Forms of constant Praiers must be not amended in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner to which I should easily consent but wholly cashiered and abolished and after many popular contempts offered to the Book and those that used it according to their Consciences and the Laws in force it must be crucified by an Ordinance the better to please either those men who gloried in their extemporarie vein and fluency or others who conscious to their own formalitie in the use of it thought they fully expâ—ated their sin of not using it aright by laying all the blame upon it and a total rejection of it as a dead letter thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts As for the matter contained in the Book sober and learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those who thought it a part of piety to make what prophane objections they could against it especially for Poperie and Superstition whereas no doubt the Liturgie was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church of England and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox For the manner of using Set and Prescribed Forms there is no doubt but that wholsom words being known and fitted to mens understandings are soonest received into their hearts and aptest to excite and carrie along with them Iudicious and Fervent Affections Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgie as I hold this to be more then of all other things wherein the Constancie abates nothing of the excellencie and usefulness I could never see any Reason why any Christian should abhor or be forbidden to use the same Forms of Praier since he praies to the same God believes in the same Saviour professeth the same truths reads the same Scriptures hath the same duties upon him and feels the same daily wants for the most part both inward and outward which are common to the whole Church Sure we may as well before-hand know what we pray as to whom we pray and in what words as to what sence when we desire the same things what hinders we may not use the same words our appetite and digestion too may be good when we use as we pray for Our daily bread Some men I hear are so impatient not to use in all their devotions their own invention and gifts that they not only dis-use as too many but wholly cast away and contemn the Lord's Prayer whose great guilt is that it is the warrant and original pattern of all set Liturgies in the Christian Church I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention and the vain affectations of variety for expressions in Publick Praier or any Sacred Administrations merits a greater brand of sin then that which they call Coldness and Barrenness Nor are men in those Novelties lesse subject to formal and superficial tempers as to their hearts then in the use of constant Forms where not the words but mens hearts are to blame I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions Nor is God more a God of variety then of constancy Nor are constant Forms of Praiers more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Praier and Devotion then un-premeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it Though I am not against a grave modest discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in Publick the better to fit and excite their own and the peoples affections to the present occasions yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men such as the Composers of the Service-Book were who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advise such Forms of Praiers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that fiduciarie and fervent application of their Spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of Praier and that so much pretended Spirit of Praier then any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have which what they are many times even there where they made a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinencie rudeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vain and ridiculous repetitions the senslesse and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way Wherein men must be strangly impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they 〈◊〉 do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed profane a manner Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance as Sacramental administrations and the like which are still the same Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty as Forms of Publick composure or else they must every time affect new expressions when the subject is the same which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those duties which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities indispositions errors disorders and defects both for â—udgement and expression A serious sense of which inconvenience in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the wisdome and piety of the Antient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappie fruits of many mens ungovern'd Ignorance and confident Defects shall be discovered in more Errours Schisms Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion which are alreadie but too many the more pitie However if violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations that men may not seem to have nothing to do which Law Reason and Religion forbid at least to be so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgie Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severitie of those men who either lately had subscribed to used and maintained the Service Book or refusing to use it cried out of the Rigour of Laws and Bishops which suffered them not to use the Libertie of their Consciences in not using it That these men I say should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directorie as if the Spirit needed help for Invention though not for expressions or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were clothed in and
command upon a person of unquestionable sufficiencie into a Town and Fort and Magazine of his own and yet they to be so bold as to commit it without his consent to Sir John Hotham but is confident it shall be rendered to him when he is pleased to require it and so to dispose of the Magazine as shall be fitting in some proportion not altogether and hopes that they will not do here as they have done in the Militia petition him and make themselves the Carvers and tells them that if they shall attâ—mpt any thing herein without his consent he will hold it as an act of violence against him and so declare it to all the world And for the six Priests Reprieve the time being out he leaves them to the execution of the Law And refers them to Mr. Pym's Speech against the Earl of Strafford for preservation of the Law which he wishes them to peruse and not to infringe it themselves The Parliament seeing the King bent to his personal Voyage into Ireland and to dispose of affairs accordingly to put him off from that Design they petition him with Reasons not to enterprize such a Journey for the hazzard of his person and interruption of the proceedings of the Parliament here And conclude that they cannot consent to any Levies but such as they shall advise and direct if otherwise raised they must interpret it to the terrour of the people and suppress it and to refâ—se to submit to any Commissioners which the King shall chuse but to govern in his absence by consent of Parliament so praying him to desist from any such Design in the end of all they counsel him to come home to them c. It was sufficient they discovered themselves each to other for it was not likely the Parliament would trust the King with an Army that might be no boldness in them to disswade but to tell him how they would govern themselves and his people not to submit to any Commissioners in his absence that was strange indeed To which the King replies That he looks upon them as his great Council with great regard but yet upon himself as not deprived of his understanding or divested of any right he had before the Parliament sate he called them by his Writ and Authoritie to give him counsel but did not resign his interest and freedom nor will subject himself to their determinâ—tions nor hath he dissented at any time without his Reasons given with candour and conscience and however a major part may binde them in matter of opinion yet he holds himself free to dissent from them And as that part of their Petition which pretends to carry reason doth not satisfie so the other part rather reprehension and menace than advice cannot stagger him who is content to expect the event of their undertaking and care therein And for many other expressions in the Petition he forbears to take notice or to answer lest being tempted in a just indignation to express a greater passion than he is willing to put on But indeed so forward he was in the Design that the Lords Justices and Council in Ireland having a hint of his desire return his Majesty an Answer to his of the thirteenth of April inclosing his Message to his Parliament there which Letters and Message being instantly printed as it was commanded they all cast themselves at his feet for this high addition to all former gracious favours in not sparing the hazzarding of his sacred person for suppression of this hideous Rebellion rejoycing even in the midst of those calamities to receive assurance of his princely purpose therein and hold it agreeable to his resolution and their duty to acquaint him with the estate of his affairs there by Letters to Mr. Secretary Nichols That so he may appear there in that majestie which is sutable to the greatness and wisdom of a mightie King as God hath appointed him who bless him with glorie honour and eternal happiness Dublin April 23. 1642. Signed Will. Parsons Io. Burlace Justices and all the Council there This was welcome to the King and sutably they subscribe Your Majesties humble and obedient loyal and faithfull Subjects which was published here in Parliament and canvased too not with over much thanks to the Irish Commissioners and Council there who finding the Earl of Leicester their designed Deputy to be so long loitering and held so here against the Kings desire they promoved this his Majties royal undertaking with all possible instances of advantage to those Irish affairs But it must not be and so the King declining it the Parliament were put forward to their own proceedings therein which went on but lamely for a long time being retarded untill the Parliament should be better assured of the right to the Militia To which purpose a Question was started How Laws are to be understood and obeyed Which were answered and printed to the Parliaments advantage Whether the claim of the Kings disposing of the Militia be in him It was answered Rebus sic nolente Rege it is in the Parliament And the Reasons were these In Law an equitable and literal sense The King intrusted with the Militia for the people against a foreign invasion or domestick rebellion never to intrust him against themselves so that when there is an appearance of the letter against the equitie publick good then the commander is to be disobeyed by the commanded For the Law abstract from reason and end is as a bodie without a soul and the execution accordingly is the spirit that gives life the letter kills Instanced in the trust of Militia of an Armie to a General not to turn the Cannon against his own Souldiers though not so conditioned and they may disobey not binding them to cut their own throats or their companies If otherwise the legal and mixt Monarchie is the greatest Tyrannie as conferred legally when the other that rules by will and not by law are Tyrants by force and so justifie an arbitrarie tyrannie legal not assumed Herein the instance of a General is the Argument but how reasonable and justifiable may it be when an Armie mutinie the Commander may and ought to suppress by force of Cannon no doubt and so unquestionably may a Monarch if the established Laws be disobeyed he may reduce them by force All Laws may be laid aside if such seditious and treasonable distinctions to withdraw the Subjects obedience be suffered Indeed the Doctrines of this nature were then frequent discourse in Pulpits and Prints That humane Laws do not binde the conscience There needs no more to dissolve all civil Government and peace of a Kingdom And therefore the King in much regret requires the House of Peers to use all possible diligence to have the Authour found out and punished but nothing was done being there fomented April 22. The Magazine of Hull under Sir Iohn Hotham command by authority of Parliament and like enough now to be
charitable person that the Duke might premeditate of death besides the leaving of his Will behinde him a greater wonder for a person of his high quality to hazzard himself in a publick Expedition of Sea and Land without setling his Estate for his Wife and Children And therefore he bequeaths her the fourth part of his Lands His Debts sixty thousand pounds His Iewels indeed were of good value but underâ—rated at three hundred thousand pounds yet this is mentioned by one that thought it too muâ—h gain though the Favourite of two Kings when we are assured Richelâ—eu's Estate was left certainly sixty Millions of Francks accounted in English six Millions of Pounds Sterling His Bowels were interred in Portsmouth by his dear and onely Sister the Countess of Denbigh and a handsome Memorial of him erected there His body brought to York-house where his effigies lay sometime in an illustrious manner upon a Hearse and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edward's Chapel without any such stir as the Historian would infer concerning his Funeral for his Executours paid for all and it cost not the King a Penny and a stately Monument erected over his Grave for his lasting memory And Felton found guilty at the Kings Bâ—â—ch Bar was hanged at Tiburn against which time he was taught so much charity to his own soul as with remorâ—â— to acknowledg his Fact damnable without Gods great mercy laying the guilt directly upon the Parliaments Remonstrance the immediate motive to his devilish Design His Body was sent to Portsmouth where without the Town upon the High-way it was gibbeted in Chains for some years which I often saw not stoâ—â—en away as one relates but after the Carkase was consumed or piece-meal rotted and fallen down the Gibbet by request of a Friend to the Dukes Family was taken away being but a Sign-post to the memory of that Murder and to be cause of discourse concerning the Dukes fame of which a wise man thus exprest Nunc quia pauca domi non sunt bene gesta forisque Paâ—cula successus 〈…〉 suos Creditur esse dolus fuerat quae culpa putatur Esse scelus lapsus quâ— juvenilis erat Rumpatur livor dicam quod sentio certe Imprudens potius quam sceler at us erat We are told of ominous observations in reference to the Duke and what may we suppose them to be that on the same day when Dr. Lamb was slain the Dukes Picture fell down in the High-commission-chamber at Lambeth but that which is most memorable he saith was the Lady Davis foretelling that his time was not to come till August Her Predictions were sundry concerning this Parliament and other her mad-brains Prophecies never seriously observed by any so remarkable as our Authour Prophecy is not all of one and the same value either for the authour or manner Some were Relaters onely by the writings or conversation of Prophets Many stole their Predictions from Prophets and the Pagans and Infidels might take those passages not understood by themselves and so by them also ambiguously transmitted The Sybills Prophecies were most famous among the ancient Pagans and Christians speaking plainly of the Resurrection Iudgment of the World Life everlasting Glory and reward of Righteousness concerning Christian Faith and Religion Sibulae signifying Women of councel with God Sios quasi Theos Bule is Councel All women Prophets generally are called Sibyls but for their Number of whom we mean they were but Ten. The one of them Cumaena offered her nine Books in three Tomes to sell to Tarquinius Priscus who refusing the price she burnt the first Tome yet asked the same value for the other Two burnt the second also and had her first demand for the third Tome and so she vanished They were laid up in a Chest of Stone in the Capitol with wondrous care but were burnt in the flame of the Capitol Anno 671. Another Cumaea she lived in the Wars of Troy for Aeneas had access to her at Cuma in Italy and her Cave or Cell remained untill Anno Christi 1539. when by the general Earthquake her Cell was swallowed 〈◊〉 prophecied of our Saviour Jesus born a King of the royal House of David to reign as a King upon the House of Jacob for ever The Books of Sibylls were transcribed from hand to hand and used as Reasons of State by the Romans and were read used and commended by the learned Fathers of the Church And God himself in goodness had a special regard therein to procure credit unto those Predictions which in after-ages the Christians vouched against the Pagans as being no new Doctrine to them and God renewed their esteem when the Saviour was born for Tiberius Caesar tempore Christi caused a second review of their Books to distinguish them from others corrupt The ancient Fathers used them against Infidels which the Romans received but as reasons of State They were not all Virgins nor could their Prophecying be Praemium Virginitatis why not indifferent Virginibus But because the other were holy and righteous Those righteous and just men of old Iob c. could not possibly have been made so righteous so just by being cleansed from their sins without faith resolved in and upon the Incarnation Death and Resurrection of Christ through the grace of God made manifest unto them Why not as these righteous ones remembred in Scripture or of such not spoken of there but yet assuredly were and lived before or after the Floud untill the giving of the Law by Moses not onely such as lived in Israel the Prophets but such as were without the Pale of Israel holy Iob And so why not of some Gentiles as Trismegistus Histaspes Oâ—pheus Etenim ipsorum corda eadem mundabantur fide Mediatoris diffundebatur charitas in iis per Spiritum Sanctum as saith Austin Ask not how God is various and admirable in his ways and wondrous in his works not Merita sequitur sed facit merita That God spake by the Sibylls though wicked and not the Devil Potest prophetia haberi sine charitate gratia gratum faciente The Devils tremble Balaam was wicked yet he prophecied â—â—ot by the Devil with whom otherwise he wrought but by God for the Devil loquitur e propriis even then when he speaks not propria and so speaks Lies intermingled with Truths either in the matter manner or end he can foretell inspire suggest unto his own things to come which in respect of us not of him nor themselves be predictious He can inform and advise concerning us but the things of God secrets of his counsel he cannot see God may and doth sometimes reveal such things to him and his as he doth to blessed spirits and good men but in a different sort God takes possession of his Prophets soul speaking to them intelligibly Spiritus Domini qui in me Verbum quod loquitur per â—s 〈◊〉 The others are driven to what
to second and so he was fain to desist but he exercises his fury at home on the very Branches of the House of Lorain persecutes the Duke of Guise to the death and so to destroy the Family which forced Lorain his Manifesto That not able to contest with his powerfull Enemy he tranfers all his Rights upon his Brother Francis and so retires to be General of the Catholick Army in Germany Richelieu assured that this mad deed of Guise was but pro tempore till that this Dukes Brother had sent to Rome for a Dispensation to marry his Cosin Germane and to render his Cap to the hands of his Holiness seizes him and his new Bride at Paris Prisoners to the Bastile out of which they escape disguised through Savâ—y Florence and Venice so far about ere they got safe to Vien Thus malitious was Richelieu to attempt the extinction of this most illustrious and most ancient Family issued from Charlemain and other Kings sacred for their Services to Christendom nay to France her self in the Battel of Crecy and all the Wars of the English And that story of truth that Iohn of Orleans of this Family like a second Iudith saved France from the oppression of Strangers And so the Cardinal having deprived the lawfull Prince called in the Gothick Nation to ruine it and therefore they that accuse this Duke of having so often falsified his faith silence the the cause thereof either through malice or ignorance This year by a Floud near Glucstat in Holstein there were drowned six thousand persons and above fifty thousand Cattel And by the Plague which beginning in the North passed through Holland there died about twenty thousand persons in the Town of Leyden onely without reckoning those that were consumed in Amsterdam and other Towns This Contagion was fomented by the Famine in Germany not the Living able to bury the Dead The French were totally beaten out of Germany and so we may observe Catholicks against Catholicks Lutherans against Catholicks and now follows Lutherans against Lutherans and then the Reformates against the Reformates the most extravagant War since the World began wherein the most unbridled passions of man had the Helm Vengeance produced Licentiousness and that also such barbarous Cruelties as can be imagined And after their miserable effects we in Great Brittain felt the like misfortunes none escaping where Gods hand of Justice prosecutes sinfull Creatures Laud Arch-bishop of Canterbury makes his Visitation and as usual with all his Predecessours Inquisition is made but now more narrowly than had been heretofore of the great neglect of religious Duties both of Clergy and Laity for a uniform obedience to the Rules of the Church much neglected in Arch-bishop Abbot's time And because some Bishops had been over-nice to examine their own Diocess in favour of the Presbyterians this Arch-bishop on purpose to direct them the way was the rather severe and so by his Examinations and Example it began to be strictly observed and as boldly opposed by the Puritan It is instanced in the Remove of the Communion Table from the Body of the Chancel to the upper East End with the side of the Table against the Wall Altar-wise with a Rail or Ballaster about it and no new things commanded now for the Committee of Parliament had taken liberty eight years since to except against some Ceremonies and in fear or remisness to displease them the neglect of Duties were the rather more narrowly commanded now and but time for never more profaness in divine Service which the King understanding by often Complaints thought fit to give order for the amendment In whose power by Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. he is to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the Advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christ 's holy Mysteries and Sacraments And this was done by the Dean and Chapter three years since at Saint Gregories Church the Communion Table set Altar-wise and though complained of by some ordinary Parishioners the King and Council hearing the cause made an Order for confirmation thereof So then these Proceedings had been before First the Statute of Queen Elizabeth the Kings Prerogative and the ancient Laws of the Land and indeed it was a Renovation of a Rite not an Innovation And truly to instance the Bishop of Lincoln for opposing with his Holy Table Name and Thing which was rather to oppose the Kings Command than to speak his Conscience for never Prelate lived more Episcopal than he when he was retired at Bugden yet for his ends after he seemed a Puritan and what not perfidious to secure himself and to please the Publick and so at last became a professed Presbyterian and there he setled to be one of their own whose Characters are much minced in their demerits if you afford them free of any moral scandal I wish they were not but I fear rather guilty of all by their Hypocrisie in all And without doubt more to blame than the Prelate Ministers who are falsly reproached to be vitious even to scandal for which he is justly blamed And as the Ceremonies of outward worship were inquired into so were the Doctrines and Manners of Ministers specially of the Lecturers chosen by the People the more factious the fitter for their Pulpits Such an Examination came before the King and his Council between the Bailiffs of the Town of Yarmouth in Norfolk on the one side and the Dean and Chapter of Norwich and Master Brooks the Minister and Preacher there on the other side upon the Return of a Commission sent thither for the Examinations of Proofs The Case was thus Mr. Brooks being Minister and Preacher at Yarmouth by the Patronage and supplyment of the Dean and Chapter to whom it belonged The factious there had notwithstanding set up one Mr. Brinesley not conform to the canons of the Church to be a Lecturer of their own and to officiate in a room called a Chappel being formerly used by the Dutch for their assembling in their service never consecrated and but lately a ware-house for Merchants goods And the rather the people were invited thither in throngs neglecting their Parish Churches Against Mr. Brinesley comes thither an Inhibition from the Arch Bishop of Canterbury directed to Mr. Brooks who serves him therewith in his Meeting-place And for which the Town authority committed Mr. Brooks by the heels encouraging the other to go on in his Lecturing Whereupon It was Ordered with this Preface That the Matters of the Church at Yarmouth had been factiously carried by the refractory spirits of some Persons in chief places of power there whereby the busie humours of those whose Ears itch after Novelty have been nourished and incouraged And therefore his Majesty being sensible and careful in the countenancing and maintainance aswell of Ecclesiasticall Authority and Discipline as of civil Order and Government
a several Circuit and Diocess excepting York-shire which is to be divided into three 2. A constant Presbytery of twelve choice Divines to be selected in every Shire or Diocess 3. A constant President to be established as a Bishop over this Presbytery 4 And he to ordain suspend deprive degrade Excommunicate by and with the assistance of several divines of this Presbytery and that four times of the year He to reside within his Diocess in some one prime place To have one special particular Congregation and the richest in value and there to preach Never to be translated to any other Bishoprick And after his death the King to grant a Conge d' elire to the Clergy of that Diocess they to present them Presbyters out of which the King to elect one the first Presbyter of every shire to be named by the Parliament and upon his avoidance the remaining Presbyters to chuse another out of the Parish Ministers No Bishop or Clergy-man to exercise any temporal office Once a year to summon a Diocesan Synod to regulate the scandal in life and doctrine among the Clergy-men Every third year a National Synod of all the Bishops in the Land with two Presbyters and two Clerks of every Diocess to be chosen This Synod to ordain Canons of Government of the Church but not to be binding till confirmed by Parliament c. A man would have Imagined that all this a doe would have produced something like an Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but the House of Commons were puzzeled as much more to devise a presbyterial Discipline for the Church Government and being thus at large and in high distraction The Arch Bishop of Armagh to put them in a way of accommodation considering the general consent for matters of doctrine he composed some heads for conjunction in point of Discipline that so Episcopal and Presbyterial Government might not be by circumstances at a far distance Reducing Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government in the Antient Church Which he offered as an expedient hereupon for the prevention of future troubles in likelyhood henceforth to arise about Church Government Not improper to be mentioned now paralel to these times when we have none at all BY order of the Church of England saies the Arch Bishop all Presbyters are charged to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments and the Discipline of Christ as the Lord hath commanded and as this Realm hath received the same And that they might the better understand what the Lord had commanded therein the exhortation of St. Paul to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination Take heed unto your selves and to all the flock among whom the Holy-Ghost hath made you overseers to Rule the Congregation of God which he hath purchased with his Bloud Of the many Elders who in common thus ruled the Church of Ephesus there was one President whom our Saviour in his Epistle unto this Church in a peculiar manner styleth c the Angel of the Church of Ephesus and Ignatâ—us in another Epistle wriâ—ten about twelve years after unto the same Church calleth the Bishop thereof Betwixt the Bishop and the Presbytery of that Church what an harmonious consent there was iâ— the ordering of the Church Government the same Ignatius doth fully there declare by the Presbytery with St. Paul understanding the community of the rest of the Presbyters or Elders who then had a hand not only in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments but also in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ for further proof of which we have that known testimony of Tertullian in his general Apology for Christians In the Church are used exhortations chastisements and divine censure for Judgement is given with great advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of God and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the Judgement which is to come if any man have so offended that he be banished from the Communion of Prayer and of the Assembly and of all holy fellowship The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders who have obtained this honour not by reward but by good report who were no other as he himself intimates elsewhere but those from whose hand they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist For with the B. who was the chief President and therefore styled by the same Tertullian in another place Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake the rest of the dispensers of the word and Sacraments joyned in the common government of the Church and therefore where in matters of Ecclesi astical Iudicature Cornelius Bishop of Rome used the received form of gathering together the Presbytery of what persons that did consist Cyprian sufficiently declareth when he wisheth him to read his Letters to the flourishing Clergy which there did preside or rule with him The presence of the Clergy being thought to be so requisite in matters of Episcopal audiencâ— that in the fourth Councel of Carthage it was concluded That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of the Clergy and that otherwise the Bishops sentence should be void unless it were confirmed by the presence of the Clergy which we finde also to be inserted into the Canons of Egbert who was Arch-bishop of York in the Saxon times and afterwards into the body of the Canon Law it self True it is that in our Church this kinde of Presbyterial Government hath been long dis-used yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church from whence the name of Rector also was given at first unto him and to administer the Discipline of Christ as well as to dispence the Doctrine and Sacraments and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth only from the custome now received in this Realm no man can doubt but by another Law of the Land this hindrance may be well removed And how easily this ancient form of government by the united suffrages of the Clergy might be revived again and with what little shew of alteration the Synodical conventions of the Pastors of every Parish might be accorded with the Presidency of the Bishops of each Diocess and Province the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Propositions 1. In every Parish the Rector or Incumbent Pastor together with the Churchwardens and Sidesmen may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Congregation who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs as the quality of their offence shall deserve And if by this means they cannot be reclaimed they may be presented to the next monethly Synod and in the mean time debarred by the Pastor from access unto the Lords Table 2. Whereas by a Statute in the 26 year of Henry 8. revived 1 Eliz. Suffragans are appointed to be erected in 26 several places of this
by consent of the major part of our Council attested under their hands Which in effect being granted is to depose our self and posteritie These being past we may be waited on bare headed our hand kist be called Majestie and the Kings Authoritie declared by Parliament may be still the style of your Commands We may have Swords and Maces born before us and please our self with the sight of a Crown and Scepter Nor would these Twigs flourish when the Stock were dead and we receive but the picture and sign of a King We were ever willing our Parliament should debate such matters proper for them but not to extend their Resolutions beyond what is proper to them and so by degrees you draw as well all the causes as all the faults of Westminster-hall That the course of Law be not diverted as was actually done in the stop of the proceedings against a Riot in Southwark by Order of the Lower House by countenancing such popular Insolencies and discountenance to Law That you descend not to the leasure of recommending Lectures to Churches nor ascend to the Legislative power to command such to be received without approbation of either Parson or Bishop nor regarding whether they be Orthodox Learned or Moderate or have taken Orders and are not depravers of the Book of Common Prayer concerning you in dutie and the Common-wealth in consequence to be carefull there And that our Forts may not be seized our Arms not removed our Money not be stopt our legal Directions not to be countermanded by you nor such entrance be made upon a real War against us upon pretence of an imaginarie War against you and a Chimaera of necessitie We could have wished you had exprest what matters you meant as fit to be transacted onely in Parliament and what you meant by onely in Parliament You have been taught new Doctrines to debate what was never used within you walls to do but been trusted with our Predecessours and us which without the regal Authoritie since there were Kings of this Kingdom were never transacted It therefore concerns us the more that you speak out that the World may know the bottom of your Demands or know them to be bottomless What is more proper for the Parliament than the making of Laws but then you must admit us a part of the Parliament You must not denie us the freedom of our Answer when we have as much Right to reject what we think unreasonable as you have to propose what you think necessarie nor is it possible our Answers either to Bills or any other Propositions should be wholly free if we may not use the libertie of every one of you and receive advice from any persons in which the manage of our Vote is trusted by the Law to our own judgment and conscience which how best to inform is likewise left to us and most unreasonable it were for two Estates proposing something to the third that third should take no advice but from those two that did propose it We shall ever in these things not decline the advice of our great Council and shall also use to hear willingly the debate of our Privie Council and they shall not be terrified from that freedom by Votes and Brands of Malignants and Enemies to the State admitting no more than the nature of the business requires and of discoursing with whom we please and of what we please and not to tie our self not to hear any more than twentie five out of a Kingâ—dom so replenished with judicious and experienced persons in several kindes yet we shall alwaies look upon their Advices as Advices not as Commands or Impositions and upon such persons as our Counsellours not as Tutours or Guardians and upon our self as their King not as their Pupil or Ward And it is not plainly exprest in the first part of the second Demand whether they meant us so much as a single Vote in these affairs and no more power than every one of the rest of our fellow Counsellours onely leaving to us of all our ancient power a choice and great care is taken that the Oath which these men shall take shall be such in the framing as that we may be wholly excluded and that wholly to be agreed upon by the Parliament And to shew there is no more care taken of our safetie than of our power after our Town and Fort kept from us which sure your selves will not denie to be Treason our Arms taken and our Goods sent away our Money stopt our Guards are not onely desired to be dismissed but it is likewise desired that we shall not for the future raise any Guards or Forces but in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion whicâ— if it had been Law in our famous Predecessours few of those Victories which have made this Nation famous could have been legally atchieved nor could Queen Elizabeth have so defended her self in Eightie Eight and if no Forces may be raised untill Rebellions or Invasions be actual they must no doubt be effectual and prevalent And as neither care is taken for our Rights Honour nor Safetie as a Prince so our Rights as a private person are endeavoured to be had from us It being demanded that it may be unlawfull and punishable not onely to conclude but even to treat of any Mariage with any person for our own Children or to place Governours about them without consent of Parliament and in the intermission of these without the consent of our good Lords of our Council More despicable than any of our Predecessours or than the meaner and viler of the lowest of our Subjects who value no libertie more than that of desposing their Children from which we are asked to debar our self and have reason the more to take it ill we are so because that for the choice of a Governour for our Son and a Husband for Daughter we conceived we had reason to expect your thanks and the increase of your future Trusts We suppose these Demands by this time appear such as the Demanders cannot have such real fear of us as hath been long pretended they are too much in the style not onely of Equals but of Conquerours But we call God to witness that as for our Subjects sakes these Rights are vested in us so for their sakes and our own we are resolved not to quite them nor to sâ—bvert the ancient equal happie well poised and never enough commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom not to make our self of a King of England a Duke of Venice and thus of 〈◊〉 Kingdom a Republick There being three kindes of Government Absolute Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and in all these their particular convenienceâ— and inconveniences the experience and wisdom of your Ancestours hath molded this out of a mixture of these with the conveniences of all Three without the inconveniences of any One as long as the Ballance hangs even between the three Estates and in their proper Chanel begetting