he proueth by foure reasons First that wilfull beggery was reproued both by the doctrine of Christ and of the Apostles as in the conclusion before hath bene declared 2. Item a man in taking vpon hym wilfull beggery in so doing should lead himselfe into temptation which were agaynst the Lordes prayer For as muche as Salomon Prouerb 30. saith O Lord beggery and great riches geue me not but onely sufficiency to liue vpon least if I haue to much I be driuen to deny thee say who is the Lord. Agayne if I haue to litle I be forced thereby to steale and to pâ—riure the name of my God Wherfore sayth Eccle. 27. For need many haue offeÌ„ded And therfore they that chuse wilfull pouerty take to them great occasion of temptatioÌ„ 3. Item they that take wilfull pouerty vpon them when they need not induce themselues voluntaryly to break the commaundemeÌ„t of God Thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house c. Agayne where it is commaunded there shal be no begger among you c. 4. Item he that taketh vpon him needles and wilfully to beg maketh himselfe vnapt to receiue holy orders hauing as is sayd no sufficient title thereunto according to the lawes of the Church The 8. conclusioÌ„ of this matter That it is not agreing to the rule of the Friers obseruant to obserue wilfull beggery which saith he may be proued for that Frier Frances both in his rule and in his TestameÌ„t being left to his Franciscans doth plainly preferre labor before begging The 9. and last conclusion of this matter is That the bull of pope Alexander the 4. which condemneth the booke of the maisters of Paris impugneth none of these conclusions premised For the proofe therof he thus inferred 1. First that Pope Iohn the 24. in his constitutioÌ„ beginning thus Quia quorundam affirmeth expresly how Pope Nicholas the 3. reuoked and called backe the sayd Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. and all other writings of his touching all such articles which in the same foresayd constitution of this Pope Iohn be coÌ„reined and declared Wherin also is declared how strayt the pouerty of the friers ought to be which they call wilfull pouerty 2. Item it is manifest and notorious to all men how the sayd Pope Nicholas the 3. in his declaratioÌ„ sheweth how the friers both ought to labor with their handes and how moreouer the sayd Friers ought not to preach within the dioces of any bishop wheresoeuer they be resisted Which being so the conclusion appereth that the bull of Pope Alexander the 4. as touching these articles is voyde and of none effect Beside the which articles there is nothing els in the sayd Bull of Alexander that I remember which unpugneth any of these conclusions premised Many things mo sayd he I had beside these both to obiect and to aunswere again to the same and to confirme more surely and firmely these my reasons and assertions premised But I haue already to much weried your holynesse and your reuerend Lordships here present Wherefore I conclude and humbly and deuoutly beseech you according to my former petition premised in the beginning of this matter that you iudge not after the outward face but iudge ye true iudgement Iohn 7. Ex libro Armachani cui titulus Defensorium Curatorum Notes to be obserued in this former Oration of Armachanus BY this OratioÌ„ of Armachanus the learned Prelate thus made before Pope Innocent and his Cardinals diuers and sundrye thinges there be for the vtility of the Church worthy to be obserued First what troubles and vexations came to the Church of Christ by these Friers Also what persecution foloweth after by the meanes of them agaynst so many learned meÌ„ true seruants of Christ. Furthermore what repugnance and contrariety was among the Popes how they could not agree among themselues about the Friers Fourthly what pestiferous doctrine subuerting welneare the testament of Iesus Christ. Fiftly what decay of ministers in Christes church as appereth pag. 411. Sixtly what robbing and circumuenting of mens children as appeareth pag. 411. Seuenthly what decay of vniuersities as appeareth by Oxforde pag. 411. Eightly what damage to learning and lacke of books to students came by these friers as appeareth pag. 411. Ninthly to what pride vnder coulour of feined humility to what riches vnder dissimuled pouerty they grew vnto here is to be seene In so much that at length through theyr subtle most daungerous hipocrisy they crept vp to be Lordes Archbishops Cardinals at last also Chauncelors of realmes yea and of most secret counsell with king and queenes as appeareth pag. 411. All these things wel coÌ„sidered now remaineth in the church to be marked that forsomuch as these Friers with theyr new fouÌ„d testament of Frier Fraunces not beeing contented with the testameÌ„t of God in his sonne Christ began to spring the same time when as Satan was prophesied to be let loose by the order of the Scripture whether therfore it is to be doubted that these Friers make vp the body of Antechrist which is prophesied to come in the Church or not so much more to be doubted because who so liâ—t to trie shall finde that of all other enemies of Christ of whom some be manifest some be priuy all be together cruel yet is there no such sort of enemies which more sleightly deceiueth the simple christian or more deepely drowneth him in damnation then doth this doctrine of the Friers But of this Oration of Armachanus enough which Oration what successe it had with the Pope by story it is not certain By his own life declared it appereth that the Lord so wrought that his enemies did not triumph ouer him NotwithstaÌ„ding this by story appereth that he was 7. or 8. yeares in banishment for the same matter there died in the same at AuinioÌ„ Of whom a certayne Cardinal hearing of his death openly protested that the same day a mighty piller of Christes church was fallen After the death of Armachanus the Friers had conteÌ„tion likewise with the monkes of Benedictes order about the same yeare 1360. and so remoued theyr cause both against the monkes and agaynst the vniuersity of Oxford vnto the court of Rome wherin seyth the author they lacked an other Richard Ex Botonero By this appeareth to be true which is testified in the first tome of Wald. that loÌ„g debate continued betwene the friers and the vniuersity of Oxford Against whom first stood Robert Brosted bishop of Lincolne aboue mentioned Then Seuallus of Yorke Afterward Ioannes Bachothorpe and now this Armachanus of whom here presently we entreate And after hym agayne Iohn Wickliffe of whom Christ willing we will speake hereafter Ex Waldeno Against this foresayd Armachanus wrote diuers Friers Roger Conaway a Franciscan Iohn HeyldeshaÌ„ Carmelite Balfridus Hardby frier Augustine Also frier Engelbert a Dominican in a booke intituled Defensorium priuilegiorum
c. Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying out of which you cannot digresse do charge me farther that I do appoint out holy dayes and working daies by colours of red and blacke in my foresayd Calendare to be obserued these leude notes of yours if they had bene picked out of my Calendare by you wythout myne owne special declaration before made to the contrary they might seeme to haue some blush of credite Now what wil the reader say or what may he iudge cōsidering and conferring thys your cauilling with the matter of my premonition made before but that you are al together set to play the perpetuall Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope But God make you as I said a good man Reading further in your boke I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum where as you cōparing my making of saints with the Popes making can finde as ye say in the Pope no such impudent arrogancie in presuming as ye finde in me c. If the Pope had not abused hys arrogant iurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saintes more then I haue done the yeare should not be combred wyth so many idle holy dayes nor the Calendares wyth so many raskall Saintes some of them as good as euer were they that put Christ to death But where will you finde M. Cope any man to beleue thys your hyperbolical comparison to be true whych seeth and knoweth the infinit and vnmeasurable excesse of the Popes arrogancie not only in shrining such a rable of blind saintes of his owne creating but also in prescribing the same to be receaued vniuersally in the whole worlde and not to be receaued onely but also to be inuocated for gifts and graces also to be worshipped for aduocates and mediatours Wherin riseth a double abhomination of the pope the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saintes the other for his blasphemous iniurie and derogation to Christe in repulsing him out of his office of mediation placing other mediatours of his owne making And nowe to consider what Saintes these were or what were the causes of their sancting what S. almost among all the Popes Saintes shall you finde M. Cope made within these 500. yeres but commonly he was eithe some Pope or some rich Bishop and Prelate or some fat abbat or some blind Frier some Monke or Nunne some superstitious regulare or some builder of monasteries or some geuer and benefactour to the popish clergy or mainteiner agonising for the dignities and liberties of the Popyshe church What poore lay man or lay womā were their liues neuer so Christian their faith and confession neuer so pure their death neuer so agonising for the witnes of Christ and truth of his word shall finde any place or fauour in all the Popes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in the Popes Calendar either in red colour or els in blacke But heere M. Cope if yee had the wit somuch to defend as yee haue to ouerwhart you myght take mee wyth the maner and replie againe for the defence of your great Saintmaker or rather Godmaker of Rome that he maketh mo martyrs Saints of these foresayd poore laymen laywomen then euer he did of any other For he burneth them he hangeth them hee drowneth them imprisoneth famisheth them so maketh truer martyrs of Christ then any other of his new shrined saints whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar For the one he doth rubricate only with his red letters the other he doth rubricate with their owne bloud And therefore to aunswere you M. Cope to your comparison made betwene the pope and me for making of holy Martyrs and Saintes Briefly I say and report me to al the world y◠herein is no comparison For if ye speake of true Martyrs who doth make them but the pope if ye speake of fals martyrs who doth make them but the pope And farthermore to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saintes in my Calendare wyth them whyche shine shrined in the Popes Calendare taking the same proportion of time as I do wythin these last 500. yeares why may not I haue as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar which lost their liues and were slain principally for the cause of Christ and of hys word as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saintes in hys Calendar who in their doinges doctrine and life as they seemed rather to serue the Pope then Christ the Lord so in their death appeared no such cause why they shuld be sanctified in the church beyond all other Let not the Church of Christ M. Cope be deluded with hypocritical names nor fained apparitions and fabulous miracles neither be you deceiued your selfe but let vs resort sincerely to the worde of God What was in S. Fraunces looke vpon his superstitious life presumptuous testament wrought no dout by Sathan to diminish and obscure the Testament of Iesus Christ why he should be made a Saint and not an enemy rather of Christ What was likewise in Frier Dominicke who before Fraunces x. yeares together persecuted the poore Waldenses to death and destruction why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket but that he died for the ambitious libertyes of the popishe church What in Aldelmus and in Anselmus but only that they chased away maried priests from the churches and planted in idle Monkes in their steade The like also did Dunstanus who was rubricated wyth a duplex festum Elizabeth who was the wife of the Marquesse of Thuring when shee had with much perswasions got out her husbande to fight against the Turkes and was there slaine she afterward encloystered her selfe and was made a Nunne And doe you thinke these causes to be sufficient why they shuld be made saintes worshipped in churches and set in Calendares Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraffe and almost infinite One example may suffice for many S. Gilbert of Sempringhā was the sonne of Iocelin a knight who for his deformitie of his body was set to learning afterward made Chanon and was author of the Gilbertines in the time of king Iohn This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of hys order of Sempringham was afterwarde labored for vnto the Pope to be made a Saint Who hearing of hys myracles wrote hys letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury in the behalfe of the foresayd Gilbert willing commaundyng per Apostolica scripta that the feast of the sayde Gilbert shoulde be solemnised through all the prouince of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius precibus apud misericordissimum iudicem misericordiam consequamur c. Whereuppon Hubert the Archb. directeth downe hys wrytings to all the bishops within hys prouince
may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD nor the health of the Churche Item that the preceptes and commaundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and standing with the trueth of the word Item that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne except God commaund him before He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen but rather shut it as the Phariseis did Concerning vowes he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile ought to be brokē that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Prelates and not to receiue euery thing that they say without due examination He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommunication is of more force proceeding from a true godly honest simple and learned men then from the Pope as in the Councell of Constance Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius Also if the pope with hys prelates gouern and rule naughtely that the inferiours be they neuer so base ought to resist him Writing moreouer of two Popes Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth he sayth that Pius the second dyd vsurpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall not onely with suche othes as haue bene already but also with all suche as shal be made hereafter which was nothing els but to geue libertie and licence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne and now aged in yeares vpon a certayne time when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius came to hym sayd these wordes Well my childe thou shalt lyue to that day when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines as Thomas and Bonauenture with others of the same sort shal be vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines And thys which Oftendorpius then being young heard Weselus to speake he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus which wrote this story an 1520. heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus an 1490. Martij 18. Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe of Rodolphus Agricola sayth that Iosquinus Groningonsis an auncient and a godly man reported that when as he was young he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus wherein they many times lamented the darckenes of the church and reprehended the abuses of the Masse and of the single life of priestes Item that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate that men be iustified by faith and not by workes the same Iosquine also reported that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks which say that men be iustified by their works Item concerning mens traditiōs their opinion was that all suche were deceiued whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship or that they could not be broken And thus much for the story of doctour Wesellianus and Wesilus By this it may be seene and noted how by the grace of God and gift of printing first came forth learning by learning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of the pope from the truth of Gods word as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by the grace of Christ shall better be seene About the very same tyme and season when as the Gospell began thus to braunch spring in Germanie the host of Christes church began also to muster to multiply likewise here in Englād as by these historyes here consequent may appeare For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494. and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill was burned a very old woman named Ioane Boughton widow and mother to the Lady Young which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more held 8. of Wickleffes opinions which opiniōs my author doth not shew for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abouesayd My author sayth she was a Disciple of Wickleffe whome she accompted for a Sainct and helde so fast and firmly viij of his x. opinions that all the Doctours of Lōdon coulde not turne her from one of them and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie false beliefe shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes but defied them for the sayde she was so beloued of God and hys holy aungels that she passed not for the fire in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes The night following that she was burnt the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mother in the yeare of our Lord 1497. and the 17. of Ianuary being Sonday two men the one called Richard Milderale and the other Iames Sturdy bare Fagots before the procession of Paules and after stoode before the preacher in the time of hys Sermon And vpon the sonday following stood other two men at Paules crosse all the sermon tyme the one garnished with paynted written papers the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse And on the sonday next following foure men stoode and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse. FUrthermore the next yeare following whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye the king then being at Canterbury was a priest burnt which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes doctors then there beyng coulde not remoue him from his sayth whereof the king beyng enformed caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke and so he was burnt immediately The burning of Babram ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing that xx day of Iuly was an old mā burnt in Smithfield IN the same yeare also which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola a man no lesse godly in hart then constant in his profession Who being a Monke in Italy singularly well learned preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order compsayning fore vpō thē as the springes and authors of all mischieues wickednes
they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay Let vs take away the iust man because he is not profitable for vs Wherfore let them eat the fruits of their workes Therfore they went vp to throwe doune the iust man and said among themselues let vs stone this iust man Iames they toke him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead wheÌ„ he was cast doune but he turning fell doune vpon his knees saying O Lord God Father I beseech thee to forgeue them for they know not what they do But wheÌ„ they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas the sonne of Charobim spake to them the testimonie which is in Ieremie the Prophet leaue off what do ye The iust man praieth for you And one of those which were present tooke a Fullers instrument wherwith they did vse to beat and purge cloth and smote the iust man on his head and so he finished his Martyrdome and they buried him in the same place his piller abideth yet by the temple He was a true testimonie to the Iewes and the Gentiles And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperour destroying the land of Iewrie brought them into captiuitie These thinges being thus written at large of Egesippus do well agree to those which Clement did write of him This Iames was so notable a man that for his iustice he was had in honour of all men in so much that the wise men of the Iewes shortly after his Martyrdome did impute the cause of the besieging of Ierusalem and other calamities which happened vnto theÌ„ to no other cause but vnto the violence and iniurie done to this man Also Iosephus hath not left this out of his historie where he speaketh of him after this maner These things so chanced vnto the Iewes for a vengeance because of that iust man Iames which was the brother of Iesu whoÌ„ they called Christ for the Iewes killed him although he was a righteous man The same Iosephus declareth his death in the same booke and chapter saying Caesar hearing of the death of Festus sent Albinus the Lieuetenant into Iewrie but Ananus the yonger being bishop and of the sect of the Saduces trusting that he had obtained a conuenient tyme seing that Festus was dead and Albinus entred on his iourney he called a Councell and calling many vnto him among whom was Iames by name the brother of Iesu which is called Christ he stoned them accusing them as breakers of the law Whereby it appeareth that many other besides Iames also the same tyme were Martyred and put to death amoÌ„g the Iewes for the faith of Christ. A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church THese thinges being thus declared for the Martyrdome of the Apostles and the persecutioÌ„ of the Iewes Now let vs by the grace of Christ our Lord comprehend with like breuitie the persecutions raised by the Romaines against the Christians in the Primitiue age of the Church during the space of 300. yeares till the comming of godly Constantine which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius and by the most part of writers to the number of x. most speciall Wherin meruailous it is to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slaine and tormented some one way some an other As Rabanus saith saith truly Alij ferro perempti Alij flammis exusti Alij flagris verberati Alij vectibus perforati Alij cruciati patibulo Alij demersi pelagi periculo Alij viui decoriati Alij vinculis mancipati Alij linguis priuati Alij lapidibus obruti Alij frigore afflicti Alij fame cruciati Alij truncatis manibus aliÃsue caesis membris spectaculum contumeliae nudi propter nomen Domini portantes c. That is Some slaine with sword Some burnt with fire Some with whips scourged Some stabbed in with forkes of iron Some fastned to the crosse or gibbet Some drowned in the sea Some their skinnes pluckt of Some their tongues cut off Some stoned to death Some killed with cold Some starued with hunger Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembred haue bene so left naked to the open shame of the world c. Whereof Augustine also in his booke De Ciuit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith Ligabantur includebantur caedebantur torquebantur vrebantur laniabantur trucidabantur multiplicabantur non pugnantes pro salute sed salutem contemnentes pro seruatore Whose kindes of punishments although they were diuers yet the maner of constancie in all these Martyrs was one And yet notwithstaÌ„ding the sharpenes of these so many and sundry tormeÌ„ts and like cruelnes of the tormentors yet such was the nuÌ„ber of these constant Saintes that suffered or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints that as Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius and Heliodorus saith Nullus esset dies qui non vltra quinque millium numerum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum Ianuarij That is There is no day in the whole yeare vnto which the nuÌ„ber of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed except onely the first day of Ianuary * The first Persecution THe first of these x. persecutions was stirred vp by Nero Domitius the vj. Emperour before mentioned about the yeare of our Lord 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperour was so fierce against the Christians as Eusebius recordeth Vsque adeò vt videres repletas humanis corporibus ciuitates iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes foemi narúmque absque vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico reiectáque starent cadauera That is In so much that a man might then see cities lye full of mens bodies the old there lying together with the yong and the dead bodies of women cast out naked without all reuerence of that sexe in the opeÌ„ streets c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero saith that he was the first which in Rome did raise vp persecution against the Christians and not onely in Rome but also through all the prouinces therof thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places c. Whereunto accordeth moreouer the testimonie of Hierome vpon Daniel saying thà t many there were of the Christians in those dayes which seyng the filthy abominations and intollerable crueltie of Nero thought that he should be Antichrist c. In this persecution among many other Saintes the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death and crucified as some doe write at Rome albeit othersome and not without cause doe doubt thereof concerning whose lyfe and hystory because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospell and in the Actes of S. Luke chap. 4.5 12. I neede not heere to make any great repetytion therof As touching the cause and maner of hys death diuers ther be which make relation as Hierome Egesippus Eusebius
held his peace as dombe speachles The boy ranne it was then night vnto the minister who at the same time being sicke could not come with the messenger but sayde for somuch as he willed herretofore as he sayde that such as lay a dying if they couet to be receaued reconciled and especially if they required it earnestly should be admitted wherby with the better hope confidence they may depart hence therefore he gaue to the boy a litle of the Eucharist willing him to crumble it into the cup so to drop it into the mouth of the olde man With this the boy returned bringing with him the holy Eucharist As he was now nere at hād before he had entred in Serapiō the old mā speaking againe cōmest thou sayd he my sonne The Priest quoth the messenger is sicke can not come but do as he willeth you let me go And the boy immixed the Eucharist dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old mā Who after he had tasted a litle immediatly gaue vp the Ghost c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus. In the Citie of Troade as the Proconsul was grieuously tormenting one Nicomachus he cried out that he was no Christian and so was let downe againe And when after he had sacrificed he was taken eftsoones with a wicked spirite and so throwen downe vpon the ground where he byting of his toung with his teeth so departed Henr. de Erfordia Dionysius in his Epistles also writyng to Fabius and lamentyng the great terrour of this persecution declareth how that many woorthy and notable Christians for feare and horror of the great tiranny therof did shew themselues feeble and weake men Of whome some for dread some of their owne accord other after great torments suffered yet after reuolted from the constancy of their profession Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis reciteth with great sorrow and testifieth how that a great number at the first threatnyng of the aduersary neither beyng cōpelled nor thrown downe with any violence of the enemy but of their volūtary weakenes fell downe themselues Neither sayth he tarying while the iudge should put incense in their hands but before any stroke stroken in the fielde turned their backes played the cowards not only commyng to their sacrifices but preuētyng the same and pretending to come without compulsion bringing moreouer theyr infantes children eyther put into their hands or taking them with them of their owne accord and exhortyng moreouer other to do the lyke after their example Of this weaknesse and falling the said author sheweth two causes either loue of their goodes and patrimonie or feare of torments And addeth moreouer examples of the punishmentes of them which so reuolted affirmyng that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites And of one man among other which after his voluntary deniall sodainly was stroken dombe Agayn an other after his abiuration as he should communicate with other in stead of bread receiued ashes in his hād Itē of a certayn mayden who beyng taken vexed with a sprite did teare her owne toung with her teeth and tormented with paine in her bellie and inward partes so deceased Among other of this sort S. Cyprian Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Aphrica who leauing his charge and making a shipwracke of his faith went wandering about in other countreys forsakyng his owne flocke In like maner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon who forsakyng his Deaconship and takyng the goods of the Church with him fled away into other countreys c. Albeit Bergomensis geueth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward dyed a Martyr Thus then although some did relent yet a very great nūber saith he there was whom neither feare could remoue nor pain could ouerthrow to cause them to betray their confession but that they stoode like glorious Martyrs vnto the ende Cyprian The same Cyprianus also in an other booke De mortalitate reciteth a notable story of one of his owne Colleges and fellow Priest who beyng oppressed with weaknesse and greatly afrayd with death drawyng at hand desired leaue to depart and to be discharged As he was thus entreating and almost now dying there appeared by him a yong man of an honorable and of reuerend maiestie of a tall stature and comely behauior so bright cleare to behold that scarce mans carnall eyes was able to beare the beholding of him but that he was able so to do which was now redy to depart this world To whom this yong man speaking with a certaine indignation of mynd and voyce thus said Pati timetis exire non vultis quid faciam vobis To suffer ye dare not to goe out ye will not what would ye me to do vnto you Upon the occasion of these and such other which were a great number that fell and did renounce as is aforesaid in this persecution of Decius rose vp first the quarell heresie of Nouatus who in these dayes made a great disturbance in the church holding this opinion that they which once renounced the faith and for feare of torments had offred incense to the idols although they repented therefore yet could not afterward be reconciled nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Nouatus beyng first Priest vnder Cyprian at Carthage afterward by stirring vp discord and factions began to disturbe the Bishopricke of Cyprian to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus agaynst the bishops mynd or knowledge also to allure and separate certayne of the brethren from the Bishop all which Cyprian Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare After this the sayd Nouatus goyng to Rome kept there the like stirre with Cornelius as the same Cornelius in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testifie settyng himselfe vp as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius which was the lawfull Bishop of Rome before The which to bring to passe he vsed this practise first he had allured to him to be his adherents thre or foure of good men and holy confessours which had suffered before great tormentes for their confession whose names were Maximus Vrbanus Sydonius and Celerinus After this he entised three simple bishops about the coastes of Italy to repayre to Rome vnder pretence to make an end of certain cōtrouersies then in hand This done he caused the same whether by making them dronke or by other craftye counsell to lay theyr handes vpon him and to make him Bishop so did Wherefore the one of those three Byshops hardly was receiued to the communion by the great intercession of his people the other two by discipline of the church were displaced from their Byshoprickes other possessed with their roomes Thus then were there two Byshops together in one church of Rome Nouatus and Cornelius which was vnsemely contrary to the discipline of the Church And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S.
to note by the waye because this distinction is fathered vpon Cyprian which is false for this Cyprian was not in the time of Iulian not by 200. yeares and so likewise by the other Cyprian which died Martyr vnder Diocletian Of anye Cyprian besides these two we read not Neither is it credible that if there were any such Cyprian he would euer haue written of any such matter of the difference and mutuall nede of ChristiaÌ„ Emperours and Christen Popes When as that Emperour being an Apostata neither regarded Christ nor cared for any Pope About this tyme and vnder the same Emperour Valerianus suffered also Xistus or Sixtus the seconde of that name Byshop of Rome who being accused of his aduersaries to be a ChristiaÌ„ was brought with his vj. deacons to the place of execution where he with Nemesius other hys Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdome Laurence in the same time being also Deacon folowed after complayning to Xistus as one being greued that he might not also suffer with him but to be secluded as the sonne froÌ„ the father To whom the Bishop aunswering againe declared that within thre daies he should folow after In the meane time hee willed him to go home and to distribute his treasures if he had any vnto the poore The iudge belike hearing mentioÌ„ to be made of treasures to be giuen to the poore and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his custody coÌ„maunded him to bring the same vnto him according as the discourse of his storye here vnder written more fully may appeare Which history because it is set foorth more at large in Prudentius Ambrose and other writers and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader we haue therfore with the more dilygence here inserted the more ample description of the same to the further admiration of his patience and God his glory shewed in him Now then as order requireth let vs enter the story of that most constaunt and couragious Martir of Christ S. Laurence whose words and works deserue to be as freshe and greene in Christian harts as is the florishing Laurel tree This thirsty hart longing after the water of lyfe desirous to passe vnto it through the straight doore of bitter death when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde Xistus led as an harmles lambe of harmefull tyrauntes to his death cried out with open mouth and hart inuincible saying O deare father whether goest thou without the company of thy deare sonne Whether hastenest thou O reuerend Priest without thy Deacon Neuer wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister What cryme is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod Hast thou proued me vnnaturall Now try swete father whether thou hast chosen a faithfull minister or not Deniest thou vnto him the fellowship of thy bloud to whom thou hast committed the destribution of the Lordes bloud See that thy iudgement be not misliked whilest thy fortitude is liked lauded The abasing of the scholer is the disgracing of the Maister What haue we not learned that worthy Maisters haue obtained most worthy same by the worthy actes of their Disciples and Scholers Finally Abraham sacryficed his onely begotten Isaac Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Peâ—er euen so father declare thy manifold vertues by me thy sonne Offer thou him that proferreth him selfe Graunt that the body of thy scholer may be sacrificed whose mind with good letters thou hast beautefied These wordes with teares S. Laurence vttered not becauâ—e his master should suffer but for that he might not be suffered to tast of deaths cup which he thirsted aâ—ter Then Xistus to his sonne shaped this aunswere I forsake thee not O my sonne I giue thee to wit that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee A feeble and weak old man am I and therefore run the rase of a lighter easier death But lusty and young thou art and more lustely yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph ouer this tiraunt Thy time approcheth cease to wepe lament three daies after thou shalt follow me Decent is it that this space of time come betwene the Priest the Leuite It may not beseeme thee O sweete Pupill to triumphe vnder thy master least it be said he wanted an helper Why crauest thou to be pertaker with me in my passion I bequeath vnto thee the whole inheritaunce Why requirest thou to enioy my presence let weake scholers go before and the stroÌ„ger come after that those without maister may get the victory which haue no neede by maister to be gouerned So Helias left behynde him his beloued Heliseus I yeelde vp into thy handes the succession of my vertues Such was their contention not vnmeete for so godly a priest so zelous a minister striuing with themselues who shoulde first suffer for the name of Christ Iesu. In tragical histories we haue it mentioned that through ioy admiration people claped their handes wheÌ„ Pylades named himselfe Orestes Orestes as truth it was affirmed himselfe to bee Orestes Pylades wishing to die for Orestes Orestes not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake But neither of them might escape death for both these louers were gilty of bloud the one committing the facte the other consenting But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant was by no meanes enforced to make this profer sauing onely by his ardent zeale and feruent spirite who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme Now let vs draw neare to the fire of Martyred Laurence that our colde hartes may be warmed thereby The mercylesse tyraunt vnderstanding this vertuous Leuite not onely to be a minister of the Sacramentes but a distributer also of the Church riches whereof mention is made before in the wordes of Xistus promised to himselfe a double pray by the appresion of one silly soule First with the rake of Auarice to scrape to himselfe the treasuâ—e of poore Christians then with the firy forke of tyranny so to tosse and turmoyle them that they should waxe weary of their Christian profession With furious face and cruell countenaunce the greedy wolfe demaunded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substaunce of the Church Who crauing three dayes respite promised to declare where the treasure might he had In the meane time he caused a good number of poore Christians to be congregated So when the day of his aunswere was come the persecutor straightly charged him to staÌ„d to hys promise Then valiant LaureÌ„ce stretching out his armes ouer the poore sayde These are the precious treasure of the church These are the treasure in deede in whom the faith of Christ raigneth in whome Iesus Christ hath his mansion place What more precious Iuels can Christ haue theÌ„ those in whoÌ„ he hath promised to dwel For so it is written I was hungry ye gaue me to eate I was thirsty and
reuoke this thy wickednes Behold what pleasures thou maiest enioy by the honorable house thou camest of Thy fallen house and progenie followeth thee to death with lamentable teares the heauy nobility of thy kindred maketh dolfull lamētation for thee What meanest thou wilt thou kill thy self so younge a flower so neare these honorable mariages and great dowries that thou mayest enioy Doth not the glistering and golden pompe of the bried bed moue thee Doth not the reuerende pietie of thyne Auncitours pricke thee whom is it not but that this thy rashnes and weakenes sorroweth behold here the furniture ready prepared for thy terrible death Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword or else with these wild beastes shalt thou be pulled in peeces or els thou being cast into the fiery flames shal be although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks consumed to ashes What great matter is it for thee I pray thee to escape al this If thou wilt but take put with thy fingers a little salt incense into the censers thou shalt be deliuered from al these punishmēts To this Eulalia made no aunswere but being in a great furye shee spitteth in the tirauntes face she throweth downe the Idoles and spurneth abroad with her feete the heape of incense prepared to the censers then without further delay the hangmen with both their strengthes tooke her puld one ioynte from an other and with the talantes of wilde beastes scotched her sides to the hard bodes she all this while singing and praysing God in this wise Beholde O Lord I will not forget thee what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victoryes to attayne vnto these high dignities and still calleth vpon that holy name al stained and embrued with her owne bloude This sang she with a bold stomacke neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly but being glad and mery abandonyng from her mind all heauines and griefe when as out of a warme fountain her mangled members with fresh bloud bathed her white and fayre skinne Then proceede they to the last and final torment which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the yron grat hurdle and terrible harrowing of her flesh but burned on euery side with flaming torches her tormented brests and sides her heare hanging about her shoulders in two parts deuided wherewith her shamefast chastitie and virginitie was couered reached downe to the ground but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face kindled by her heare and reacheth the crowne of her head thē she desiring swift death opened her mouth and swalowed the flame and so rested shee in peace The sayde Prudentius and Ado also Equilinus adde moreouer writinge of a white doue issuing out of her mouth at her departing and of the fire quenched about her body also of her body couered miraculously wyth snow with other things more wherof let euery reader vse hys owne iudgement As ye haue heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia much worthy of praise commendation So no lesse commendation is worthely to be giuen to blessed Agnes that constant Damsell and martir of God who as she was in Rome of honorable parentes begotten so lyeth she there as honorably intombed buried Whiche Agnes for her vnspotted vndefiled virginitie deserueth no greater praise and commendation then for her willing death and martirdome Some writers make of her a long discourse more in my iudgement then necessary reciting diuers sundry straunge miracles by her done in the processe of her history which partly for tediousnes partly for the doubtfulnes of the author whome some father vpon Ambrose and partly for the straungenes and incredibilitie therof I omit being satisfied with that which Prudentius brefly writeth of her as foloweth Shee was sayth hee yong not mariageable when first she being dedicated to Christ boldly resisted the wicked Edictes of the Emperor least that through idolatry she might haue denied and forsaken the holy faith but yet first proued by diuers and sundry pollicies to induce her to the same as now with the flattering and intising words of the Iudge now with the threatnings of the storming executioner stoode notwythstanding stedfast in al couragious strength and willingly offered her body to hard painful torments not refusing as she sayd to suffer whatsoeuer it should be yea though it were death it selfe Then said the cruell tyraunt if to suffer paine torment be so easie a matter and lightly regarded of thee that thou accomptest thy life nothing woorth yet the shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know and esteemed of thee Wherefore this is determined that vnles thou wilt make obeisaunce to the aultar of Minerua and aske forgiuenes of her for thy arrogancy thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the cōmon stewes or brothelhouse Agnes the virgine with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerua her verginitie the youth in sculs flocke and runne togither and craue that they may haue Agnes their ludibrious pray thē saith Agnes Christ is not so forgetfull of those that be hys that he wil suffer violently to be taken frō them their golden and pure chastitie neither wil he leaue them so destitute of helpe he is alwaies at hande and ready to fight for such as are shamfast and chast virgines neither suffereth he his giftes of holy integritie or chastitie to be polluted Thou shalt sayth shee willingly bathe thy sworde in my bloud if thou wilt but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing thou canst doe She had no sooner spoken these wordes but he commaunded that she should be set naked at the corner of some streete whiche place at that time such as were strumpets cōmonly vsed the greater part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameles a sight went their wayes some turninge their heades some hiding their faces But one amongst the rest with vncircumcised eies beholding the Damsell and that in such opprobrious wise behold a flame of fire lyke vnto a flash of lightning falleth vpō him striketh his eies out of his head wherupon he for dead falling to the groūd sprauleth in the chanel durt whose cōpanions taking him vp carrying him away bewayled him as a dead man But the virgin for this her miraculous deliuery from the danger and shame of that place singeth prayses vnto God and Christ. There be saith Prudentius that report how that shee beyng desired to pray vnto Christ for the partie that a litle before with fire frō heauen for hys incōtinency was stricken was restored by their prayer both vnto hys perfect health sight But blessed Agnes after that she had climed this her first griefe and step vnto the heauēly pallace forthwith began to clime an other for fury ingendring now the mortall
by the sworde both in Citie and in Towne some beyng sought for some offeryng themselues willyngly least they shoulde seeme by their sylence to deny Christ. Thus al the Christians that could be founde without pitie were slaine and diuers also of the kinges owne court and housholde Amonge whome was also Azades an Eunuche and whome the Kyng did entirely loue and fauour Which Asades after that the King vnderstoode to be put to death beyng greatly mooued with the sorrow thereof commaunded after that no Christians to bee slayne but them onely which were the Doctours and teachers of Chrystian Religion In the same tyme it happened that the Queene fell into a certaine disease vpon the occasion whereof the cruell Iewes with the wicked Magicians falsely and malicyously accused Trabula the sister of Symeon the Martyr a godly Uirgine with an other sister also of hers that they had wrought pryuie charmes to hurt the Queene for the reuenging of the death of Symeon This accusation beyng receaued and beleeued innocent Trabula with the other were condemned and with a sawe cut in sunder by the middle Whose quarters were then hanged vpon stakes the Queene goyng betweene them thinking thereby to be deliuered of her sickenes This Trabula was a mayde of a ryght comelye beauty and verye amiable to whome one of the Magicians cast great loue much desiring and labouryng by gyftes and rewardes sent into the pryson to wynne her to hys pleasure promising that if she woulde applye to hys request shee shoulde bee deliuered and set at lybertye But she vtterly refusing to consente vnto hym or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt dyd chuse rather to dye then to betray eyther the Religion of her minde or the virginitie of her body Zozom Now forsomuch as the king had cōmaunded that no Christians should be put to death but onely such as were the teachers and leaders of the flocke the Magicians and Archmagitians left no diligence vntried to set forward the matter Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Byshops and teachers of the Church which in all places went to slaunghter especially in the country of Diabenor for that part of Persia aboue al other was most Christian. Where Acepsimas the Byshop with a great number of his flocke and clergy were apprehended and taken vpon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfie the kings commaundement dismissed al the rest onely depriuing them of their liuing and goods Onely Acepsimas the bishop they retayned with whom one Iacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also ioined not of any compulsion but onely as himselfe so desired and obtained of those Magicians that he might folow him be coupled in the same bonds to serue the aged byshop and to relieue so much as he might his calamities and heale his woundes For he had bene sore scourged before of the Magians after they had apprehended him and brought him to worshippe the sunne which thing because he would not do they cast him into prison againe where this Iacobus was waiting vpō him At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprysoned and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lorde Iesus After this the Archimagus espying his time complaineth to the king of them hauing authoritie and commission giuen him vnles they would worship the sunne to punish them as he pleased This commaundement receyued of the king the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison But they aunswered againe plainely that they would neuer be either betraiers of Christ or worshippers of the sunne wherupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ endureth to death The other being no lesse rent wounded with scourges yet cōtinued meruailously aliue And because they woulde in no case turne from their constant sentence were turned againe into prison Of whome Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawne rackt with pulling that both his armes being loosed out of the ioynts hanged downe from his body which he so caried about without vse of any hande to feede himselfe but as he was fed of other Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters vnder the raigne of this Sapores of Byshops Ministers Deacons religious men holy virgins and other ecclesiasticall persons such as did then cleaue to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following Barbasymes Paulus Gaddiabes Sabinus Mareas Mocius Iohannes Hormisdas Papas Iacobus Romas Maares Agas Bochres Abdas Abiesus Ioannes Abramius Agdelas Sabores Isaac Dausas Bicor also with Maureanda his fellow bishop and the rest of his Churches vnder hym to the number of 250. persons which were the same time apprehended of the Persians c. Briefly to cōprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution the maner of their apprehension the cruelnes of their tormēts how and where they suffered in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg Neither are the Persians them selues as Zozomenus recordeth able to recyte them In summe the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name commeth to the summe of xvj thousand men and women The rumor and noyse of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdome of Persia comming to the eares of Constantinus the Emperour put him in great heauines studing and reuoluing with himselfe howe to helpe the matter which in deede was very hard for him to do It so befell the same time that certaine Embassadours were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia to whom Constantinus did easely graunt and consent satisfying all their requestes and demaundes thinking thereby to obtaine the more friendship at the kings handes that at hys request he would be good to the Christians to whome he writeth his Epistle in their behalfe and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco Per ea igitur quibus illa res agēdas confirmat sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd◠hunc m◠cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor c. Eusebius de vita Constantinus lib. 4. The contentes whereof briefly do tende to this effect Declaring vnto him how he should stand much beholden to him if at his request he would shew some quiet and rest to the Christians In whose religion there was nothing which he could iustly blame For so much as in their sacrifices they vse to kil nothing nor to shed no bloud but only to offer vp vnbloudy sacrifices to make their praiers vnto God who delighteth not in bloud shedding but onely in the soule that loueth
returned into england Of whose sodain comming Canutus being vnprouided fled to Sandwich And there cutting of the noses and handes of the pledges which his father left with him sayled into Denmarke who the next yere returned againe with a great nauy and landed in the South country Wherfore the eldest sonne of king Egelrede called Edmond Ironside made prouision with the ayd of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him But Edrike fayning himselfe sicke came not but deceiued him For as it was after proued Edrike had promised his allegeance to Canutus By reason wherof Canutus entred the country of Westsaxon forced the people to be sworn vnto him and to geue him pledges In this season king Egelred being at london was taken with great sickenes there dyed and was buried in the Northside of Paules church behind the quire after he had raigned vnprosperously 36. yeares leauing after him his sayd eldest sonne Edmond Ironside and Alphred and Edward which were in Normandy sent thither before as is aboue rehersed This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies yet he with his counsail gaue forth wholsome lawes Whereof this is one parcell conteinyng good rules and lessons for all Iudges and Iustices to learne and follow OMnis ludex iustus misericordiam iudicium liberet in omnibus vt inprimis per rectam scientiam dicat emendationeÌ„ secundum culpam eam tamen admensuret propter indulgentiam Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis iudicibus secunduÌ„ rectum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonaÌ„dae Iudicia debent esse sine omni haderunga quod non parcatur diuiti alicui vel egeno amico vel-inimico ius publicum recitari Nihil autem iniustius est quà m susceptio muneruÌ„ pro iudicio subuertendo Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum subuertunt verba iustorum Dominus Iesus dixit In quo iudicio iudicaueritis iudicabimini Timeat omnis iudex ac diligat Deum iudicem suum ne in die iudioij mutus fiat humiliatus ante oculos iudicis cuncta videntis Qui innocentem opprimit dimittit noxium pro pecunia vel amicitia vel odio vel quacunque factione opprimetur ab omnipotente iudice Et nullus Dominus nulla potestas stultos aut improbos iudices constituaÌ„t quia stultus per ignauiam improbus per cupiditatem vitat quam didicit veritatem Grauiùs enim laceraÌ„tur pauperes à prauis iudicibus quà m à cruentis hostibus Nullus hostis acerbior nulla pestis efficacior quà m familiaris inimicus Potest aliquoties homo fuga vel defensione vitare prauos inimicos Non ita possunt iudices quoties aduersus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur Saepe etiam boni iudices habent malos vicarios ministros nephaÌ„dos quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur si non â—os coerceant à rapacitate cohibeant Quia dominus minister seculorum ait Non solùm malè agentes sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte Saepe etiam praui iudices iudicium peâ—uertunt vel respectant non finiunt causam donec voluntas eorum impleatur Et quando iudicant non opera sed munera considerant Impij iudices iuxta verbum sapientum sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant vsque mane id est de praesenti solum vita cogitant de futura nihil considerant Malorum praepositorum mos est vt quicquid possunt auferant vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi Iracundus iudex non potest attendere rectam iudicij satisfactionem Nam per furoris excoecationem non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem Iustum iudicium vbi non persona consideratur Scriptum est Non attendas personam hominis in iudicio nec pro aliquo facies vt à vero declines iniustè iudices Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis Ex historia bibliothecae Iornal Of this king Egelred I find noted in the booke of Rog. Houed that he deposed and depriued from all possessions a certayne Iudge or Iusticer named Walgeatus the sonne of one Leonet for false iudgemeÌ„t and other proud doings whom notwithstanding he loued aboue all other Edmund Ironside a Saxon and Canutus a Dane Kings together in England AFter the death of Egelred variaunce fell betwene the Englishmen for the election of their king For the citizens of London with certayne other Lordes named Edwyne the eldest sonne of Egelred a yong man of lusty and valiant courage in martial adueÌ„tures both hardy wise and could very well endure all paynes Wherfore he was surnamed Irenside But the more of the Lordes fauoured Canutus the sonne of Swanus especially the Abbots Bishoppes and men of the spiritualtye which before had sworne to his father By meanes whereof betwene these two martial princes were fought many great battels first in Dorsetshyre where Canutus was compelled to flie the field And after that they fought an other battayle in Worcetershire so sore that none could tell who had the better but either for wearines or for lacke of day they departed one from the other and on the next morow fought againe but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field After this they met in Mercia there fought agayne where Edmond as storyes say by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia whom he before had receiued to sauour had the worse Thus many great conflicts there were betwene these 2. princes But vpon a season when the hosts were redy to ioyne and a certayne time of truce taken before battayle a knight of the party of Edmond stode vp vpon a high place and sayd these wordes Daylye we dye and none hath the uictorye And when the knightes be dead on either part then the Dukes compelled by need shall accord or els they must fight alone And this kingdome is now sufficient for 2. men whiche some time sufficed 7. But if the couetousnesse of Lordship in these twayne be so great that neither can be content to take part and liue by the other nor the one vnder the other then let them fight alone that will be Lordes alone If all men fight still at the last all men shall be slayne and none left to be vnder their Lordship nor able to defend the king that shall be agaynst straunge enemies and natioÌ„s These wordes were so well allowed of both the hostes and Princes that both were content to try the quarrel betwene theÌ„ two onely Then the place time was appointed where they â—oth met in sight of both hoastes And wheÌ„ either had assayd other with sharpe swordes and strokes first by the motion of Canutus as some write hastelye they were both agreed and kissed each other to the comfort of both hostes And shortly after they agreed vpon particion of the land after that during theyr lines they loued as
Monuments of bookes were consumed In the time whereof the Danes by fauour of some of the citizens entred the citie and slew more then iii M. of the Normanes But not long after King William chased them out and droue them to the ships tooke suche displeasure with the inhabitauÌ„tes of that countrey that he destroied the land from Yorke to Durham so that 9. yeres after the prouince lay wast and vninaâ—â—red onely except S. Iohns land of Beuerley the people theroft so straitly being kept in penurye by the warre of the king that as our English storie sayeth they eate rats cats and dogs and other vermine Also in the fourth yeare of this king Malcolyn king of Scots entred into Northumberland destroyed the couÌ„trey slew there much of the people both of men women and children after a lamentable sorte and tooke some prisoners But within 2. yeares after king William made such warre vpon the Scottes that he forced Malcolyn theyr king to doe him homage And thus much concerning the outwarde calamities of this Realme vnder this forreine Conquerour Whych is nowe the fifth time that the sayd land with the inhabitaunce thereof hath bene scourged by the hande of God First by the Romaines in the time of Iulius Cesar. Then by the Scottes and Pictes as hath bene shewed afterwarde by the Saxons Againe the Saxons or Englishmen did not enioy the possession of Britain with long quiete but were brought in as much subiection themselues vnder the Danes as they had brought the Britaines before and that muche more in so muche that throughe all England if an Englishe man had mette a Dane vppon a bridge he might not stirre one foote before the Lord Dane otherwise Lurdane were past And then if the Englishe man had not geuen lowe reuerence to the Dane at hys comming by he â—as sure to be sharpely punished wyth more as aboue hath bene declared And this subiection almoste continued from the reigne of Kinge Ethelwolfus 230. yeares till the reigne of king Edwarde And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not but stirred vp the Normandes against them who Conquered and altered the whole Realme after their owne purpose in somuche that besides the innouation of the lawes coignes and possessions there was in no Church of England almoste anye English bishop but only Normands forreiners placed through all their Dioces To suche miserie was this lande then brought vnto that not onely of all the English nobilitie not one house was standing but also it was thought reprochfull to be called an English man This punishmeÌ„t of God against the English nation writers do assigne biuersly to diuers causes as partly before is touched of whoÌ„ some assigne this to be cause as foloweth in the wordes of the storie In primitiua Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splenduit ita vt Reges Reginae Duces Episcopi vel MonachatuÌ„ vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit vt gentem nullam proditione nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent c. The meanyng whereof is that whereas Kings and Queenes Dukes and Prelates in the primitiue time of the English church were ready for Religion to forsake either liberty or countrey and giue themselues to a solitarie life In processe of time they grew to such dissolutenes that they left no other realme like vnto them in iniquity c. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a litle before the inuasion of the NormaÌ„ds testify how the king reporting of his owne vision should heare that for the great enormitye and misbehauior of the heade Dukes Bishops and Abbats of the realme the kingdome should be geuen to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him for the space of a C. yeres and one day Which space was also seene by William conquerour to be a hundreth yeres fiftie and that his progenie so long should continue Againe some wryters entreating of this so great wrath of God vpon the Englishe people declare the cause therof as foloweth Nam ficut Angl Britones quds Deus disterminate proposuerat peccatis suis exigentibus humiliuerant a term Angliae minus iniustè fugauerant sic ipsi duplici persecutione c. Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons whom God proposed for theyr deseruings to exterminate and them vniustly did dispossesse of their land so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution first by the Danes and after by the Normanes c. Moreouer to these iniuries and iniqnities done and wrought by the English men hetherto recited let vs adde also the cruell villanie of this nation in murdering and tything of the innocent Normans before who comming as straungers wyth Alfrede the lawfull heire of the Crowne were despitefully put to death Which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lorde whose doings be alwaies iust right did suffer the Normans so to preuaile By the coÌ„ming in of the which Normans and by their quarel vnto the Realme iii. things we may note learne First to consider and learne the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heauen vpon all iniquitie and vnrighteous dealing of men Secondly we may thereby note what it is for Princes to leaue no issue or sure succession behinde them Thirdly what daungers often do chaunce to Realmes publiquely by foreine mariage with other Princes c. In the same fourth yeare of this king betwene Easter and Whitsontide was holden a solemne councell at Winchester of that clergy of England At the which counsell were present two Cardinals sent from Pope Alexander 2. Peter Iohn In this counsell the king being there himselfe present were deposed diuers bishops Abbots and priors by the meanes of the king wtout any euident cause to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knightes before to the rule of the teÌ„poraltie therby to stand in more surety of the land Amongest whoÌ„ also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put downe for 3. causes against him pretended The first was for that he had holden wrongfully that byshoprike while Robert the Archbishop aboue meÌ„tioned pag. 156. was liuing The seconde was for that he had receiued the palle of Benedict byshop of Rome the fifth of that name Whyche Benedict for buying his Popedome had bene deposed as is shewed before The thirde cause for that he occupied the said palle wtout license and lawfull autoritie of the court of Rome Then Stigandus wel proued the beneuolence of king William For where before the king seemed in frendly couÌ„tenance to make much of him and did vnto him great reuerence then he chaunged all his mildenes into sternes excused himselfe by the bishops of Romes autority So that in the ende Stigandus was depriued of his dignitie and kept in
de Ou. F. Louel S de Troys I. de Artel Iohn de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malouile G. Bonet P. de Bonuile S. de Rouile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mounfychet I. de Geneuyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward H. Feret Hugo Pepard I. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard I. de Lamare P. de Mautreuers G. de Ferron R. de Ferrers I. de Desty W. de Werders H de Borneuyle Iâ—de Saintenys S. de Seucler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberuyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Roteler H. de Spencer R. de Saintpuinten I. de Saint Martin G. de Custan Saint Constantin Saint Leger Saint Med. M. de Cronu de S. Viger S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers I. de Grey W. de Grangers S de Grangers S. Raubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot H. Santsauer T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vautort G. de Mountague Tho. de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Ferneuaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Cleruaus P. de Aubermarle H de Saint Aruant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. de Chesun L. de Chandut R Filz vrs B. viconte de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S de Bolebec B Mol de boef I. de Muelis R de Brus. S de Brewes I. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Wateruile G. de Neuyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L de Lyben W. de Helyoun H. de Hildrebron R de Loges S. de Seintlow I de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne I. de Louotot G. de Dabbeuyle H. de Appetot W. de Percy H. de Lacy G de Quincy E Tracy R de la Souche V. de Somery I. de Saint Iohn T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly R de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pauely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy I. de Artoys N de Arty P de Grenuyle I. de Greys V. de Cresty F de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz I de Monbray G. de Morley S de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V de Longeuyle P. Longespye I. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy I. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Tho. Sauage A little aboue mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne translated from thence to Salisbury The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus Normand who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury After whom succeded OsmuÌ„dus who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing much good singing This Osmundus first began the ordinarie which was called Secundum vsum Sarum an 1076. The occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium a great contention chanced at Glastenbury betwene Thurstanus the Abbot and his couent in the days of William Conqueror which Thurstanus the sayd William had brought out of Normandy froÌ„ the Abbey of Cadonum and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury The cause of this coÌ„tentious battaile was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quier seruice then called the vse of S. Bregory coÌ„pelled his monkes to the vse of one WilliaÌ„ a monk of Fiscam in Normandy Wherupon came strife contentions amongst them first in wordes then from words to blowes after blowes then to armor The Abbot with his gard of harnest men fell vpon the monkes draue them to the steps of the high aulter where ii were slayne viii were wounded with shafts swords pikes The monkes then driuen to such a straight narow shift were compelled to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours One monke there was an aged man who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes for hys defence which image was wouÌ„ded in the brest by one of the bowe men wherby the Monke was saued My story addeth more that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text This matter being brought before the king the Abbot was sent agayne to Cadonius and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre countreys Thus by the occasion hereof Osmundus bishop of Salisbury deuised that ordinary which is called the vse of Sarum and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England Ireland and Wales And thus much for this matter done in the time of this king William Which William after his death by his wife Matildis or Maulde left iii. sonnes Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy William Rufus his secoÌ„d sonne to whom he gaue the kingdome of England And Henry the third sonne to whom he left and gaue treasor and warned William to be to his people louing liberall Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy In the history called Iornalensis is reported of a certain great man who about this tyme of kyng William was compassed about with Mise and Rattes and flying to the middest of a Riuer yet when that would not serue came to the land agayne and was of them deuoured The Bermaines say that this was a Byshop who dwellyng betwene Colen and Mentz in tyme of famine and dearth hauyng store of corne and grayne would not helpe the pouertie crying to hym for reliefe but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes by the iust iudgement of God to auoyd the annoiance of them he builded a tower in middest of the Riuer of Rheine which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower but all that would not helpe for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before Of whome at length he was deuoured William Rufus William Rufus the second sonne of William CoÌ„querour beganne his raigue an 1088. And raigned 13. yeares beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus who after his coronation released out of prison by the request of his father diuers of the English Lords which before had bene in custody It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany Who hearing of the death of hys father and how William his yonger brother had taken vpon him the kingdome was therwith greatly amoued in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his brother Henry and with that good gathered
as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket which was the yeare of the Lord. 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit vtrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis magne sāctitatis essent eius miracula quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat c. In English There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned To this question answereth Roger a Norman that he was worthy death and damnation for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary Peter Cantor a Persian disputed saying affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō and also of great holines in that man affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome for the which Church he dyed And thus haue ye the iudgement and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question for the saincting of Thomas Becket In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death let vs therefore pause a little vpon y◠same to try and examine these his miracles In the tryall wherof we shall finde one of these two to be true that eyther if they were true they were wrought not by God but by a cōtrary spirit of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell saying whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue if it were possible the elect Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches profit of their powches whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thēselues set forth by one of his own Monks of his owne time who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation vertues and miracles of this archb the which bookes as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London I haue seen and perused wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his miracles to the number of 270 being so far of from all trueth reason some ridiculous some monstrous vayne absurd some also blasphemous some so impudēt that not onely they deserue no credit altogether sauoring of mere forgery but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē First if miracles serue for necessity for infidels what cause or necessity was there in a Christian realme hauing the word of God for God to worke such miracles after his death who neuer wrought any in all his life Thē to consider the end of these miracles whether do they tend but onely to bring men to Canterbury with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so many that they lose theyr owne credit what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not bene wrought by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as feuers fistula the gout toothache palsey consumption falling sicknesse leprosie headache broken armes maymed legs swelling throates the raysing vp of the dead which haue bene two dayes departed with infinite other And as all these haue healed for the most part by one kinde of salue as a certayne panacea which was with the water onely of Caunterbury like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall finde the matter so conueyed that the power of this dead Saynt was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease but euery diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop were nothing els but to write a legend of lies to occupy the people with tristes Which because it pertaineth rather so the idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers that haue nothing els to maintain that religion withal I will not take their profession out of theyr hands Wherfore to omit all suche vayne lying apparitions and miracles as how this angry sainct 3. dayes after his death appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus commaunding the quere not to sing but to say this office of his masse Exurge quare obdormis Domine c. Which vision the author himselfe of the book doth say he did see To omit also the blasphemous lye how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God more then the bloud of iust Abell Itē in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles aboue Stephen Laurence Uincent and al the other Martyrs whereof of this cause is rendered for that ◠Stephen Laurence and such other suffered only for their own cause But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church Item how it was shewed to a certayne young man Ormus by name xij yeares before the death of this Becket that among the Apostles martyrs in heauen there was a vacaunt place left for a certayne priest as he sayd of England which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket Item how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe All these I say with such other like to omit the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest In the fourth book of this fabulous author and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn countryman of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston whose name was Gilwardus which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house which was his debter took out of his house a great whetstone a paire of hedging gloues The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cōdemnation by the councell of the towneclerk entred an action of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides as for stealing
Parma hauing this occasion offered with all force speed possible entred the Emperors campe or towne Victoria which being not very stroÌ„gly fenced nor hauing gates to shut agaynst theÌ„ was a thing easy enough to do The soden strauÌ„genes of the matter much abaÌ„shed the souldiors rang out their larâ— bell The first assault was geuen vpoÌ„ Marcus Malaspina his charge whom when the Emperor returning in all haste fouÌ„d to be hard beset had thought to haue rescued him But wheÌ„ that was perceiued of the enemy they beÌ„t all their force altogether on yâ— side In so much that the Emperor was inforced to take the trench lest he should haue bene of the enemy enuironed from thence he retired into the citie or campe where he had thought to haue gathered further aide But the enemy geuing not so much tune thereunto â—aâ—l force entred the citie Uictoria The Emperor now when the enemies were entred left the campe came to Dominum who when they had killed slaine a great nomber of the Emperors soldiors had burnt destroied the same campe Uictoria came againe to Parma The Emperor theÌ„ suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason whereby the enemy had vnderstanding as wel of the Emperors absence as also of the negligence of his soldiors imprisoned certaine of the chiefest about hym amongst whome also was Petrus de Vineis Yet whilest he was at Dominum gathering together his souldiors and residue of his baÌ„ds Encius getteth a great victorie of the Mansuanos who coming to the rescue of Parma lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them After this also Richardus in another conflict in Picenum discomforted the Popes souldiors slewe their captaine Hugolinus besides 2000. others slaine taken prisoners When nowe Fredericus had gathered againe and new mustered his bands at Dominum he marched foorth to Cremona and notwithstanding that there he vnderstoode of the good successe and victory that Encius had at Rhegium yet for that he perceiued the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lumbardie from him he determined to take his iorney into Apulia and when he had there leuied a strong and sufficient power he purposed to make hys speedy returne againe into Lombardie Therefore in hys iorney through Netruria into Apulia he ioyned with hys sonne Fridericus which besieged Capras and tooke the same and led with him diuers of the chiefest captains prisoners and after that subduing vnto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum he came into Apulia When newes was brought him thether that Encius hys sonne comming to aide the Mutinenses against the Bononiens was taken prisoner two miles of from Mutina and that in his absence the Popes capitaines with theyr bandes and garrisons went throughout all Lumbardie Aemilia Flamminia and Hetruria to stirre and procure the Cities to reuolt from the obedience of the Emperour And the same partly working by subtile pollicies partly by force sinister meanes to bring them to his purpose determined with himself that with all the force and power he might by any meanes procure and make to haue begon a fresh prosecuted this warre to the vttermost Neyther was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius writeth but that he would haue wrought some maruellous exploit great atteÌ„pt but that he was of this his purpose wherunto he was both willing beÌ„t preueÌ„ted by vnlooked for death For wheÌ„ he fell into this ague being at a certaine castle of his in Apulia called FloreÌ„tinuÌ„ saw by the extremity thereof his daies to be short he remeÌ„bred that which was once shewed him how he should die at FloreÌ„ce Wherupon he made and ordeined his testament and when vnto Conradus and other of his children he had geuen and appoynted the great and innumerable masse of mony which he had collected leuied for the maintenance of his wars and godly purpose as it is called And vnto them also had geuen all other his kingdomes dominioÌ„s to euery one according to their ages and yeres departed this wretched and miserable world Pandolphus writeth that Fredericus was very willing to dye as they made certayne report to him which were present at his death that his minde was altogether set and bent vpon the heauenly ioy felicity Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus Andreas Panbalus and Manardus the bishop being Italian writers do all affirme of whom this last writeth that he assuredly beleueth Fredericke to be one of the number of Gods elect The writers notwithstanding are of sundry iudgmeÌ„ts opinions touching this good Emperours death Some write that he was traiterously poisoned by his cup bearer being hyred therunto Some other that he was strangled with a pillow of MaÌ„fredo the sonne of Pherus But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best maketh no mention of any poyson that was geuen him but onely that he died of an ague The last opinion of Manfredus he manifestly refuteth and that there is no maner of lykelihood of the same further that the coÌ„trary is affirmed by diuers other writers that were of that time He died in the yeare of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December in the 57. yeare of his age and 37. yeare of his raigne whose corpes was brought to Panorinum and there intombed Fredericke had 3. wiues the first was Constantia the daughter of the king of Arragon of whom he begat HeÌ„ry the Duke of Sueuia and king of the Romains The other Iole the daughter of Iohaunes Brennus king of Ierusalem by whom he had the inheritance of Ierusale Naples and Sicile of whom he begat CoÌ„radus Duke of Suenia king of Ierusalem Naples being Cesar. The third Isabell the daughter of king Iohn of EnglaÌ„d by whom he had a sonne named HeÌ„ry which is said to die in his childhood This Fredericus had not his peere in Marshall affayres to be compared vnto him and warlike pollicies amongst al the princes of that age A wise and skilful souldiour he was a great indurer of paynefull labors and trauels most boldest in greatest perils prudent in foresight Industrious in all his doinges prompt humble about that he tooke in hand and in aduerâ—ity mest stout couragious But as in this corruption of nature few there be the attain perfection neither yet is there any prâ—ice almost of such gouernment and godly institution both in life doctrine as is required of them So neither was this Fredericke without his fault humaine fragility For the writers â—â—pute to him some fault of concupiscence wherwith he was stayned and spotted And it appeareth that he was not all cleare therof for as much as by suÌ„dry Concubines he had sundry children As Eneâ—is the king of Sardina Manfredus the prince of SarcutinuÌ„ And Frederick king of Antioche And this is all that I finde of the description of Fredericke by Colonucius which he affirmeth to haue
expedient and to set foorth as shal seeme best to your godly wisedomes our good entent for the suppressing of incommodities and furthering of the commodities of our subiectes that we may worthely commende your circumspect care herein Teste meipso apud Westm. 10 die Februa Anno regni nostri Angliae 15. Regni verò Franciae secundo By these foresayde obiections accusations of the king premised and layd against the Archbishop of Canterbury what is to be thought of the doinges of the sayd Archbishop I leaue it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader as I sayd before to be coniected For so much as our histories somewhat bearing with the sayd Archbishop seeme either to be vncertayne of the truth of the matter or els couertly to dissemble some part of that they knew And especially of Polâ—dor Virgil. I meruaile who hauing so good occasion to touch the matter doth so sleightly passe it ouer without any word of mention In whiche matter if probable coniecture beside history might here be heard it is not vnlikeâ— but that some olde practice of prelates hath herein bene put in vre through some crafty conspiracy betweene the Pope and the Archbishop And the rather to be gathered for that as the pope was enemy vnto the king in this his chalenge to the crowne of Fraunce So the Archbishop against his Prince as for the most part alwayes they haue bene was a trend as no man neede to doubt therof vnto the Pope Which thing also more probable may be supposed because of the comming downe of the it Cardinals the same time from the pope to the king of England about the matter of farther truce wherof Christ willing more hereafter shall follow Albeit the Archbishop this yet notwithstanding subtely and featly excuseth himselfe to the king of the foresayd obiections and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king as followeth The letter of the Archbyshop of Caunterburie to the king REdoubted Syr may it please your maiestie to vnderstand that the most chiefest and speciall thing that keepeth kings and Princes in the fauoure of God and best preserueth them in theyr estate is sage wise and deliberate counsaile And therefore sayeth the wise man concerning counsell in this wise Good men haue thereby their safetie And it is wrytten in the booke of kinges howe Salomon which was the wisest Prince that euer was tooke vnto him the most auncient and sage men of his Realme to be his counsailours By whose aduisement and discretion hee alwayes Kept the lande of Israell in quiet and in peace and besides that had all other kinges and princes that bordered vppon him at his will and commaundement After whose death raigned Robohâ—m hys sonne who neglecting the good couÌ„sel of his father and good aduise of his sage discrete counsailours harkened to such counsel as lighter and younger men perswaded him vnto that sought rather howe to please and flatter him then the quiet state of hys Realme whereby he lost all the whole lande of Israel the 12. part only excepted In like maner haue many kings of Israel and other kingdomes beside by rash and euill counsell come to great ruine and mischiefe And Sir sauing your princely patience you may call to remembraunce your owne time for by the wicked and sinister counsell to our laâ—e soueraigne Lorde your father geuen whome God forgeue which he tooke and folowed both against the lawe of his lande and graund Charter of the peeres and other his people of the lande some he put to shamefull death from other some he tooke their goods and such as fled he put vnto their raunsome and what ennemies he purchased thereby your grace well vnderstandeth And after this Sir you knowe enen in your owne time howe by following and beleuing ouer light counsel you yourselfe lost the hartes of many of your subiectes from the which God deliuer you if it be his will And after that time again vntill nowe by the good aduisement of your Prelates Peeres and sage counsailours of your land your graces businesse and affaires haue bene so demained and ordered that you haue had the hearts againe of all your subiectes as well spirituall as temporall as muche or rather more then any of your graces predecessours kings of England haue had So that by meanes of the sayde good counsell the good will and aide of your people and special grace of God you haue had the victorie of all your ennemies as well in Scotlande as in Fraunce and all other places besides That vnto this day Gods name bee blessed therefore your grace hathe bene estemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christendome And nowe your grace by the euill and peruerse counsaile of some suche wythin the Realme whiche are not so wise as they might be and such also as consider and respect rather their owne priuate commoditie then your graces honour and safetie of your Realme beginneth to apprehende diuers Clerkes Pieres and other people of the land and to directe processe against them not beseeming but contrary to the Lawe of the land which to keepe and maintaine you are bounde by the othe you tooke at youre coronation and contrary to the graunde charter whereof all the realme are witnesses all the prelates of the same and coÌ„trary to the sentence confirmed by the Bul of our holy father to the pope which we haue to shew All which things as they are to the great pearill and daunger of your soule so are they also to the vtter debasing of your regall state and honour And Sir although such as be your graces gouernours and counsailers beyng a callynge aboue their agree doe geue your grace to vnderstande that their enterprises and yours doe please and content your subiectes and commons yet your grace shall knowe for certaine and prooue it your owne selfe to be farre otherwise then that they beare you in hand And that vnlesse God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begon in this order you will leese the hearts of all your subiects as also your good and rightfull enterprise and shal see such discord about the same that you shall not be able to performe that you haue begon but rather enforce your ennemies to seeke your destruction to loose your noble and renowmed fame and in the ende your kingdom it selfe which God forbid Wherefore soueraigne Lorde and King I beseeche you that for the safegard of your honour and Realme and enterprise begon that you will take vnto you the most discrete and wisest men wythin your Realme and woorke by their aduise and counsell as before thys time you haue bene accustomed without the aide and counsell of whome you can neither maintaine your enterprise nor gouerne your realme And for that some such as are about your grace falsly deuise against vs treason and such like troubles and therefore are of vs excommunicate and as persons excommunicate doe so esteme of them
declared as it hath bene in times past the which also is done by a maruelous dispensation that through one onely thing both Gods loue iustice should be fulfilled For a while the power of miracles being taken away the holy church appereth the more abiect and forsaken and the reward of good men doth cease which reuerēced the same for the hope of heauēly riches not for any present signes And that the minds of euill men agaynst the same might that sooner be knowne which neglect to folow the inuisible thinges which the church doth promise whiles they be led with visible signes Forsomuch then as the humility of the faithfull is as it were destitute of the multitude and appering of signes by the terrible working of Gods secret dispensation wherby mercy is geuē vnto the good and iust wrath heaped vpō the euill For so much then it is truely said that before this Liuiathan shall playnely and manifestly come pouerty shall go before his face for before that time the riches of miracles shal be taken away from the faythfull Then shall that auncient enemy shew himselfe agaynst them by open wonders That as he is extolled through signes wonders so shall he the more manly be vanquished of the faythfull without any signes or miracles Also in his 16. booke vpon this word which the blessed man Iob sayde who shall reprehend his way before him or who shall cast in his teeth what he hath done whilest he did speake of the body of all euill he sodenly connected his speach vnto the head of all the wicked for he did see that toward the end of the world Sathan should enter into man whom the scripture calleth Antechrist he shal be extolled with such pride he shall rule with such power he shal be exalted with such signes wonders vnder the pretence of holmes that his doing can not be cōtrolled of mē for somuch as his signes tokens are ioined with power terror with a certain shew of holynes Wherfore he saith who shall controll his wayes before him what man is he that dare once rebuke or check him whose looke or countenaunce is he afeard of But notwithstanding not onely Enoc Elias the which are brought as ample for his exprobation but also all the elect do argue reproue his way whiles that they do contemne and by the force and power of their minde resist his malice But for somuch as this thing is not done by their owne power or strength but by Gods helpe and grace therfore is it very well sayd who shall argue or reproue his waies before him who but onely God By whose help the elect are ayded and made able to resist And a little after vpon the same booke of Iob Gregory saith in so much as holy men do withstād his iniquity It is not they thēselues which do so rebuke his wayes but it is he thorowe whose helpe they are strengthened Also in his second booke he sayth now the holy Church doth not regarde but despise the signes and miracles of the heretikes if they do any for so much as the Church doth sufficiently vnderstand that it is no kind of holynes for why the prose of holines is not to make signes or wōders but to loue euery man as him selfe to thinke truely of the very true God to thinke better of thy neighbor then of thy selfe for trew vertue holynes cōsisteth in loue and not in shewing of miracles This the veretie declareth saying hereby shall all men know that ye are my disciples if ye loue one an other but he saith not that hereby mē shal know that ye are my disciples because ye worke miracles but contrary wise if ye loue one an other declaring plainly therby that it is not miracles but the mere charitie loue of God which maketh vs the seruants of God Wherefore the chiefe testimony of being Gods disciple is to haue the gift of brotherly loue This thorow out doth S. Gregory write and often times in other places he speaketh verye much of miracles howe that they shall cease amongst the iust and abound amongst the wicked Also Chrisostome in his lv Homily sayth thus it is a common an indifferent woorke betwene the ministers of God the ministers of the deuil to cast out deuils but to confesse the trueth and to worke righteousnes is the onely worke of the saints and holy men therefore whomsoeuer thou doest see casting out of deuils if he haue not the confessiō of the trueth in his mouth neyther righteousnes in his hands he is not a man of God but if thou doest see a man openly confessing declaring the truthe and doing iustice although he do not cast out no deuils yet he is the man of God And it followeth let vs know that like as at the cōming of Christ before him the Prophets and with him thapostles wrought miracles thorow the holy ghost for such as the thing is which is sturred such sent sauor wil proceede frō the same He writeth also vpon the beginning of Mathew The whole world did maruel wōder at three things that Christ rose againe after his deth that flesh ascendeth into heauē that he did conuert the whole world by his xi apostles There is iiii causes which wrought the same That is to say the contempt of riches or money The dispising of pomp and glory The seperation of thēselues from all worldly occupation and busines and the pacient suffering of tormentes Thus much writeth Chisostome also saint Isydore in his first booke and xxv cha De summo bono writeth thus like as in the apostles the maruelous effect power of works was much more cōmendable then the vertue of their signes euen so now in the Church is it much more better to liue wel thē to worke any signes or miracles And the cause why that the church of God doth not at this present worke miracles as it did in the time of the Apostles is this That it was necessary at that time that the worlde should beleue miracles and nowe at this present euery faithful beleuer ought to shine with good workes for to this end were signes miracles then outwardly wrought that their sayth thereby might be inwardly strengthned and stablished for what soeuer faithfull man he be that seketh to worke miracles he seeketh vaine glory to be praysed of mē for it is written miracles are signes and tokens vnto the infidels misbeleuers and not vnto the faythfull Thus muche wryteth Isidore Item Saint Augustine in his Booke of cōfession sayth thus there is no greater miracle amongst mē thē to loue our enemies By these wordes of these holy men a man may easely gather that both in our dayes and in the time to come the disciples of Antichrist both do shall more florish and shewe thēselues by strannge signes miracles thē the disciples of Christ according to
the light of perfection It was not said vnto them All people that shal take the sword shal perish with the sworde What if Iohn the Baptist disallowed corporal fightings and corporall warfare at such time as the souldiours asked him saying And what shall we do Who sayth to them See that you strike no man neither picke ye quarels against any and be yee contented with your wages Thys saying of Iohn alloweth not corporal warfare amongest Christians For Iohn was of the Priests of the olde Testament and vnder the law neyther to hym it appertayneth to follow the lawe but to warne the people to the perfect obseruation of the lawe For he being like wyse demaunded of the publicanes what they should doe sayde vnto them Doe no other thyng then is appoynted vnto you But Christ the author of the newe Testament and of greater perfection then waâ— the perfection of the old law which gaue newe things as it plainly appeareth by the Gospel So that Christians ought to receiue information of Christ not of Iohn For of Iohn also doth Christ speak Uerely I say vnto you there hath not risen amongest the children of women a greater then Iohn Baptist but hee that is lesse in the kingdome of heauen is greater then he In which saying Christ sheweth that those that be least in the kingdome of heauen in the tyme of grace are placed in greater perfection theÌ„ was Iohn which was one of them that were the elders he liued also in that time of the law in greater perfection And wheÌ„ as certain of Iohns disciples sayd vnto him maister he that was beyoÌ„d Iordan to whoÌ„ thou gauest witnesse beholde hee baptiseth and all people come vnto him Iohn answered and sayde A man cannot take any thing vppon him vnlesse it shall bee geuen him from aboue You your selues doe beare me recorde that I sayde I am not Christ but that I was sent before hym He that hath the bride is the bridegrome as for the bridegromes frende who standeth and heareth him reioyceth wyth greate ioy to heare the voyce of the bridegrome Thys therefore my ioy is fulfilled he must increase and I must bee diminished Hee that commeth from an hie is aboue all Hee that is of the earthe is earthy and speaketh of the earthe Hee that commeth from heauen is aboue all folkes that which hee hath seene and heard the same doth he witnesse and yet his witnessing doth no body receiue But he that receiueth his witnessing hath put to his Seale that God is true For he whome God hath sent speaketh the wordes of God By whych things it plainely appeareth that credence is to be geuen neither to Iohn nor yet to angell if he teach any thing that is not agreeable to Christes doctrine For Christ is aboue the Aungels because that God infinitely passeth them in wisdome Nowe if Moses the seruaunt of God a minister of the old testament was so much to be beleued that nothing could be added nor yet any thing diminished from the commandements that were geuen by hym for so Moses had sayd the thyng that I commaund thee that do thou onely to the Lorde neither adde thou any thing nor diminish How much more ought we not to adde nor to take away from the commandements geuen by God himselfe and also the sonne of God In the primitiue Churche because the Christians had seruent loue and charity they obserued these precepts as they were geueÌ„ but their feruent charitie afterward waxing luke warme they inuented gloses by drawing the commaundementes of God backe to their own deedes which they purposed to iustifie and mayntayn that is to say warres against the infidels But that they by warres should be conuerted to the fayth is a fact faithlesse inough because that by violence or vnwillingly no body can beleue in Christ nor be made a christian neither did he come to destroy them by battaile that beleued not in him for he said to his disciples you knowe not what spirite you are of The sonne of man came not to destroy mens liues but to saue them Then to graunt pardons and forgeuenes of sinnes to those that kill the infidels is to much an infidels fact seducing many people For what greater seducing can there be then to promise to a man forgeuenes of sinnes and afterwarde the ioye of heauen for setting himselfe against Christes commaundementes in the killing of the Infidels that would not be conuerted to the fayth where as Christ doth say not euery one that sayth to me Lord Lord shal enter into the gidgdome of heauen but he that doth the will of my father which is in heauen this person shall enter into the kingdome of heauen Now the will of the father is that we should beleue in his onely sonne Iesus Christ and that we would obey him by obseruing of those thinges which he himselfe hath commaunded Wherefore Christes preceptes of pacience must be fulfilled Warres fightinges and contentions must be left because they are contrary to charitie But peraduenture some man wil thus reason against Christ The saintes by whome God hath wrought myracles do allow warres as well against the faithfull people as also against the infidels And the holy kings were warriours for whose sakes also miracles haue bene shewed as well in theyr death as also in their life yea in the very time wherin they were a warfare Wherfore it semeth that their factes were good and lawfull For otherwise God would not haue done miracles for them To â—â—is agayne I say that we for no miracles must do contrary to the doctrine of Christ. For in it can there be no errour but in myracles there oftentimes chaunceth error as it is plaine as well by the old as by the new testament God forbid then that a Christian should for deceiuable miracles depart from the infallible doctrine of Christ. In Exodus the 7. chapter it is manifest howe that the wicked wise men of the Egiptians through the inchauntments of Egipt and certayne secret workinges threw theyr wands vpon the earth which were turned into Dragons eueÌ„ as Aaron before time in the prefeÌ„ce of Pharao threw his wand vpon the earth which by the power of God was turned into a serpent In the third of the kinges the 22. chap. Micheas did see the Lord sitting vpon his throne and all the hoste of heauen standing about him on the right hand and on the left And the Lord sayd who shall deceaue Achab the king of Israel that he may go vp and be slayn in Ramoth Gilaad And one sayd this way and an other otherwise now there went forth a spirit and stood before the Lord said I will deceiue him To whoÌ„ the Lord spake by what meanes And he sayd I will go forth and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophetes And the Lord sayd thou shall deceiue him and preuaile go thy wayes forth and do euen so Thus also is it
suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌ„don What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâ—â—â—ued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâ—e in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌ„ry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌ„caster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ— quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌ„ce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌ„ry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With â—hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌ„caster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
dyed of no naturall pang but of some violent hand Some suspected him to be strangled some that a whole spytt was priuily forced into his body some affirme that he was styfeled betweene to fether beds After the death of this Duke and hys body being enterred at S. Albons after he had politikely by the space of 25. yeares gouerned this realme 5. of his housholde to wit one knight 3. Esquiers and a Yeoman were arreigned conuict to be hanged drawn quartered Who being hanged and cut downe halfe aliue the Marques of Suffolke there present shewed the charter of the kinges pardon and so they were deliuered Notwithstanding all this could not appease the grudge of the people saying that the sauing of the seruauntes was no amends for the murdering of the mayster In this cruell facte of these persons which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man whiche thought thereby to worke their owne safety the meruailous work of gods iudgement appeareth herein to be noted who as in all other like cruell pollices of maÌ„ so in this also turned al theyr pollices clean contrary So that where yâ— Queene thought most to preserue her husband in honor and her selfe in state thereby both she lost her husband her husband lost his realm the realm lost Angeow NormaÌ„dy the Duchy of Aquitane with all her partes beyond that sea Calice only except as in sequele of the matter who so will read the storyes shall right well vnderstand The next yeare following it followed also that that Cardinall who was the principall artificer and ringleader of all this mischiefe was suffered of God no loÌ„ger to liue Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set foorth in Edward Halle I omitte here to speake What he himselfe spake in his deathbed for example to other I thought not best to pretermit Who hearing that he shuld dy that ther was no remedy murmured grudged wherfore he shuld dye hauing so much riches saying that if the whole realm would saue hys life he was able either by pollicy to get it or by riches to buy it adding saying moreouer fit quod he will not death be hyred nor will money doe nothing wheÌ„ my nephew of Bedford dyed I thought my selfe halfe vp the wheele but wheÌ„ I saw mine other nephew of Glocester deceassed then I thought my selfe able to be equal with kinges and so ought to encrease my treasure in hope to haue worne the triple crown t. Ex Edou Hallo And thus is the rich byshop of Winchester with all his pompe and riches gone with the which riches he was able not onely to build scholes colledges and Uniuersities but also was able to susteine the kinges armies in warre as is specified in storyes without any taxing of the commons In whose seate next succeeded William Wanflet preferred to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had lesse substaunce yet hauing a minde more godly disposed did found and erecte the Colledge of Mary Magdalen in Oxford For the which foundation as there haue ben and be yet many studentes bound to yeld gratefull thanks vnto God so I must needes confesse my selfe to be one except I will be vnkinde Among that other mischieuous aduersaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester next to the Cardinall of Winchester who as is sayd dyed that next yere following was William de la Pole Marques of Suffolk who also liued not long after nor long escaped vnpunished For although he was highly exalted by the meanes of the Queene whose maryage he onely procured vnto the fauour of the king was made Duke of Suffolke magnified of the people and bare the whole sway in the realme whose actes and facts his vayne glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons to be recorded substantially to be registred in the rolles of the Parliament for a perpetuall renowne to him and all his posteritie for euer yet notwtstanding the hand of Gods iudgement still hanging ouer hym he enioyed not long this his triuÌ„phant victory For within 3. yeares after the death and ruine of the Cardinall the voyces of the whole commons of England were vtterly turned against him accusing him in the Parliament at the blacke Fryers for deliuery of the Duchye of Angeow and Barledome of Maine also for the death of yâ— noble Prince Humfry Duke of Glocester They unputed moreouer to hym the losse of all Normandye saying vnto him that he was a swallower vp and consumer of yâ— kings treasure the expâ—iler of al good and vertuous counsaylers from the king and aduancer of vicious persons apparant aduersaryes to the publicke wealth so that he was called in euery mouth a traytour a murderer and a robber of the kinges treasure The Queene albeit she tenderly loued the Duke yet to appease the exclamation of the commons was forced to committee hym to the tower where he with as much pleasure and liberty as could be remayned for a month whiche being expired he was deliuered and restored agayne into his old place former fauour with the kyng where at the people more grudged then before It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongest the rude people by one whom they called Blewbeard that the parliament was for that tyme adiourned to Leycester thinking to the Queene by force and rigour of lawe to repâ—esse there the malice and euill will conceiued against the duke But at that place few of yâ— nobilitie would appeare Wherfore it was againe reiourned vnto LondoÌ„ kept at Westminster where was a whole company a ful appearance with the king and Queene with them the duke of Suffolke as chiefe counsailour The commons not forgetting their old grudge renewed agayn their former articles and accusations agaynst the sayde duke agaynst the byshop of Salisb. syr Iames Fynics Lord Say and other When the kyng perceaued yâ— no glosing nor dissimulation would serue to appease the continual clamour of the importunate coÌ„mons to make some quiet pacificatioÌ„ first he sequestred from hym the Lord say treasurer of Englande other the Dukes adherentes from theyr offices Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolke for the terme of 5. yeares supposing by that space the furious rage of yâ— people would asswage But the hand of God woulde not suffer that giltles bloud of Humfrey Duke of Glocester to be vnreuenged or that flagitious person further to continue For wheÌ„ he shipped in Suffolke intending to be transported into Fraunce he was encountred with a shippe of warre belonging to the tower whereby he was taken and brought into Douer rode and there on the side of a ship boat one strake of his head which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450. And thus haue ye heard the full storye and discourse of Duke Humfrey and of all hys aduersaries also of Gods condigne
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌ„don and first coÌ„meth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ„ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ„ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌ„saile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌ„gly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâ—ster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌ„tage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌ„trary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ„ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ„ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌ„d in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ„ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâ—e that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ„ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
he was repulsed in so many battailes to his great dishonour during all the life of Zisca of Procopius as is afore more at leÌ„gth expressed who was so beaten both of the Turkes at home of his owne people that he neuer did encounter with the Turkes after Then followed the Councell of Basill after the beginnyng wherof within vi yeares this SigismuÌ„dus which was Emperour king of Hungary and kyng of Boheme dyed in Morauia an 1437. ¶ Albertus Emperour THis Sigismund left behinde him one only daughter Elizabeth who was married to Albert Duke of Austrich by reason whereof he was aduanced to the Empire and so was both Duke of Austrich Emperour king of Hungary and king also of Boheme But this Albert as is afore declared being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians and especially to the good men of Thabor as he was preparing and setting foorth against the Turkes in the meane time died in the second yeare of his Empire an 1439. leauing his wife great with child who lieng then in Hungary and thinking to be great with a daughter called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realme declaring to them that she was but a woman and vnsufficient to the gouernaÌ„ce of such a state and moreouer how she thought her selfe to be but with childe of a daughter and therefore required them to prouide among them such a Prince and gouernour reseruing the right of the Kingdome to hir selfe as were fit and able vnder her to haue the regiment of the land committed The Turke in the meane while being eleuated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaide began then more fiercely to inuade Hungary and those parties of Christendome Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste consulted among themselues to make Duke Uladislaus brother to Casimiâ—us King of Polony their King But while this was in working betwene the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke in the meane space Elizabeth brought forth a sonne called Ladislaus who being the lawfull heire of the kingdome the Queene calleth backe againe her former word minding to reserue the kingdome for her sonne being the true heire thereof and therefore refuseth marriage with the saide Uladislaus which she had before pretended But Uladislaus ioyning with a great part of the Hungarians persisting stil in the condition before graunted would not geue ouer by reason whereof great contention and diuision kindling amoÌ„g the people of Hungary Amurathes yâ— great Turke taking his aduantage of their discord and partly surpressed with pride of his former successe against Sigismund aforesaid with his whole maine force inuaded the realme of HuÌ„gary where Huniades surnamed Uaiuoda Prince of Transiluania ioining with the new King Uladislaus did both together set against the Turke anno 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary the fourth yeare of his kingdome was slaine Elizabeth with her sonne was fled in yâ— meane while to Fridericke the Emperour Of Huniades Uaiuoda the noble Captaine and of his Actes and also of Ladislaus Christ willing more shall be sayd heereafter in his time and place ¶ Fridericus the third Emperour AFter the deceasse of Albert succeeded in the Empyre Fridericus the third Duke of Austria an 1440. By whome it was procured as we haue before signified that Pope Foelix elected by the Councell of Basill did resigne his Popedome to Pope Nicholas the fift vpon this condition that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Councell of Basil. In the daies of this Emperour much warre and dissention raged almost thorough all Christian Realmes in Austria Hungaria Polonia in France in Burgoine and also heere in EnglaÌ„d betweene King Henry the sixt and King Edward the fourth as ye haue already heard whereby it had bene easie for the Turke with little maistry to haue ouerrunne all the Christian Realmes in Europe had not the prouidence of our mercifull Lord otherwise prouided to keepe Amurates the Turke occupied in other ciuill warres at home in the meane while Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth as is aforesaide with Ladislaus her sonne by whome he was nourished enterteined a certaine space till at length after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid king of Ungarie which was slaine in battaile by the Turkes the men of Austria through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus and of Ulricus Earle of Cilicia rising vp in armour required of Fridericke the Emperour either to giue theÌ„ their yong king or els to staÌ„d to his own defence When Fridericke heard this neither would he render to them a sodaine answere neither would they abide any longer delay and so the matter growing to warre the new Citie was besieged where many were slaine and much harme done At length the Emperours part beyng yâ— weaker the Emperour through the interueÌ„tion of certaine Nobles of Germany restored Ladislaus vnto their hands who being yet vnder age committed his in kingdomes to three gouernours Whereof Iohn Huniades the worthy Captaine aboue mentioned had the ruling of Ungarie George Pogiebracius had Boheme and Ulricus the Earle of Cilicia had Austria Which Ulrice hauing the chiefe custody of the King bare the greatest authority aboue the rest a man as much full of ambitioÌ„ and tirannie as he was hated almost of all the Austrians and shortly after by the meanes of Eizingerus was excluded also from the King and the Court but afterwarde restored againe and Eizingerus thrust out Such is the vnstable condition of them which be next in place aboute Princes But this contention betwene them I ouerpasse Not long after Ladislaus the yong King went to Boheme there to be crowned where George Pogiebracius as is said had the gouernaunce But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there though being much requested yet would neither enter into the Churches nor heare the seruice of them which did draw after the doctrine of Hus. In somuch that when a certaine Priest in the hygh tower of Prage was appointed and addressed after the maner of Priests to say seruice before the King beeyng knowne to hold with Iohn Hus and Rochezaua the King disdaining at him commaunded him to giue place and depart or else he woulde sende him downe headlong from the rocke of the Tower and so the good minister repulsed by the King departed Also another time the sayde Ladislaus seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side whome they called then Huslites woulde doo thereunto no reuerence Ex Aene. Syluio At length the long abode of the King although it was not very long yet seemed to the godly disposed to be loÌ„ger then they wished and that was not to yâ— king vnknowen which made him to make the more hast away But before he departed he thought first to visit the noble Citie Uratislauia in Schlesia In the which Citie the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church at seruice many great Princes were about him Among whome was
the Tartarians who breaking into Asia by the portes of Caspius subdued diuers partes of Asia namely about Comana Colchis Iberia Albania c. These Tartarians as they had got many captiues in their warres so for gaine vsed to shippe them ouer customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be solde whych seruantes and captiues Melechsala the great Sultane was gladde to buy to serue him in his warres Which captiues seruaunts after they had continued a certaine space in Egypte and through their valiant seruice grew in fauour and estimation with the sayd Melechsala and began more to increase in number and strength at lengthe they slue him and tooke to themselues the name and kingdome of the Sultane And thus ceased the stocke of Saracon Saladinus afore mentioned which continued in Egypt about the space as is sayd of 100 yeres An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala the army of these foresaide rascals and captiues set vp to themselues a king of theyr owne coÌ„pany whome they called Turquemenius Who to fill vp the nomber of theyr company that it should not diminish deuised this order to get or to buy christeÌ„ mens children taken yong froÌ„ their parents and the mothers lap whom they vsed so to bryng vp to make them to denye Christ and to be circumcised and instructed in Mahumetes law afterward to be trained in the feates of warre and these were called Malaluchi Among whome this was their order that none might be aduaunced to be king but out of their own number or els chosen by them neither that any shoulde be made knights or horsemen but only the children of christians which should deny Christ before called Mamaluchi Also it was among them prouided that to thys dignity neither Saracens nor Iewes should be admitted Item that the succession therof shoulde not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi Also that the succession of the crowne should not descend to the childreÌ„ of the foresayd Sultanes but shoulde goe by voyce and election The Tartarians wyth Turquemenius their king aboute thys time obtained Turquia that is Asia minor from the Turkes and wythin 2. yeres after preuailing againste the Turkes expelled them from theyr kingdome and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning ouer Egypt a great part of Asia till the time of Tomumbeius theyr last Kyng whych was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis by Zelymus the Turke father to this Solymannus as in hys historye is declared Those Mamaluchi continued the space of An. 1245. These Tartarians raÌ„ging thorough the countreis of the Georgians and all Armenia came as far as IconiuÌ„ which was then the imperiall city of the Turkes An. 1289. The Soldane of Egypt Babilon got from the christiaÌ„s Tripolis Tyrus Sydon and Gerithus in Syria An. 1291. Lastly Ptoloâ—â—ais which also is called Akers was surprised by the sayd Soldan rased and cast downe to the ground all the Christians therein whych were not many left were slaine And this was the last citye which the Christians had in Asia So that nowe the Christians haue not one foot as is sayd before left in al Asia Thus the Egyptian Soldanes and the Tartarians reigned and ranged ouer the most part of Asia aboue the Turkes till the raigne of Ottomannus the great Turke aboute the space of 80 yeres ¶ And thus haue ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story with theyr names countryes townes dominions also with theyr times continuance interruptions and alterations in order described and in yeares distincted which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused that it is heard to know distinctly what difference is betwene the Saracens Turkes Tartarians the Sultans or Soldans Mamuluches or Ianizarites What is theyr Calipha their Seriphes their Sultan or Bassa in what times they began and how long and in what order of yeres they reigned Al which in thys present table manifestly to thine eye may appeare ¶ Wherein this thou hast moreouer gentle Reader to coÌ„sider which is worthy the noting how the B. of Rome all this season froÌ„ the first beginning of the Turks reigne hath not ceased from time to time continually calling vpon Christen princes and subiectes to take the crosse and to warre against the Turkes wherupon so many great viages haue bene made to the holy lande so many battailes sought against the Turke and Soldan for winning the holy crosse and yet no luckie successe hath followed thereof hetherto nor euer came it prosperously forward whatsoeuer through the exciting of that Bishop hath beene attempted against that great enemy of the Lorde In somuch that the Christians haue lost not onely all that they had in Asia but also vnneth are able to defende that little they haue in Europe against his violence What the cause is of thys harde lucke of the Byshops doings it is hard for man to define Let men muse as their minde leadeth and as the Gospell sayth he that hath eyes to see let him see This is certaine that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome to stirre men vp to that business so on the Princes behalfe there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men no contribution of expenses no supportation of charges no furniture or abilement of warre onely the blessyng of God semeth to haue lacked The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reformed as it may be quickly construed For what man beholding the life of vs Christians wil greatly maruell why the Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks And if my verdit might here haue place for me to adde my censure there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter yet greater then thys aforesaid which to make plaine and cuidet in ful discourse of wordes laisure no we doth not permit Briefly to touch what I conceiue my opinioÌ„ is thys that if the sincere doctrine of Christen faith deliuered left vnto vs in the word of God had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome or if the B. of Rome would yet reclame his impure idolatry and prophanations and admit Christe the Lambe of God to stande alone without our unpure additions to be our onely Iustification according to the free promise of Gods grace I nothing doubt but the power of this faith grounding onely vpon Christ the sonne of God had both framed our liues into a better disposition and also soone would or yet wil bring downe the pride of that proude Dolofernes But otherwise if the Bish. of Rome will not gently geue place to the milde voyce of Gods word I thinke not contrary but he shal be compelled at last to giue place roume to the Turke whether he will or not And yet notwythstanding when both the Turk the Pope shal do against it what they can the trueth and grace of Gods Testament shall fructify increase by such meanes as the Lorde shall worke which
fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi A parliament in Fraunce assembled wherein is discussed the iurisdiction ecclesiastical how farre it extendeth Anno. 1329. The letter of Philip king of Fraunce to the byshops prelates The Parliament conuented Lord Peter speakes in the Parliament The theaâ—e of his oration The oration deuided in two partes Obedience to the kyng Difference betweene the iurisdiction of the state temporall and ecclesiasticall Articles in the Parliament propounded contayning the iust complaints of the laitie against the clergie Causes real Prelates intermedle in temporall mens matters Ex Officio Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergie Action reall personall No maÌ„ may appeale froÌ„ a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diuinitie Deanes of the Clergie Maryed clear Gynnes to gâ—â— money Resortum The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice Ex Officio Vsury craftely obiected by the clergie against laye men The prelates make the church a denne of theeues Note the practise of officials to get money B. Eduen and Archb. of Seâ—â—â— elect Prolocutor for prelates Repetition of the L. Peters oration aboue touched page 358. Luke 22. Math. 17. Two gifts giue Priesthood Empyre Prouerb 22. Dif 10. 1. Peter 2. Actes 5. 2. Mach 7. 11. quast 1. Feare of God staÌ„deth in three pointes Num. 18. 1. Paral. cap. vlt. What benefite commeth by geuing to the church Luke 6. Time of warre 1. Mach. 3. Exod. 17. 2. Mach. Time of peace Prouerb 16. 1. Esdras 6. Eccle. 2. The 2. part of fearing God Hebr. 12. Honouring of spirituâ—â—â— fathers 4. Keg 6. Luke 10. 1. Thess. 4. 11. q. cap. â— Sacerdâ—â—â—bus Exod. 22. Malach. 2. Honour to be giuen to priestes Two powers temporall and spirituall and what difference betwene them both De mai obed cap. Solit. Double subiection vpon merite of vertue and vpon duetie of necessitie The authoritie of a byshop and a king compared The pride of the prelacye Siâ—upekings Eccle. 4. Eccle. 4. The third part of fearing God Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes 6. Proofes 1. Diuine lawe 2. by the law of nature 3. by canon lawe 4. by ciuill lawe 5. by custom 6. by priuiledge Formes being dislike not contrary may be compatible in one subiect Proofes out of the olde Testament Melchisedech was both kyng and Priest Ergo the P. may haue both iurisdictions Gene. 14. Deut. 17. Samuell was iudge in temporall matters Ergo the Pope may haue both iurisdictions 1. Mach. â— Ierem. 1. Proofes taken out of the new Testament Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both powers Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. Phil. 2. Act. 10. Acts. 5. Math. 8. Omnia terminus distributiuus Luke 22. 1. Cor. 6. 22. q. 1. cap. futuram Esay 13. Probation by ciuil lawe and reason 1. Peter 2. Probation by the Canon lawe Custome Iudicium contradictorium Three things pertayning to prescription 1. Titulus 2. bonafides 3. TemporiÌ„s continuatio Ius fisci The church not subiect to the kyng Obiection Answere The French 〈◊〉 more blessed then other in 3 thinges 1. Faith to God 2 Honour to the Church 3. Iustice to the people 5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy 1. Reg. 2.1 Daniel 5. Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour 3. Reg. 21. Nabaoth denyeth to the kyng his Vineyard Gene. 48. Math. 17. Offence how it ought to be auoyded Rom. 14. Math. 16. The 3. note of the feare of God Eccle. 15. Honour of the kyng Eccle. 10. Two kinde of honour Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart A prince â—â—ther to be beloued 〈◊〉 feared Seneca de clementia ad Gerâ—â—â—â— A sentence Prouerb 22 In alteration what is to be coÌ„sidered 3. Reg. 11. Math. 20. 25. Quaestâ—â—â— cap. Si. Marke here a fable A dreaming fable Iohn 8. Eccle. 4. Rom. 11. Who honoreth the K. Prouer. 22. Conscience and good name Eccle. 4. 24. q. 5 cap. Regnum Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3. The 4. honoring of the kyng Mat. 6. 1. Reg. 15. The oth of the French kinges Aâ—g by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintayned Ergo such possessions are not to be grudged at To beleeue in the Church is not in our faith 1. Reg. 21. To the bill of articles exhibited An other dayes sitting in the parliament Bishop of Eduen againe speaketh Math. 12. Marke 12. 11. q. 1. cap. 1. 2. 22. q. 4. cap. Si vero Math. 26. Why Christ payd tribute 16. Dist. cap. Constantiâ—â—â— 35. Dist. cap. ab exordio Eccle. 6. Speciall answeres to the articles premised by B. Eduen An other dayes sitting in the Parliament â—â— Dist. cap. sum ad vetum Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore 11. quest 2. The B. findeth fault with the kings answere The gentle answere of the king to Bishope The finall answere of the kyng to the Prelates Notes vpon the bishops answerâ— Pag. 36â— col 2. Feare of God consisting in three thinges 1. In geuing 2. In honoring 3. In restoring Honour to the kyng double In word flattering in deede effectuall Honour effectuall standeth in foure pointes 1. in maintayning the kings loue 2. in maintayning his dignitie 3. in maintayning his good name 4. in maintayning his conscience Pag. 361. col 2. Pag. 361. col 2. Religio peperit diuitias nunc filia deuorauit matrem 4. incommodities that come in geuing to the church Pag. 361. col 2. 3. Things to be noted in offering to God and to the church Rom. 12. Pag. 361. col 1. Pag. 362. col 1. 1. Tim. 5. 2. Things â—â— be noted â— geuing honour whâ—â—in consiâ—â—â— honour geuing to Priestes 1. Tim. 5. Titus 2. Qui benè praesunt How far honour giuen to priestes extendeth Marke 7. Pag. 362. col 1. Tit. 2. Pag. 362. col 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe compatible in one subiect Pag. 363. col 1. Rom. 13. Pag. 363. col 1. Noe was a priest and had both iurisdiction in the Arke Pag. 363. col 1. A. Pag. 363. col B. Page 363. col 1. C. Pag. 363. col 1. D. E. Pag. 363. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward Godly lessoÌ„s and precepts geuen to the yong prince The kyng coÌ„maundeth his bones to be caryed in the field against the Scottes The fatherly care of kyng Edward in excluding wicked coÌ„pany froÌ„ his sonne A rashe vow of kyng Edward The kyngs heart to be carâ—ed to the holy land The Epitaph of kyng Edward King Edward the second Anno. 1308. King Edward led by wicked counsaile Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer about the kyng Anno. 1310. Peter Gaueston The vnordinate affection of the kyng to Peter Gaueston The pride of Peter Gaueston Peter Gaueston spoileth the kynges treasure The queene complaineth to the freÌ„ch kyng her Father of Peter Gaueston Gaueston againe
DispensatioÌ„ from Pope Alexander to forsake his first wife and to marry an other Ludouicus Vladislaus sonne king of Hungary Boheme Warre betwene Charles Duke of Burgoyne Fredericke the Emperour Anno. 1475. Charles Duke of Burgoyne slaine in warre Anno. 1477. Mary daughter of Charles of Burgoyne maried to MaximiliaÌ„ Warre dissention among Christen princeâ— The discord of Christians scourged by the Turkes Discord and dissention in the Church noted Ambition auarice of the church of Rome Ex Rapulario Henrici Token The sea of Rome is turned into an Oceane that haâ—â— no bottome What a million is Concilium Bituriense Pragmatica Sanctio Ex loan Maria Belga de Schismat Conciliis cap. 24. Pope pius laboreth that Pragmatica Sanctio should be abolished The counsaile of Paris appealeth from the pope to the generall Councell Vid. supra pag. 670. The complaint of the Germaines to the Emperour for helpe and ayde against the oppression of the Pope Fredericke made the Germaines twise subiect vnto the Pope Frid. Albertus his brother and Sigismundus striue for the dukedome of Austria Warre betwene Franciscus Sfortia and the Venetians about Millaine Warre betwene Lewes the French king and the citie of Millaine Iohn a Notherde of Franconia Martyr Anno. 1476. Iohn de Wesailia persecuted Anno. 1479. The articles and opinioÌ„s of Iohn de Wesalia Free will nothing Prelates haue no more power ouer scriptures then other men Extreme vnction reproued Against the primacy of the Pope Iohn de Wesalia brought before the prelates The Inquisitour speaketh The answer of Wesalianus reasonable The cruell proceeding of the Inquisitour The greater cause of the Pope described Scio. Credo His opinion of the sacrament His opinion of Monkes and Nunnes The vowe of chastitie Mortall sinne founnd by the Pope beside that which is expressed to be mortall in the scripture What is this article but to make the Pope a god Christ left no vicar in earthe Pardons and indulgences be of no effect The treasure of saintes merites is not in earth This saying waâ— taken out of one Cantor Pariensis which was went to say thaâ— pardoÌ„s were holy decertes because that laye men there were prouoked by naughtie decerteâ— to geue good almes Degrees â—nscripture forbidden to marry Nothing to be beleued but which is in scripture conteyned The Church geueth witnes who were the writers of the scripture but hath no authoritie aboue that which is writteÌ„ By this inquisition Christ himselfe might be condemned Ex Orth. Grat. Ex Paralip Abat Vrsper Discorde betwixt Reals Nominals Ex Orth. Grat. Doct. Iohn de Wesalia reuoketh his opinioÌ„s Albert duke of Saxonie called Dextra manus imperis Albert Marques of Brandenburg called Achilles Germanicus Anno. 1484. The abhomination of Pope Sixtus Ex Declamatione Agrippa ad Lonanienses The warres of Pope Sixtus Ex Ioan. Laziardo lib. Historia Vniuersalii cap. 284. A large gift of the Pope to the begging Friers Alanus author of our Ladies Psalter Then had the blessed virgine Mary two husbandes An olde knaue to sucke his wiues brest The detestable impietie and blasphemie of the popishe lying religion Mendacem memorem esse oportet Ex Latinâ— Codice impresso cui tituluit Rosasea Maria Corona The death of Pope Sixtus 4. Here endeth Platina The death of king Edward 4. Anno. 1483. Burdet Tyranny in miscoÌ„string a mans wordes The lawes of the realme misconstred for the princes pleasure K. Edward 5 Eccle. 10. Vaepuero regi in suo regno Richard Duke of Glocester made protectour The young king committed to Duke of Gloucester The Duke of Buckingham a great doer for the protectour Both king Edwardes children in the possessioÌ„ of the protectour The deuelisliâ— protectour picketh quarelles The Queene Shores wife falsely accused of the protector to bewitch his arme Adultery punished of God Murder iustly punished of god L. Hastings arrested for a traytour L. Stanley wounded B. Morton The tyranny of the protectour The L. Hastings beheaded The beastly protectour accuseth his owne mother Doct. Shawes impudent sermoÌ„ at Paules crosse Sap. 4. Example for all flattering preachers to bâ—ware The Duke of Buckingham an other minister for the protectours furie The Duke of Buckingham speaketh for the protectour in the Guildhall An hard thing to make the tongue speake against the hart A stolne consent in the Guild-hall Fye of hipocrisie The hypocrisie of the protector denying the crowne thrise before he would take it King Richard 3. vsurper King Richard crowned The truth of Robert Brabenbury to his prince Iames Tyrel I. Dighton Miles Iorest cruell traytors and murtherers of their Prince YouÌ„g princes The 2. children of king Edward murdered The iust punishmeÌ„t of God vpoÌ„ the minderers of them two The punishment of God vpon K. Richard The punishmeÌ„t of God vpon the Duke of BuckinghaÌ„ Doct. Shaw and Doct. Pinkie two flattering preachers Gods iudgement vpon flattering preachers The first motion of ioyning the two houses Yorke and Lancaster togeather Earle Henry maketh preparation toward his iourney The arriuing of Henry Earle of RichmoÌ„d in Wales K. Richad gathered his power to encounter with Earle Henry K. Richard taketh the field of Bolworth This Lord Stanley was he which was hurt at the Tower when the L. Hastings was arested vide pag. 727. Bosworth field The history of Sir Tho. More word â—or word taken out of Polid. Virg. W. Brandon Charles Brandon The death of king Richard Duke of Northfolke slaine Lord Tho. Haward Earle of Surrey aduaunced by K. Henry 7. K. Richards sonne punished for the wickednes of his father K. Richard proposed to marry Elizabeth his brothers daughter L. Stanley husband to K. Henries mother forsooke k. Richard The L. Strange meruelously preserued The shamefull tossing of king Richardes dead Corpes Anno. 1485. King Henry 9. K. Henry marieth with Elizabeth The two houses of Yorke and Lancaster ioyned together Anno. 1486. Maximilianus Emperour The reigne and death of Fridericus Emperour Anno. 1494. Maximilian marieth the Duches of Burgoyne This Mary was neece to king Edward 4. The learning of Maximilian coÌ„mended Maximilian writer of his owne stories Ex leaÌ„ Carione Maximilian first ordeiner of the vnyuersitie of Wittenberg Learned meÌ„ begin to grow in Christendome Doct. Weselus Groningensis Weselus called Lux Mundi The doctrine of Weselus Groningensis Ex lib. D. Weseli De sacrameÌ„to peniteÌ„tia The Popes supremacie written against Ex Epist. cuinsilam in opere Weseli Christes aunswere to Tho. de Corselis touching this place Quicquid ligaueris Not what so euer is said to be loosed in earth is loosed in heauen but whatsoeuer is loosed in very deede in earth that is also loosed in deede in heauen Against tiches in the Church The preceptes of the Pope prelates how they binde The Popes keyes Vowes Doctrine not to be receaued without examinatioÌ„ Excommunication Ex Nouiomago A prophesie of Weselus This Oftendorpius was a man well learned and Canon of the minster of Lubecke Here it appeareth that