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A59752 A discourse of the rise & power of parliaments, of law's, of courts of judicature, of liberty, property, and religion, of the interest of England in reference to the desines of France, of taxes and of trade in a letter from a gentleman in the country to a member in Parliament. Sheridan, Thomas, 1646-ca. 1688. 1677 (1677) Wing S3225; ESTC R16270 94,234 304

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were kept out of their Rights he must have contracted vast debts for the support of himself his Army and his followers That the great Revenu of the Crown was in a manner gon That other Kings had squees'd vast sums from their Subjects by Loanes Monopolies c. of which no mention was made in the computation That the building of ships and above four years of such War at Sea consum'd more than any one hundred years War at Land since the Conquest That the consideration of the vast Charge Dunkirk put the Crown to at least three times more than it yeilded occasiond the Advise of its Sale That Tangier has stood the King in very great sums That til of late the supporting the Charge of Irelana helped to drein the Exchequer of England That the intrinsic Valu of one Million formerly was equal to that of three Millions now and in real use to thirty millions For the tru intrinsic Valu or worth of Mony is no otherwise to be computed than according to what it wil purchase for our present Consumptions which I have reckond to exceed those of old but by ten tho I have heard others say much more But that which has made these Complaints so loud has not bin only inconsideration or perhaps malice but the inequallity of imposeing the Taxes Those great inconveniencies may be easily obviated for the future by maki●g and applying to particular Uses such sufficient and equal Fonds as are necessary to be setled I wil only instance in one That of the Customes which seems originally to have had its Rise for that End therefore ought to be appropriated to the Use of the Navy I wish it were great enuff for such as our safety requires And if this Course be taken in apportioning the Revenu the Public and Privat Expences are to be generously computed the doing so wil remove Iealousies and Distrusts on all sides the King wil be under no necessity of straining his Prerogative by hearkning to the devices of Projectors the People wil be quiet and at ease and then every Man may safely sit under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree and enjoy with pleasure the Fruits of his Labor If you look into the Histories of past Ages you wil find the Disputes of the Prerogative on one hand and of Liberty on the other were alwayes founded on the want of Mony and he that considers the Evils that have ensued wil soon believe it very necessary to prevent the like for the future by applying to every use of the Crown or State I do not say to the Person of the King whose greatest Share is the Trouble while the Subjects is Security and Ease a sufficient and perpetual Revenu This Act wil beget an intire Confidence and Love and so unite us to one another as wil make it impossible for any Storms without or Commotions within to shake this Kingdom so founded on a Rock against which all who make any attempts must needs split themselves and Fortunes I have according to my wonted Freedom given you my Thoughts why I think it more convenient both for Public and Privat That the Revenu were sufficient and perpetual against which I never met but with one Objection to wit That if that were don the King woud not so frequently if at all call his Parliament As if there were no use for this great Council but raising of Mony The altering or repealing the old and making new Laws the reforming of Errors and Abuses in Inferior Courts of Iustice the deciding the Controversies those Courts coud not and many other things woud make their Meeting necessary The King woud see 't were his Advantage to cal them often since besides that there is safety in the multitude of Counsellors all that happens to be severe and harsh woud light on them and yet none coud be offended because the Act of the whole Nor coud His Majesty but be sensible that all Innovations are dangerous in a State for it is like a Watch out of which any one peece lost woud disorder the whole That the Parliament is the great Spring or Heart without which the Body of the Common-wealth coud enjoy neither Health nor Vigor Life nor Motion That while they mind their Duty in proposeing and advising what is best for King and People without privat Respect leaving him the undoubted Prerogative of Kings of Nature and Reason of Assenting or Dissenting as he is convinc'd in his Conscience is best for the Common Good which is to be his measure in all Actions as the Laws are to be the Subjects Rule I see not why it shoud not be his interest to cal them frequently That none can be suppos'd to advise the contrary unless som few great Men to avoid not so much perhaps the Iustice as the Passion Envy and Prejudice of som in that Iudicature to whom they may think themselves obnoxious But granting this 't is unreasonable to think so wise and so good a Prince wil prefer the Privat Interest of any single Man tho never so Great before the general Good and Satisfaction of his People I shoud rather think He wil in the Words of his Royal Father in a Speech to his Parliament give in this a ful Assurance I must conclude that I seek my Peoples Happiness for their slourishing is my greatest Glory and their Affection my greatest Strength His Majesty wel knows with what tenderness and Love his Subjects are to be treated that 't is more safe more pleasing and more easy to erect his Throne over their Hearts than their Heads to be obey'd for Love rather than Fear the Dominion founded on the later often meets the same Fate with a House built upon the Sands while that establish'd on the former continues firm and immovable as a Rock He is not ignorant That as the multitude of the wise is the welfare of the world so does the Being and Wel-Being of the English Nation consist in the frequent Counsels Deliberations and Acts of King and Parliament in which Providence has so blended the King and People's Interests that like Husband and wife they can never be sunder'd without mutual inconvenience and unhappiness The sense and observation of this makes our King's Reign prosperous and gives Him a more Glorious Title than that of King viz. The Father of the Country and the great God-like Preserver of his Children's Rights and Liberties who out of a deep sense of Duty and Gratitude must own and remember who tels them That a wise King is the upholding of his People and therefore cannot but pay him even for their own Interest all imaginable Loyalty Deference and Respect giving up their Lives and Fortunes for His or which is all one their own Safety who studies nothing so much as their Good and wel-fare Besides the King has already past an Act that a Parliament shal sit at least once in three Years and in several Speeches he has declar'd himself ready to do
yet pick out of both this Truth That tho the Rise of Parliaments like the Head of Nilus be unknown yet they have bin of long standing and of great Power And we shall find it reasonable they shou'd be so if we look back into the grounds and Origin of Goverment which we may suppose to have bin introduc'd by the general consent and agreement of as many Families as upon the encrease of Mankind joyned in one common Society divided the Earth into particular proportions and distinguished between Meum and Tuum To this they were induced by Love not Fear which is but the consequent of that Reason convincing that the enjoyments of life were thus best serv'd and promoted And because that Being and well-Being cou'd not be continued or enjoyed but by the Society of Women and the Products of Labor and that if some wou'd be idle and many covet the same Woman the great Desine of Nature Happiness founded on Living well and in Peace might be perverted into the state of Misery War To prevent the two necessary Consequences Poverty and Death they entred into mutual Compacts Articles or Laws agreeable to that great and fundamental Law of Nature rivited into their Beings To do as they wou'd be done unto That is They resolv'd agreed and promis'd one another to be guided by the Rules of Reason or which is one and the same To continu Men. But because it was probable som yielding too much to their Passions might swerve from this great Rule and so wrong Others as well as Themselves Therefore that no man might be Iudge and Party they unanimously confirmed to the Elder person the continuance of that Right which Nature had given him over the Fruit of his Loynes during its Minority To determin what ever Differences shou'd happen Believing Him as the common Father of the Family to be most impartial and as the longer Experienced the Wisest Man This Power tho Great exceeded not the Limits of their then-enacted Laws in their tru and natural Meaning which they took care to make very few and plain That all Disputes and Intricacies not only the Disturbers but Destroyers of Iustice might be avoided And finding they were not only lyable to Danger at Home but from Abroad from such other Societies as had already or might afterwards set up for themselves and that it was not possible for all to watch against these Dangers they therefore resolv'd to put that Care into the Hands of one Man for which great Undertaking the Coward as the Fool if those two really differ were equally unfit Inconsideration in the One being what Fear is in the Other a Betraying of the succors which Reason offers Nature then by giving their Iudge most Authority Wisdom and Conduct which with tru Courage the Effect also in a great measure of Experience are the great Qualifications of a General desin'd him for that Honor which the People readily confirm'd promising Obedience and investing him with the Power of making War and Peace But at his Instance reserving to themselves the Liberty of Examining and approving the Reasons Which the Great and Wise Captain judg'd convenient knowing without the Consent of All he cou'd not but want the Assistance of Som which might dis-able him to defend himself or them whereupon the Ruin of the Whole must inevitably follow And because the Prince his whole time must be employed in this great Work part of which was the preparing his Son for the Succession by instilling into him the necessary Seeds the Principles of Vertu Religion Wisdom Courage Munificence and Iustice The People willingly agree'd to entail upon Him and his Successors a certain Excisum or Proportion of every Man's Labor answerable to the Occasions of the Public and to the particular State and Grandeur necessary for the Support and Maintenance of his Authority and Reputation But because a greater proportion was needful for extraordinary accidents as of War c. They set apart annually another Quota to remain for such Uses in a kind of public Bank so to be order'd as might greatly increase their common Treasure and do good to the poorer sort of Laborers and Trades-men and maintain in Hospitals such Impotents or aged Persons as shoud be disabled to make Provisions for themselves The Revenu they made Great enoff as wel as Certain that the Prince might not ly under any necessity of contriving from time to time new Artifices and Wayes of raising Money that great Rock of Offence on which they foresaw no Prince could stumble without Vexation Animosities and Hatred not only discomposing the Happiness but occasioning the Overthrow of any State And so the People being sure of the Remainder they proportion'd their Expence to their Gettings The former they moderated not only by prudent Sumptuary Laws but by the hazard of their Reputations esteeming it infamous not to lay up yearly somthing of their Labors by which Course the Public Taxes became easie Which they made perpetual that their Children shoud be under a necessity of following their Examples of Thrist and so might likewise be insensible of the Burden Fore-seeing that Taxes impos'd upon People who are so far from saving ought that they account themselves good Husbands if they do but yearly make both Ends meet beget il Blood murmuring and discontent crying that the Bread is taken out of their Mouths or the Cloths from their Backs which are often followed by the evil Consequences of Rebellions and the Subversion of the Common wealth For such never consider That their own Extravance made those imaginary Needs which when they happen are no otherwise to be removed but by moderating former Expences Thus they wisely contriv'd and interwove the perpetuating the Subjects Safety and the Princes Dominion never secure but when founded on mutual Love and Confidence I do not find the practice of this Policy any where so wel continued as in the States of Venice and Holland which has preserved the first about 12 Centuries and made the later increase so prodigiously in less than one Now because they foresaw the products of their Labor wou'd exceed their Expences and that the remainder wou'd be useful for commutations with their Neighbor for som of their Commodities but that in driving this Trade they wou'd be exposed on Sea to Pyracies c. To make their Navigation safe they agreed that the public for securing them shoud receive by way of praemium or insurance a certain Excisum out of all things Exported or imported which we now cal Customes And lest the too great desire of Wealth shou'd make them forgetful of their Duty to God their Parents and their Country that is to one another They ordain'd that a sufficient number of the Elders of the People grave sober discreet persons shou'd at certain times set apart for that purpose remind them of their Duty in every of those particulars and also instruct their Children in the Laws of God and of their Country And
composed shewing the Duty of Christians according to the express Words of the Text of Scripture without straining or misapplying any one as is don in two many of those now extant and without touching upon any one disputed point That al the Books of Controversial Divinity as wel those in privat hands as in Booksellers be bought up by the State and plac'd in the Kings-Library or burnt That al the Commentaries on the Bible be reviewed by sober moderate and learned Men and as many of them as contain more than what directly tends to the Illustration of the Text by recounting the Language Customs and Ceremonies of the Times and places it was writ in follow the fate of the others And because it is reasonable to believe There is no such intire Work extant in imitation of the Septuagint Translation there may be seventy appointed for this to be in Latin and for the Homilies and Catechism in English which being don let al the present Expositions be sent to the Library or the Fire That the same Persons or others be ordered to pick out of the Scripture al such Passages as tend to the encouragement of a Holy Life and to put them into one piece in English for common use I have heard som sober Men wish that English Bibles were not so common that the ignorant and unwary might not wrest the hard texts to their own destruction nor to that of the Public Peace But you know I have often told you I look'd upon the variety of Translations out of the Original into the vulgar Languages as the best Comment These things being don To take the Printing of Books into the state it is as necessary as the Mint false Coynage of Books has don England more mischief than ever that of Mony did or wil do The Licensing of Printing or importing from beyond-Sea wil not otherwise prevent great Evil to Church and State That there be but a convenient number of book sellers permitted Those to be under obligation to vend no other books then such as are Printed in this allow'd Printing-House where forrein books with advantage to the Public may be reprinted The hindering forrein Coyn from being current is not so useful and advantageous as the care in this wil prove to the Kingdom When Things are thus far settled the Bishops who are not to be chosen under forty are to see that al Ministers School-masters and Church-wardens do their respective Duties going about and visiting Parish by Parish as was the Antient Practice Confirming after Examination and exhorting al to continu obedient to the Laws of God and Man reprehending and suspending such as they find faulty without favor or affection the Ministers and School-Masters from Office and benifice the people from the Sacraments which is every where monthly at least to be Administred til after Repentance express'd in the reformation of their Lives As for the Iurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts because it is a kind of imperium in imperio and that thro the greatness of the Bishops other Charge they cannot officiat in this to take away and prevent abuses it is to be laid aside and other or the same Punishments for the crimes there usually tryable inflicted in the ordinary Courts upon the Bishops or the Minister and Church-Wardens Certificate of the Matter of Fact in whom alone the Power of Examination shoud reside And because the office of Bishops Ministers and School-masters wil be of great Labor none shoud continu in them beyond Sixty nor so long unless they are found fitting After that Age al of 'um to have a handsom decent Retreat in Colleges purposely built where the superannuated of each province the emeriti in the Christian warfare may spend the Remnant of their days without Care in quiet and Devotion To assist and ease the Bishop there shou'd be as formerly Rural Deans over every ten or twenty Parishes Part of the Ministers Business shou'd be to instruct the Boys every Saturday in the Schools in al the Duties of Religion To Catechize and read the Prayers and Homilies on Sundays in public The rest of the Week between the times of Prayer to be celebrated twice a-day to go from House to House exhorting and dehorting as occasion requires visiting the Sick and examining the Needs of the Poor reconciling Differences between the Neighbors and taking care that in every Family the Children such as are found fit by the Electors appointed not by the Parents blind Fondness be constantly sent to School After the continued Practice of this course Christianity wil again flourish The years of the Minister wil make him sober and grave fit to give Counsel which from young Men is now despis'd There wil then be no need of spending time in writing Controversies or studying Sermons which as now Preach'd are rarely understandable or useful to the People of whom it may be said the one is always teaching to no purpose and the other ever learning and never coming to the Knowledg of the Truth The School-masters are not only to be learned but sober and discreet Men to be oblig'd never to whip or beat the Boys whose Faults are to be punished by Exercises by standing mute or kneeling for certain spaces or by fasting from their Victuals c. Those that are good to be incouraged by Priority of Places by commendatory Verses made by the higher Forms c. The Boyes that need beating are as unfit to be taught as the Man is to teach who uses that tyrannical way which too much debases the Meek-spirited and makes the Sullen more stubborn and il-natur'd That whatever any Persons bestow on the Masters be converted to publick Charitable Uses The Method of Teaching to be drawn up by som of the Members who 't is presum'd wil mix Things with Words and approv'd by the whole Royal Society that confirm'd and al others prohibited by Law That in the Universities none be suffer'd to continu beyond the Age of forty-five nor above two in any one House or Colledg after thirty-five That a new Method be likewise fram'd by the same Persons for al the Liberal Arts and Sciences and that new Academies be built for training up young Noblemen and Gentlemen in those Exercises which to the shame and loss of England are now learnt in France That handsom and sufficient Salaries be fixt and paid out of the public Revenu according to every Mans Quality Bishops equal to one another Deans to Deans Ministers and School-masters to each other and these to be chosen gradually as the pure Consideration of Merit shall invite the Electors And to inable the Public as wel in paying these Salaries as in building of Schools Churches Colledges and Hospitals the whole Revenues of the Church Free-Schools Universities and Hospitals shoud at the highest valu be annex'd to the Crown or sould to others that wil give more The Overplus sav'd by this new Model and the Mony they woud yield beyond any other Land of England
Trade as Fishing or Cloathing c. The first as an unexpected Gift wil be very grateful to the People and the other wil not be less benificial because it must encrease their Riches and be a fond without new Taxes for any future Emergencies That perpetuating the Revenu is most easy for the People and most convenient for Public Ends wil farther appear from these following Considerations That an equal Tax tho greater than is needful so the Money be not hoarded up to hinder Trade but issued as fast as it comes in for necessaries within the Country however it may for the present make som Alterations in particular Families do's not impoverish the Whole For Riches as Power consisting in comparison All equally retrenching som part of their Expences remain as Rich as they were before This Retrenchment may at first seem unpleasant and stomacful to those who think what they have little enuff for their privat Expence But such ought to consider if they refuse to part with som they wil infallibly lose all That instead of being a free People they may becom Slaves and wil not then have it in their Power to keep ought of what they cal their own have no Liberty or Property but at the pleasure of their conquering Tryumphant Lord and Master That then they wil be dealt with like Beasts now they have the Liberty of Rational Men i. e. of choosing with the wise Merchant in a Storm to throw som of his Goods over-board to secure his Life and the rest of his Fortune When by prudent Rules of Oeconomy and Temperance they have par'd off those great Extravagancies men are now given to in Cloaths in Meat and Drink c. to the decay of their Healths and shortning of their Lives and have proportion'd their Layings-out to their Comings-in what for the present seems so hard wil becom very easy and be hereafter no more felt than the payment of Tythes now which without doubt wrought the same Effect at first as this may be suppos'd to do But what is yet much better they wil make us Rich for I am Convinced that the great Taxes in the united Netherlands have bin the chiefest Cause of their great Wealth and tho this be no smal Paradox and perhaps a new one I am fully perswaded it contains a great Truth for their great Taxes necessitated great Industry and Frugality and these becoming Habitual coud not but produce Wealth especially considering that the Product of Labor is more valuable to the Kingdom than the Land and all other Personal Estate which I wil shew under the particular of Trade When the Taxes are less than serve or to last but for a time those who do not make their Expences short of their In-comes but think they may without prejudice make both Ends meet or if they exceed so soon as that Proportion which now goes to the Public comes in it wil make things even again do not consider how difficult it is to fal and that in the mean time an Accident may happen that not only requires the continuance of the Temporary but also of imposing new and greater Taxes Then when perhaps it 's too late they cry out They are ruin'd and undon and indeed the Case seems hard yet can't be avoided Therefore to answer our present Needs and prevent for the future such great Evils the Taxes are to be made perpetual So we being under a necessity of adjusting our Privat Affairs accordingly a little time wil make them Habitual to us and insensible to our Posterity For that if they be not perpetual but to determin at certain or uncertain Periods of Time they do not only becom uneasy to the Subject but inconvenient for the Publick Security which may suffer much at Home and Abroad in the interval before new Supplies can be legally rais'd I do not doubt but You and your Fellow-Members have it in yout Thoughts that all the Customs and half the Excise cease upon the death of our Soverain for whose long Life every good Subject is bound by interest no less than duty heartily to Pray but is it not to be remembred that the Period of humane Life is uncertain tho that of our evil which may thereupon insue be not the occasions of our expence continuing tho the means of supporting them fail That before a Parliament can be conven'd those others may be increas'd because in the mean time the Merchants wil fil the Kingdom with goods and sel them at the same rates they now do reckoning that a lucky hit and so anticipate the Markets for two three or more years with all manner of Staple Commodities Linnen Silk Salt c. which they have near at hand and with what perishable Commodityes they can procure for as long a term as they wil last and perhaps covetously and foolishly for a longer Thus the People wil pay and lose and yet the State grow poor as wel for the present as future while the Merchants only the overhasty and immature wil have the profit And tho they talk loudest the consumptioner stil pays the Duty and that with Interest In proportioning of Taxes we must have recourse to the necessities of the Charge which in my sence of things ought to extend to all that relate to us as single persons in matters of right or wrong as Law c. as wel as to what concerns us with reference to the whole in our public occasions as of Peace or War forrein or Domestic For I hold it altogether as reasonable that the Public shoud pay all those Officers who promote and distribute Iustice as wel as those others now paid by the State In proportion to which I hope our Governors wil consider what wil suffice for the management of all Affairs that any way conduce to the joynt good of the whole Body Politic and when that is known and fixt leave the rest to our own particular disposal But in this proportioning of Taxes we must rather look forward than backward Our home occasions are easily judged but those abroad must be taken by other measures the former use of Mony compar'd with its present the ancient demeans of the Crown with what they are now and the strength and power of our Neighbours especially the French concerning whom we are not to forget That that Crown is much more potent than it was heretofore by the accession of large Territories which when Englands gave it great Aid and Assistance in their War That the expence of one years War in this Age is greater than of twenty in former times That then two pence a day woud go further than twenty pence now That six or ten thousand men were as considerable an Army as forty or fifty thousand now Then a smal Castle Moat or ordinary Ditch was a good Fortification But mighty Bastians large Curteines doubly fortified with Faussbrais Counterscarps half Moons Redoubts and great variety of other Out-works according to the Nature and Situation
of Forrein Goods than we sel of our own this I am convinc'd we do in our French Trade 't is wel if we do not likewise play the Fool in others By the way you may observe That if we woud but moderate our Expences we might very wel bear our Taxes tho they were near thirty times greater than in that Kings Reign even with Allowance for the Alteration of Coyn. That the Exportation of Mony in specie is so far from being a Loss to the Kingdom that it may be gainful as it is to Legorn and other places That tho we did not export any Coyn yet we shoud not be the Richer since the over-ballance woud stil lye as a Debt upon our Trade which it must somtime or other pay in that or another Commodity or otherwise Break. And that the Council or Committee of Trade may find out the Wealth of the Kingdom which woud serve to many good Purposes by making a yearly Account of the Goods imported and exported best known by the Customs and has been Calculated by a Friend of mine in another Country These ought at least every seven Years to be reviewd supposing the Life of Commodities not longer than that of Man And according to their Alterations of usefulness or necessity to our selves or others the Impositions to be chang'd And here I must take leave to assert That all imported Commodities are better restrain'd by the height of Imposition than by an absolute Prohibition if sufficient Care be taken to oblige the Importers to a ful and strict Payment for this woud be a kind of Sumptuary Law putting a necessity upon the Consumer by Labor to enlarge his Purse or by Thrist to lessen his Expence And I am the more induc'd to this by my observation that notwithstanding the several Acts prohibiting the Importation of many forrein Commodities yet nothing is more worn or us'd especially the French in which Trade if the over-ballance which is said to be above 1600000 Pound were loaded with the Charge of eight Shillings in the Pound it woud make the Consumption of those Commodities 640000 pound dearer and if that woud not restrain our Folly it woud help to ease us in the public Taxes whereas now they are all imported without any other Charge than what is paid for Smuckling to tye up the Seamen's Tongues and shut Officers Eyes To prevent this it were fit that Men were undeceiv'd of the Notion they have taken up That the Law do's allow 'um their Choice either to pay the Duty or the Penalty if taken which sure cannot be the End of any Law which designes Obedience and active Compliance with what it injoins not a Disobedience or breaking what it positively commands If Penal Statutes be only conditional then the Traitor the Murderer or the Thief when he suffers the Punishment of Disobedience may be cal'd an honest Man and in another Signification than that of the Scotch Phrase A justify'd Person But the idle and unwarrantable Distinction of Active and Passive Obedience has don England greater Mischiefs The Revenu Acts give not the same Liberty that those Acts do which oblige the People to go to Church or to Watch and Ward under pecuniary Mulcts In these a Power of Choosing was designedly left which by many Circumstances appears otherwise intended by the other And indeed the Practice is not only unjust but abusive to the whole Body of the People who pay as dear for what they buy as if the Duty had bin paid to the King not put up in a few privat Mens Pockets It may likewise hinder Trade for if the Smuckler please he may undersel his Neighbor who honestly thinks 't is a Cheat and a Sin not to give Caesar his Du Therefore a Seal or som privat Mark shoud be contriv'd for all sorts of Commodities and Power given to seize them when and where-ever met in Merchants Retailers or Consumptioners Hands And to prevent the passing forrein Commodities as if made at Home for which lest any of these last shoud pass they shoud in the Town where they are made or expos'd to Sale be first mark'd or seal'd in an Office purposely erected without any Delay or Charge to the People That that part of the Act of Navigation be repeal'd which appoints three fourths of the Mariners to be English why not Scots Irish or any of the Kings Subjects or even Forreiners so the Ships do really belong to owners resident in England We want People therefore ought to invite more not restrain any This Act is a Copy of that made by the Long Parliament and their General the Usurper who being in War with Scotland and Ireland in rebellion thought fit to deny them equal privileges in commerce But this Loyal Parliament wil I hope consider that the three Kingdoms are not to be thus divided in Interests while under one Monarch That his Naval Power their joint strength is increas'd by the growth of shipping in any of ' um If the sence of this wil not prevail upon them to allow 'um the same freedoms yet sure I am they must from thence perceive England wil have a great advantage by suffering all the Kings subjects of Ireland and Scotland to enjoy the benefit of this Act. That there be two Free Ports appointed one in the South another in the North with convenient rules and limitations That the duty impos'd upon any of our exportations whether of our own growth or manufacture of forrein materials be not so high as may either wholy restrain those abroad from buying or enable others to furnish them cheaper That education of Children in forrein parts in Colleges or Academies be prohibited and Provision found or made at home for Teaching Languages and the exercises of Rideing Fencing c. That Banks and Lombards be speedily Erected this in a little time woud make a Hundred pound to be as useful to the Public as two Hundred real Cash is now But in order thereunto let there be a voluntary Registry of Land c. which in a few years wil raise their valu considerably By this way no man indebted or whose estate is incumbred is obliged to make discoveries Yet if he has but half free the Registring of that wil the better enable him to discharge the other part If a Registry must not be obtain'd that at least the selling or morgaging over and over secret conveyances Deeds of trust or any other Trics by which the Lender or Purchaser is defrauded and abus'd be made Felony without benefit of Clergy and the cheating person oblig'd to pay the sufferer treble Dammage and as much more to the Public This which certainly all honest men judg as reasonable as what is practis'd for far smaller evils or offences wil without any innovation in the Laws or other alleg'd inconveniences to the People secure us in our Rights and perhaps answer al the ends of a Registry of which tho very convenient I am not so fond as to