and dye by having their bones shattered and broken without any hurt on the flesh which covers them which as wee formerly noted it hath common with Lightning We finde the like in Mines when the pouder is once fiered it remooves and shakes even mountaines of earth In the yeare of our Lord 1562 a quantity of this pouder which was not very great taking fire by accident in the Arcenall of Paris caused such a tempest that the whole City shoke therewith but it quite overturned divers of the neighbouring houses and shooke off the tyles and broke the windowes of those which were further off and to conclude like a storme of Lightning it laid many here and there for dead some lost their sight others their hearing and othersome had their limbes torne asunder as if they had beene rent with wilde horses and all this was done by the onely agitation of the aire into which the fired Gunpouder was turned Iust after the same manner as windes pent up in hollow places of the earth which want vents For in seeking passage forth they vehemently shake the sides of the Earth and raging with a great noise about the cavities they make all the surface thereof to tremble so that by the various agitation one while up another downe it overturnes or carries it to another place For thus we have read that Megara and Aegina anciently most famous Citties of Greece were swallowed up and quite overturned by an earthquake I omit the great blusterings of the windes striving in the cavities of the earth which represent to such as heare them at some distance the fierce assailing of Citties the bellowing of Bulles the horrid roarings of Lions neither are they much unlike to the roaring reports of Cannons These things being thus premised let us come to the thing we have in hand Amongst things necessary for life there is none causes greater changes in us than the aire which is continually drawne into the Bowells appointed by nature and whether we sleepe wake or what else soever we doe we continually draw in and breath it out Through which occasion Hippocrates calls it Divine for that breathing through this mundane Orbe it embraces nourishes defends and keepes in quiet peace all things contained therein friendly conspiring with the starres from whom a divine vertue is infused therein For the aire diversly changed and affected by the starres doth in like manner produce various changes in these lower mundane bodies And hence it is that Philosophers and Physitions doe so seriously wish us to behold and consider the culture and habite of places and constitution of the aire when they treate of preserving of health or curing diseases For in these the great power and dominion of the aire is very apparent as you may gather by the foure seasons of the yeare for in summer the aire being hot and dry heats and dries our bodies but in winter it produceth in us the
of the hippe which fractured and broke the Os femoris in divers places from whence divers accidents did arise and then death which was to my great greefe The day after my arrivall I would goe to the field where the battell was given to see the dead bodyes I saw a league about all the earth covered where there was by estimation five and twenty thousand men or more All which were dispatcht in the space of two houres I would my little master for the love I beare you that you had beene there to recount it to your schollers and to your children Now in the meane time while I was at Dreux I visited and drest a great number of gentlemen and poore Souldiers amongst the rest many Swisser Captaines I dressed 14 in one chamber onely all hurt with Pistoll shot and other instruments of Diabolicall fire and not one of the foureteene dyed Monsieur the Count of E◠being dead I made no long tarrying at Dreux there came Chirurgions from Paris who performed well their duty toward the hurt people as Pigray Cointeret Hubert and others and I returned to Paris where I found diverse gentlemen wounded who had retired themselves thither after the battell to be drest of their hurts The Voyage of the battell of Moncontor 1569. DVring the battell of Moncontour King Charles was at Plessei the Towers where he neard they had wonne it a great number of hurt gentlemen and Souldiers with drew themselves into the Citty and suburbes of Towers to be drest and help◠where the King and Queene Mother commanded me to shew my duty with the other Chirurgions who were then in quarter as Pigray du Bois Portail and one named Siret a Chirurgion of Towers a man very skilfull in Chirurgery and at that time Chirurgion to the Kings brother and for the multitude of the wounded wee were but little in repose nor the Physitions likewise Count Mansfield Governer of the Duchy of Luxembourge Knight of the King of Spaines order was greatly hurt in the battell in the left arme with a Pistoll shot which broke a great part of the joynt of the elbow and had retired himselfe to Bourgueil neere Towers being there he sent a gentlemen to the King affectionately to beseech him to send one of his Chirurgions to helpe him in his hurt Counsell was held what Chirurgion should be sent Monsieur the Marshall of Montmorency told the King and the Queene that it were best to send him his cheefe Chirurgion and declared to them that the sayd Lord Mansfield was one part of the cause of winning the battell The King sayd flat he would not that I should goe but would have me remaine close to him Then the Queene Mother sayd I should but goe and come and that he must consider it was a strange Lord who was come from the King of Spaines side to help and succour him And upon this he permitted me to goe provided that I should returne quickly After this resolution he sent for me and likewise the Queene Mother and commanded me to goe finde the sayd Lord Mansfield in the place where I was to serve him in all I could for the cure of his hurt I went and found him having with me a letter from their Majesties having seene it he received me with a good will and from thenceforth discharged three other Chirurgions that drest him which was to my great greefe because his hurt seemed to me uncureable Now at Bourgueil there were retired divers gentlmen who had beene hurt at the sayd battell knowing that Mounsieur de Guise was there who had beene also very much hurt with a Pistoll shot through one legge well assured that he would have good Chirurgions to dresse him and also that hee being kind and liberall would assist them with a great part of their necessities And for my part I did helpe and ayd them in my Art as much as it was possible some dyed some recovered according to their hurts The Count Ringrave died who had such a shot in the shoulder as the King of Navarro before Roüen Monsieure de Bassompiere Colonell of twelve hundred horse was hurt also in such a like place as Count Mansfield whom I drest and God cured God so well blessed my worke that within three weekes I led him back to Paris where I must yet make some incisions in the arme of the sayd Lord Mansfield to draw out the bones which were greatly broken and caries'd he was cured by the grace of God and gave me an honest reward so that I was well contented with him and he with me as he hath since made it appeare he writ a letter to the Duke of Ascot how that he was cured of his hurt and also Monsieur de Bassompiere of his and divers others which I had dress'◠after the battell of Montcontour and counselled him to beseech the King of France my good master to give me leave to goe see Monsieur the Marquesse of Auret his brother Voyage of Flanders MOnsieur the Duke of Ascot did not faile to send a Gentleman to the King with a letter humbly to beseech him to doe him so much good and honour as to permit and command his cheefe Chirurgion to come see the Marquesse of Auret his brother who had received a Musket shot neare the knee with fracture of the bone about seaven monthes since with the Physitions and Chirurgions in those parts were much troubled to cure The King sent for me and commanded me to goe see the said Lord Auret and to helpe him in all that I could for the cure of his hurt I told him I would imploy all that little knowledge which it had pleased God to give me I went then conducted by two Gentlemen to the Castle of Auret which is a league and a halfe from Mounts in Hainaut where the said Marquesse was as soone as I arrived I visited him and told him the King had commanded me to come see him and to dresse him of his hurt he told me he was glad of my comming and was much bound to the King to have done him the honour to have sent me to him I found him in a great Feaver his eyes very much sunke with a countenance gastly and yellow his tongue drie and rough and all the body emaciated and leane his speech low like that of a dying man then I found his thigh much swelled apostemated ulcerated and casting out a greene stinking matter I searcht it with a silver probe and by the same I found a cavity neare the groyne ending in the middle of the thigh and others about the knee sauious and cuniculous also certaine scales of bones some separated others not The Legge was much tumified and soaked with a pituitous humor cold moist and flatulent in so much that the naturall heate was in the way to be suffocated and extinguished and the said Legge crooked and retracted toward the buttockes his rumpe ulcerated the breadth of the palme
this kingdome over which you rule And thus much I dare boldly affirme that there is scarce any be he never so stately or supercilious but that he may here find something which may delight him and by which he may better his knowledge Therefore I doubted not to consecrate this booke unto your Majestie both as a Patterne and treasury of my labours aswell in respect of my duty who am yours by nature and education as that I might manisest to all your Highnes exceeding bounty towards me in placing me having heretofore enjoyed the office of principall Chirurgeon under 3 Kings your Majesties predecessors in the same dignity and that of your owne accord And moreover I did conjecture that it would fall out as now it doth that this my worke caried through the world by the fame of your Majestie name should neither feare the face nor veiw of any supported by the favour and Majestie of a most invincible Monarch and most excellent and renowned Prince Neither did King Charles the ninth of happy memory incited by the relation of the most gracious Queene his Mother refuse to reade it being he under stood it proceeded from him who having happily passed all his time in private and publik employments and conversed with all men of all sorts was judged most worthy to obtaine this favour as to have the front of this worke adorned and beautified with the splendor of his prefixed name I encour aged by this hope desired that my request should passe as by a certaine continuation and succession from a most powerfull to a most Invincible King and doe wholy consecrate these my labours taken for my Countryes good unto your sacred Majestie God grant that your Majestie may have happy successe of all your enterprises aboundantly added to Nestors yeares Paris 8. Feb. Anno Dom. 1579. Your most Christian Majesties faithfull Servant Ambrose Parey The Preface MOst men derive the Original of Phisicke from heaven for those who hold the best opinion of the Creation of the world affirme the Elements being created and separated each from other man being not as yet made incontinently by the divine decree all herbes and plants with infinite variety of floures endewed with various sents tastes colours and formes grew and sprung forth of the bowells of the Earth enriched with so many and great vertues that it may be thought a great offence to attribute to any other than the Deity the benefit of so great a blessing so necessary for so many uses Neither could Mans Capacity ever have attained to the knowledge of those things without the guidance of the divine power For God the great Creator fashioner of the world when first he inspired Adam by the breath of his mouth into a living and breathing man he taught him the nature the proper operations faculties and vertues of all things contained in the circuit of this Vniverse So that if there be any who would a scribe the glory of this invention to man he is condemned of ingratitude even by the judgment of Pliny But this knowledge was not buryed in oblivion with Adam but by the same guift of God was given to those whom he had chosen and ordained for Phisicke to put their helping hands to others that stood in need thereof Which opinion was not only received in the common manner and by the tacite consent of al Nations but confirmed by Moses in the Scripture Which thing Iesus the sonne of Sirach the wisest amongst the Iewes hath confirmed saying Honnor the Physition with the honnor due unto him for the most High hath created him because of necessity and of the Lord commeth the gift of healing The Lord hath created Medicines of the Earth and he that is wise will not abhorre them Give place and honnor to the Phisition for God hath created him let him not goe from thee for thou hast need of him The Graecians who first seeme more fully and with greater fame to have professed the Arte of Phisicke doe in a manner consent with this opinion in acknowledging Apollo to have beene the Inventor thereof neither did they it without a reasonable cause For whether by Apollo they may understand the Sun who by its gentle and vitall heat doth bring forth temper and cherish all things or els some Heros who incited by an excellent and almost divine vnderstanding first taught and put in practise the Medicinall vertues of Herbs in which sense Ovid brings him in speaking thus Herbs are of mine invention and through all The world they me the first Phisitian call The originall of Phisicke arising from those beginnings shall alwayes be celebrated as celestiall and was increased principally after this manner After Apollo Aesculapius his sonne instructed by his father reduced this Arte being as yet rude and vulgar into alitle better and more exquisite for me for which cause he was reputed worthy to be accounted as one of the Gods At the same time flourished Chiron the Centaure who for that he excelled in knowledge of Plants and taught Aesculapius as many report their faculties is thought by Pliny and some others to have bin the inventor of Phisicke Aesculapius had two sons Podalirius and Machaon who following their fathers steps professing Phisicke did principally beautifie and practise that part there of which is called Chirurgery and for that cause were accounted the Inventers thereof After those Asclepiades left this Arte much enlarged as hereditary to his posterity by whose study and diligence that part of the Arte was invented and annexed which by a more curious skill searcheth out and cureth those diseases which lye hid within the body Hippocrates the Coan the son of Heraclidas borne of the noble race of Asclepiades Prince of the Phisitians that were before him perfected Phisicke and reduced it into an Arte and wrote divers bookes thereof in Greeke Galen succeeded him six hundred yeares after who was a man most famous not only for his knowledge in Phisicke but also in all other sciences who faithfully interpreting every thing that was obscure and difficult in the writings of Hippocrates enlarged the science with many volumes Thus therfore was the beginning thus the encrease and perfecting the Arte of Phisicke as much as can be hoped for from mans industry Although indeed we cannot deny but that Experience hath much profited this Arte as it hath and doth many other For as men perceived that some things were profitable some unprofitable for this or that disease they set it downe and so by diligent observation and marking of singularities they established universall and certaine precepts and so brought it into an Arte. For so we find it recorded in ancient Histories before the invention of Phisicke that the Babilonians Assyrians had a custome amongst them to lay their sicke and diseased persons in the porches and entries of their houses or to carry them into the streets and market places that such as passed by and saw them might give them
beasts For this purpose he doth not onely harnesse himselfe as with brasen walles but also makes ditches and Bulwarkes he makes by the ministery of his hands all kind of weapons weaves himself graments casts into the water and drawes forth nets to catch fish and to conclude he performes all things to his owne contentment and having that priuiledge granted him by God he rules over all the earth all things which lye hid in the bowells of the earth which goe or creepe upon the earth which swim in the sea and fly through the aire or are any where shut up in the compasse of the skie are in mans dominion How wonderfull God hath shewed himselfe in making man GOds Deity and providence hath principally shewed it self in the creation of man neither his so admired light hath so shone in the production of other creatures seeing that God would have them to live and have theit being onely for mans sake that they might serve him Therefore man is if we diligently consider all his endowments a certaine patterne and rule of the divine majesty if If I may so say Artifice For being made to Gods image he is as it were his coine exceeding the capacity of all humane understanding Which seemed a just reason to the ancient Philosophers that he should be called Microcosmos or a litle world because the particles of all things conteined in the compasse of heaven and earth are contained in his minde and body that in the meane time I may in silence passe over his soule more great and noble than the whole world Why Nature hath not given Man the facultie of persaging THis seemes the reason that men by the instinct of nature doe not foresee the future seasons and dispositions of the heaven and aire because seeing they have received certaine sparks of prudence from God by whose care and guidance they are led to the knowledge of things by no deceiptfull but certaine judgment being not obnoxious to the conditions and changes of times and seasons as beasts are Wherefore knowing all these airy changes to be placed under them that is to say their minds according as occasion serves and their minds desire they give themselves to mirth when the Aire is wet stormy and darke and on the contrary in a cleare and faire season to a sincere and grave meditation of things sublime full of doubt But beasts accommodating themselves to that disposition of the aire which is present at hand are lively or sad not from any judgment as men but according to the temper and cōplexion of their bodies following the inclinations of the aire and of the humors one while diffused another while contracted Neither ought we to blame man because he can imitate the voyce of beasts but rather much commend him that he can infinitely wrest and vary one thing that is his voyce for men can barke like Foxes and doggs grunt like hogs whet and grinde their teeth like boares roare like Lyons bellow like Bulls neigh like horses knacke their teeth like Apes houle like Wolues bray like Asses bleate like Goats and Sheepe mourne like Beares Pigeons and Turtles Keeke and gaggle like geese hisse like Serpents cry like Storkes caw like a Crow and crow like a Cocke clocke like Hennes chatter as Swallowes and Pyes sing like Nightingales croake like Frogs imitate the singing of Waspes and Humming of Bees Mew like Catts The singing of Birds scarse seemes to merit the name of Musicall compared to the harmony of men fitted and tuned with infinite variety of voyces For with this they possesse the eares of Kings and Princes provoke and temper their wrath and carry mens minds beyond themselves and transforme them into what habits they please But if those cruell beasts have any humanitie they owe it all to man For he tames Lyons Elephants Beares Tigers Leapards Panthers and such other like Of the Crocodile PLutarch reports of the Crocodile whose figure is here deliniated that being tamed and taught by man hee doth not onely heare mans voyce and answeres to his call but suffers himselfe to be handled and opening his throate lets his teeth be scratched and wiped with a towell How small a part of Physicke is that which beasts are taught by nature Certainely nothing in comparison of man who by the study and practise of a few yeares can learne at his fingers endes all the parts of Physicke and practise them not onely for his owne but also for the common good of all men But why cannot beasts attaine unto the knowledge of Physicke so well as men I thinke because so great an Arte as Physicke is cannot be attained unto by the dull capacities of Beasts But for that I have written of the Religion of Elephants if I must speake according to the truth of the matter wee cannot say they worship God or have any sense of the divine Majesty For how can they have any knowledge of sublime things or of God seeing they wholy following their foode know not how to meditate on celestiall things Now for that they behold and turne themselves to the Moone by night and to the Sunne in the morning they doe not that as worshipping or for that they conceive any excellency or divinitie in the Sunne but because nature so requiring and leading them they feele their bodyes to rejoyce in that light and their entralls and humors to move and stirre them to it Therefore when we attributed religion to Elephants we said it rather popularly than truely and more that we might exhort men to the worship of God than that we thought Elephants had any knowledge of divine worship implanted in their mindes That man may attaine unto the knowledge of all voyces and tongues THe docility of mans wit is so great and the facillity of the body obeying that divine gift of wit such that he is not onely able to learne to understand and speak the tongues of diverse nations differing in so many peculiar languages and not only to imitate and counterfeit the voyces of all beasts though so much different from man which many flattering and jugling companions followers of other mens tables will doe but also may be able to know and understand both what they pretend and signifie In confirmation of which thing they cite the Philosopher Apollonius most famous in this kind of study and knowledge He walking on a time amongst a company of his friends thorough the field and seeing a Sparrow come flying and chirping much to diverse other Sparrowes sitting upon a tree is reported to have said to those which were with him That bird which came flying hither told the other in her language that an Asse laided with corne was fallen downe at the City gate and had shed the wheat upon the ground Wherefore Apollonius and all his friends which were with him went thither to see whether it were so and found that it was so as he had told
countries about it free from Thunder And on the contrary too much heate preserves Egypt For hot and dry exhalations of the earth are condensed into very thinne subtile and weake clouds But as the invention so also the harme and tempest of great Ordinance like a contagious pestilence is spread and rages over all the earth and the skies at all times sound againe with their reports The Thunder and Lightning commonly gives but one blow or stroke and that commonly strikes but one man of a multitude But one great Cannon at one shot may spoyle and kill an hundred men Thunder as a thing naturall falls by chance one while upon an high oake another while upon the top of a mountaine and some whiles on some lofty towre but seldome upon man But this hellish Engine tempered by the malice and guidance of man assailes man onely and takes him for his onely marke and directs his bullets against him The Thunder by its noyse as a messenger sent before foretells the storme at hand but which is the chiefe mischiefe this infernall Engine roares as it strikes and strikes as it roares sending at one and the same time the deadly bullet into the breast and the horrible noyse into the eare Wherefore we all of us rightfully curse the author of so pernicious an Engine on the contrary praise those to the skies who endeavour by words and pious exhortations to dehort Kings from their use or else labour by writing and operation to apply fit medicines to wounds made by these Engines Which hath moved me that I have written hereof almost with the first of the French But before I shall doe this it seemeth not amisse so to facilitate the way to the treatise I intend to write of wounds made by Gunshot to premise two Discourses by which I may confute and take away certaine erronious opinions which have possessed the mindes of divers for that unlesse these be taken away the essence and nature of the whole disease cannot be understood nor a fitting remedy applyed by him which is ignorant of the disease The first Discourse which is dedicated to the Reader refells and condemnes by reasons and examples the method of curing prescribed by Iohn de Vigo whereby he cauterizes the wounds made by Gunshot supposing them venenate and on the contrary proves that order of curing with is performed by suppuratives to be so salutary and gentle as that prescribed by Vigo is full of errour and cruelty The second dedicated to the King teaches that the same wounds are of themselves voyd of all poison and therefore that all their malignity depends upon the fault of the aire and ill humours predominant in the bodies of the patients THE FIRST DISCOVRSE VVHEREIN VVOVNDS MADE BY GVNSHOT ARE FREED FROM BEING BVRNT OR CAVTERIZED ACCORding to Vigoes Methode IN the yeare of our Lord 1536. Francis the French King for his acts in warre and peace stiled the Great sent a puissant Army beyond the Alpes under the governement and leading of Annas of Mommorancie high Constable of France both that he might releeve Turin with victualls souldiers and all things needefull as also to recover the Citties of that Province taken by the Marquis of Guast Generall of the Emperours forces I was in the Kings Army the Chirurgion of Monsieur of Montejan Generall of the foote The Imperialists had taken the straits of Suze the Castle of Villane and all the other passages so that the Kings army was not able to drive them from their fortifications but by fight In this conflict there were many wounded on both sides with all sorts of weapons but cheefely with bullets I will tell the truth I was not very expert at that time in matters of Chirurgery neither was I used to dresse wounds made by Gunshot Now I had read in Iohn de Vigo that wounds made by Gunshot were venenate or poisoned and that by reason of the Gunpouder Wherefore for their cure it was expedient to burne or cauterize them with oyle of Elders scalding hot with a little Treacle mixed therewith But for that I gave no great credite neither to the author nor remedy because I knew that cau stickes could not be powred into wounds without excessive paine I before I would runne a hazard determined to see whether the Chirurgions who went with me in the army used any other manner of dressing to these wounds I observed and saw that all of them used that Method of dressing which Vigo prescribes and that they filled as full as they could the wounds made by Gun-shot with Tents and pledgets dipped in this scalding Oyle at the first dressings which encouraged me to doe the like to those who came to be dressed of me It chanced on a time that by reason of the multitude that were hurt I wanted this Oyle Now because there were some few left to be dressed I was forced that I might seeme to want nothing and that I might not leave the â—… undrest to apply a digestive made of the yolke of an egge oyle of Roses and Turpentine I could not sleepe all that night for I was troubled in minde and the dressing of the precedent day which I judged unfit troubled my thoughts and I feared that the next day I should finde them dead or at the point of death by the poyson of the wound whom I had not dressed with the scalding oyle Therefore I rose early in the morning I visited my patients and beyound expectation I found such as I had dressed with a digestive onely free from vehemencie of paine to have had gooodrest and that their wounds were not inflamed nor tumifyed but on the contrary the others that were burnt with the scalding oyle were feaverish tormented with much paine and the parts about their wounds were swolne When I had many times tryed this in divers others I thought thus much that neither I nor any other should ever cauterize any woundded with Gun-shot When wee first came to Turin there was there a Chirurgion farre more famous than all the rest in artificially and happily curing wounds made by Gun shot wherefore I laboured with all diligence for two yeeres time to gaine his favour and love that so at the length I might learne of him what kinde of Medicine that was which he honoured with the glorious tittle of Balsame which was so highly esteemed by him and so happy and succesfull to his patients yet could I not obtaine it It fell out a small while after that the Marshall of Montejan the Kings Leiftenant Generall there in Piemont dyed wherefore I went unto my Chirurgion and told him that I could take no pleasure in living there the favourer and Macenas of my studies being taken away and that I intended forthwith to returne to Paris and that it would neither hinder nor discredit him to teach his remedy to me who should be so farre remote from him When he heard this he made no delay but presently wished
disease But neither is the aire onely corrupted by these superiour causes but also by putride and filthy stinking vapours spred abroad through the Aire encompassing us from the Bodies and Carkasses of things not buried gapings and hollownesses of the earth or sinkes and such like places being opened for the sea often overflowing the land in some places leaving in the mud or hollownesses of the earth caused by earth-quakes the huge bodies of monstrous Fishes which it hides in its waters hath given both the occasion and matter of a plague For thus in our time a Whale cast upon the Tuscan shore presently caused a plague over all that country But as fishes infect and breed a plague in the aire so the aire being corrupted often causeth a pestilence in the sea among fishes especially when they either swim on the top of the Water or are infected by the pestilent vapours of the Earth lying under them rising into the aire through the body of the water the latter wherof Aristotle saith hapneth but seldome But it often chanceth that the plague raging in any countrey many fishes are cast upon all the coast and may bee seene lying on great heaps But sulphureous vapours or such as partake of any other maligne quality sent forth from places under the ground by gapings and gulfs opened by earthquakes not only corrupt the aire but also infect and taint the Seeds Plants and all the fruits which we eat and so transferre the pestilent corruption into us and those beasts on which we feed together with our nourishment The truth whereof Empedocles made manifest who by shutting up a great Gulf of the earth opened in a valley between two mountaines freed all Sicily from a plague caused from thence If winds rising suddenly shall drive such filthy exhalations from those regions in which they were pestiferous into other places they also will carrie the Plague with them thither If it be thus some will say it should seeme that wheresoever stinking and putride exhalations arise as about standing Pooles Sinkes and Shambles there should the Plague reigne and straight suffocate with its noysome poyson the people which worke in such places but experience findes this false We doe answer that the putrefaction of the plague is farre different and of another kinde than this common as that which partakes of a certaine secret malignity and wholly contrary to our lives and of which wee cannot easily give a plaine and manifest reason Yet that vulgar putrefaction wheresoever it bee doth easily and quickly entertaine and welcome the pestiferous contagion as often as and whensoever it comes as joyned to it by a certaine familiarity and at length it selfe degenerating into a pestiferous malignity certainly no otherwise than those diseases which arise in the plague time the putride diseases in our bodies which at the first wanted virulency and contagion as Ulcers putride Feavers and other such diseases raised by the peculiar default of the humours easily degenerate into pestilence presently receiving the tainture of the plague to which they had before a certain preparation Wherefore in time of the plague I would advise all Men to shunne such exceeding stinking places as they would the plague it selfe that there may be no preparation in our bodies or humours to catch that infection without which as Galen teacheth the Agent hath no power over the Subject for otherwise in a plague time the sickenesse would equally seaze upon all so that the impression of the pestiferous quality may presently follow that disposition But when we say the aire is pestilent we do not understand that sincere elementary and simple as it is of its own nature for such is not subject to putrefaction but that which is polluted with ill vapoures rising from the earth standing waters vaults or sea and degenerates and is changed from its native purity simplicity But certainly amongst all the constitutions of the Aire fit to receive a pestilent corruption there is none more fit than a hot moyst and still season For the excesse of such qualities easily causeth putrefaction Wherefore the South wind reigning which is hot and moyst and principally in places neare the Sea there flesh cannot long be kept but it presently is tainted and corrupted Further wee must know that the pestilent malignity which riseth from the carcasses or bodies of men is more easily communicated to men that which riseth from oxen to oxen and that which comes from sheepe to sheep by a certaine sympathy and familiarity of Nature no otherwise than the Plague which shall seaze upon some one in a Family doth presently spread more quickly amongst the rest of that Family by reason of the similitude of temper than amongst others of another Family disagreeing in their whole temper Therefore the Aire thus altered and estranged from its goodnesse of nature necessarily drawn in by inspiration and transpiration brings in the seeds of the Plague and so consequently the Plague it selfe into bodyes prepared and made ready to receive it CHAP. IIII. Of the preparation of humours to putrefaction and admission of pestiferous impressions HAving shewed the causes from which the Aire doth putrefie become corrupt and is made partaker of a pestilent and poysonous constitution wee must now declare what things may cause the humours to putrefie and make them so apt to receive and retaine the pestilent Aire and venenate quality Humours putrefie either from fulnesse which breeds obstruction or by distemperate excesse or lastly by admixture of corrupt matter evill juice which ill feeding doth specially cause to abound in the body For the Plague often followes the drinking of dead and mustie Wines muddy and standing waters which receive the sinks and filth of a City and fruits and pulse eaten without discretion in scarcity of other Corn as Pease Beans Lentils Vetches Acorns the roots of Fern Grass made into Bread For such meats obstruct heap up ill humours in the body weaken the strength of the faculties from whence proceeds a putrefaction of humours and in that putrefaction a preparation and disposition to receive conceive and bring forth the Seeds of the Plague which the filthy scabs maligne sores rebellious ulcers and putrid feavers being all forerunners of greater putrefaction and corruption doe testifie Vehement passions of the minde as anger sorrow griefe vexation and feare helpe forward this corruption of humours all which hinder natures diligence and care of concoction For as in the dog-dayes the Lees of wine subsiding to the bottome are by the strength and efficacy of heat drawne up to the top and mixed with the whole substance of the wine as it were by a certaine ebullition or working So melancholy humours being the Dregs or Lees of the bloud stirred up by the passions of the mind defile or taint all the bloud with their feculent impurity We found that some years agone by experience at the battell of
St. Dennis For all wounds by what weapon soever they were made degenerated into great and filthy putrefactions corruptions with feavers of the like nature were commonly determined by death what medicines how diligently soever they were applyed which caused many to have a false suspicion that the weapons on both sides were poisoned But there were manifest signes of corruption and putrefaction in the bloud let the same day that any were hurt and in the principall parts dissected afterwards that it was from no other cause than an evill constitution of the Aire and the minds of the Souldiers perverted by hate anger and feare CHAP. V. What signes in the Aire and Earth prognosticate a Plague WEE may know a Plague to bee at hand and hang over us if at any time the Aire and seasons of the yeare swarve from their naturall constitution after those wayes I have mentioned before if frequent and long continuing Meteors or sulphureous Thunders infect the Aire if fruits seeds and pulse be worme-eaten If Birds forsake their nests egges or Young without any manifest cause if we perceive women commonly to abort by continuall breathing in the vaporous Aire being corrupted and hurtfull both to the Embrion and originall of life and by which it being suffocated is presently cast forth and expelled Yet notwithstanding those airy impressions doe not solely corrupt the Aire but there may be also others raysed by the Sunne from the filthy exhalations and poysonous vapours of the earth and waters or of dead carcasses which by their unnaturall mixture easily corrupt the Aire subject to alteration as which is thin and moyst from whence divers Epidemiall diseases and such as every-where seaze upon the common sort according to the sevâ—…l kinds of corruptions such as that famous Catarrhe with difficulty of breathing which in the yeare 1510. went almost over the World and raged over all the Cities and Townes of France with great heavinesse of the head whereupon the French named it Cuculla with a straitnesse of the heart and lungs and a Cough a continuall Feaver and sometimes raving This although it seazed upon many more than it killed yet because they commonly dyed who were either let bloud or purged it shewed it selfe pestilent by that violent and peculiar and unheard of kinde of malignity Such also was the English Sweating-sicknesse or Sweating-feaver which unusuall with a great deale of terrour invaded all the lower parts of Germany and the Low Countryes from the yeare 1525. unto the yeare 1530. and that chiefly in Autumne As soone as this pestilent disease entred into any City suddenly two or three hundred fell sick on one day then it departing thence to some other place The people strucken with it languishing fell down in a swoune and lying in their beds sweat continually having a feaver a frequent quick and unequall pulse neither did they leave sweating till the disease left them which was in one or two dayes at the most yet freed of it they languished long after they all had a beating or palpitation of the heart which held some for two or three yeeres and others all their life after At the first beginning it killed many before the force of it was knowne but afterwards very few when it was found out by practice and use that those who furthered and continued their sweats and strengthened themselves with Cordials were all restored But at certaine times many other popular diseases sprung up as putrid feavers fluxes bloudy-fluxes catarrhes coughes phrenzies squinances pleurisies inflammations of the lungs inflammations of the eyes apoplexies lithargies small pocks and meazels scabs carbuncles and maligne pustles Wherefore the plague is not alwayes nor every-where of one and the same kind but of divers which is the cause that divers names are imposed upon it according to the variety of the effects it brings and symptomes which accompany it and kinds of putrefaction and hidden qualities of the Aire They affirme when the Plague is at hand that Mushromes grow in greater abundance out of the earth and upon the surface thereof many kindes of poysonous insecta creepe in great numbers as Spiders Caterpillers Butter-flyes Grasse-hoppers Beetles Hornets Waspes Flyes Scorpions Snailes Locusts Toads Wormes and such things as are the off-spring of putrefaction And also wilde beasts tyred with the vaporous malignity of their Dennes and Caves in the earth forsake them and Moles Toads Vipers Snakes Lizzards Aspes and Crocodiles are seene to flee away and remove their habitations in great troopes For these as also some other creatures have a manifest power by the gift of God and the instinct of Nature to presage changes of weather as raines showers and faire weather and seasons of the yeare as the Spring Summer Autumne Winter which they testifie by their singing chirping crying flying playing and beating their wings and such like signes so also they have a perception of a Plague at hand And moreover the carcasses of some of them which tooke lesse heed of themselves suffocated by the pestiferous poyson of the ill Aire contained in the earth may bee every where found not onely in their dens but also in the plaine fields These vapours corrupted not by a simple putrefaction but an occult malignity are drawne out of the bowels of the earth into the Aire by the force of the Sun and Starres and thence condensed into clouds which by their falling upon corne trees and grasse infect and corrupt all things which the earth produceth and also kils those creatures which feed upon them yet brute beasts sooner than men as which stoope and hold their heads downe towards the ground the maintainer and breeder of this poyson that they may get their food from thence Therefore at such times skilfull husbandmen taught by long experience never drive their Cattell or Sheep to pasture before that the Sun by the force of his beames hath wasted and diffipated into Aire this pestiferous dew hanging and abiding upon boughes and leaves of trees herbs corne and fruits But on the contrary that pestilence which proceeds from some maligne quality from above by reason of evill and certaine conjunction of the Stars is more hurtfull to men and birds as those who are neerer to heaven CHAP. VI. By using what cautions in Aire and Diet one may prevent the Plague HAving declared the signes fore-shewing a Pestilence now wee must shew by what meanes we may shun the imminent danger thereof and defend our selves from it No prevention seemed more certaine to the Ancients than most speedily to remove into places farre distant from the infected place and to be most slow in their returne thither againe But those who by reason of their businesse or employments cannot change their habitation must principally have care of two things The first is that they strengthen their bodies and the principall parts thereof against the daily imminent invasions of the poyson or the pestiferous and venenate
for in so doing on the twentieth day you shall finde the Chicke perfectly formed with the navell That little skin that so compasseth the infant in the wombe is called the secundine or Chorion but commonly the after-birth This little skinne is perfectly made within sixe dayes according to the judgment of Hippocrates as profitable and necessary not onely to containe the seeds so mixed together but also to sucke nutriment through the orifices of the vessels ending in the wombe Those orifices the Greekes doe call Cotyledones and the Latines Acetabula for they are as it were hollowed eminences like unto those which may bee seene in the feete or snout of a Cuttle fish many times in a double order both for the working and holding of their meate Those eminences called Acetabula doe not so greatly appeare in women as in many brute beasts Therefore by these the secundine cleaveth on every side unto the wombe for the conservation nutrition and encrease of the conceived seede CHAP. VII Of the generation of the navell AFter the woman hath conceived to every one of the aforesaid eminencies groweth presently another vessell that is to say a veine to the veine and an artery to the artery these soft and yet thin vessels are framed with a little thin membrane which being spread under sticketh to them for to them it is in stead of a membrane and a ligament and a tunicle or a defence and it is doubled with the others and made of the veine and artery of the navell to compasse the navell These new small vessels of the infant with their orifices doe answer directly one to one to the cotyledones or eminences of the womb they are very swall and little as it were the hairy fibres that grow upon roots that are in the earth and when they have continued so a longer time they are combined together that of two they are made one vessell until that by continuall connexion all those vessels go and degenerate into two other great vessels called the umbilicall vessels or the vessels of the navell because they do make the navell and do enter into the childs body by the hole of the navell Here Galen doth admire the singular providence of God and Nature because that in such a multitude of vessels and in so long a passage or length that they go or are produced the vein doth never confound it selfe nor stick to the artery nor the artery to the veine but every vessell joyneth it selfe to the vessell of its owne kinde But the umbilicall veine or navell veine entering into the body of the child doth joyne it self presently to the hollow part of the liver but the artery is divided into two which joine themselves to the two iliack arteries along the sides of the bladder are presently covered with the peritonaum by the benefit thereof are annexed unto the parts which it goes unto Those small veines and arteries are as it were the rootes of the child but the veine and artery of the navell are as it were the body of the tree to bring down the nutriment to nourish the child For first we live in the wombe the life of a plant and then next the life of a sensitive creature and as the first tunicle of the child is called Chorion or Allantoides so the other is called Amnios or Agnina which doth compasse the seed or child about on every side These membranes are most thin yea for their thinnesse like unto the spiders web woven one upon another and also connexed in many places by the extremities of certaine small and hairy substances which at length by the adjunction of their like do get strength wherby you may understand what is the cause why by divers and violent motions of the mother in going and dancing or leaping and also of the infant in the wombe those membranes are not almost broken For they are so conjoyned by the knots of those hairie substances that betweene them nothing neither the urine nor the sweate can come as you may plainely and evidently perceive in the dissection of a womans body that is great with child not depending on any other mans opinion be it never so old or inveterate yet the strength of those membranes is not so great but that they may bee soone broken in the birth by the kicking of the child CHAP. VIII Of the umbilicall vessels or the vessels belonging to the navell MAny of the ancient Writers have written that there are five vessels found in the navell But yet in many nay all the bodies I sought in for them I could never finde but three that is to say one veine which is very large so that in the passage thereof it will receive the tagge of a poynt and two arteries but not so large but much narrower because the childe wanteth or standeth in need of much more bloud for his conformation and the nutriment or increase of his parts than of vitall spirit These vessels making the body of the navell which as it is thought is formed within nine or tenne dayes by their doubling and folding make knots like unto the knots of a Franciscan Friers girdle that staying the running bloud in those their knotty windings they might more perfectly concoct the same as may be seene in the ejaculatory spermatick vessels for which use also the length of the navell is halfe an ell so that in many infants that are somewhat growne is is found three or foure times doubled about their neck or thigh As long as the childe is in his mothers wombe hee taketh his nutriment onely by the navell and not by his mouth neither doth hee enjoy the use of eyes eares nostrils or fundament neither needeth hee the functions of the heart For spirituous bloud goeth unto it by the arteries of the navell and into the iliack arteries and from the iliack arteries unto all the other arteries of the whole body for by the motion of these onely the infant doth breathe Therefore it is not to bee supposed that aire is carryed or drawne in by the lungs unto the heart in the body of the childe but contrariwise from the heart to the lungs For neither the heart doth performe the generation or working of bloud or of the vitall spirits For the issue or infant is contented with them as they are made and wrought by his mother Which untill it hath obtained a full perfect and whole description of his parts and members cannot be called a child but rather an embrion or an imperfect substance CHAP. IX Of the ebullition or swelling of the seed in the wombe and of the concretion of the bubbles or bladders or the three principall entralls IN the sixe first dayes of conception the new vessels are thought to bee made and brought forth of the eminences or cotylidons of the mothers vessels and dispersed into all the whole seede as they were fibres or hairy strings Those as they
bee oppressed and choaked shee complaineth her selfe to bee in great paine and that a certaine lumpe or heavie thing climes up from the lower parts unto her throat and stoppeth her winde her heart burneth and panteth And in many the wombe and vessels of the wombe so swell that they cannot stand upright on their legs but are constrained to lye downe flat on their bellies that they may bee the lesse grieved with the paine and to presse that downe strongly with their hands that seemeth to arise upwards although that not the wombe it selfe but the vapour ascendeth from the wombe as wee said before but when the fitte is at hand their faces are pale on a sudden their understanding is darkened they become slow and weak in the legges with unablenesse to stand Hereof commeth sound sleepe foolish talking interception of the senses and breathe as if they were dead losse of speech the contraction of their legs and the like CHAP. XLVI How to know whether the woman be dead in the strangulation of the wombe or not I Have thought it meet because many women not onely in ancient times but in our owne and our fathers memory have beene so taken with this kind of symptome that they have beene supposed and layd out for dead although truly they were alive to set downe the signes in such a case which do argue life and death Therefore first of all it may be proved whether she be alive or dead by laying or holding a cleere and smooth looking-glasse before her mouth and nostrils For if she breathe although it be never so obscurely the thin vapour that commeth out will staine or make the glasse duskie Also a fine downish feather taken from under the wing of any bird or else a fine flocke being held before the mouth will by the trembling or shaking motion thereof shew that there is some breath and therefore life remaining in the body But you may prove most certainly whether there be any sparke of life remaining in the body by blowing some sneesing powders of pellitory of Spaine ellebore into the nostrils But though there no breath appeare yet must you not judge the woman for dead for the small vitall heat by which being drawn into the heart she yet liveth is contented with transpiration onely and requires not much attraction which is performed by the contraction dilatation of the breast and lungs unto the preservation of its selfe For so flyes gnats pismires and such like because they are of a cold temperament live unmoveably inclosed in the caves of the earth no token of breathing appearing in them because there is a little heat left in them which may be conserved by the office of the arteries and heart that is to say by perspiration without the motion of the breast because the greatest use of respiration is that the inward heat may be preserved by refrigeration and ventilation Those that do not mark this fall intâ—…haâ— errour which almost cost the life of him who in our time first gave life to anotomicall administration that was almost decayed and neglected For he being called in Spaine to open the body of a noble woman which was supposed dead through strangulation of the wombe behold at the second impression of the incision knife she began suddenly to come to her selfe and by the moving of her members and body which was supposed to be altogether dead and with crying to shew manifest signes that there was some life remaining in her Which thing strooke such an admiration horror into the hearts of all her friends that were present that they accounted the Physician being before of a good fame and report as infamous odious and detestable so that it wanted but little but that they would have scratched out his eyes presently wherefore hee thought there was no better way for him if he would live safe than to forsake the countrey But neither could hee so also avoyde the horrible pricke and inward wound of his conscience from whose judgment no offender can be absolved for his inconsiderate dealing but within few dayes after being consumed with sorrow he dyed to the great losse of the common wealth and the art of physick CHAP. XLVII How to know whether the strangulation of the wombe comes of the suppression of the flowers or the corruption of the seed THere are two chiefe causes especially as most frequently happening of the strangulation of the wombe but when it proceedeth from the corruption of the seed all the accidents are more grievous and violent difficulty of breathing goes before and shortly after comes deprivation thereof the whole habit of the body seemeth more cold than a stone the woman is a widow or else hath great store or abundance of seed and hath been used to the company of a man by the absence whereof she was before wont to be pained with heavinesse of the head to loath her meat and to bee troubled with sadnesse and feare but chiefly with melancholy Moreover when she hath satisfied and every way fulfilled her lust and then presently on a sudden begins to containe her selfe It is very likely that shee is suffocated by the supprossion of the flowers which formerly had them well and sufficiently which formerly hath bin fed with hot moist and many meats and therefore engendring much bloud which sitteth much which is grieved with some weight and swelling in the region of the belly with paine in the stomacke and a desire to vomit and with such other accidents as come by the suppression of the flowers Those who are freed from the fit of the suffocation of the wombe either by nature or by are in a short time their colour commeth into their faces by little and little and the whole body beginneth to wax strong and the teeth that were set and closed fast together begiâ— the jawes being loosed to open and unclose againe and lastly some moisture floweth from the secret parts with a certaine tickling pleasure but in some women as in those especially in whom the necke of the wombe is tickled with the mydivives singer in stead of that moysture comes thick and grosse seed which moysture or seed when it is fallen the wombe being before as it were raging is restored unto its owne proper nature and place and by little and little all symptomes vanish away Men by the suppression of their seede have not the like symptomes as women have because mans seed is not so cold and moyst but far more perfect and better digested and therefore more meet to resist putrefaction and whiles it is brought or drawn together by little and little it is dissipated by great and violent exercise CHAP. XLVIII Of the cure of the strangulation of the wombe SEeing that the strangulation of the wombe is a sudden and sharp disease it therefore requireth a present and speedy remedy for if it be neglected it many times causeth present
was seene in Lusalia at a towne called Jubea two houres after mid-night anno Dom. 1535. But in anno Dom. 1550. upon the nineteenth day of July in Saxony not farre from Wittenberg there appeared in the aire a great stagge incompassed with two armed hosts making a great noise in their conflict and at the same instant it rained blood in great abundance the sun seemed to be cloven into two pieces and the one of them to fall upon the earth A little before the taking of Constantinople from the Christians there appeared a great army in the aire appointed to fight attended on with a great company of dogs and other wild beasts Julius Obsequius reports that in anno Dom. 458. it rained flesh in Italy in greater and lesser pieces part of which were devoured by the birds before they fell upon the earth that which fell upon the earth kept long unpurrefyed and unchanged in colour and smell Anno Dom. 989. Otho the third being Emperour it rained corne in Italy Anno Dom. 180. it rained milke and oyle in great abundance and fruit-bearing trees brought forth corne Lycosthenes tells that in the time of Charles the fift whilest Maidenberg was besieged three sunnes first appeared about seven a clocke in the morning and then were seene for a whole day whereof the middlemost was the brightest the two others were reddish and of a bloody colour but in the night time there appeared three moones The same appeared in Bavaria anno Dom. 1554. But if so prodigious and strange things happen in the heavens besides the common order of nature shall wee thinke it incredible that the like may happen in the earth Anno Dom. 542. the whole earth quaked mount Aetna cast forth flames and sparkes of fire with which many houses of the neighbouring villages were burnt Anno Dom. 1531. in Portugall there was an earthquake for eight dayes and it quaked seven or eight times each day so that in Lisbone alone it cast downe a thousand and fifty houses and more than sixe hundred were spoiled Ferrara lately was almost wholly demolisht by a fearefull earthquake Above all which ever have been heard is that prodigie which happened in the time of Pliny at the death of Nero the Emperour in the Marucine field the whole Olive-field of Vectius Marcellus a Romane Knight going over the high way and the fields which were against it comming into the place thereof Why should I mention the miracles of waters from whose depth and streames fires and great flames have oft broke forth They tell out of St. Augustine that the fire of the sacrifice which for those seventy yeeres of the Babylonian captivity endured under the water was extinguished Antiochus selling the priest-hood to Jason What miracle is this that the fire should live in the water above its force and naturall efficacy and that the water should forget the extinguishing faculty Verily Philosophers truely affirme that the elements which are understood to bee contrary and to fight in variety among themselves are mutually joyned and tyed together by a marvellous confederacy The End of the Twenty fift Booke OF THE FACULTIES OF SIMPLE MEDICINES AS ALSO OF THEIR COMPOSItion and Use THE TWENTY SIXTH BOOK THE PREFACE AMongst the causes which we terme healthfull and other remedies which pertain to the health of man and the expelling of Diseases Medicines easily challenge the prime place which as it is delivered by Solomon God hath produced out of the earth and they are not to be abhorred by a wise man for there is nothing in the world which sconer and as by a miracle asswageth the horride torments of diseases Therefore Herophilus called them fittingly administred The hands of the Gods And hence it was that such Physitians as excelled in the knowledge of Medicines have amongst the Antients acquired an opinion of Divinity It cannot by words bee expressed what power they have in healing Wherefore the knowledge of them is very necessary not only for the prevention but also for the driving away of Diseases CHAP. I. What a Medicine is and how it differeth from nourishment WEE define a medicine to bee That which hath power to change the body according to one or more qualities and that such as cannot bee changed into our nature contrary whereto we terme that nourishment which may be converted into the substance of our bodies But we define them by the word power because they have not an absolute nature but as by relation and depending upon the condition of the bodies by whom they are taken For that which is medicine to one is meat to another and that which is meat to this is medicine to that Thus for example Hellebore is nourishment to the Quaile but a medicine to man Hemlocke is nourishment to a Sterling but poison to a Goose the Ferula is food to an Asse but poison to other cattell Now this diversity is to be attributed to the different natures of creatures It is recorded in history that the same by long use may happen in men They report that a maide was presented to Alexander the great who nourished with Napellus and other poisons had by long use made them familiar to her so that the very breath she breathed was deadly to the by-standers Therefore it ought to seeme no marvaile if it at any time happen that medicines turne into the nature and nourishment of our bodies for we commonly may see birds and swine feed upon serpents and toads without any harme and lastly Serpenti Ciconia pullos Nutrit per devia rura lacerta Illi eadem sumptis quaerunt animalia pennis The Storke with Serpents and with Lizards caught In waylesse places nourisheth her brood And they the same pursue when as they 're taught To use their wing to get their wish't for food CHAP. II. The differences of Medicines in their matter and substance EVen as the concealed glory of worldly riches lyeth hid in the bowels of the earth and depths of the sea and waters as gold silver and all sorts of metals gemmes and pretious stones furnisht with admirable vertues so we may behold the superficies of this earth clothed with almost an infinite variety of trees shrubs and hearbs where wee may contemplate and wonder at the innumerable diversities of roots leaves flowers fruits gummes their smells pleasant tasts and colours but much more at their vertues This same mother Earth as with her breasts nourisheth marvellous distinct kindes of living creatures various in their springing encrease and strength Wherein the immense goodnesse of God the great Architect and framer of all things doth most clearely appeare towards man as who hath subjected to our government as a patrimony so ample and plentifull provision of nature for our delight in nourishment and necessity of healing Therefore the antient Phisitians have rightly delivered that all sorts of medicines may bee abundantly had from living creatures plants the earth water and aire Medicines
by the beames of the sunne others by the force of lightnings penetrating the bowels of the earth others by the violence of the aire vehemently or violently agitated no otherwise than fire is strucke by the collision of a flint and steele Yet it is better to referre the cause of so great an effect unto God the maker of the Universe whose providence piercing every way into all parts of the World enters and governes the secret parts and passages thereof Notwithstanding they seeme to have come neerest the truth who referre the cause of heat in waters unto the store of brimstone conteined in certaine places of the earth because amongst all minerals it hath most fire and matter fittest for the nourishing thereof Therefore to it they attribute the flames of fire which the Sicilian mountaine Aetna continually sends forth Hence also it is that the most part of such waters smell of Sulphur yet others smell of Alom others of nitre others of Tarre and some of Coprosse Now you may know from the admixture of what metalline bodies the waters acquire their faculties by their taste sent colour mud which adheres to the channels through which the water runnes as also by an artificiall separation of the more terrestriall parts from the more subtle For the earthy drosse which subsides or remaines by the boiling of such waters will retaine the faculties and substance of Brimstone Alume and the like minerals besides also by the effects and the cure of these or these diseases you may also gather of what nature they are Wherefore wee will describe each of these kinds of waters by their effects beginning first with the sulphureous Sulphureous waters powerfully heat dry resolve open and draw from the center unto the surface of the body they cleanse the skin troubled with scabs tettars they cease the itching of ulcers and digest exhaust the causes of the gout they help paines of the collicke and hardened spleenes But they are not good to be drunk not onely by reason of their ungratefull smell and taste but also by reason of the malitiousnesse of their substance offensive to the inner parts of the body but chiefly to the liver Aluminous waters taste very astrictively therefore they dry powerfully they have no such manifest heat yet drunke they loose the belly I believe by reason of their heat and nitrous quality they cleanse and stay defluxions and the courses flowing too immoderately they also are good against the tooth-ache eating ulcers and the hidden abscesses of the other parts of the mouth Salt and nitrous waters shew themselves sufficiently by their heat they heat dry bind cleanse discusse attenuate resist putrefaction take away the blackenesse comming of bruises heale scabby and maligne ulcers and helpe all oedematous tumors Bituminous waters heate digest and by long continuance soften the hardened sinewes they are different according to the various conditions of the bitumen that they wash and partake of the qualities thereof Brasen waters that is such as retaine the qualities of brasse heat dry cleanse digest cut binde are good against eating ulcers fistula's the hardnesse of the eye-lids and they waste and eat away the fleshy excrescences of the nose and fundament Iron waters coole dry and bind powerfully therefore they helpe abscesses hardened milts the weaknesses of the stomacke and ventricle the unvoluntary shedding of the urine and the too much flowing termes as also the hot distemper of the liver and kidneyes Some such are in the Lucan territory in Italy Leaden waters refrigerate dry and performe such other operations as lead doth the like may bee said of those waters that flow by chalke plaster and other such mineralls as which all of them take and performe the qualities of the bodies by which they passe Hot waters or bathes helpe cold and moist diseases as the Palsic convulsion the stiffenesse and attraction of the nerves trembling palpitations cold distillations upon the joints the inflation of the members by a dropsie the jaundise by obstruction of a grosse tough and cold humour the paines of the sides collick and kidneies barrennesse in women the suppression of their courses the suffocation of the womb causelesse wearinesse those diseases that spoile the skinne as tettars the leprosie of both sorts the scabbe and other diseases arising from a grosse cold and obstructing humour for they provoke sweats Yet such must shunne them as are of a cholericke nature and have a hot liver for they would cause a cachexia and dropsie by overheating the liver Cold waters or baths heale the hot distemper of the whole body each of the parts therof and they are more frequently taken inwardly than applied outwardly they help the laxnesse of the bowels as the resolution of the retentive faculty of the stomacke entralls kidneies bladder and they also adde strength to them Wherefore they both temper the heat of the liver and also strengthen it they stay the Diarrhaea Dysentery Courses unvoluntary shedding of urine the Gonnorrhaea Sweats and Bleedings In this kinde are chiefly commendable the waters of the Spaw in the country of Liege which inwardly and outwardly have almost the same faculty and bring much benefit without any inconvenience as those that are commonly used in the drinks and broaths of the inhabitants In imitation of naturall baths there may in want of them be made artificiall ones by the infusing and mixing the powders of the formerly described mineralls as Brimstone Alume Nitre Bitumen also you may many times quench in common or raine water iron brasse silver and gold heated red hot and so give them to be drunk by the patient for such waters doe oft times retain the qualities and faculties of the metals quenched in them as you may perceive by the happy successe of such as have used them against the Dysentery Besides these there are also other bathes made by art of simple water sometimes without the admixture of any other thing but otherwhiles with medicinall things mixed therewith and boiled therein But after what manner soever these bee made they ought to be warme for warm water humects relaxes mollifies the solid parts if at any time they bee too dry hard and tense by the ascititious heat it opens the pores of the skinne digests attracts and discusses fuliginous and acrid excrements remaining betweene the flesh and the skin It is good against sun-burning and wearinesse whereby the similar parts are dried more than is fit To conclude whether we be too hot or cold or too dry or be nauseous we find manifest profit by baths made of sweet or warme water as those that may supply the defect of frictions and exercises for they bring the body to a mediocrity of temper they encrease and strengthen the native colour and by procuring sweat discusse flatulencies therefore they are very usefull in hecticke feavers and in the declension of all feavers and against raving and talking
that it may not be distended and broken by the abundant flowing of vaporous spirits as it doth oft times happen another thing is that you set it in a vessell filled with cold water least it should be broken by being over hot you may easily perceive all this by the ensuing figure A Fornace or Reverberation furnished with his Retort and Receiver A. Shewes the Fornace B. The Retort C. The Receiver D. The vessell filled with cold water CHAP. XVII A table or Catalogue of medicines and instruments serving for the cure of Diseases MEdicines and medicinallmeates fit for the cure of diseases are taken from living Creatures plants and mineralls From living creatures are taken Hornes Hooves Haires Feathers Shells Sculles Scailes Sweates Skinnes Fatts Flesh Blood Entrailes Vrine Smells whether they be stincking or sweete as also poysons whole creatures themselves as Foxes Whelpes Hedgehogs Frogs Wormes Crabs Cray-fishes Scorpions Horseleaches Swallowes Dungs Bones Extreame parts Hearts Liver Lungs Braine Wombe Secundine Testicles Pizle Bladder Sperme Taile Coats of the Ventricle Expirations Bristles Silke Webbes Teares Spittle Honey Waxe Egges Milke Butter Cheese Marrow Rennet From Plants that is Trees shrubs and hearbes are taken Roots Mosse Pith. Siâ—ns Buds Stalkes Leaves Floures Cups Fibers or hairy threds Eares Seeds Barke Wood. Meale Iuices Teares Oyles Gums Rosins Rottennesses Masse or spissament Manna which falling downe like dew upon plants presently concreates Whole plants as Mallowes Onions c. Mettalls or mineralls are taken either from the water or earth and are either kinds of earth stones or mettalls c. The kinds of earth are Bole Armenicke Terra sigillata Fullers earth Chaulke Okar Plaister Lime Now the kinds of stone are Flints Lapis judaicus Lapis Lyncis The Pumice Lap. Haematites Amiantus Galactites Spunge stones Diamonds Saphire Chrysolite Topace Loadstone The Pyrites or fire-stone Alablaster Marble Cristall and many other precious stones The kinds of Salts as well naturall as artficiare Common salt Sal nitrum Sal Alkali Sal Ammoniacum Salt of Vrine Salt of tartar and generally all salts that may be made of any kind of plants Those that are commonly called mineralls are Marchasite Antimony Muscovy Glasse Tutty Arsnicke Orpiment Lazure or blew Rose agar Brimstone Quicke silver White Coprose Chalcitis Psory Roman Vitrioll Colcothar vitrioll or greene Coprose Alumen scissile Common Alome Alumen rotundum Round Alome Alumen liquidum Alumen plumosum Boraxe or Burrace Bitumen Naphtha Cinnabaris or Vermillion Litharge of Gold Litharge of Silver Chrysocolla Scandaracha Red Lead White Lead and divers other Now the Mettals themselves are Gold Silver Iron Lead Tinne Brasse Copper Steele Lattin and such as arise from these as the scailes verdegreace rust c. Now from the waters as the Sea Rivers Lakes and Fountaines and the mud of these waters are taken divers medicines as white and red Corrall Pearles and infinite other things which nature the handmayd of the great Architect of this world hath produced for the cure of diseases so that into what part soever you turne your eyes whether to the surface of the earth or the bowels thereof a great multitude of remedies present themselves to your view The choyse of all which is taken from their substance or quantity quality action place season smell taste site figure and weight other circumstances as Sylvius hath aboundantly shewed in his booke written upon this subject Of these simples are made diverse compositions as Collyria Caputpurgia Eclegmata Dentifrices Dentiscalpia Apophlegmatismi Gargarismes Pills Boles Potions Emplaisters Vnguents Cerates Liniments Embrocations Fomentations Epithemes Attractives Resolvers Suppuratives Emollients Mundificatives Incarnatives Cicatrisers Putrifiers Corrosives Agglutinatives Anodynes Apozemes Iuleps Syrupes Powders Tablets Opiates Conserves Preserves Confections Rowles Vomits Sternutatoryes Sudorifickes Glysters Pessaries Suppositoryes Fumigations Trochisces Frontalls Cappes Stomichers Bagges Bathes Halfe-bathes Virgins-milke Fuci Pications Depilatoryes Vesicatoryes Potentiall canteriâ—s Nose-gayes Fannes Cannopyes or extended cloathes to make winde Artificiall fountaines to distill or droppe downe liquors Now these that are thought to be nourishing medicines are Restauratiues Cullisses Expressions Gellyes Ptisans Barly-creames Ponadoes Almond-milkes Marchpaines Wafers Hydro sacchar Hydromel and such other drinkes Mucilages Oxymel Oxycrate Rose Vinegar Hydraelium Metheglin Cider Drinke of Servisses Ale Beere Vinegar Verjuice Oyle Steeled water Water brewed with bread crummes Hippocras Perry and such like Waters and distilled oyles and divers other Chymicall extractions As the waters and oyles of hot dry and aromaticke things drawne in a copper Alembecke with a cooler with ten times as much water in weight as of hearbes now the hearbes must be dry that the distillation may the better succeede Waters are extracted cut of flowers put in a Retort by the heate of the Sunne or of dung or of an heape of pressed out Grapes or by Balneo if there bee a receiver put and closely lured thereto All kindes of salt of things calcined dissolved in water and twise or thrise filtred that so they may become more pure and fit to yeeld oyle Other distillations are made either in Cellars by the coldnesse or moysture of the place the things being layd either upon a marble or else hangd up in a bagge and thus is made oyle of Tartar and of salts and other things of An aluminous nature Bones must bee distilled by descent or by the joyning together of vessels All woods rootes barkes shells of fishes and seedes or graines as of corne broome beanes and other things whose juice cannot be got out by expression must bee distilled by descent or by the joyning together of vessels in a Reverberatory fornace Mettalls calcined and having acquired the nature of salt ought to bee dissolved and filtted and then evaporated till they bee dry then let them bee dissolved in distilled vinegar and then evaporated and dryed againe for so they will easily distill in a Cellar upon a Marble or in a bagge Or else by putting them into a glassie retort and setting it in sand and so giving fire thereto by degrees untill all the watery humidity be distilled then change the receiver and lute another close to the Retort then encrease the fire above and below and thus there will flow forth an oyle very red coloured Thus are all metalline things distilled as Alomes salts c. Gummes axungiae and generally all rosins are distilled by retort set in an earthen vessell filled with Ashes upon a fornace now the fire must be encreased by little and little according to the different condition of the distilled matters The vessels and Instruments serving for distillations are commonly these Bottomes of Alembeckes The heads of them from whence the liquors droppe Refrigeratories Vessels for sublimation For Reverberation For distilling by descent Crucibiles and other such Vessells for Calcination Haire strainers Bagges Earthen platters Vessells for circulation as Pellicanes Earthen Basons for filtring Fornaces The secret fornaces of Philosophers The Philosophers egge Cucurbites Retorts Bolt heads Vrinalls Receivers Vessells so fitted together
reason of the originall antiquity necessity as certainty in her actions for shee workes Luce aperta as learnedly writeth Celsu◠in the beginning of his seaventh booke therefore it is to be beleeved you never went out of your study but to teach the Theorick◠if you have beene able to doe it The operations of Chirurgery are learn't by the eye by the touch I will say that you much resemble a yong Lad of Low Britany of plump buttocks where was stuffe sufficient who demanded leave of his father to come to Paris to take France being arrived the Organist of our Ladys Church met with him as the Pallace gate who took him to blow the Organs where hee was remaining three yeeres hee saw hee could somewhat speake French he returnes to his father and told him that he spake good French and moreover he knew well to play on the Organs his father received him very joyfully for that hee was so wise and learned in so short a time Hee went to the Organist of their great Church and prayed him to permit his sonne to play on the Organs to the end he might know whether his sonne was become so skilfull a master as he sayd he was which the Organist agreed to very willingly Being entred to the Organs he cast himselfe with a full leape to the bellowes the master Organist bid him play and that he would blow then this good master answeares Let him play himselfe on the Organs if he would for him hee could doe nothing but play on the bellowes I thinke also my little master that you know nothing else but to prattle in a chaire but I will play upon the keyes and make the Organs sound that is to say I will doe the operations of Chirurgery that which you cannot in any wise doe because you have not gone from your study or the schooles as I have sayd before But also as I have sayd already in the Epistle to the Reader that the labourer doth little profit by talking of the seasons discourse of the manner of tilling the earth to shew what seedes are proper to each soyle all which is nothing if he put not his hand to the Plough and couple the Oxen together So like-wise is it no great matter if you doe not know the Practicke for a man may execute Chirurgery well although he have no tongue at all As Cornelius Celsus hath very well remarked in his first booke when he saith Morbos non eloquentia sed remedijs curari quae si quis elinguis usu discretus bene norit hunc aliquantia majorem medicum futurum quà m si sine usu linguam suam excoluerit that is to say Diseases are not to bee cured by eloquence but by remedies well and duely applyed which if any wise and discreete man though he have no tongue know well the use thereof this man in time shall become the greater Physition than if without practise his tongue were dipt with oratory the which you your selfe confesse in your sayd booke by a Tetrasticke which is thus To talke 's not all in Chirurgions Art But working with the hands Aptly to dresse each greeved part And guide fire knife and bands Aristotle in the first booke of his Metaphysicks the first chapter saith Experience is almost like unto science and by the same Art and science have beene invented And indeed we see these which are experimented attaine sooner to that which they intend than those which have reason and not experience because that the sayd experience is a knowledge of singular and particular things and science on the contrary is a knowledge of things universall Now that which is particular is more healeable than that which is universall therefore those which have experience are more wise and more esteemed than those which want it by reason they know what they doe Moreover I say that science without experience bringeth no great assurance Alciat a Doctor of Milan boasted one day of himselfe that his glory was greater and more famous than that of Counsellors Presidents masters of Request because that it was by his science and his instructions that they became such but he was answeared by a Counsellor that he was like unto a whetstone which made the knife sharpe and ready to cut not being able so to doe it selfe and alledged the verses of Horace that Fungebatur vice cotis acutum Reddere quae ferrum valet exors ipsa secandi See you now my little master my answers to your calumniations and pray you if you beare a good minde to the publicke good to review and correct your booke as soone as you can and not to hold young Chirurgion in this errour by the reading of the same where you teach them to use hot irons after the amputation of members to stay a fluxe of blood seeing there is another meanes and not so cruell and more sure and easie Moreover if to day after an assault of a Citty where diverse Souldiers have had armes and legges broken and shot off by Cannon Bullets Cutlas or other instruments of warre to stay the fluxe of blood if you should use hot irons it would be needfull to have a forge and much coales to heate them and also the souldiers would hold you in such horror for this cruelty that they would kill you like a Calfe even as in times past they did to one of the chiefest Chirurgions of Rome which may be found written before in the third chapter of the Introduction of Chirurgery the 〈◊〉 booke Now least the Sectators of your writings should fall into such inconveniencie I pray them to follow the methode aforesayd the which I have shewed to be true and certaine and approved by authority reason and experience The Voyage of Thurin 1536. MOreover I will heere shew to the readers the places where I have had meanes to learne the Art of Chirurgery for the better instructing of the young Chirurgion and first in the yeere 1536 the great King Francis sent a great Army to Thurin to recover the Cittyes and Castles which the Marquesse of Guas◠Lievtenant generall of the Emperor had taken where the high Constable of France the great master was Lievtenant generall of the Army and Monsieur de Montian Colonel generall of the foote of which I was then Chirurgion A great part of the Army arrived in the Country of Suze we found the enemy which stopt the passage and had made certaine Forts and trenches insomuch that to hunt them out and make them leave the place we were forced to fight where there were divers hurt and slaine as well of the one side as of the other but the enemies were coustrayned to retire and get into the Castle which was caused partly by one Captaine Ratt who climed with divers of the souldiers of his company upon a little Mountaine there where he shot directly upon the enemies hee received a shot upon the anckle of his right foote wherewith presently he fell to
the ground and sayd then Now is the Rat taken I dressed him and God healed him We entred the throng in the Citty and passed over the dead bodyes and some which were not yet dead we heard them cry under our horses feete which made my heart relent to heare them And truely I repented to have forsaken Paris to see so pittifull a spectacle Being in the Citty I entred into a stable thinking to lodge my owne and my mans horse where I found foure dead souldiers and three which were leaning against the wall their faces wholly disfigured and neither saw nor heard nor spoake and their cloathes did yet flame with the gunpowder which had burnt them Beholding them with pitty there happened to come an old souldier who asked me if there were any possible meanes to cure them I told him no he presently approached to them and gently cut their throates without choler Seeing this great cruelty I told him he was a wicked man he answered me that he prayed to God that whensoever he should be in such a case that he might finde some one that would doe as much to him to the end he might not miserably languish And to returne to our former discourse the enemie was soÌ„moned to render which they soon did went out their lives onely saved with a white staffe in their hands the greatest part whereof went and got to the Castle of Villane where there was about 200. Spaniards Monsieur the Constable would not leave them behind to the end that the way might be made free This Castle is seated upon a little mountaine which gave great assurance to them within that one could not plant the Ordinance to beate upon it and were sommoned to render or that they should be cut in peeces which they flatly refused making answere that they were as good and faithfull servants to the Emperor as Monsieur the Constable could bee to the King his master Their answere heard they made by force of arme two great Cannons to be mounted in the night with cords and ropes by the Swissers and Lansquenets when as the ill lucke would have it the two Cannons being seated a Gunner by great negligence set on fire a great bagge of Gunpowder wherewith he was burned together with toâ— or twelve souldiers and moreover the flame of the powder was a cause of discovering the Artillery which made them that all night they of the Castle did nothing but shoote at that place where they discovered the two peeces of Ordinance wherewith they kild and hurt a great number of our people The next day early in the morning a Battery was made which in a few houres made a breach which being made they demanded to parly with us but t was too late for them For in the meane time our French foote seeing them amazed mounted to the breach and cut them all in peeces except a faire young lusty mayd of Piedmount which a great Lord would have kept and preserved for him to keepe him company in the night for feare of the greedy wolfe The Captaine and Ensigne were taken alive but soone after were hanged upon the gate of the Citty to the end they might give example and feare to the Imperiall souldiers not to bee so rash and foolish to be willing to hold such places against so great a Army Now all the sayd souldiers of the Castle seeing our people comming with a most violent fury did all their endeavour to defend themselves they kild and hurt a great company of our souldiers with Pikes Muskets and stones where the Chirurgions had good store of worke cut out Now at that time I was a fresh water Souldier I had not yet seene wouuds made by gun-shot at the first dressing It is true I had read in Iohn de Vigo in the first booke of wounds in generall the eighth chapter that wounds made by weapons of fire did participate of Venenosity by reason of the pouder and for their cure commands to cauterize them with oyle of Elders scalding hot in which should be mingled a little Treackle and not to faile before I would apply of the sayd oyle knowing that such a thing might bring to the Patient great paine I was willing to know first before I applyed it how the other Chirurgions did for the first dressing which was to apply the sayd oyle the hottest that was possible into the wounds with tents and setons insomuch that I tooke courage to doe as they did At last I wanted oyle and was constrained in steed thereof to apply a disgestive of yolkes of egges oyle of Roses and Turpentine In the night I could not sleepe in quiet fearing some default in not cauterizing that I should finde those to whom I had not used the burning oyle dead impoysoned which made me rise very early to visit them where beyond my expectation I found those to whom I had applyed my digestive medicine to feele little paine and their wounds without inflammation or tumor having rested reasonable well in the night the other to whom was used the sayd burning oyle I found them feverish with great paine and tumour about the edges of their wounds And then I resolved with my selfe never so cruelly to burne poore men wounded with gunshot Being at Thurin I found a Chirurgion who had the â—ame above all others for the curing of wounds of Gunshot into whose favour I found meanes to insinuate my selfe to have the receipt of his balme as he called it wherewith he dressed wounds of that kind and hee held me off the space of two yeeres before I could possible draw the receipt from him In the end by gifts and presents he gave it me which was this to boyle young whelpes new pupped in oyle of Lillies prepared earth wormes with Turpentine of Venice Then was I joyfull and my heart made glad that I had understood his remedy which was like to that which I had obtained by great chance See then how I have learned to dresse wounds made with gunshot not by bookes My Lord Marshall of Montian remained Lievtenant generall for the King in Piedmont having ten or twelve thousand men in garrison through the Cittyes and Castles who often combated with swords and other weapons as also with muskets and if there were foure hurt I had alwayes three of them and if there were question of cutting off an arme or a legge or to â—repan or to reduce a fracture or dislocation I brought it well to passe The sayd Lord Marshall sent me one while this way another while that way for to dresse the appointed Souldiers which were beaten aswell in other Citties as that of Thurin insomuch that I was alwayes in the Countrey one way or other Monsieur the Marshall sent for a Physition to Milan who had no lesse reputation in the medicinall Art than the deceased Monsieur le Grand to take him in hand for an hepaticall flux whereof at last he dyed This
Gentlemen with a number of old Captaines of warre who often made sallies forth upon the enemies as wee shall speake of hereafter which was not done without slaying many as well on the one side as the other For the most part all our wounded people dyed and it was thought the medicaments wherewith they were dressed were poysoned which caused Monsieur de Guise and other Princes to send to the King for mee and that hee would send me with Drogues to them for they beleeved theirs were poysoned seeing that of their hurt people few escaped I doe not beleeve there was any poyson but the great stroakes of the Cutlasses Musket shot and the extremity of cold were the cause The King caused one to write to Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew which was his Lievtenant at Verdun that hee found some meanes to make me enter into Mets. The said Lord Marshall of S. Andrew and Monsieur the Marshall of old Ville got an Italian Captaine who promised them to make me enter in which he did and for which hee had fifteene hundred Crownes the King having heard of the promise which the Italian Captaine had made sent for mee and commanded me to take of his Apothecary named Daigue such and as many Drogues as I should thinke fit for the hurt who were beseiged which I did as much as a post-horse could carry The King gave me charge to speake to Monsieur de Guise and to the Princes and Captaines who were at Mets. Being arrived at Verdun a few dayes after Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew caused horses to be given to mee and my man and for the Italian who spake very good high Dutch Spanish and Walon with his owne naturall tonguâ— When we were within eight or tenne Leagues of Mets wee went not but in the night and being neare the Campe I saw a league and a halfe off bright fires round about the Citty which seemed as if all the earth were on fire and I thought wee could never passe through those fires without being discovered and by consequent be hanged and strangled or cut in peeces or pay a great ransome To speake truth I wished my selfe at Paris for the eminent danger which I foresaw God guided so well our affaires that wee entred into the Citty at midnight with a certaine Token which the Captaine had with another Captaine of the company of Monsieur de Guise which Lord I went to and found him in bed who received me with great thankes being joyfull of my comming I did my message to him of all that the King had commanded me to say to him I told him I had a little letter to give him and that the next day I would not faile to deliver it him That done he commanded mee a good lodging and that I should be well used and bid mee I should not faile to be the next day upon the Breach where I should meete with all the Princes and divers Captaines which I did who receaved me with great joy who did mee the honour to imbrace me and tell me I was very welcome adding withall they did not feare to dye if they should chance to be hurt Monsieur de La Roch upon Yon was the first that feasted me and inquired of me what they sayd at the Court concerning the Citty of Mets I told him what I thought good Then presently he desired mee to goe see one of his Gentlemen named Monsieur de Magnane at this present Knight of the Kings order and Lievtenant of his Majesties Guard who had his Leg broken by a Cannon shot I found him in his bed his Leg bended and crooked without any dressing upon it because a Gentleman promised him cure having his name and his girdle with certaine words The poore Gentleman wept and cryed with paine which he felt not sleeping either night or day in foure dayes then I mock't at this imposture and false promise Presently I did so nimbly restore and dresse his Legge that he was without paine and slept all night and since thanks be to God was cured and is yet at this present living doing service to the King The said Lord of the Roch upon Yon sent me a Tunne of wine to my lodging and bid tell me when it was dronken hee would send mee another That done Monsieur de Guise gave me a list of certaine Captaines and Lords and commanded me to tell them what the King had given me in charge which I did which was to doe his commendations and a thanksgivng for the duty they had done and did in the keeping of the Citty of Mets and that he would acknowledge it I was more than eight daies in acquitting my charge because they were many first to the Princes and others as the Duke of Horace the Count of Martigues and his brother Monsieur de Bauge the Lords Montmorancy and d'Anville then Marshall of France Monsieur de La Chapel Bonnivet Caroug now Governour of Rohan the Vidasme of Chartres the Count of Lude Monsieur de Biron now Marshall of France Monsieur de Randan the Rochfoucaut Boxdaille d'Etrez the yonger Monsieur de S. Iohn in Dolphiny many others which it would bee too long to recite and chiefely to divers Captaines who had very well done their duty in defence of their lives and Citty I demanded afterwards of Monsieur de Guise what it pleased I should doe with the Drogues which I had brought he bid me impart them to the Chirurgions and Apothecaries and chiefely to the poore hurt Souldiers in the Hospitall which were in great number which I did and can assure you I could not doe so much as goe see them but they sent for mee to visit and dresse them All the beseiged Lords prayed mee carefully to sollicite above all others Monsieur de Pienne who was hurt at the breach by a stone raised by a Cannon shot in the Temple with a fracture and depression of the bone They told mee that presently when hee received the stroake hee fell to the earth as dead and cast blood out of his mouth nose and eares with great vomitings and was foureteene dayes without speaking one word or having any reason there happened to him also startings somewhat like Convulsions and had all his face swell'd and livid Hee was trepan'd on the side of the temporll muscle upon the Os Coronale I drest him with other Chirurgions and God cured him and is at this day living God be thanked The Emperour caused battery to be made with forty double Cannons where they spared no pouder night nor day Presently when Monsieur de Guise saw the Artillery seated to make a breach hee made the nearest houses to be pulled downe to make Ramparts and the posts and beames were ranged end to end and betweene two clods of earth beds and packs of wooll and then other posts and beames were put againe upon them as before Now much wood of the houses of the suburbs
which had beene put to the ground for feare least the enemie should be lodged close covered and that they should not helpe themselves with any wood served well to repaire the breach Every one was busied to carry earth to make the Ramparts night and day Messieres the Princes Lords and Captaines Lievtenants Ensignes did all carry the basket to give example to the Souldiers and Cittizens to doe the like which they did yea both Ladies and Gentlewomen and those which had not baskets helpt themselves with kettles panniers sackes sheets and with what else they could to carry earth in so much that the enemy had no sooner beaten downe the wall but hee found behind a Rampart more strong The wall being fallen our Souldiers cryed to those without the Fox the Fox the Fox and spake a thousand injuries one to another Monsieur de Guise commanded upon paine of death that no man should speake to them without for feare least there should be some Traitor who would give them intelligence what was done in the Citty the command made they tyed living Cats at the end of their Pikes and put them upon the Wall and cryed with the Cats miau miau Truely the Emperialists were very much vexed to have beene so long making a breach and at so great expence which was the breach of fourescore steps to enter fifty men in front where they found a Rampart more strong than the wall they fell upon the poore Catts and shot at them with their muskets as they use to doe at birds Our people did oftentimes make sallies by the command of Monsieur de Guise The day before there was a great presse to make themselves enrowled who must make the sally chiefely of the young Nobility led by well experimented Captaines Insomuch that it was a great favour to permit them to sally forth and runne upon the enemy and they sallied forth alwayes the number of one hundred or sixescore armed men with Cutlasses Muskets Pistolls Pikes Partisans and Halberds which went even to their trenches to awaken them Where they presently made an alarum throughout all their Campe and their Drummes sounded plan plan ta ti ta ta ta ti ta tou touf touf likewise their Trumpets and Cornets sounded to the saddle to the saddle to the saddle to horse to horse to horse to the saddle to horse And all their souldiers cry'd Arme arme arme to armes to armes to armes arme to armes arme to armes like the cry after Wolves and all divers tongues according to their nations and they were seene to goe out from their tents and little lodgings as thicke as little Bees when their Hive is discovered to succour their fellowes who had their throates cut like sheepe The horsemen like-wise came from all parts a great gallop patati patata patati patapa ta ta patata patata and â—arried well that they might not bee in the throng where stroakes were imparted to give and receive And when our men saw they were forced they returned into the Citty still fighting and those who runne after were beaten backe with the Artillery which they had charged with flint stones and foure-square peeces of iron and our souldiers who were upon the sayd wall made a volley of shot and showred downe their bullets upon them like haile to send them backe to their lodging where divers remained in the place of the combate and also our men did not all come with whole skinnes and there still remained some for the Tythe who were joyfull to dye in the bed of honour And where there was a horse hurt he was flayed and eaten by the Souldiers in steed of beefe and bacon and it was fit I must runne to dresse our hurt men A few dayes after other sallyes were made which did much anger the enemies because they did not let them sleepe but little in safety Monsieur de Guise made a warlike stratagem which was he sent a Pesant who was none of the wisest with two paire of Letters toward the King to whom he gave ten Crownes and promised the King should give him an hundred provided he gave him the letters In the one he sent word that the enemy made no signe of retiring himselfe and by all force made a great breach which he hop't to defend yea to the losing of his life and of all those that were within and that the enemy had so well placed his Artillery in a certaine place which he named that with great difficulty was it kept that they had not entred into it seeing it was a place the most weake of all the Citty but he hoped quickely to fill it up againe in such sort that they cannot be able to enter One of these letters was sowed in the lining of his doublet and he was bid to take heede that he told it not to any man And there was also another given to him wherein the sayd Monsieur de Guise sent word to the King that he all the beseiged did hope well to keepe the Citty and other matters which I cease to speake of They made the Pesant goe forth in the night and presently after he was taken by one that stood Sentinell and carryed to the Duke of Albe to understand what was done in the Citty and they asked him if he had any letters he sayd yes and gave them one and having seene it he was put to his oath whether he had any other and he swore not then they felt and search't him and found that which was sowed to his doublet and the poore messenger was hanged The sayd letters were communicated to the Emperor who caused his counsell to be called there where it was resolved since they could doe nothing at the first breach that presently the Artillery should be drawne to the place which they thought the most weake where they made great attempts to make another breach and dig'd and undermined the wall and endeavoured to take the Tower of Hell yet they durst not come to the assault The Duke of Albe declared to the Emperor that the souldiers dyed dayly yet more than the number of two hundred and that there was but little hope to enter into the Citty seeing the season and the great quantity of souldiers that there were The Emperor demanded what people they were that dyed and if that they were gentlemen of remarke or quality answeare was made that they were all poore souldiers then sayd he it makes no matter if they dye comparing them to caterpillers and grashoppers which eate the buddes of the earth And if they were of any fashion they would not bee in the campe for twelve shillings the month and therefore no great harme if they dyed Moreover he sayd he would nener part from before that Citty till he had taken it by force or famine although he should loose all his army by reason of the great number of Princes which were therein with the most part of the Nobility of France From
like to a good shepheard who will not loose one of his sheepe See now how our wellbeloved Imperialists went away from before the Citty of Mets which was the day after Christmas day to the great contentment of the beseiged and honour of Princes Captaines and Souldiers who had endured the travells of this seige the space of two monthes Notwithstanding they did not all goe there wanted twenty thousand who were dead aswell by Artillery by the sword as also by the plague cold and hunger and for spight they could not enter into the Citty to cut our throates and have the pillage and also a great number of their horses dyed of which they had eaten a great part in steed of Beefe and Bacon They went where they had beene encamped where they found divers dead bodyes not yet buried and the earth all dihged like Saint Innocents Churchyard in the time of the plague They did likewise leave in their lodgings pavillions and tents divers sick people also bullets armes Carts Waggons other baggage with a great many of Munition loaves spoyled and rotten by the raine and snow yet the souldiers had it not but by weight and measure likewise they left great provision of wood of the remainders of the houses of the Villages which they had pluckt downe 2 or 3 miles compasse likewise divers other houses of pleasure belonging to the Cittizens accompanied with faire gardens grasse plotts fild with fruite trees for without that they had beene sterv'd with cold and had beene constrained to have rais'd the seige sooner The sayd Monsieur de Guise caused the dead to be buried and dresse their sicke people likewise the enemies left in the Abby of S. Arnoul divers of their hurt souldiers which they could not leade with them the sayd Monsieur de Guise sent them all Victualls enough and commanded me and other Chirurgions to goe dresse them and give them medicines which we willingly did and thinke they would not have done the like toward others because the Spaniard is most cruell perâ—idious and inhumane therefore enimy to all nations which is proved by Lopez a Spaniard Benzo of Milan others who have written the history of America the West Indies who have beene constrayned to confesse that the cruelty avarice blasphemy and wickednesse of the Spaniards have altogether alienated the poore Indians from the religion which the sayd Spaniards are sayd to hold And all write they are lesse worth than the Idolatrous Indians by the cruell usage done to the sayd Indians And a few dayes after we sent a Trompet to Thionville toward the enemy that they should send backe for their wounded men in safety which they did with Carts and Waggons but not enough Monsieur de Guise caused them to have Carts and Carters to helpe to carry them to the sayd Thionville Our sayd Carters being returned backe brought us word that the way was paved with dead bodyes and that they never lead backe the halfe for they dyed in their Carts and the Spaniards seeing them at the point of death before they had cast out their last gaspe cast them out of their Carts and buryed them in the mudde and mire saying they had no order to bring backe the dead Moreover our sayd Carters sayd they met by the way divers Carts loaden with baggage sticking in the mire which they durst not send for backe for feare least those of Mets should fall upon them I will againe returne to the cause of their mortality which was principally through honger plague and cold for the snow was two foote thicke upon the earth and they were lodged in the caves of the earth onely covered with a little straw Notwithstanding each souldier had his field bed and a covering strewed with glittering starres more bright than fine gold and every day had white sheetes and lodg'd at the signe of the Moone and made good cheere when they had it and payd their hoste so well over night that in the morning they went away quitte shaking their eares and they needed no combe to take away the doune out of their haires either of head or beard and found alwayes a white table cloath losing good meales for want of Victualls Also the greatest part of them had neither bootes nor buskinnes slippers hose or shooes and divers had rather have none than have them because they were alwayes in mudde halfe way of the legge and because they went bare leg'd we called them the Emperors Apostles After the Campe was wholly broaken I distributed my patients into the hands of the Chirurgions of the Citty to finish their cure then I tooke leave of Monsieur de Guise and came backe toward the King who received me with a loving countenance and demanded of me how I did enter into the Citty of Mets. I recounted to him all that I had done he caused two hundred crownes to be given me and one hundred I had at my going out and told me he would not leave me poore then I thanked him most humbly of the good and the honour which he pleased to doe me The Voyage of Hedin 1553. CHarles the Emperor caused the Citty of Theroünne to be beseiged where Monsieut the Duke of Savoy was Generall of the whole army it was taken by assault where there was a great number of our men slaine and prisoners The King willing to prevent that the enemy should not also come to beseige the Citty Castle of Hedin sent Messiers the Duke Boüillion the Duke Horace the Marquesse of Villars a number of Captaines and about eight hundred souldiers during the seige of Theroüenne the sayd Lords fortified the sayd Castle of Hedin in such sort that it seemed impregnable The King sent me to the sayd Lords to helpe them with my Art if there were any neede Now soone after the taking of Theroüenne we were beseiged with the army there was a quicke cleare fountaine or Spring within Cannon shot where there was about fourescore whores and wenches of the enemies who were round about it to draw water I was upon a Rampart beholding the Campe and seeing so many idlers about the sayd fountaine I prayed Monsieur de Pont Commissary of the Artillery to make one Cannon shot at that roguish company he made me much deniall answering me that such kind of people were not worth the powder they should waste Againe I prayed him to levell the Cannon telling of him the more dead the fewer enemies which he did through my request and at that shot fifteene or sixteene were kild and many hurt Our souldiers sallied forth upon the enemies where there was many kild and flaine with musket shot and swords as well on the one side as of the other and our souldiers did often make sallyes forth upon the enemies before their trenches were made where I had much worke cut out so that I had no rest night nor day for dressing the wounded And I will tell this by the
peeces of battery whereof the greatest part was flawed and broken I came backe also by Theroüenne where I did not see so much as stone upon stone unlesse the marke of a great Church For the Emperour gave commandement to the country people within five or six leagues about that they should empty and carry away the stones in so much that now one may drive a Cart over the Citty as is likewise done at Hedin without any appearance of Castle or Fortresse See then the mischeefe which comes by the warres And to returne to my purpose presently after my said Lord Vaudeville was very well of his Vlcer and little wanted of the entire cure which was the cause hee gave me my leave and made me be conducted with a Passeport by a Trumpet to Abbeville where I tooke post and went and found the King Henry my Master at Auâ—imon who received me with joy and a good countenance He sent for the Duke of Guise the high Constable of France and Monsieur d'Estrez to understand by me what had past at the taking of Hedin and I made them a faithfull report and assured them I had seene the great peeces of Battery which they had carried to S. Omer Whereof the King was very joyfull because hee feared least the enemy should come further into France He gave me two hundred Crownes to retire my selfe to my owne house and I was very glad to bee in liberty and out of this great torment and noise of Thunder from the Diabolicke artillery and farre from the Souldiers blasphemers and deniers of God I will not omit to tell here that after the taking of Hedin the king was advertised that I was not slaine but that I was a prisoner which his Majestie caused to be written to my wife by Monsieur du Goguier his cheefe Physition and that shee should not be in any trouble of mind for me for that I was safe and well and that he would pay my ransome The Battell of S. Quintin 1557. AFter the battell of S. Quintin the King sent me to the Fere in Tartemis toward Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon to have a Passeport by the Duke of Savoy to goe to dresse Monsieur the Constable who was grievously hurt with a Pistollshot in the backe whereof hee was like to dye and remained a prisoner in his enemies hands But the Duke of Savoy would never give consent that I should goe to the said Lord Constable saying hee should not remaine without a Chirurgion and that he doubted I was not sent onely to dresse him but to give him some advertisement and that he knew I understood something else besides Chirurgery and that he knew me to have beene his prisoner at Hedin Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon advertized the King of the Dukes deniall by which meanes the King writ to the said Lord of Bourdillon that if my Lady the Lord high Constables wife did send any body of her house which was an able man that I should give him a letter and that I should also have told him by word of mouth what the King and Monsieur the Cardinall of Lorraine had given me in charge Two dayes after there arrives a servant of the Lord Constables Chamber who brought him shirts and other linnen for which the sayd Lord Marshall gave Passe-port to goe to the sayd Lord Constable I was very glad thereof and gave him my letter and gave him his lesson of that which his Master should doe being prisoner I had thought being discharged of my embassage to returne toward the King But the sayd Lord of Bourdillon pray'd me to stay with him at the Fere to dresse a great number of people who were hurt and were thither retired after the battell and that he would send word to the King the cause of my stay which I did The wounds of the hurt people were greatly stinâ—king and full of wormes with Gangreene and putrifaction so that I was constrayned to come to my knife to amputate that which was spoyld which was not without cutting off armes and legges as also to Trepan diverse Now there were not any medicines to be had at the Fâ—re because the Chirurgions of our Campe had carried all with them I found out that the Chariot of the Artillery tarried behind at the Fere nor had it yet beene touched I prayd the sayd Lord Marshall that he would cause some of the drogues to be delivered unto me which were in it which he did and there was given to me one halfe onely at a time and five or sixe dayes after I way constrayned to take therest neither was there halfe enough to dresse so great a number of the people and to correct and stay the putrifaction and to kill the wormes which were entred into their wounds I washed them with Aeyptiacum dissolved in wine and Aqua vitae and did for them all which I could possible yet notwithstanding all my diligence very many of them dyed There were Gentlemen at the Fere who had charge to finde out the dead body of Monsieur de Bois-Dolphin the elder who had beene slaine in the battell they prayed me to accompany them to the Campe to finde him out amongst the dead if it were possible which indeed was impossible seeing that the bodyes were all disfavoured and overwhelmed with putrefaction We saw more than halfe a league about us the earth covered with dead bodyes neither could we abide long there for the cadaverous sents which did arise from the dead bodyes aswell of men as of horses And I thinke we were the cause that so great a number of flyes rose from the dead bodees which were procreated by their humidity and the heate of the Sunne having their tayles greene and blew that being up in the ayre made a shaddow in the Sunne We heard them buzze or humme which was much mervaile to us And I thinke it was enough to cause the Plague where they alighted My little master I would you had beene there as I was to distinguish the ordures and also to make report to them which were never there Now being cloyed and annoyed in that Countrey I prayd Monsieur the Lord Marshall to give me my leave to be gone and that I was affrayd I should be sicke by reason of my too great paines and the stinckes which did arise from the wounded bodyes which did almost all dye for what diligence soever was used unto them He made other Chirurgions to come finish the dressing of the sayd hurt people and I went away with his good grace and favour He wrote a letter to the King of the paines I had taken with the poore wounded Then I returned to Paris where I found yet many Gentlemen who had beene hurt and were there retired after the battell The Voyage of the Campe of Amiens 1558. THe King sent me to Dourlan and made me to be conducted by Captaine Govasâ— with fifty men in armes for feare I should be taken by the enemies And