by their Constitutions haue exempted them without asking leaue of Princes but they pretend text of Scriture though detorted and mis-vs'd to proue this Exemption And for the Persons they pretend many but with no more directnes then that by which they proue exemption of their goods from secular charges and burdens which is Domini est terra plenitudo eius and since it is the Lords it is theirs 117 But all Princes grow weary and iealous of that claime and a Catholique Writer hath obserued that many of the Writers of the Spanish Nation in these later times haue resisted that opinion of which he names Medina Victoria Soto Ledesma and Bannes And if that Nation grow into iealousies and feele her right as France hath done before all the Italian Writers will be but weake euidence to proue this exemption to bee Iure Diuino But as though all this were not enough and that the states of Princes were not enough infirm'd by withdrawing of all these they teach That a Subiect by remouing into another Prouince hath deuested his allegeance and subiection And that euery man is free concerning his owne person And that the band is stronger between a Creditor and a Debtor then between a Prince and subiect Vpon all which what mischieuous conclusions will follow is euident and obuious enough 118 To conclude therefore this point this Ecclesiastique immunity which they clayme is the debasing of Princes And the defence of this immunity and consequently of this debâ—sing of Princes is so iust a cause of Martyredome that Baronius saies The Students in the English Colledge haue good title to two Crownes of Martyrdome because they return into England both to defend the Catholique faith and the immunity of the Church Where we will content our selues till wee come to a â—urther exagitation of that point with this confession from Baronius that they are by your doctrin receiued in that Colledge incited to Martyredome for the Immunities of the Churche which himselfe in the same place distinguishes from the Catholique faith And thus farre I was willing to extend this point That the Romane Doctrine by extolling Church Priuiledges aboue Princes and by an absolute and direct auiling them doth mis-prouoke her disciples to a vicious affectation of imaginarie Martyrdome In the two other points of Merite and Purgatory which produce the same effect I may haue leaue to contract my selfe into a shorter roome because of those many others haue spoken more abundantly then of this last point which I vndertooke THE SECOND PART OF MERIT THe next Doctrine which I noted to mis-incite men to an imagined Martyrdome is the Doctrine of Merites In euery good worke you say there is somewhat of merite and somewhat of satisfaction The first is said to belong to our selues and that by it we establish our saluation So that the passion of our Sauiour is but as Baptisme to vs and our owne workes as Confirmation Which Sacrament you say confers more grace then baptisme dooth for strengthning vs against the Diuell And that the holy Ghost is giuen more fully therein And accordingly you teach that iustice of workes doth giue the forme and life to faith And the second which is Satisfaction is reserued in the common stocke the treasury of the Church and husbanded and dispensed by the generall steward thereof the Bishoppe of Rome 2 But for that Merite which you teach to say That our workes of their owne nature without considering any Couenant or Contract with GOD deserue Heauen dooth not onely diminish CHRISTS Passion by associating an Assistant to it and determine his Priesthood which is euerlasting by vsurping that office our selues but it preferres our worke before his because if wee could consider the passion of Christ without the eternall Decree and Couenant and Contract with his father his worke sauing the dignity which it had by Acceptation by which the least step of his humiliation might worthily haue redeemed tenne thousand worlds had not naturally merited our saluation 3 Now betwixt God and vs there is no such Couenant our best plea is The sinner must repent and God will blotte out his sinnes If a Prince should so farre prostitute his mercie as to proclaime a veniall Pardon by which for certaine money any Malefactor might be pardoned no such Malefactor as by the nature of his fault had at that instant forfaited and confiscated all his estate should haue benefite by that pardon because he had nothing to giue All these dis-aduantages and infirmities oppresse vs no good worke is naturally large enough to reach heauen no promise nor acceptation of God hath changed the nature of a good worke And lastly we can do no perfit good work for originall sin hath poisoned the fountaines our hearts and those degrees and approaches which we seeme to make towards good workes are as if a condemned man would make a large will to charitable vses For as that which hee giues is not his owne so that goodnesse of good workes is not ours and as it is in the Princes pleasure and allowance whether his will shall take any effect or no so is it in the pleasure of God whether any workes of ours shal be accepted 4 Yet there is more Deuotion in our Doctrine of good works then in that of the Romane Church because wee teach as much necessity of them as they doe and yet tye no reward to them And we acknowledge that God doth not onely make our faith to fructifie and produce good workes as fruits thereof but sometimes beginnes at our workes and in a mans hart morally enclined to doe good dooth build vp faith for if an Angell could transport Abacuc for Gods seruice by onely taking hold of his haire God can take such holde of our workes and carrie vs further by them And fuâ—ther then this I see not that moderate men may goe and they startle too easilie that dare not come so farre And if it had beene expedient for Bellarmine to haue spoken plaine I thinke he would haue come to that when hee was so neere towards it as to say That it is the safest way to place all our confidence in the onely mercy of God by reason of the incertainety of our owne righteousnesse and the danger of vaine-glory for he seemes else where to be so farre from doubting that a man may not be sure of his owne righteousnesse that himselfe had such an assurance of righteousnesse in another man that vpon his Oath before a publique Notarie he affirmes That hee verily beleeues that Gonzaga who left the dignitie and inheritance of a Marquisate neuer coÌ„mitted mortall sin and that from his age of seuen yeares he is certaine of it 5 The Doctrine of good workes in the Reformed Churches is vniforme and consonant For though Luther to relieue and succour the doctrine of faith which then languish'd desperately in the Romane Church for iust dignification thereof sometimes
your Preachers notes out of Cassianus to possesse many men whome therupon he cals Sacerdotes non entes hath bewitched you with a stronger charme And as that drawes them from their Office of societie by a ciuill and Allegoricall Death in departing from the world into a Cloyster so this throwes you into a naturall or vnnaturall and violent Death by denying due Obedience and by entring into Rebellious actions Many men sayes that Preacher are caried to this desire by humane respects and by the spirit either of their blood and Parents when they doe it to please them or by the spirit of giddinesse and leuitie or by the spirit of libertie to be deliuered from the bondage and encombrances oâ— wife and childâ—en or else violently by aduersitie and want And these diseases which hee obserued in them I know you cannot chuse but find in your selues and in a more dangerous and deadly measure and proportion 25 And if there bee not too much shame and horror in such a Meditation but that you dare to looke backe vpon all the passages betweene your Church and ours in the time of the late Queene and his Maiestie who now gouernes you shall see that the Rocke was here and all the stormes and tempests proceeded from you when from you came the thunders aâ—d lightnings of Excommunications But as in those times when diuinations and coniectures were made vpon the fall of lightnings those lightnings which fel in the Sea or tops of Mountaines were neuer brought into obseruation but were cald Bruta fulmina so how vaine his Excommunications against Islanders and dwellers in the Sea haue proued we and Venice haue giuen good testimonie as many other great Princes haue done by despising his Bruta fulmina when they haue beene cast vpon so great and eminent Mountaines as their Supremacie is 26 From you also haue come the subtill whisperings of Rebellious doctrines the frequent and personall Trayterous practises the intestine Commotions and the publique and foraine Hostile attempts in which as we can attribute our deliuerance to none but God so we can impute the malignitie thereof originally to none but the deuill Whose instruments the Iesuites as we in our iust warres haue giuen ouer long bowes for Artillerie being men of rounder dispatch then the Church had before impatient of the long Circuit and Litigiousnes of excommunications haue attempted a readier waie and as the inuention of Gun-powder is attributed to a contemplatiue Monke so these practique Monkes thought it belonged to them to put it into vse and execution to the destruction of a State and a Church through which nimblenesse and dangerous actiuitie they haue corrupted the two noble Inuentions of these later ages Printing and Artillery by filling the world with their Libels and Massacres 27 It becomes not me to say that the Romane Religion begets Treason but I may say that within one generation it degenerates into it for if the temporall iurisâ—diction which is the immediate parent of Treason be the childe of the Romane faith and begot by it treason is the Grand-childe But as Erasmus said of that Church in his time Syllogismi nunc sustinent Ecclesiam wee may iustlie say that this Doctrine of temporall Iurisdiction is sustained but by Syllogismes and those weake and impotent and deceiueable And as it cannot appeare out of all the Authors which speake of Saint Peters remaining at Rome whether his body be there or onely his ashes So can it not be cleare to you that the body of Christian Religion is there since it is oppressed with such heapes of ashes and dead Doctrine as this of temporall Iurisdiction so that diuers other Churches which perchance were kindled at that may burne more clearely and feruently then that from which they were deriuedâ— 28 But my purpose is not to exasperate and aggrieue you by traducing or drawing into suspition the bodie of your Religion otherwise then as it conduces to this vicious and inordinate affectation of danger Yet your charitie may giue me leaue to note that as Physitians when to iudge of a disease they must obserue Decubitum that is the time of the Patients lying downe and yeelding himselfe to his bedde because that is not alike in all sicke men but that some walke longer before they yeelde then others doe therefore they remooue that marke and reckon ab Actionibus laesis that is when their appetite and digestion and other faculties fail'd in doing their functions and offices so if we will iudge of the diseases of the Romane Church though because they crept in insensiblie and the good state of health which her prouident Nources indued her withall made her hold out long we cannot well pitch a certaine time of her lying downe and sickning yet we may wel discern Actiones laesas by her practise and by her disusing her stomach from spirituall foode and surfetting vpon this temporall Iurisdiction For then she appeared to be lame and impotent when she tooke this staffe and crouch to sustaine her selfe hauing lost the abilitie of those two legges whereon shee should stand The Word and Censures 29 And if the suspicious and quarrelsome title and claime to this temporall Iurisdiction If Gods often and strange protection of this Kingdome against it by which he hath almost made Miracles ordinarie and familiar If your owne iust and due preseruation worke nothing vpon you yet haue some pitie and compassion towards your Countrey whose reputation is defaced and scandalized by this occasion when one of your owne Authors being anguished and perplexed how to answere these often Rebellions and Treasons to put it off from that Religion layes it vpon the nature of an Englishman whom in all professions he accuses to be naturally disloyall and trecherous to his Prince 30 And haue some pitie and compassion though you neglect your particulars vpon that cause which you call the Catholicke cause Since as we say of Agues that no man dies by an Ague nor without an Ague So at Executions for Treasons we may iustly say No man dies for the Romane Religion nor without it Such a naturall consequence or at least vnluckie concomitance they haue together that so many examples will at last build vp a Rule which a few exceptions and instances to the contrarie will not destroy 31 I call to witnesse against you those whose testimonie God himselfe hath accepted Speake then and testifie O you glorious and triumphant Army of Martyrs who enioy now a permanent triumph in heauen which knew the voice of your Shepheard and staid till he cald and went then with all alacritie Is there any man receiued into your blessed Legion by title of such a Death as sedition scandall or any humane respect occasioned O no for they which are in possession of that Laurell are such as haue washed their garments not in their owne blood onely for so they might still remaine redde and staind but in the blood of the Lambe which changes
it thus That though martyrdome be an act of fortitude and not of faith yet as a ciuill man will be valiant to defend Iustice as the Obiect of his valour so doth a Martyr faith If then to refuse this Oath be an obiect for a Martyrs fortitude it must be because it opposes some point of faith and faith is that which hath beene beleeued euer and euery where And how can that be so matter of faith which is vnder disputation and perplexitie with them and the contrarie whereof we make account that we see by the light of Nature and Scriptures and all meanes conducing to a diuine and morall certitude 16 Leo the first in an Epistle to the Emperour by telling what hath beene informes â—ummarilie and soundly what should be a iust cause of Martyrdome None of the Martyrs saies he had any other cause of their suffering but the confession of the true Diuinitie and true humanitie in Christ. And this was then the Integritie of faith in both acceptations All and sound Which is neither impaired in the extent nor coâ—rupted in the puritie by any thing proposed in the Oath 17 But as Chrysostome expounding that place of Ieremie Domus Dei facta est spelunca Hyaenae applies it to the Priests of the Iewes as hardest of all to be conuerted so may we apply it to the Priests of the Romanes who abhor the Oath and deter their Schollers For the Hyena saies Chrysostome hath but one backe bone and cannot turne except it turne all at once So haue these men one back bone the Church for so saies Bellarmine if we were a greed of that we should soone be at an end and this Church is the Pope And they cannot turne but all at once when he turnes and this is the Integritie of the faith they talke of And as that Father addes of the Hyena Delectantur cadaueribus they are delighted with impious prouocations to the effusion of bloud by suggesting a false and imaginarie martyrdome 18 The third and last iust ground of martyrdome of those which we mentioned is Ecclesiastique Immunitie which is of two sorts one inhaerent and Natiue and connaturall to the Church and the other Accessory and such as for tâ—e furtherance and aduancement of the worship of God Christian Princes in performing a religious dutie haue afforded and established Of the first sort are preaching the word administring the Sacraments and applying the Medicinall censures And if any to whose charge God hath committed these by an ordinarie calling loose his life in the execution thereof with Relation to the cause we may iustly esteeme him a martyr And so in the second kinde if onely for a pious and dutifull admonition to the Prince to continue those Liberties to the Church without which she cannot wel doe her offices hee should incurre a deadly displeasuâ—e he were also a Martyr 19 And if the Romane Priests could transferre vpon themselues this title to Martyrdome due to defenders of either of these Immunities yet by refusall of this Oath which is an implied affirming of some doctâ—ine contrarie to it they forfait that interest by obâ—ruding as matter of Châ—istian faith that which is not so For Baronius himselfe as once before wee had occasion to say distinguishes the defence of the liberties of the Church from the Catholique faith and yet he and many others makes the defence of these immunities the obiect of Martyrdome so various and vncertaine is the doctrine of defending those priuiledges whose ground and foundation they cannot agree vpon 20 And as all right to the crowne of Martyredome growing from any of these three titles perishes by their refusal for the reasons before expressed so doth it also vpon this ground that hee which refuses to defend his life by a lawfull acte and entertaines not those ouertures of escape which God presents him destroies himselfe especially if his life might be of vse and aduantage to others For when the Prison was opened to Paul and Silas the learned Expositors excuse his stay there by no other way then that it appeares that he had a reuelation of Gods purpose that he should conuert the Keeper for otherwise not to haue hastened his escape had beene to abuse Gods mercie by not vsing it 21 Those lawes from which these conclusions are deduced that if a man receiue a Corporall iniurie and remit the offence yet the state may pursue it against the trespasser because no man is Lord of himselfe and that a couenant from a man that if you finde him in your ground you may beate him is voide vpon the same reason Intimate thus much to this purpose That no man by lawe of nature may deliuer himselfe into a danger which he might auoide 22 How many actes of good and meritorious nature if they had all due circumstances haue beene vitiated by Indiscretion and changed from nourishment to poison of which Cassianus hath amâ—ss'd many vsefull examples and made all his second collation of them Of which I will remember one hâ—pning about his own time HeroÌ„ which had liued fiftie yeares austerely in a Desart trusting indiscreetely an illusion of an euill spirit threw himselfe downe into a Well and when he was taken out and in such torment with those bruses as killed him within three daies yet he beleeued that he had done well though the rest beleeued him to be as Cassianus saies Biothanatum a selâ—e-murderer 23 How deeply and how irremediably doth this indiscretion possesse many others whom themselues only and a few illuders of their weaknesses esteeme to be Martyres for prouoking the execution of iust lawes against them For what greater Indiscretion can there be or what more treacherous betraying of himsâ—lfe then to die in despite of such a Princes mercie as at once directs him to vnderstand his duety to himselfe and to his Prince and shewes him that his owne preseruation is a naturall duety and that hee may not neglect it in any cause but where it appeares euidently Catholiquely and indisputably amongst them to whose instructâ—on he ought to submitte himselfe that God may bee glorified in it And that his obedience to the King was borne in him and therfore was once without all question due could not be taken away without his consent who is damnified by the losse of a Subiect at least by such a liâ—igious Authoritie as is yet in Disputation What it is whence it comes and how it resides in him and how it is executed 24 For as a man may be felo de se by destroying himselfe by our Law And fur de se by departing and stealing himselfe away from him to whoÌ„ his seruice is due by Imperial law so he may be proditor de se by the law of Nature if hee descend from the Dignitie of humanitie submit himselfe to an vsurpation which he ought to resist which is All violence and danger which hee might auoide 25 And since if the King would pardon
of my title to land I am not bound to restore it though that were the safest way because in doubtfull matters Melior est Conditio possidentis And but for this helpe I wonder with what conscience the Catholiques keepe the possession of such landes as belong to the Church for they cannot be without some scruples of an vniust title and it were safest to restore theÌ„ Another example in Carbo is If my superior command a difficult thing and I doubt whether he command lawfully or no though it were safer to obey yet I am not bound to doe so And he giues a Rule which will include a thousand examples That that Rule That the safest part is to be embraced is then onely true when by following this safer part there ensues no notorious detriment And Soto extends this Doctrine farther for he saies Though yoâ— beleeue the precept of your Superior to be iust which creates Conscientiam Opinantem yet you may doe against it Because saies he it is then onely sinne to doe against your conscience when to do according to your conscience is safe and that no danger to the state or to a third person appeares therein So that Tutius in a spirituall sense that is in a doubtfull matter rather to beleeue a thing to be sinne then not must yeelde to Tâ—tius in a temporall sense that is when it may be done without notorious detriment For when it comes to that we shall finde it to be the common opinion of Casuists which the same Summist deliuers That there is no matter so waighty wherein it is not lawfull for me to follow an opinion that is probable though I leaue the opinion which is more probable yea though it concerne the right of another person as in our case of obedience to the King or the Pope And then wheresoeuer I may lawfully follow an opinion to mine aduantage if I will leaue that opinion with danger of my life or notorious losse I am guilty of all the damage I suffer For these circumstances make that Necessary to me then which was indifferent before the reasons vppon which Carbo builds this Doctrine of following a probable opinion and leauing a more probable which are That no man is bound Ad mâ—lius perfectius by necessity but as by Counsell And that this Doctrine hath this commoditie opinionâ— shew euidently that these Rules giue no infallible direction to the conscience and yet in this matter of Obedience considering the first natiue certaâ—ntie of subiection to the King and then the damages by the refusall to sweare it they encline much more to strengthen that ciuill obedience then that other obedience which is plainly enough claimed by this forbidding of the Oath So that in these perplexities the Casuists are indeede Nubes Testium but not in that sense as the holy Ghost vsed the Metaphore For they are such clouds of wiâ—nesses as their testimonie obscures the whole matter And they vse to deliuer no more then may beget farther doubts that so euery man may from the Oracle of his Conâ—fessors resolution receiue such direction as shall be fit at that time when hee giues the aunsweâ—eâ— Which Nauarrus expresses fully when he confesses That hauing beene consulted fiftie yeares before whether they who defrauded Princes in their customes were bound to restitution he once gaue an aunswere in writing but hauiâ—g recouered that writing backe a-againe he studied twentie yeares for his owne satisfaction and found no ground whereupon he might rest And all that while he counsailed Confessors to absolue thâ—ir penitents vpon this condition That they should retaine a purpose to doe so as they should vnderstand hereafter to be iust These spirituall Physitians are therefore like those Physitians which vse to erect a figure by that Minute in which the patâ—ents Messenger comes to them and therâ—by giue their iudgment For the Confessours in England in such resolutions as these consider first the Aspects and Relations and diuerse predominancies of Superiours at that time and so make their determinations seasonableâ— and appropriate But to insist more closely vpon this point in hand your Simancha speaking out of the law saies That that witnesse which deposes any thing vpon his knowledge must also declare and make it appeare how he comes to that knowledge And if it bee of a thing belonging to the vnderstanding hee must make it appeare by what means and instrument his vnderstanding was instructed And that which he assignes for the reason must be of that nature that it must certainely and necessarily conclude and prooue it If then you will subscribe with your blood or testifie by incurâ—ing equiualent dangers this Doctrine vpon your Knowledge you must bee able to tell the Christian world how you arriâ—'d to this Knowledge If you will say you haue it Ex Iure Diuino and meane by that out of the Scriptures you must remember that you are bound by Oath neuer to accept nor interâ—rete Scriptures but according to the vnanime consent of the Fathers And can you produce such a consent for the establishing this Doctrine in interpreting those places of Scripture which are offâ—ed for this matter If you extend this Ius Diuinum as Bellarmine doeth not onely to Scriptures but to Naturall light and reason and the Law of Nature in which he is no longer a Diuine as he vses to professe himselfe but a Canonist who gaue this large interpretation of Ius Diuinum whereas Diuines carie it no further then to that which God hath commanded or forbidden as Azorius tels vs this cannot bee so strong and constant and inflexible a Rule but that the diuers obiects of sense and images of the fancie and wayes of discourse will alter and vary it For though the fiâ—st notions which wee haue by the light of nature are certaine yet late conclusions deduced from thence are not so If you pretend common consent for your ground and Criterium by which you know this truth and so giue it the name of Catholicke Doctrine and say that Faith is to be bound to that and Martyrdome to be indur'd for Faith you must also remember that that which is so call'd Catholicke is not onely a common consent of all persons at one time but of the Catholicke Church euer For Quod vbique quod semper is the measure of Catholicke Doctrine And can you produce Authors of any elder times then within sixe hundred yeares to haue concurr'd in this And in these later times is not that Squadron in which Nauarrus is of persons and voyces enow to infringe all reasons which are grounded vpon this vniuersall consent He proclaimes confidently That the Pope take him despoiled and naked from all that which Princes haue bestowed vpon him hath no tempoâ—all power Neque supremam neque mediam neque infimam Doe noâ— some Catholiques confesse that they are readie to sweare to the integrity of the Romane faith according to the Oath
faith the Romane Church I say traducing our doctrine with as much intemperance and sower language giues vs example to call all their errours Hereticall And so when Drusius in his owne defence against a Iesuite who had called him Heretique saies That Heresie must be in fundamentis fidei the Iesuite replies that euen that assertion of Drusius is Heresie 51 And this doctrine and position which this Oath condemnes will lacke nothing of formall and absolute Heresie if those notes bee true by which Bellarmine designes Heresie and saies that if that be not Heresie to which those Notes agree there is no heresie in the world For as he requires to constitute an heresie we can note the Author to haue beene Gregory the seuenth the place to haue been Rome the time betweene fiue and 600 yeares past And that it began with a few followers for sometimes but fifteeneâ— sometimes but thirteene Bishops adherd to Gregory when euen the Bishops of Italy fauoured the other part And that it appeared with the admiration of the faithfull for so it is noted to haue beene Nouum scisma And that contradiction and opposition was made by all the Imperiall Clergy and much of Italy it selfe â— And for that which is the last note proposed by Bellarmine that it bee condemned by a Councell of Bishops and all faithfull people though that haue not yet beene done because God for our sinnes hath punished vs with a Dearth of Councels and suffered vs in a hunger and rage of glory and false constancie to eate and gnaw vpon one another with malignant disputations and reprochfull virulencies yet when his gracious pleasure shall affoord the Church that reliefe wee doe iustly hope it will haue that condemnation and so be a â—onsummate heresie because no Pseudo-Councels as yet haue beene able to establish the conâ—raâ—ie 52 And though these markes and certaine notes of Heresie be tyrannically and cauâ—elously put by Bellarmine because it is easie to name manie Heresies in which many of these markes are wanting of which wee know neither Parents Country nor age and which inâ—inuated themselues and got deepe roote in the Church before they made any noise or trouble in the state thereof anâ— at the first breaking out were countenanced with many and mighty fauourers and which no generall Councell hath yet condemned yet as I said we refuse not these marks but submit this opinion to that triall whether it be properly Hereticall or no. For it will as well abide this triall as an other proposed long before by S. Augustine That hee is an Heretique which for any Temporall aduantage and aduancement of his Supremacie doth either beget or foâ—low false and new opinions Which seemes directly spoken of this Temporall Supremacie to which also S. Paul may iustly bee thought to haue had some relation when he reckons Heresie amongst the workes of the flesh and worldly matters 53 But leauing this exact and subtill appellation of Heresie let him whom that scruple deterrs from the oath That hee must sweare the doctrine to be Hereticall consider in what sense our law vnderstands the word in that place 54 The Imperiall Law layes an imputation vpon that man Qui Saeua verborum praerogatiua fraudulenter contra â—uris sententiam abutitur that he is as guilty as he which breakes the law For hee which picks a quarrell with a law by pretence of an ambiguous word declares that hee would saine escape the obligation thereof But saith the same law A Lawâ—maker hath done enough when he hath forbidden that which he would not haue to be done the rest must bee gathered out of the purpose of the law as if it had beene exprest And no man can doubt but that the law-maker in this law hath forbidden Defection from the Prince and the purpose of the law was to prouide onely against that Out of which purpose no man can iustly collect that the Deponent should pronounce the contrarie Doctrine so Hereticall as that he which held it or relapsed into it might be burnt but that it was apparantly erroneus and impious and fit to bee abiured And how little erroneous lackes of Hereticall and wherein they differ Diuines are not agreed saies your Simancha and it is yet vndetermined 55 Nor is there required in this Deponent such an assurance in Faith as belongs to the making of an Article Formall Heresie but such an assurance in Morall reason and Humane discourse as Bartholus requires in him which takes and Oath when he sayes He which sweares the trueth of any thing vnderstands not his Oath to be of such a truethâ— as is subiect to sense Sed iurat de vehementi opinione 56 And the word Hereticall in this Oath hath so much force as the word to Anathematize hath in many Councels As for example in that place of the Councell of Constantinople where it is said Let him be Anathematiz'd which doeth not Anathematize Origen Which is meant of a detestation and abhorring som of his opinions not of pronouncing him a formall and consummate Hereticke For you may well allow a Ciuill and conuenient sense to this word in this Oath that it meanes onely Impious and inducing of Heresie since you haue bound all the world vpon paine of Damnation to beleeue That S. Paul call'd Concupiscence sinne not because it was sinne but because it proceeded from sinne and induced to sinne 57 A great Casuist and our Countreyman deliuers safe Rules which may vndeceiue them in these suspicions if they will not be extremely negligent and Negligentia dissoluta Dolus est For thus hee saies Though a law should prouide expresly that the words of the law should bee vnderstood as they lie yet they must receiue their interpretation from the common vse of speach which is that which the most part in that Country doe vse And if both significations may be found in common vse that must be followed which out of likelihood and reason seemes to haue beene the meaning of the lawmaker though it be improperâ— And his meaning appeares when the word taken in the other sense would create some absurd or vniust matter And as amongst vs those with whom this word Hereticall is in most vse which are Diuines vse the word promiscuously and indifferently against all impious opinions so especially did the Lawmaker at this time vse it because otherwise it had beene both absurd to decree a point to be properly hereticall which was not brought into debatement as matter of faith and it had beene vniust vnder colour of requiring ciuill obedience to haue drawn the deponent to such a confession as if he had relapsed and fallen from it after hee might haue beene burned 58 And the words of the oath agree precisely to Sayrs rule for the deponent must sweare according to the expâ—esse wordes and the plaine and common sense and vnderstanding of the same And Sayr saies That if we must sweare
PSEVDO-MARTYR Wherein OVT OF CERTAINE Propositions and Gradations This Conclusion is euicted THAT THOSE WHICH ARE of the Romane Religion in this Kingdome may and ought to take the Oath of Allegeance DEVT. 32.15 But he that should haue beene vpright when he waxed fatte spurned with his heele Thou art fat thou art grosse thou art laden with fatnesse IOB 11.5 But oh that God would speake and open his lips against thee that he might shew thee the secrets of wisedome how thou hast deserued double according to right 2. CHRO 28.22 In the time of his tribulation did he yet trespasse more against the Lord for he sacrificed vnto the â—ods of Damascus which plagued him LONDON Printed by W. Stansby for Walter Burre 1610. TO THE HIGH AND Mightie Prince IAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britaine France and Ireland defender of the FAITH Most mightie and sacred Soueraigne AS Temporall armies consist of Press'd men and voluntaries so doe they also in this warfare in which your Maiestie hath appear'd by your Bookes And not only your strong and full Garisons which are your Cleargie and your Vniuersities but also obâ—cure Villages can minister Souldiours For the equall interest which all your Subiects haue in the cause all being equally endanger'd in your dangers giues euery one of vs a Title to the Dignitie of this warfare And so makes thoâ—e whom the Ciuill Lawes made opposite all one Paganos Milites Besides since in this Battaile your Maiestie by your Bookes is gone in Person out of the Kingdome who can bee exempt from waiting vpon you in such an expedition For this Oath must worke vpon vs all and as it must draw from the Papists a profession so it must from vs a Confirmation of our Obedience They must testifie an Alleageance by the Oath we an Alleageance to it For since in prouiding for your Maiesties securitie the Oath defends vs it is reason that wee defend it The strongest Castle that is cannot defend the Inhabitants if they sleepe or neglect the defence of that which defends them No more can this Oath though framed withall aduantagious Christianly wisedome secure your Maiestie and vs in you if by our negligence wee should open it either to the aduersaries Batteries or to his vnderminings The influence of those your Maiesties Bookes as the Sunne which penetrates all corners hath wrought vppon me and drawen vp and exhaled from my poore Meditations these discourses Which with all reuerence and deuotion I present to your Maiestie who in this also haue the power and office of the Sunne that those things which you exhale you may at your pleasure dissipate and annull or suffer them to fall downe againe as a wholesome and fruitfull dew vpon your Church Commonwealth Of my boldnesse in this addresse I most humbly beseech your Maiestie to admit this excuse that hauing obserued how much your Maiestie had vouchsafed to descend to a conuersation with your Subiects by way of your Bookes I also conceiu'd an ambition of ascending to your presence by the same way and of participating by this meanes their happinesse of whome that saying of the Queene of Sheba may bee vsuâ—p'd Happie are thy men and happie are those thy Seruants which stand before thee alwayes and heare thy wisedomeâ— For in this I make account that I haue performed a duetie by expressing in an exterior and by your Maiesties permission a publicke Act the same desire which God heares in my daily prayers That your Maiestie may very long gouerne vs in your Person and euer in your Race and Progenie Your Maiesties most humble and loyall Subiect IOHN DONNE A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS handled in this Booke CHAP. I. OF Martyrdome and the dignity thereof CHAP. II. That there may be an inordinate and corrupt affectation of Martyrdome CHAP. III. That the Roman Religion doth by many erroneous doctrines mis-encourage and excite men to this vitious affectation of danger first by inciting secular Magistracy Secondly by extolling the value of Merites and of this worke in special by which the treasure of the Church is so much aduanced And lastly by the doctrin of Purgatory which by this act is said certainly to be escaped CHAP. IIII. That in the Romane Church the Iesuits exceed all others in their Constitutions and practise in all those points which beget or cherish this corrupt desire of false-Martyrdome CHAP. V. That the Missions of the Pope vnder Obedience whereof they pretend that they come into this Kingdome can be no warrant since there are laws established to the contrary to giue them or those which harbor them the comfort of Martyredome CHAP. VI. A Comparison of the Obedience due to Princes with the seuerall Obediences required and exhibited in the Romane Church First of that blinde Obedience and stupiditie which Regular men vow to their Superiours Secondly of that vsurped Obedience to which they pretend by reason of oâ—r Baptisme wherin we are said to haue made an implicite surrender of our selues and all that we haue to the church and thirdly of that obedience which the Iesuits by a fourth Supernumerary vow make to be disposed at the Popes absolute will CHAP. VII That if the meere execution of the function of Priests in this Kingdome and of giuing to the Catholiques in this land spiritual sustentation did assure their consciences that to dye for that were martyrdome yet the refusall of the Oath of Alleageance doth corrupt and vitiate the integrity of the whole act and dispoile them of their former interest and Title to Martyrdome CHAP. VIII That there hath beene as yet no fundamental and safe ground giuen vpon which those which haue the faculties to heare Confessions should informe their owne Consciences or instruct their Penitents that they are bound to aduenture the heauy and capitall penalties of this law for refusall of this Oath And that if any man haue receiued a scruple against this Oath which he cannot depose and cast off the Rules of their own Casuists as this case stands incline and warrant them to the taking therof CHAP. IX That the authority which is imagined to be in the Pope as he is spiritual Prince of the monarchy of the Church cannot lay this Obligation vpon their Consciences First because the Doctrine it selfe is not certaine nor presented as matter of faith Secondly because the way by which it is conueyed to them is suspitious and dangerous being but by Cardinall Bellarmine who is various in himselfe and reproued by other Catholiques of equall dignity and estimation CHAP. X. That the Canons can giue them no warrant to aduenture these dangers for this refusall And that the Reuerend name of Canons is falsly and cautelously insinuated and stolne vpon the whole body of the Canon law with a breefe Consideration vpon all the bookes thereof and a particular suruay of all those Canons which are ordinarily cyted by those Authours which maintâ—ine this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope CHAP. XI That the
Romane Church it seems they were careful that the people should not thereby be taught and encouraged to bring such actions into consequence and imitation as if the immediate instinct of Gods spirit did not iustifie them would seeme indiscreete and intemperate Nor were they onely which corrupted the stories in fault but out of Binius the last compiler of the Councels we may perceiue that euen they which were Orthodoxe proâ—essors had some tincture of this ouer-vehement affectation of Martyredome for he saies that the sixeteth Canon of the Eliberitane councell by which it is enacted That those Christians which attempted to breake the Idols of the Gentiles and were slaine by them should not be numbred amongst the Martyrs was made to deterre men from following such examples as Eulalia who being a maide of twelue years came from her fathers house declared her selfe to be a Christian spit in the Iudges face and prouoked him to execute her To which they were then so inclinâ—ble that as a Catholique Author hath obserued that state which inflicted those persecutions sometimes made Edicts that no more Christians should be executed because they perceiued how much contentment and satisfaction and complacency some of them had in such dying 3 And although these irregular and exorbitant actes be capable of a good interpretation that is that the spirit of God did by secret insinuations eâ—cite and inflame them and such as they were to puâ— feruor into others at that time yet certainly God hath already made his vse of them and their examples belong no more to vs in this part and circumstance of such excesses 4 And though this secret and inward instinct and mouing of the holy Ghost which the Church presumes to haue guided not onely these martyres in whose forwardnesse these authors haue obserued some incongruity with the rules of Diuinity but also Sampson and those Virgines which drowned themselues â—or preseruation of their chastity which are also acounted by that Church as martyres although I say this instinct lie not in proofe nor can be made euident yet there are many other reasons which authorize and iustifie those zealous transgressions of theirs if any such were or make them much more excuseable then any man can be in these times and in these places wherein we liue 5 For the persecutions in the Primitiue Church were raised either by the Gentiles or the Arrians either the vnity of the God-head or the Trinity of the persons was euer in question which were the Elements of the Christian Religion of which it was fram'd and complexioned and so to shake that was to ruine and demolish all And they were also the Alphabet of our Religion of which no infant or Neophyte might be ignorant But now the integrity of the beliefe of the Roman Church is the onely forme of Martyrdome for it is not allowed for a Martyrdome to witnes by our blood the vnity of God against the Gentiles nor the Trinity of persons against the Turke or Iew except we be ready to seale with our blood contradictorie things and incompatible for the time past since euidently the Popes haue taught contradictorie things and for the time present obscure and irreuealed thinges and entangling perplexities of Schoolemen for in these yea in future contingencies we must seale with our blood that part which that Church shall hereafter declare to be true 6 This constant defence of the foundation and this vndisputable euidence of the truth was their warrant And they had another double reason of making them extremely tender and fearefull of slipping from their profession which was first the subtilties and Artifices of their aduersaries to get them to doe some acte which might imply a transgressing and dereliction of their Religion though it were not directly so and so draw a scandall vpon their cause and make their simplicity seeme infirmity and impiety and secondly the seuerity which the Church vsed towards them who had done any such acte and her bitternesse and aâ—ersenes from re assuming them euen after long penances into her bosome For by the third Canon of the Eliberitane Councâ—l which I mentâ—oned before it appeares that euen they whom they called Libellaticos because they had for money bargained and contracted with the State to spare them from sacrificing to Idolles though this were done but to redeeme their vexation and trouble were seperated from the holy Communion But none of these reasons can aduantage or relieue those of the Romane perswasion in these times because no point of Catholique faith either primary and radicall or issuing from thence by necessary deduction and consequence is impugned by vs nor their faith in those points wherin it abounds aboue ours explicated to them by any euidence which is not subiect to iust quarrell and exception nor are our Magistrates laborious or actiue to withdrawe them by any snares from their profession but only by the open and direct way of the word of God if they would heare it nor is the Church so sowre and tetricall but that she admits with ease and ioy those which after long straying not only into that Religion but into such treasons and disobediences as that Religion produces returne to her againe CHAP. III. That the Romane Religion doth by many erroneous doctrines mis-encourage and excite men to this vicious affectation of danger first by inciting secular Magistracy secondly by extolling the value of merites and of this worke in special by which the treasure of the Church is so much aduanced and lastly by the doctrine of Purgatory which by this acte is said certainely to be escaped The first part of Principallity and Priest-hood HAuing laide this foundation that the greatest Dignitie wherewith God hath enriched mans nature next to his owne assuming thereof may suffer some infirmitie yea putrefaction by admixture of humane and passionate respects if when we are admitted to bee witnesses of Gods honour we loue our owne glory too much or the Authoritie by which this benefit is deriu'd vpon vs too little which is the function of secular Magistracie We are next to consider by what inducements and prouocations the Doctrine and practise of the Romane Church doth put forward and precipitate our slipperie disposition into this vicious and inordinate affection and dangerous selfe-flatterie 2 In three things especially they seeme to me to aduance and â—oment this corrupt inclination First by abasing and auiling the Dignitie and persons of secular Magistrates by extolling Ecclesiasticke immunities and priuiledges Secondly by dignifying and ouer-valewing our merits and satisfactions and teaching that the treasure of the Church is by this expence of our blood increased And thirdly by the Doctrine of Purgatorie the torments whereof are by this suffering said to be escaped and auoided 3 And in the first point which is a dis-estimation of Magistracie they offend two wayes Comparatiuely when they compare together that and Priest-hood and Positiuely when not bringing the Priestly function
into the ballance or disputation they giue the Pope authority as Supreame spirituall Princesse ouer all Princes 4 When the first is in question of Priesthood and Magistracy then enters the Sea yea Deluge of Canonists and ouerflowes all and carries vp their Arke that is the Romane Church that is the Pope fifteene cubites aboue the highest hils whether Kings or Emperours And this makes the Glosser vpon that Canon where Priesthood is said to exceede the Layetie as much as the Sunne the Moone so diligent to calculate those proportions and to repent his first account as too low and reforme iâ— by later calculations and after much perplexity to say That since he cannot attaine to it he will leaue it to the Astronomers so that they must tell vs how much the Pope exceedes a Prince which were a fit work for their Iesuite Clauius who hath expressed in one summe how many granes of Sand would fill all the place within the concaue of the firmament if that number will seeme to them enough for â—his comparison But to all these Rhapsoders and fragmentarâ— compilers of Canons which haue onely amâ—ss'd and shoueld together whatsoeuer the Popes themselues or their creatures haue testified in their owne cause Amandus Polanus applies a round and pregnant and proportionall answere by presenting against them the Edicts and Rescripts of Emperours to the contrary as an equiualent prooâ—e at least 5 And for the matter it selfe wherein the Ecclesiastique and Ciuill estate are vnder and aboue one another with vs it is euident and liquid enough since no Prince was euer more indulgent to the Clergie by encouragements and reall aduâ—ncing nor more frequent in accepting the foode of the worde and Sacrament at their hands in which he acknowledges their superiority nor the Clergy of any Church more inclinable to preserue their iust limits which are to attribute to the king so much as the good kings of Israel and the Emperours in the Primitiue Church had 6 It is intire man that God hath care of and not the soule alone therefore his first worke was the body and the last worke shall bee the glorification thereof He hath not deliuered vs ouer to a Prince onely as to a Physitian and to a Lawyer to looke to our bodies and estates and to the Priest onely as to a Confessor to looke to and examine our â—oules but the Priest must aswel endeuour that we liue verâ—uously and innocently in this life for society here as the Prince by his lawes keepes vs in the way to heauen for thus they accomplish a Regale Sacerdotium when both doe both â—or we are sheepe to them both and they in diuers relations sheepe to one another 7 Accordingly they say that the subiect of the Canon law is Homo dirigibilis in Deum BouuÌ„ Commune so that that Court which is forum spirituale considers the publique tranquility And on the other side Charles the great to establish a meane course between those two extreame Councels of which one had vtterly destroyed the vse of Images in Churchesâ— the other had induced their adoration takes it to belong to his care and function not onely to call a Synode to determine herein but to write the booke of that important and intricate point to Adrian then Pope which Steuchius saith remaines yet to be seene in Bibliotheca Palatina and vrges and presses that booke for the Popes aduantage And in the preface of that booke the Emperour hath these wordes In sinu Regni Ecclesiae gubernacula suscepimus and to proceede that not only he to whom the Church is committed ad regendum in those stormy times but they also which are Enutriti ab vberibus must ioine with him in that care and therefore he addes That he vndertooke this worke Cum Conhibentia Sacerdotum in regno suo neither would this Emperour of so pious affections towards that Sea expressed in pro fuse liberalities haue vsurped any part of Iurisdiction which had not orderly deuolued to him and which he had not knowne to haue beene duely executed by his predecessors 8 Whose authoritie in disposing of Church matters and directâ—on in matters of Doctrine together with the Bishops appeares abundantly and euidently out of their owne Lawes and out of their Rescripts to Popes and the Epistles of the Popes to them For we see by the Imperial Law the Authoritie of the Prince and the Priest made equall when it is decreed That no man may remoue a body out of a Monument in the Church without a Decree of the Priest or Commandement of the Prince And yet there appeares much difference in degrees of absolutenesse of power betweene these limitations of a Decree and a Commandement And Leo the first writing to the Emperour Martianus reioyses that he found In Christianiss mo Principe Sacerdot alem affectum And in his Epistle to Leo the Emperour vsing this preface for feare least hee should seeme to diminish him in that comparison Christiana vtor libertate he saith I exhort you to a fellowshippe with the Prophets and Apostles because you are to be numbred inter Christi praedicatores Hee addes that kings are instituted not onely ad mundi regimen but chiefly ad Ecclesiae presidium and â—herefore he praies God to keepe in him still Animum eius Apostolicum Sacerdotalem 9 So for his diligence in the Church gouernement Simplicius the Pope salutes the Emperour Zeno. Eâ—ultamus voâ—iâ— in esse animum Sacerdotis principis For which respect his successor Felix the third writing to thesame Emperour salutes him wiâ—h his stile Dilectissimo fratri Zenoni which is a stile so peculiar to those which are constituted in the highest Ecclesiastique dignities as Bishoppes and Patriarches that if the Pope should write to any of them by the name of Sons which is his ordinary stile to secular princes it vitiates the whole Diplome and makes it false 10 And a Synodicall letter from a whole Councell to a King of France acknowledges this Priestly care in the king thus Quia Sacerdotalimentis affectu you haue commaunded your Priests to gather together c. which right of general superintendencie ouer the whole Church Anastasius the Emperour dissembled not when writing to the Senate of Rome to compose dissentions there hee called Hormisda the pope Papam Almae vrbis Romae but in the Inscription of the Letter amongst his owne Titles he writes Pontifex inclitus 11 Gregory himselfe though his times to some tastes seeme a little brackish and deflected from vpright obedience to princes saith of the Emperoursâ— That no man can rightly gouerne earthly matters except he know also how to handle Diuine And in the weakest estate and most dangerous fitt that euer secular Magistrate suffered and endured Gregory the seuenth denied not that these two dignities were as the two eyes of the body which gouernd the bodie of the Church
not confesse vppon â—hat racke they must bee vtterly expunged as wee noted of others before 12 And vpon this superabundant value of the merite of Martyredome Bellarmine builds that conclusion which wee now condemne which is That because many martyres haue but fewe sinnes of their owne and their passion is of a large and rich satisfaction a mightie heape of Satisfaction superabounds frâ—m martyrs And so they being sent hither as Factors to encrease that banke and Treasurie it appears â— thinke sufficiently that this doctrine of meritâ—s dooth mis-prouoke and inordinaâ—ly pâ—â—forward inconsideâ—ate men to this vitious â—ffecâ—ation of Martyrdome To which also the Docâ—â—ine of Purgatory contributes as much perswasion THE THIRD PART OF PVRGATORY AS Morbizan the Turke being mooued by a Bul of Pius 2. by which he granted Indulgences to all theÌ„ that would take Armes against him by a Letter to the Pope required him to call in his Epigrammes againe And as a great learned man of this time calls Panlus the fifts Excommunication against the Venetians Dirum Carmen And as Bellarmine saies of Prudentius when he appoints certain Holydaies in Hect Paenarum celebres sub styge feriae That he did but play More poetico So all discourse of Purgatorie seemes to me to bee but the Mythologie of the Romane Church and a morall application of pious and vseful fâ—bles 2 To which opinion Canus expresses himselfe to haue an inclination when he saies That men otherwise very graue have gathered vp rumours and transmitted them to posterity either too indulgent to themselues or to the people and that Noble Authors haue beene content to thinke that that was the true law of History to write those things which the common people thought to be true And this censure he forbears not to lay vpon Gregory and Bede by which two so many fabulous things were conuaied to posterity To which ingenuity in Canus Lypsius his Champion saies iudgementâ— But in this onely their discretion and an abstinence from a slippery and inconsiderate creduliâ—ie is in qâ—estion and euen in matter of iudgement in as good iudgement as this Authour hatâ— Canus wâ—lâ— iustly enough in that Church haue a good â—oo me And if this Authour as hee preâ—ends â—n that plâ—ce accâ—pt none of these fables but such as the authoritie and iudgement of the Church hath approued either many of the Stories must loose their credit or els the Popes that approued them 3 Who haue beene wisely and prouidently most liberall and carefull to affoord most of that sustentation of Approuing to â—hose things that were of themselues most weake and indeffensibleâ— so so S. Brigids Reuelations are not onely approued by Boniface the ninth but confirmed by Martin the fift Both which hauing concurred to her canonization one reason why it was done on her part is because at her marriage being at thirteene yeares of age and her husband eighteene she vowed one yeares continency and the reason on the Popes part was That there might some goodnesse proceede out of the North for she was oâ— Swethland According to which superstition in their Mysterious ceremonies when the Gospell is song all other parts being done towards the East hee must turne to the North from whence all euill is deriued and where the Diuels dwell But for all their barbarous and prophane despite and contumelies which they impute not to the Diuell but to Princes and all sorte of people beyond their Hilles their Stories are full of the memorie of Benefites which Sea hath receiued from Northern Princes and Binius confesses that the remote and Northerne people did so much honour the Romane Church that whomsoeuer they heaâ—ed to sit in that Chaire and to be Pope though but in name without any discussion of his entrance they reuerenced him as S. Peter himselfe which saies he is a wonderfull thing to be spoken Which imputation since Binius laies vpon Northerne Catholiques they are fairely warned to bee more circumspect in their obsequiousnesse to that Church without discussing the persons and the matter which is commaunded them 4 But to returne to this Comique-Tragicall doctrine of Purgatory if Canus weigh nothing with them Sir Thomas Moore of whose firmenesse to the integrity of the Romane faâ—th that Câ—urch neede not be ashamed intimates as much when he saies That hee therefore vnâ—ertooke to translâ—te Lucianus Dialogue Philopseudes to deliuer the world from superstition which was crept in vnder Religion For saies he superstitious lies haue beene tolde with so much authority that a Cosoner was able to perswade S. Augustine thogâ— a graue man a vehement enemy of lies that a tale which Lucian had before derided in this Dialogue was theÌ„ newly done in his daies Some therfore thinkâ— saies he that they haue made Christ beholden to them for euer if they inuent a fable of some Saint or some Tragedie of hell to make an olde woman weepe or tremble So that scarce the life of any Martyr or virgine â—ath escaped their lies which makes me suspect that a great part of those fables hath beene insâ—rted by Heretiques by mingling therof to withdraw the credite due to Christian Histories 5 And in our daies Philip Nerius the Institutor of the last Order amongst them who was so familiar in heauen whilst hee liued vpon earth that he was faine to intreat God to depart further from him And to draw back his minde from heauenly matters and turne them vpon earthly before he was able to say Masse And could heare the Musique and Symphonie of the Angels And could distinguish any vertue or any vice by his smelling This man I say was euer an enemie to these Apparitions and vsed to say That God would not take it ill not to be beleeued though he should truly appeare to vs in any shape And to a Scholler that tolde him that our Lady appeared to him in the night he said next time she comes spit in her face which he did and found it to be the diuell Nor did hee easily beleeue possessions but referred it commonly to the indispositions of the body and suspecting iustly the same diffidence in others which he found in himselfe hee prayed to God that he would worke no miracles by him 6 So that not onely for feare of illusions and mistaking bad spirits for good for for that their greatest Authors which haue writ of that subiect euen in these cleare curious times are still confident that An euill spirit what shape so euer hee appeare in may be knowne by his feete or hands And that he is euer notoriously deformed either by a Tayle or by Hornes And that hee will vanâ—sh if one vse him as Friar Ruffin did who when the diuell appeared to him ordinarily in the forme of Christ crucified by S. Francis his counsaile said to him Open thy mouth implebo stercore and thereupon was deliuered from that
their arrand and for this like him who imployes them They compasse the Earth too and fro Nor are they more like the Circulatores and Circumcelliones a limme of the Donatists in this their vncertaine running about then in that other qualitie of theirs to vrge and importune and force men to kill them and if they could not extort this from others then to kill themselues and call all this Martyrdome For onely of this vicious inclination of Iesuits to an imaginarie Martyrdome I purpos'd to speake in this Chapter but that being occasioned by the way to deale with men of a various vncertaine Constitution and Nature I haue taken part of their fault and as a Phisitian comming to cure sometimes receiues some of the Patients infection so speâ—king of their running and wandring I haue strayed somewhat from the directnesse and strictnesse of my purpose 29 Therefore to pursue it now they are so much more intemperate and importunate vpon this Pseudo-Martyrdome then any others by how much they are more seuere maintainers and encreasers of those Doctrins of the Roman Church which we noted to beget this inclination For when the spirit of God awaked certaine Reformers of his Catholicke Church of which the Romane Church had long time beene the head that is the Principall and most eminent and exemplar member for I am euer loth to seeme to abhorre or abstaine from giuing to that Church any such Stâ—les and Titles as shee is pleas'd and delighted in as long as by a pious interpretation thereof her desire may thereby be satisfied in some measure our Churches not iniur'd nor preiudiced and the free spirit of God which blowes where it pleaseth not tied nor imprison'd to any place or person at that time I say these seruants of God and of his Church had no puâ—pose â—o runne away from her and leaue her diâ—eases to putrifie and â—ester within her bowels Nor did they vncouer her nakednesseâ— out of any petulancie of theâ—r owne nor proclaime her filthinesse to defame or diminish her dignitie But with the liâ—ertie of a Midwife or Phisician or Confessor they suruey'd her secreâ—est infirmities they drew to the outward and visible parts that is into consideration her inwardest corruptions and so out of that duetie were enfoâ—ced to looke into and bee conuersant about her Ordures and other foulenesses and could not dissemble nor forbeare earnest and bitter informing her of her owne distemper and danger which was a worke of more zeale and humilitie then those childish obediences which you so much extoll in your Disciples of sweeping Cobwebs and washing dishes 30 And they proceeded so wisâ—ly and temperately and blessedly herein that in a short time many of her swellings were allay'd and her indurations somewhat mollified as appeares by the Colloquies and consultations in many places â—or a moderate and manerly way of purging her corruptions For certainely her diseases were not then so much in question or doubt as whether it were for her honour to be beholden to so meane Peâ—sons for health as these beginners were Or for her â—afetie to trust her selfe in such Phisicians hands for now diuers secular â—râ—nces were come to giue their assâ—stance And as some diseases produce so violent and desperate Symptomes as the Physician must sometime neglect the maine originall Diseâ—se and attend onely to cure the Accidents So though the Doctrine of Purgatorie were at that time no member of the body That is no part of the Catholicke faithâ— but seru'd that body onely for Nayles to scrape and scratche together Those spirituall Physicians busied themselâ—es much to paire those Nayles which defaced the beautie and integritie of the whole body and so to slacken that griping hold which they had taken vpon mens estates and Consciences by â—he terrour of Purgatorie and verâ—ue of their indulgences 31 And as to both sides there appear'd euidently in the Doctrine of Merits as the Schoolemen which then Gouern'd â—n the Church by reason of the discontinuance of Councels had sawced and diâ—guis'd it many abominations derogatorie to the Passion of our Blessed Sauiour So did they all confesse in â—he Doctrine of Purgatory so many mixtures of coniecturall incredible impossible fables as might haue scandaliz'd and discredited any certaine trueth by â—heir Addition But when on the one side the Reformers encouraged by this entrance thought they might proceede fuâ—ther and so offered to dissect and anatomize the whole Church and thought to fill euery veine and restore and rectifie euery Sprane and dislocation and to take off euery Mole and paire away euery Wemme and to alter euen the fashion of her clothes so that all both substance and ceremony came in question And the Romane Church on the other side foresaw her precipitation that if they stop'd not at the toppe they could not at the middle of the hill thought it better not to beginne then not to know where to end and so mistaking the medicine to be worse then the disease departed from further consultation iustified their corruptions and by excommunications put away those seruants which had done them these offices and whom now they call Schismatiques and Heretiques for departing from that Church which would affoord them not onely no wages but no other roome then a fire 32 And then as all recidiuations and relapses are worse then the disease vpon this relapse came the Councell of Trent which did couer and palliate some of these vlcers and promised the cure of the rest though they neuer went about it yet And then the Iesuites who crie that all there is health and soundnesse and that there is none any where else yea that the Church was borne thus and that she is as well as she was in her Cradle and that whatsoeuer she thinkes or saies or does is by a diuine power inherent in her as though there had beene sowed in her at first certaine seedes of Iure Diuino which now in our age by the cultiuating and watering and industry of the Iesuites must fructifie and produce in her all these effects For they will abate nothing their consciences are as tender and delicate as the ground at Coleyne where some of S. Vrsulaes eleuen thousand Virgines are buried which will cast vp againe in the night any that is enterred there except shee were of that company though it be a childe newly baptized So the Iesuites stomaches cannot indure this that the Popes should be great by Priuiledges of Princes or Canons of Councels but all must be Iure Diuino So that that note which the law casts vpon some Aduocates will lie heauie vpon the Iesuites They are too carefull of their cause and therfore they are presum'd to inuent falshood 33 For though it be hard for any man to goe further on the left hand then the Councell of Trent hath done in these two doctrines of Merite and Purgatrry and euery Catholique be bound to that Councell yet as in most other Doctrines so in
this hard shift and earnest propensenesse to die no good signe of a good cause or of a true martyrdome for thus he makes his gradations That the Anabaptists are forwardest and the Caluinists next and the Lutherans very slacke So that he makes the vehemency of the pâ—ofessors in this kind some testimony of the ilnesse of the Religion we may also obserue that all circumstances except the maine point with which we intercharge one another which is Hereâ—ie by which they labour to deface and infirme the zeale of our side in this pointâ— and to take from them all comfort of martyrdome doe appeare in them directly or implicitely in this denying of ciuill obedience 34 And because we may boldly trust his malice in gathering them that he will omit none we will take them as they are obiected against vs in Feuardentius the Minorite A man of such dexterity and happines in conuerâ—ing to the Romane Faith that all Turquy and the Indies would not bee matter enough for him to worke vpon one yeare if he should proceed with them in the same pace as he doth with the Minister of Geneua For meeting him once vpon a time by chaunce and falling into talke with him in the person of a Catholique Doctor he dispatches a Dialogue of some eight hundred great leaues and reduces the poore Minister who scarce euer stands him two blows from one thousand foure hundred Heresies And as though he had but drawne a Curtaine or opened a boxe and shewed him catholique Religion he leaues him as â—ound as the Councell of Trent 35 First therefore in this matter of Martyrdome he takes a promise of the Minister That he will be diligâ—nt hereafter from being amazed at the outward behauiour of men which suffer death By which dâ—rection good counsell the confident fashion and manner of any Iesuite at his execution shall make no such impression in vs as to produce arguâ—ments of his innocency After this he saies that our men are not martyres Because they haue departed from the Câ—urch in which they were baptized and haue not kept their promise made in Baptismeâ— but are therefore Apostats and Antichrists Another reason he assignes against them because they haue beene put to death for conspiracies rebellions tumults and ciuill Warres against lawfull Princes and that therefore they haue beene proceeded against in Ordinary forme of Iustice as Traytors And againe hee saies They haue beene iustly executed for making and diuulging libells against Princes And for Acts against a Canon of the Eliberitane Councell of which I spoke before And lastly this despoiles vs of the benefite of Martyrdome in his account Because we offer our selues to dangers and punishâ—ents seeking for honour out of misery and blowen vp with ambition and greedinesse of vaine glorie Thus farre Feuardentius charges vs. 36 And is it not your case also to forâ—ait your Martyrdome vpon the same circumstances Are not many of youd parted â—roâ— your promise in baptisme to our Chuâ—ch or did those which vndertooke for you euer intend this forsaking and this act of deparâ—ing is by Feuardentius made an Essentiall circumstance abstract and independenâ— and incohaerent with that of the Catholique Church for that is another alone by it selfe 37 And haue not you beene proceeded with in Ordinarie course of Iustice as Traytors for Rebellions and Conspiracies and Tumults And after so many protestations so religiously deliueâ—ed so vehemently iâ—erated so prodigally sealed with bloud and engaging your Martyrdome vpon that issâ—e that you neuer intermedled with matters of state nor had any other scope or marke of all your desires and endeâ—ours but the replanâ—ation of Catholique Religion hath not the Recorder and mouth of all the English Iesuites confessedâ— vpon a mistaking that the euennesse of his Maiesties disposition might be shaked by this insinuation That in the Sentence of Excommunication against Queene Elizabeth the Popes relating to a statute in England respected the Actuall right of his Maiesties mother and of him and proceeded for the remouall of that Queene whom they held an vsurper in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her not only by spirituall but temporall armes also as against a publique Malefactor and â—ntruder And hauing thus like an indiscreete Aduocate preuaricated for the Pope doth hee not as much betray all his owne complices when he addes This doth greatly iustifie the endeuours and desires of all good Catholique people both at home and abroad against her their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue beene the deliuerance and preferment of the true heire most wrongfully kept out and vniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake Did you intend nothing else but Catholique Religion and yet was the desire and endeuour of all good Catholiqâ—es at home and abroade to remoue her and plant anoâ—her and that by vertue of a statute in England Did the Popes in their Bulls intimate any illegitimation or vsurpation or touch vpon any such statute Or dâ—d they goe about to aduance the right Heire in the Spanish â—nuasion or was the way of the right Heire Catholiquely prepared by Dolemans booke 38 Or was the Author thereof no good Catholicke For these Conspiracies and for the same Authors monethly Libels which cast foule aspersions vpon the whole cause in defence wherof they are vndertaken and published are your preâ—ences to Martyrdome vniust and inualid if your Feuardentius giues vs good rules So are they also because you seeke it against the Eliberitane Councell That is By wayes not found in Scriptures nor practised by the Apostles And last of all bâ—cause you seeâ—e it with such intemperate hunger and vaine-glorie Cultum ex Miseria quaerentes as your Friar accuses our Churches and hunting and pursuing your owne death First ouer the tops of mountaines the Popes Spirituall power then through thicke and entangling woods without wayes in or out that is his Temporall power and then through darke caues and dens of his Chamber Epistles his Breues ready rather then not die to deâ—end his personall defects and humane infirmities And all these circumstancesâ— are virtually and radically enwrapt in this one refusall of the Oath which therefore alone doeth defeate all your pretenceâ— to Martyrdome 39 And though it may perchance truely bee said by you that all those persons which the Reformed Churches haue Enregistred in their Martyrologies are not certainely and truely Martyrs by those Rules to which we binde the signification of the word in this Chapter and in which you account all which die by way of Iustice for aduancing the Romane Doctrine or Dignitie by what seditious way so euer to be true Martyrs yet none of them hath euer transgressed so faâ—re as your Example would warrant them For not to speake of Baronius his Martyrologe where verie many are enrolled which liued their Naturall time and without any externall persecuâ—ion for their faith and where verie many of the olde Testament are recorded besides those which aâ—e canonized
morall certitude that it were sinne in them who are vnder the obedience of that Church not to obey the iust Decrees of the present Pope or quarrell at his Electionâ— The Councell of Constance as another Iesuite vrges it hath decreed that this iust feare of which we speake Doth make voide any such Election of the Pope And that If after the Cardinals are deliuered of that feare which possessed them at the Election they then ratifie and confirme that Pope yet he is no Pope but the Election voide So farre doeth this iust feare which cannot be denied to bee in your case extend and vpon so solemne and solid Acts and Decrees is it able to worke and prouide vs a iust excuse for transgressing thereof And in a matter little different from our case Azorius giues the resolution That if an hereticall Prince commaunds his Catholicke Subiectes to goe to Church vpon paine of death or losse of goods if hee doe this onely because he will haue his Lawes obeyed and not to make it Symbolum Hereticae prauitatis nor haue a purpose to discerne therby Catholickes from Hereticks they may obey it And the case in question fals directly and fully within the rule For this Oath is not offred as a Symbole or â—oken of our Religion nor to distinguish Papists from Protestants but onely for a Declaration and Preseruation of such as are well affected in Ciuill Obedience from others which either haue a rebellious and treacherous disposition already or may decline and sinke into iâ— if they bee not vphelde and arrested with such a helpe as an Oath to the contrary And therfore by all the former Rules of iust feare this last of Azorius though there were an euident prohibitory act against the taking of the Oath yet it might yea it ought to be takenâ— For agreeable to this Tolet cyteâ— Caietans opinion with allowance and commendations That the Declaration of the Church that subiects may not adhere to their King if he be excommunicated extends not to them if thereby they be brought into feare of their liues or losse of their goods For in Capitall matters saies your great Syndicator it is lawfull to redeeme the life per fas nefas which must not haue a wicked interpretation and therefore must be meant whether with or against any humane lawes which he speakes out of the strength and resultance of many lawes and Canons there alleadged And therfore it can neuer come to be matter of Faith that subiects may depart from their Prince if this iust feare may excuse vs from obeying as these Authors teach for that neuer deliuers vs in matters of so strong obligation as matter of Faith from which no feare can excuse our departing To conclude therefore this Chapter since later propositions either Adulterine or Suspicious cannot haue equall authority and credite with the first and radicall trueth much lesse blot out those certaine and euident Anticipations imprinted by nature and illustrated by Scriptures for ciuill obedience since the Rules of the Casuistsâ—or â—or electing opinions in cases of Doubt and perplexity are vncertaine and flexible to both sides since that Conscience which we must defend with our liues must be grounded vpon such things as wee may and doe not onely know but know how we know them since these iust feares of drawing scandall vpon the whole cause and afflictions vpon euery particular Refuser might excuse the transgression of a direct law which had all her formalities much more any opinions of Doctors or Canonists I hope we may now pronounce That it is the safest in both acceptations both of spirituall safety and Temporall and in both Tribunals as well of conscience as of ciuill Iustice to take the Oath CHAP. IX That the authority which is imagined to be in the Pope as he is spirituall Prince of the Monarchy of the Church cannot lay this Obligation vpon their Consciences first because the Doctrine it selfe is not certaine nor presented as matter of faith Secondly because the way by which it is conueyed to them is suspitious and dangerous being but by Cardinall Bellarmine who is various in himselfe and reproued by other Catholiques of equall dignity and estimation WEe may bee bold to say that there is much iniquity and many degrees of Tyranny in establishing so absolute and transcendent a spiritual Monarchy by them who abhorre Monarchy so much that though one of their greatest Doctors to the danger of all Kings say That the Pope might if hee thought it expedient constraine all Christians to create one temporall Monarch ouer all the world yet they allow no other Christian Monarchy vpon Earth so pure and absolute but that it must confesse some subiection and dependencie The contrarie to which Bellarmine saies is Hereticall And yet there is no Definition of the Church which should make it so And hereby they make Baptisme in respect of Soueraintie to bee no better then the bodie in respect of the soule For as the bodie by inhaerent corruption vitiates the pure and innocent soule so they accuse Baptisme to cast an Originall seruitude and frailtie vpon Soueraintie which hauing beene strong and able to doe all Kingly offices before contracts by this Baptisme a debilitie and imperfection and makes Kings which before had their Lieutenancie and Vicariate from God but Magistrates and Vicars to his Vicar and so makes their Patents the worse by renewing confirming 2 Nor doe they only denie Monarchie to Kings of the Earth but they change the state and forme of gouernment in heauen it selfe and ioyne in Commission with God some such persons as they are so farre from beeing sure that they are there that they are not sure that euer they were heere For their excuse that none of those inuocations which are vsed in that Church are so directly intended vpon the Saints but that they may haue a lawfull interpretation is not sufficient For words appointed for such vses must not only be so conditioned that they may haue a good sense but so that they may haue no ill So that to say That God hath reserued to himselfe the Court of Iustice but giuen to his Mother the Court of Mercie And that a desperate sicke person was cured by our Lady when he had no hope in Physitians nor much in God howsoeuer subtill men may distill out of them a wholesome sense yet vulgarly and ordinarily they beget a beliefe or at least a blinde practise derogatorie to the Maiestie and Monarchie of God 3 But for this spirituall Monarchie which they haue fansied I thinke that as some men haue imagined and produced into writing diuers Idaeas and so sought what a King a Generall an Oratour a Courtier should be So these men haue only Idaeated what a Pope would be For if he could come to a true and reall exercise of all that power which they attribute to him I doubt not but that Angell which hath so long serued
concoxions enow from the Church to nourish a conscience to such a strength as Martyrdome requires For that which their great Doctor Franciscus a Victoria pronounces against his direct Authoritie we may as safely say against that the indirect This is the strongest prooâ—e that can be against him This Authority is not proued to be in the Pope by any meanes and therefore he hath it not To which purpose he had directly said before of the direct Authoritie It is manifestly false although they say that it is manifestly true And I beleeue it to be a meere deuise only to flatter the Popes And it is altogether fained without probability Reason Witnesse Scripture Father or Diuine Onely some Glossers of the law poore in fortune and learning haue bestowed this authority vpon them And therefore as that Ermit which was fed in the Desert by an Angell receaued from the Angell withered grapes when hee said his prayers after the due time and ripe grapes when he obserued the iust time but wilde sower grapes when he preuented the time so must that hasty and vnseasonable obedience to the Church to die for her Doctrine before she her selfe knowes what it is haue but a sower and vnpleasant reward CHAP. X. That the Canons can giue them no warrant to aduenture these dangers for this refusall And that the reuerend name of Canons is falsly and cautelously insinuated and stolne vpon the whole body of the Canon law with a briefe Consideration vpon all the bookes thereof and a particular suruay of all those Canons which are ordinarily cyted by those Authours which maintaine this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope TO this spirituall Prince of whom we spoke in the former Chapter the huge and vast bookes of the Canon law serue for his Guarde For they are great bodies loaded with diuers weapons of Excommunications Anathems and Interdicts but are seldome drawen to any presse or close fight And as with temporall Princes the danger is come very neere his person if the remedie lie in his guard so is also this spirituall Prince brought to a neere exigent if his title to depose Princes must be defended by the Canons For in this spirituall warre which the Reformed Churches vnder the conduct of the Holy Ghost haue vndertaken against Rome not to destroy her but to reduce her to that obedience from which at first she vnaduisedly strayed but now stubbornly rebels against it the Canon law serues rather to stoppe a breach into which men vse to cast as wel straw and Feathers as Timber and Stone then to maintaine a fight and battell 2 This I speake not to diminish the Reuerence or slacken the obligation which belongs to the ancient Canons and Decrees of the Church but that the name may not deceiue vs For as the heretiques Vrsalius and Valens got together a company at Nice because they would establish their Heresies vnder the name of a Nicene Councell which had euer so much reputation that all was readily receiued which was truely offered vnder that name so is most pestilent and infectious doctrine conuayed to vs vnder the reuerend name of Ecclesiastique Canons 3 The body of the Canon law which was called Codex Canonum which contained the Decrees of certaine auncient Councels was vsually produced in after Councels for their direction and by the intreaty of popes admitted and incorporated into the body of the Romane and Imperiall law and euer in all causes wherein they had giuen any Decision it was iudg'd according to them after the Emperours had by such admittance giuen them that strength 4 And if the body of that law were but growen and swelled if this were a Grauidnes Pregnancy which she had conceiued of General Councels lawfully called and lawfully proceeded in and so she had brought forth children louing and profitable to the publique and not onely to the Mother for how many Canons are made onely in fauour of the Canons all Christian Princes would be as inclinable to gâ—ue her strength and dignity by incorporating her into their lawes and authorising her thereby as some of the Emperours were And had the Bishops of Rome maintained that purity and integrity of Doctrine and that compatiblenesse with Princes which gaue them authority at first when the Emperours conceiued so well of that Church as they bound their faith to the faith thereof which they might boldly doe at that time perchance Princes would not haue refused that the adiections of those later Popes should haue beene admitted as parts of the Canon law nor should the Church haue beene pestred and poisoned with these tumors excrescenges with which it abounds at this time and swelles daily with new additions 5 In which if there bee any thinge which bindes our faith and deriues vppon vs a Title to Martyrdome if we die in defence thereof as there are many things deriued from Scriptures and Obligatory Councels the strength of that band rises so much from the nature of the thing or from the goodnesse of the soile from which it was transplanted to that place that though we might be Martyrs if we defended it in that respect yet wee should loose that benefit though it be an euident and Christian truth if we defend it vpon that reason That it is by approbation of the â—ope inserted into the body of the Canon law which is a Satyr and Miscellany of diuers and ill digested Ingredients 6 The first part whereof which is the Decretum compiled by Gratian which hath beene in vse aboue foure hundred yeares is so diseased and corrupt a member thereof that all the Medicines which the learned Archbishop Augustinus applied to it and all that the seuerall Commissioners first by Pius the fift then by Gregory the thirteenth haue practised vpon it haue not brought it to any state of perfect health nor any degree of conualescence 7 But though that Bishop say That Gratian is not worthy of many words though in his dispraise yet because he tels vs That the ignorant admire him though the Learned laugh at him And because hee is accounted so great a part of the Canon Law as euen the Decretall Epistles of the Popes are call'd Extra in respect of him as being out of the Canon Law it shall not be amisse to make some deeper impressions of him 8 Thus farre therefore the Catholicke Archbishop charges him To haue beene so indiscreete and precipitate that he neuer stood vpon Authoritie of Bookes but tooke all as if they had beene written with the finger of God as certainely as Moses Tables And hee is so well confirm'd in the opinion of his negligence that he sayes He did not onely neuer Iudge and waigh but neuer see the Councels nor the Registers of Popes nor the workes of the Fathers And therefore sayes hee There is onely one remedy left which is Vna litura And in another place That there can bee no vse at all made
of the Popes Authoritie they haue pronounced this infallibilitie of iudgement to bee onely then in the Pope When he doeth applie all Morall meanes to come to the knowledge of the trueth As hearing both parties aud waighing the pressures and afflictions which he shal induce vpon them whom he inflames against their Pâ—ince and proceeding mildly and dispassionately and not like an interessed person and to the edification not destruction of them whom onely he esteemes to be his Catholicke Church 18 And this seemes so reasonable that though the Iesuite Tannerus at first cast it away as the opinion onely Quorundam ex Antiquioribus Scholasticis yet afterwards hee affoords an interpretation to it but such a one as I think any Catholique would be loth to venter his Martyrdome thereupon if he were to die for obedience to a Breue For thus he saies In euery matter when a Hypotheticall proposition is made of the condition whereof we are certaine then the whole proposition must not be said to be Hypothetically and Conditionally true but absolutely And this he exemplifies by this Proposition If Christ doe come to iudgement there shall be a resurrection which proposition is absolutely and not conditionally true because we are certaine that Christ will come to Iudgement And so he saies That it is the meaning of all them who affirme that the Pope may erâ—e except he vse ordinarie meanes onely to inferre that hee dooth euer vse those meanes without all doubt and question But with what conscience can this Iesuite say That this was the meaning of these Schoolemen when in the same place it appeares that the purpose of those Schoolemen was â—o bring the Pope to a custome of calling Councels in determining waighty causes for when they say He may erre except hee vse Ordinarie meanes and they intended generall Councels for this oâ—dinary meanes can they bee intended in sâ—yinâ— soâ— to meane that the Pope did euer in such cases vse Generaâ—l Councels when they reprehended his neglecting that ordinary meanes and laboured to â—educe him â—o the practise thereof 19 And though most of these infirmities incident to Breues in generall doe so reflect vppon these two Breues in question that any man may apply them ye it may doe some good to come to a neerer exagitation and triâ—lâ— of the necessary obligaâ—ion which they are imaâ—ined to imposed It is good Doctrine which one of your men teaches That euen in lawes euery particular man hath power to interprete the same to his aduantage and to dispence with himselfe therein if there occurre a sudden case of necessity and there be no open way and recourse to the Superiour The first part of which Rule would haue iustified them who tooke the oath before the Breues though they had had some scruples in their conscience by reason of the great scandall to the cause and personall detriment which the refusall was liâ—ely to draw on 20 Nor can the Catholiques be said to haue had as yet recourse to their Superiour when neither their reasons haue beene aunswered or heard which thinke the oath naturally and morally lawâ—ull nor theirs who thinke that in these times of imminent pressures and afflictions all inhibitions ought to haue beene forborne and that any thing which is not ill in it selfe ought to haue been permitâ—ed for the sweetning and mollifying of the state towards them 21 Their immediate Superiours here in England haue beene in different opinions and therefore a recourse to them cannot determine of the matter And for recourse to the Pope the partie of Secular Priests haue long since complained that all waies haue beene precluded agâ—inst them And if they had iust or excusable reasons to doubt that the first Breue issued by Subreption they had more reasons to suspect as many infirmities in â—he second because one of the reasons of suspecting the first being That their Reasons were not heard but that the Pope was mis-informed and so misledde by hearking to one partie onely the second Breue came before any remedy or redresse was giuen or any knowledge taken of the complaint agaâ—nst â—he first 22 Certainely I thinke that if he had had true inâ—ormation and a sensible apprehension that the sâ—ffeâ—ing of his party in this Kingdome was like to bâ— so heauie as the lawes threatned and a pertinacy in this reâ—usall was likely to extort hee had beene a lauish and prodigall steward of their liues and husbanded their bloods vnthriftily if he had not reserued them to better seruices heereafter by forbearing all inhibitions for the present and confiding and relying vpon his power of absoluing them againe when any occasion should present it selfe to his aduantage rather then thus to declare his ambitions and expose his seruants and instruments to such dangers when by this violence of his the state shall be awakened to a iealous watchfulnes ouer them 23 It is not therefore such a disobedience as contracts crinduces sinne which it must be iâ— it be matter enough for Martyrdome not to obey these Breues though thus iterated for it is not the adding of moâ—e Cyphars after when there is no figure before that giues any valew or encrease to a number Nauarrus vpon good grounds giues this as the Resultance of many Canons there by him alleadge That it is not sinne in a man not to obey his Superiour when hee hath probable reasons to thinke that his Superiour was deceiued in so commaunding or that he would not haue giuen such a command if he had knowne the truth And can any Catholique beleeue so profanely of the Pope as to thinke that if hee had seene the effects of the powder treason euery Church filled with deuout and thankfull commemorations of the escape euery Pulpit iustly drawing into suspition the Maisters which procured it and the Doctrine wherewith they were imbued euery vulgar mouth extended with execrations of the fact and imprecations vppon such as had like intentions euery member of the Parliament studying what clauâ—es might be inserted for the Kings security into new lawes and the King himselfe to haue so much moderated this common iust distemper by taking out all the bitternesse and sting of the law and contenting himselfe with an oath or such obedience as they were borne vnder which iâ— they should refuse there could be no hope of farther easinesse or of such as his Maiestie had euer shewed to them before Might any Catholique I sayâ— beleeue that the Pope if he had seene this would haue accelerated these afflictions vpon them by forbidding an Act which was no more but an attestation of a morall truth that is ciuill obedience and a profession that no man had power to absolue them against that which they iustly auerred to be such a Morall indelible truth Might he not reasonably and iustly haue applied to the Pope â—hat which Anselmus is said to haue pronouÌ„ced of God himselfe Minimum inconueniens est Deo impossible and concluded thereupon that
Matrimony and others of others and he must sweare That he beleeues Purgatory Indulgences and veneration of Reliques and hee must sweare That all things contrary to that Coâ—ncell are hereticall And this oath is not onely Canonized as their phrase is by being inserted into the body of the Canon law but it is allowed a roome in the Title De Summa Trinitate fide Catholica and so made of equall credite with that And that oath by which the Cardinals are bound to the maintenance of the Church priuileges is conceiued in so strong and forcible wordes that Baronius calls it Terribile Iuramentum saies that the only remembring of it inflicts a horror vpon his minde and a trembling vpon his body 7 And with equall diligence are those oathes framed which are giuen to the Emperours when they come to be Crowned by the Pope For before he enters the land of the Church he takes one oath Domino Papae iuro that I will exalt him with all my power And before he enters Rome he sweares that he will alter nothing in that Gouernement And before he receiues the Crowne he sweares that he will protect the Popes person and the Church And in the creation of a Duke because hee might haue some dependance vpon another Prince the Pope exhibites to him this oath I vow my reuerence and obedience to you though I be bound to any other 8 So did Gregory the seuenth exact a curious oath of the Prince of Capua that he would sweare Alleageance to the Emperour when the Pope or his Successors should admonish him thereto and that when hee did it he would doe it with reseruation of his Alleageance to the Pope And so when the Emperour Henrie the seuenth though he confessed that he had swoâ—ne to the Pope yet denied that hee vnderstood that Oath to be an Oath of Alleageance or Fidelity the Popes haue tooken order not onely to insert the oath into the body of the Canon Lawe but to enact thereby That whosoeuer tooke that Oath after should account and esteeme it to bee an Oath of Alleageance 9 With how much curiositie and vnescapablenesse their formes of Abiuration vnder oath are exhibited They thought they had not giuen words enow to Berengarius till they made hâ—m sweare That the body in the Sacrament was sensibly handled broken and ground with the teeth which he was bound to sweare Per Homousion trinitatem And they dressed and prepard Hierome of Prage an oath in the Councell of Constance by which he must sweare freely voluntarily or else bee burned and simplie and without condition To assent to that Church in all things but especially in the Doctrines of the Keyes and Ecclesiastick immunities and reliques and all the ceremonies which were the most obnoxious matters 10 But yet this seem'd not enough And therefore though Castrensis say That there is no Law by which he which abiures should bee bound to abiure any other Heresie then that of which he was infamed yet hee sayes that it stands with reason that he should abiure all And accordingly the Inquisition giue an oath in which sayes hee Nulla manet rimula elabendi For he must sweare That he abiures all Heresies and will alwayes keepe the faith of Rome And that he hath told all of others and of himselfe and euer will doe so And that if he doe not he renounces the benefit of this Absolution and will trouble the Court with no more dayes of hearing but sayes he Ego me iudico 11 And if wee doe but consider the exacte formes and the aduantagious words and clauses which are in their Exorcismes to cast out and to keepe out Diuels they may be good inducements and precedents to vs how diligent we should be in the phrase of our Laweâ— to expell and keepe out Iesuites and their Legion which are as craftie and as dangerous 12 When therefore it was obserued that not onely most of the Iesuites Bookes which tooke occasion to speake either of matter of State or Morall Diuinitie abounded with trayterous and seditious Aphorismes and derogatorie from the dignitie of Princes in generall but that their Rules were also exemplified and their speculations drawne into practise in this Kingdome by more then one Treason and by one which included and exceeded all degrees of irreligion and inhumanity then was it thought fit to conceiue an oath whose end and purpose and scope was to try finde out who maintained the integrity of their naturall and ciuill obedience so perfectly as to sweare that nothing should alter it but that he would euer do his best endeuour to the preseruation of the Prince what enemie so euer should rise against him 13 And if any of the materiall words or any clause of the Oath had beene pretermitted then had not the purpose and intent of the Oath beene fulfilled That is no man had auerr'd by that oath that he thought himselfe bound to preserue the King against All enemies which to doe is meere Ciuill obedience For though the generall word of Enemie or Vsurper would haue encluded and enwrapped as wel the Pope as the Turke when either of them should attempt any thing vpon this Kingdomeâ— yet as it hath euer beene the wisdome of all States in all Associations and leagues to ordaine Oathes proper to the busines then in hand and to the imminent dangers So now it was most necessâ—rie to doe so because the malignitie of men of that perswasion in Religion had so violently broke foorth and declar'd it-selfe Which happie diligence the effect praises and iustifies enough since it appeares that if these particular clauses had not beene inserted they would haue swallowed any Oath which had beene presented in generall termes and haue kept their Consciences at large to haue done any thing which this Oath purpos'd to preuent 14 He therefore that should desire to bee admitted to Sweare that hee would preserue the King against all his enemies Except the Pope or those whom he should encourage or imploy Or that he would euer beare true Allegeance Vntill the Pope had discharged him or that heâ— would discouer any conspiracie which did happen before the Pope did authorize it Or that he would keepe this Oath Vntill the Pope gaue him leaue to breake it this man should be farre from performing the intent and scope of an Oath which should be made for a new attestation that hee would according to his naturall duetie and inborne obedience absolutely desend the King from All his enemies 15 I make no doubt but the Iesuites would haue giuen way to the Oath if it had beene conceiu'd in generall words of All obedience against all Persons for it were stupiditie to denie that â—o be the dutie of all Subiects Nor would they haue exclaim'd that spirituall Iurisdiction had beene infringed if in such times as their Religion gouern'd here this clause had beene added to defend the King Though
to be Hereticall and that since there was a Canon of a generall Councell pretended for the conâ—rary opinion and that it was followed by many learned men it were too much boldnesse for a priuate man to aâ—erre it to be Hereticall I am willing to deliuer them of that scruple 37 It is no strange nor insolent thing with their Authors to lay the Note of Heresie vpon Articles which can neither be condemned out of the word of God nor are repugnant to any Article of faith for Castrensis that he might thereby make roome for traditions liberally confesses That there are many Doctrines of the Heretiques which cannot be refelled by the testimonie of the Scriptures And the Iesuite Tannerus is not squeamish in this when hee allowes thus much That in the communion vnder one kinde and in fasts and in feasts and in other Decrees of Popes there is nothing established properly concerning faith So that with you a man may be subiect to the penalties so to the infamie so to the damnation belonging to an Heretique though hee hold nothing against the Christian faith 38 But wee lay not the Name of Heresie in that bitter sense which the Canons accept it vppon any opinion which is not agaâ—nst the Catholique faith Which faith wee beleeue Leo to haue described well when hee saies That it is singular and true to which nothing can be added nor detracted and we accept S. Augustines significâ—tion of the word Catholique wee interpret the name Catholique by the Communion with the whole world which is so Essentiall so truly deduced out of the Scriptures that a man which will speake of another Church then the Communion of all Nations which is the name Catholique is as much Anathematized as if he denie the Deaâ—h and Resurrection of Christ. And what is this Essentiall truth so euident out of Scripture which designes the Catholique Church Because sayes Augustine the same Euangelicall truth which tells vs the Death and Resurrection tells vs also That Repentance and Râ—mission of sinnes shall be preached in his Name through all Nations That therefore is Catholique faith which hath beene alwaies and euery where tâ—ught â—nd Repentance and Remission of sinnes by the Death and Resurrection oâ— Christ and such truthes as the Gospell teaches are that Doctrine which coagulates and gathers the Church into a body and makes it Catholique of which opinion Bellarmine himselfe is sometime as when he argues thus whatsoeuer is Heresie the contrarie thereof is veritas fidei for then it must be maâ—ter of faith And an errour with pertinacie in those points onely should bee called Heresie in that heauie sense which it hath in a Papists mouth 40 Castrensis foresaw this Danger of Recrimination and retorting vpon themselues tâ—is opprobrious name of Heretique if they were so forward to impute it in matters which belonged not to fâ—ith for accordingly he saies They amongst vs which doe so easily pronounce a thing to be Heresieâ— are often striken with their own arrow fall into the pit which they digged for others And certainly as tâ—e Greeke Church by vsing the same stâ—â—nesse and râ—gour towards the Romane as the Romane vses towards the other Westerne Churches which is not onely to iustifie their opinions but to pronounce the contrarie to be Heresie hath tamed the Romane writers so farre as to conâ—esse that tâ—ey condemne nothing else in tâ—eir opinion and practise of consecrating in a different bread but that they impose it as a necessitie vpon all other Churches and hath extorted a Decretall from Pope Eugenius That Priests in Consecrating not onely may but ought to follow the custome of that Church where they are whether in leauened or vnleauened bread and â—nnocent the thiâ—d required no more of them in this point but that they would not shewe so much detestation of the Romane vse therein as to wash and expiate their Altars after a Romane Priest had consecrated So if it should stand with the wisedome and charity of the Reformed Church Iuridâ—cally to call all the Addiâ—ions which the Romanes haue made to the Catholique faith and for which wee are departed from them absolute and formall Heresie though perchance it would not make them abâ—ndon their opinions yet I thinke it would reduce them to a moâ—e humane and ciuill indifferencie to let vs without imposing tâ—eir traditions enioy our own Religion which is of â—t self in their coÌ„fession so free froÌ„ Heresie that they are forced to maâ—e this all our Heresie that we will not adâ—it theirs 41 Yeâ— somethings haue so necessary a consequence and so immediate a dependance vpon the Articles of faith that a man may be bolde to call the contrary Hereticall though no Defiâ—ition of any Councell haue pronounced it soâ— yea somâ— Notions doe so precede the Articles of our faith that the Articles may be said to depend vpon them so farâ—e as they were frustrate if those prenotions were not certaine Of that sort is the immortalâ—ty of the soule without which the worke of redemption weâ—e vaine And therefore it had beene a vitiâ—ous tendernesse and irreligious modesty if a man duâ—st not haue called it Hereticall to say that the soule was mortall till Leo the tenth in the Laterane Councell Decreed it to bee Heresie For though Bellarmine in one place reqâ—ire it as Essentiall in an Heresie I hatâ— haue beene condemned in a Councell of Bishoppes yet he saies in another place That the Popes alone without Councels haue condemned manâ— Heresies 42 And this liberty hath beene vsed as well by Epiphanius and S. Augustine in the purer times as by Castrensis and Prateolus in the later Romane Church and of late yeares of those which adhere to Caluins Doctrine by Danaeus and of Luthers followers by Schlusselbergius all which in composing Catalogues of Heretiques haue mentioned diuers which as yet no generall Councel hath condemned So did the Emperours in their constâ—tutions pronounâ—e against some Heresies of which no Councell had determined So did the Parliament of Paris in their sentence against Chastell for the assassinate vppon the person of this King of France pronounce certaine words which he had sucked from the Iesuits and vttered in derogation of Kings to bee Seditious Scandalous and Hereticall 42 And if the Oath framed by order of the Councell of Trent and raâ—ified and enioyned by the Popes Bull be to be giuen to all persons then must many men sweare somethings to be of the Catholique faith and some other things to be Hereticall in which he is so farre remooued from the knowledge of the things that he doth not onely not vnderstand the signification of the wordes but is not able to sound nor vtter nor spell them 43 And hee must sweare many things determinately and precisely which euen after that Councell some learned men still doubt As that a license to heare confessions in euery Priest
not beneficed is so necessarie necessitate Sacramenti that except hee haue such a license the penitent though neuer so contrite and particular in enumeration of his sinnes and exact in satisfactions and performing all penances is vtterly frustrate of any benefite by vertue of this Sacrament So therefore a certaine and naturall euidence of a morall truth such as arises to euery man That to a King is due perpetuall obedience is better authority to induce an assurance and to produce an oath that the contrary is Hereticall then an implicite credite rashly giuen to a litigious Councell not beleeued by all Catholiques and not vnderstood by al that sweare to beleeue it 44 For the other obstacle and hinderance which reâ—ards them from pronouncing that this position is hereticall which is the Canon of the Laterane Councell enough hath beene said of the infirmity and inualidity of that Councell by others Thus much I may be bolde to adde that the Emperour vnder whome that Councell was held neuer accepted it for a Canon neiâ—her in those wordes not in that sense as it is presented in the Canon law from whence it is transplanted into the body of the Councels And the Church was so farre from impâ—gning the Emperours sense and acceptation thereof that Innocent the fourth and diuers other Popes being to make vse thereof cyte the Constitution of the Emperour not any Canon of a Councell in their Directions to the Inquisitors how to proceede against Heretiques They therefore either knew no sâ—ch Canon or suspected and discredited it 45 Thus therefore that pretended Canon saies If a temporall Lord warned by the Church do not purge his land of Heretiques let him be excommunicate by the Metropolitane and Conprouinciall bishopps if he satisfie not within a yeere let it be signified to the Pope that he may denounce his subiects to be absolued from their Alleageance and expose his Land to Catholickes which may without contradiction possesse it the right of the principall Lord which we call Lord Paramount being reserued if hee giue no furtherance thereunto And thus farre without doubt the Canon did not include Principall and Soueraigne Lords because it speakes of such as had Lords aboue them And where it concludes with this clause The same Law being to be obseru'd toward them Qui non â—abent Dominos principales The Imperiall Constitution hath it thus Qui non habent Domos principales 46 And certainely the most naturall and proper accepâ—ation of Domos Principales in this place in the Emperours Lawe is the same as the word Domicilium Principale hath in the Canons which is a Mans chiefe abiding and Residence though vpon occasion he may be in another place or haue some relation and dependance vpon a Prince out of that Territorie And it may giue as much clearenesse to the vnderstanding of this Lawe if wee compare with it the great and solemne Clementine Pastoralis 47 For then Robert being King of Sicily that is such a Principall Lord as this pretended Canon speakes of but yet no Soueraigne for he depended both vpon the Empire and vpon the Church was condemned as a Rebell by the Emperour Henrie the â—euenâ—h And Clement the fiâ—t annâ—lâ—'d and abrogated that Sentence of the Emperours vpon this reason That though the King of Sicily held some Lands of the Empire yet Domicilium suum fouebat in Sicilia which belong'd to the Churcâ— and therefore the Emperors Iurisdiction could not extend to him bâ—cause hâ— had not Imperioâ— Hereupâ—on the Glosse enters iâ—to Disputation how farre a man which hath goods in one Dominion shâ—ll be subiect to the Lawes of that place though his Principale Domicilium as he still câ—ls it be in another So that it seemes the Emperour had this purpose in this Constitution that tâ—ose Domini Principales which were vnder the Iurisdiction and Dependance of the Empireâ— should indure the penaltie of this Law if theâ— transgressed it though they â—ad not there Domos Prinâ—ipales within the limiâ—s of 〈◊〉 â—mpire For at the time when this Constitution was made the Emperours thought iâ— lawâ—full for them to doe so though a hundred yeâ—re aâ—â—er Clement tâ—e fift denied by this Canon thaâ— they had so large a power But this Constitution inâ—erâ—es nothing against Soueraigne Lords whom the Empeâ—our could not binde by any Constitution of his becâ—use they had no dependâ—nce vpon him 48 And as tâ—e Constitution dâ—ffers from tâ—e Canon in such maâ—erâ—all words as ouerthrowes that â—ense which they would extoâ—t out of it which is That Soueraignes are included therein so doeth it in the sense and in the appointing of the Officer who shall expel these fauourers of heretiques For where the Canon saies Let it be tolde to the Pope who may absolue the Subiects and expose the land the Emperour speakes of himselfe we do expose the land So that he takes the authority out of the Popes hand which he would not haue done nor the Pope haue cyted as to his aduantage that lawe by which it was done if either Iure Diuino such a power had resided in him or a Canon of a generall Councell had so freshly inuested him therewith 49 And as it is neither likely that the Emperour would include himselfe in this Law nor possible that he should include others as Soueraine as himselfe at least so doth it appeare by the Ordinary Glosse vpon that constâ—â—ution which hath more authority then all other Expositors that that law is made against such Lords and Subiects as haue relation to one another by feudall law for so it inâ—erpreâ—es Dominum temporalem and Dominum prinâ—cipalem to be when some Earle holdes something of a King which King also must haue a dependency vpon the Empire because otherwise the Imperiall law could not extend to him And yet euen against those principal Lords the law seeme so seuere that the Glosse saies Non legitur in Scholis So that so many proofes hauing beene formerly produced Canonsâ— but that those which are vsually offered now are but ragges torne out of one booke and put into another out of the Extraâ—agants into the Councels and this Imperiall constitution which to the Pope himselfe seemed of more force then his Predecessors Decretall neither concerning Soueraine Lords nor acknowledging this power of absoluing Subiects to be in the Pope but in himselfe no sufficient reason arises out of this imaginary Canon which should make a man affraid to call that Hereticall which is against his naturall reason and against that maine part of Religion which is ciuill obedience 50 For the Romans dealing more seuerâ—ly and more iniuriously with vs then the Greeke Church did with them when they presented to the Emperour vpon a commission to make an Inquisition to that purpose 99â— errours and deuiations in matter of faith in the Romane Church of which some were Orthodoxall truths some no matter of faith but circumstantiall indifferenciesâ— though they called them all errours in
of ours and of their owne authors who determine it roundly Deposuit id est Deponentibus consensit 91 And therefore insisting little vpon these hee makes hast to that wherein he excels which is to reproach and debase the State and Order of Kings For he says That euen Exorcists which is no sacred order are superiour to Princes Nor is his intemperance therefore excessiue because hee subiects men to such as are in the way going towards Priesthood for that will bee still vpon the old ground that priesthood is in an incomprehensible distance and proportion aboue principalitie but his reasons why Exorcists are aboue Princes discouers more malignitie to Princes absolutely which is That since they are aboue the Diuell himselfe much more are they Superiour to those which are subiect to the deuill and members of the deuill Nor could his argument haue any life or force here except he presum'd Kings to be poysoned corrupted by the very place by the order it selfe for otherwise if he meant it onely of vicious Kings why should he institute this comparison of Exorcists and Kings since it ought to bee of Exorcists and vicious men And therefore as he sayes after in this Epâ—stle That he finds in his owne experience that the Papacie either finds good men or makes them good and that if they want goodnesse of their owne they are supplied by their predecessours and so Aut Clari eriguntur aut Erecti illustrantur So he thinkes either that onely members of the deuill come to be Kings or that kings grow to be such when they are kings For so much he intimates euen in this place when hee sayes In Regall dignitie very few are saued and from the beginning of the world til now we find not one King equal in sanctitie to innumerable Religious men What King hath done any miracles To what King haue Churches or Altars beene erected How manâ— Kings are Saints Whereas onely in our Sea there are almost a hundred 92 And thus I thought it fit to runne ouer this Letter becauâ—e here sâ—emes the first fire to haue beene giuen and the first drop of poyson to haue beene instil'd of all those virulencâ—es and combustions with which the later Authours in that Church are inflam'd and swollen vp in this point of auiling Princes Of which ranke this Pope had respect to none but those who were really profitable to him Nor haue I obserued any words of sweetenesse in him towards any of them but onely to our King the Conquerour and to one King of Spaine To ours he sayes VVe account you the onely man amongst Kings that performes his duetie and this he â—ayes because â—e should graunt more to God and Saint Peter and Saint Stephen and be vigilant vpon Saint Peters estate in England that he mâ—ght find him a propitious debter And to the king of Spaine he sayes The present which you sent me is so ample and so magnificent as became a King to giue and Saint Peter to receiue and you show by your present how much you esteeme him 93 And such Princes as these he was loath to loose For he accounted that a losse which now they call the onely perfection that is to enter into a Religious and regular Order For this Gregorie chides an Abbot bitterly for admitting a Prince who might haue beene profitable to his state into the Cloyster For he sayes To doe so is but to seeke their owne ease and now not onely the Shepheards depart from the care of the Church but the Dogges also which he speakes of Princes He tels him That he hath done against the Canons in admitting him and that he is therein an occasion that a hundred thousand persons doe lacke their guide And therefore sayes he Since there are scarce any good Princes to bee found I am grieu'd that so good a Prince is taken away from his mother That is from the Churcâ— as it must necessarily be intended in this Epistle So pliant and seruiceable to his vses would Gregorie make Regall dignitie or else breake it in peeces 94 And where could our later men find better light in this mischeiuous and darke way then in this Gregories Dictates of which these are some That onely the Pope may vse Imperiall Ornaments That all Princes must kisse his feete That onely his Name must be rehearsed in the Church That there is no other Name in the world with many such transcendencies And accordingly he is wel secondâ—d by others which say that he is Superillustris and may not be cald so neither because he is so much aboue all Dignitie that our thought cannot extend to his Maiestie And to preuent all opposition against it Baldus in a choler sayes That he that sayes the contrarie Lyes 95 And vpon what place of Scripture may â—hey not build this supremacy and this obedience to it after a Pope who is heire to an Actiue and Passiue infallibility and can neither deceiue nor be deceiued hath extorted from Samuel so long before the Apostolique Sea was established a testimony That not to obey the Apostolique Sea was the sinne of Idolatrie teste Samuele which he iterates againe and againe in diuers other Epistles 96 From this example and from this libertie proceedes that malignity wherewith the later writers wrest euery thing to â—he disgrace of Principality By this authority Symancha drawes into consequence and vrges as a precedent to be imitated the example of the Scythians who killed their king for admitting some new rytes in diuine worshippe Which sayes Simancha was iustly done for the Subiects of hereticall Princes are deliuered from their Iurisdiction And in like maner Schultingius an Epitomizer of Baronius finding in him out of Strabo that in Egypt the Priests had so much authority ouer the Kings that sometimes by a bare message they would put one King to death and erect another and repeating the same gloriously and triumphantly a second time at last in a Marginall note hee claimes the same authority for the Pope when he notes and sayes thereupon The supreame authority of the Clergy is proued against the Caluinists So that we may easily discerne by these examples which they propose for imitation what authority they ayme at But Schultingius might also haue obserued as a prophecy of the ruine of their vsurpation that as soone as a learned and vnderstanding king Ergamenes came amongst them he tooke away that custome 97 From this libertie Bellarmine also to the danger of any Prince differing in any point from the integrity of the Romane profession hath pronounced That Heretiques are depriued of all â—urisdiction euen before excommunication And that therefore an Emperour cannot call a Councell because that must be done in Nomine Christi and that Princes haue not their precedencies as they are members of the Church for so Ecclesiastique Ministers are aboue them 98 And this hath made a Contry-man of ours deliuer
as mischeuous doctrine that the power of excommunication is got by prescription And so saies another great Patron of that greatnesse the Priests obeyed the Kings of Israel but contrarily our Priests doe prescribe ouer the temporall power And Sayr proceedes further and saies that though Panormitane be of opinion That one can prescribe in no more then that which he hath put in practise yet if hee haue so exercised any one act of Iurisdiction as excoÌ„munication is as that he had a will to doe all he prescribes in all And there is no doubt but that when Pius the fift excommunicated he had a good will to Depose also 99 From this also haue proceeded all those enormous deiections of Princes which they cast and deriue vpon al Kings when they speake them of the Emperour for though the later writers are broder with the Emperour and chose rather to exemply in him then in any other Soueraigne Prince vpon this aduantage that they can more easily proue a Supremacy ouer him by reason of the pretended translation of the Empire yet it is a slippery way and conueyance of that power ouer all other Princes since in common intendment and ordinary acceptation no man can be exempt from that to which the Emperour is subiect And of the Emperour they say That not onely he may be guilty of â—reason to the Pope but if a subiect of the Pope offend the Emperour the treason is done to the Pope Yea if it be the Emperours subiect and the iniury done to the Emperour yet this is treason to the Pope So that the Emperour doth but beare his person for in his presence hee must descend and in a Councell his â—eate must be no higher then the Popes footstoole nor any State he hunge ouer his head 100 And from hence also hath growne that Distinction Superstitious on one part Seditious on the other of Mediate and Immediate institution of the two powers for Ecclâ—siastique authority is not so immediate from God that he hath appointed any such certaine Hierarchy which may vpon no occasion suffer any alteration or interuption Nor is secular authority so mediate or dependant vpon men as that it may at any time be extinguished but must euer reside in some forme or other And Bellarmine himselfe confesses That as Aaron was made Priest ouer the Iewes and Peter ouer the Christian Church immediately from God so also some Kings haue beene made so immediately without humane election or any such concurrence So that Regal Digniâ—y hath had as great a dignification in this point from God as Sacerdotall and to neither hath God giuen any necessary obligation of perpetuall enduring in that certaine forme So that that which Bellarmine in another place sayes to be a speciall obseruation wee acknowledge to bee so which is That in the Pope are three things His place his person and the vnion of them the first is onely from Christ the second from those that elect him and the third from Christ by mediation of a humane act And as wee confesse all this in the Pope so hath he no reason to denie it to be also in kings he addes further That the Cardinals are truly said To create the Pope and to be the cause why such a man is Pope and why he hath that power but yet they doe not giue him that power as in generation a father is a cause of the vnion of the body and soule which yet is infused onely from God And in all this we agree with Bellarmine and we adde that all this is common to all supreame secular or Ecclesiastique Magistrates 101 And yet in Hereditary kings there is lesse concurrence or assistance of humane meanes then either in elected kings or in the Pope himselfe for in such secular states as are prouided by election without all controuersie the supreame power in euery vacancy resides in some subiect and inheres in some body which as a Bridge vnites the defunct and the succeeding Prince And how can this be denied to be in the Colledge of Cardinals If as one saies the dominion temporall be then in them and that they in such a vacancy may absolue any whom the Pope might absolue If therefore in all the cases reserued to himselfe as namely in deposing Princes and absoluing subiects he proceed not as he is Pope but as he is spiritual Prince as Bellarmine saies and wee shall haue occasion hereafter to examine If that Colledge may absolue subiects as he might this supreamacy and spirituall Principality resides in them and is transfer'd from them to the Successor 102 Certainely all power is from God And as if a companie of Sauages should consent and concurre to a ciuill maner of liuing Magistracie Superioritie would necessarily and naturally and Diuinely grow out of this consent for Magistracie and Superioritie is so naturall and so immediate from God that Adam was created a Magistrate and he deriu'd Magistracie by generation vpon the eldest Children and as the Schoolemen say if the world had continued in the first Innocency yet there should haue beene Magistracie And into what maner and forme soeuer they had digested and concocted this Magistracie yet the power it-selfe was Immediately from God So also if this Companie thus growen to a Common-wealth should receiue further light and passe through vnderstanding the Law written in all hearts and in the Booke of creatures and by relation of some instructers arriue to a sauing knowledge and Faith in our blessed Sauiours Passion they should also bee a Church and amongst themselues would arise vp lawfull Ministers for Ecclesiastique function though not deriued from any other mother Church though different from all the diuers Hierarchies established in other Churches and in this State both Authorities might bee truely said to bee from God To which purpose Aquinas sayes expressâ—ly and truely That Priesthood that is all Church function before the Law giuen by Moses was as it pleasd men and that by such determination of men it was euer deriued vpon the eldest Sonne And we haue also in the same point Bellarmines voice and confession That in that place of S. Paul to the Ephesians which is thought by many to be so pregnant for the proofe of a certaine Hierarchie The Apostle did not so delineate a certaine and constant Hierarchie but onely reckoned vp those gifts which Christ gaue diuersly for the building vp of the body of the Church 103 To conclude therefore this point of the distinction of Mediate and Immediate Authoritie a Councell of Paris vnder Gregorie the fourth and Lodouicke and Lotharius Emperours which were times and persons obnoxious enough to that Sea hath one expresse Chapter Quod Regnum non ab hominibus sed a Deo detur There it is said Let no King thinke that the Kingdome was preseru'd for him by his Progenitors but he must beleeue that it was giuen him by