Hollinshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitâ—…ed without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the â—…arle Douglas at his 〈◊〉 procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour aâ—…ter hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed alâ—…o seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree â—…or his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magâ—…nimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but â—…ew actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept â—…t that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of tâ—…e chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times onâ—… of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From fierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with fiery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to flee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved With all the grace and honour he deserved And that was all to be preserved and
beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from mee betake themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they uâ—…ed ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stiâ—…l behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime
mother bare me a Commander not a fighter but our Douglases were both maximi Imperatores nec minus strenui bellatores wise Commandars and hardy fighters and warriers they had both good heads and good hearts and hands In the beginning ere Rome came to its greatnesse it is said of the first Captains Decorum erat tum ipsis ducibus capescere pugnam That it was no disparagement but honourable for the Leaders themselves to sight with their own hand None were more ready and forward to fight then the Douglasses onely Wallace is thought to have gone beyond any of them But he is but one and that singular and extraordinary without any second at least of his own name and our comparison stands between name and name where the number is as well to be remembred as the worth So many so valorous of one surname is that which we have undertaken to prove Besides none of the Douglasses did ever encounter with Wallace to try who was the better man and if we parrallell their actions done apart what act oâ—… Wallace can be produced more admirable then that of Archbald Tineman at the battell of Shrewsburie where with his own hand he sâ—…ew Blunt the King of Englands Standard-bearer and three more who were apparelled like Kings and at last unhorst the King himself whom he had also stain if he had not been rescued by his sonne Henry the fifth In an English manuscript I have seen it thus expressed And there with fiery courage he assails Three all as Kings adornd in royall wayes And each successive after other quails Still wondering whence so many Kings did rise Till doubting lest his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse known and yet known every where c. It is written also of William Lord of Niddisdail that he was exceeding both stout and strong beyond any that lived in his dayes so that whomsoever he strook but once with mace sword or speare he needed never to double his stroke eveblow carried death with it Also James slaine at Otterburne his personall valour and strength is very highly extolled by the writers of these times who besides that he had the better of Percie in their duell at Newcastle he himselfe was the chiefe cause of the victorie that got the honour of the day at Otterburn where he lost himselfe but wan the field by his own personall valour They tell how he fought with a huge iron mace that was heavier then any ordinary man of those dayes could weild and more then two or three of such as now live Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus We might adde unto these Archbald Bell the Cat Earle of Angus who in a duell with Spence cut off his thigh through bone and all at a blow and divers others as Archbald of Kilspindie whom King James the fifth called alwayes his gray steel for his valour and ability of body but these shall suffice here for a taste of their valour But we will not content our selves with a generall and absolute commendation we will also descend to the comparative which we desire may be as farre from envie as we hope it shall be found neere to truth To begin then first at home there is no subjects race in this Countrey that can match them in these of which we have spoken Antiquity Nobility Greatnesse and Valour or worth in these I say joyntly that is there is none so Ancient and withall so Noble Great and Valorous No name is or ever was in this Countrey of which there can be reckoned so many and so worthy for so stands our compâ—…rison The Grahames are very Ancient in the dayes of Ferguse the second anno 424. and very Noble but have never attained to that degree of Greatnesse as the Douglasses have done The Hayes also are a very old and honourable name in the reigne of Kenneth the third anno 976. but not so anciâ—…nt as our Douglasses by two hundred yeares for they began in the reigne of Solvathius anno 767. These two Hayes and Douglasses doe agree in this that they are as the Grahames also are naturall Scots borne but there is great odds betweene them other wayes For the Hayes have not reached to that pitch of greatnesse either in degree or estimation and account of men by many stages as the Douglasses have attained Other names which now are great are nothing so ancient and besides are come from other Countreyes such as Hammiltoâ—… Gordons Campbels The Campbels from France and the other two out of England The Hammiltouns came in King Robert Bruces time the Gordons in Mackolme Kenmores The Murrayes are more ancient and before all these yet they are strangers and not of the first bloud of the Scots and there was but one of them great and remarkable who was Governour of Scotland few or none Nobilitated till of late but none of all those names comes neere that number of Nobles and Worthies by lineall or laterall descent and as it were of hereditarie vertuous succession and race of men which we finde of the Douglasses There have beene some great and worthy of other names but if they enter into comparison they will be found rari nantes in gurgite vasto but few one or two eminent of a name or of the chiefe house it will also appeare that their honours most of them have flowed more from their Princes favour then their owne great deserving or great service against the enemie The Cummins were the most numbrous and powerfull of any that ever were in Scotland before or since as some of our Writers say yet their greatnesse hath rather beene in lands and possessions or friends then in deeds of armes and prowesse of Chivalrie having done little or nothing of note and worthy of renowne John Cummin indeed fought three battels at Roseline in one day against the English in which we finde nothing reported of his personall valour whereas the Douglasses did ever shew themselves in person to be singularly valorous Besides he was but one man the rest are buried in silence and there is nothing to be found of them all though all their actions were put together that deserves to be compared with the deeds of any one man amongst many of the Douglasses Moreover as there was no great action in them they were scarce good Patriots using their power to the disadvantage of their Countrey and the opposing of the Liberties thereof in King Robert Bruces dayes rather then for the good and standing of the Kingdome which the Douglasses did ever We finde also that they were not very carefull to keepe their promises and thought the breach of their words and faith so it were for their advantage a point of good wisedome and policy a foule and base quality
should leave that Kingdome as free as it had been in the dayes and at the death of King Alexander the third from all bondage and servitude for time to come That the Scots should also resigne to the English all lands and possessions which sometimes they had in England or held of England in fealty as beneficiars thereof and that the Marches between the two Kingdomes should bee Cumberland and Northumberland unto Stone-moore That David sonne to King Robert should marry Jane King Edwards sister called by some Jane of the Tower and by the Scots Jane make peace in derision and that King Robert should pay to Edward three thousand marks sterling for the dammage done to his people in the late warres by Sir James and Randulph Earle of Murray The first of these articles was presently performed and the King of England delivered all the Writs and Evidents which hee had concerning his alledged superiority of Scotland and amongst them an Indenture which they called Ragman saith Hollinshed and certain Jewels won from the Kings of Scotland amongst which the blacke Crosiere or Rood was one This peace the same Authour calleth unprofitable and dishonourable done by evil and naughty counsell If it were dishonourable for England it was so much the more honourable for the Scots that gave the peace But the dishonour hee meaneth is the renunciation of his title to the Crowne of Scotland whereof he had fair claiming King Robert and the Scots had driven him out of his usurpation and vindicated their liberty by force of armes And as for his right and title in Law the world knowes what small account Scotland ever made of his pretensions having never been subject unto any but to their owne King Wherefore it was onely to take away all occasion of cavilling and the better to keep peace with their neighbours that they desired this surrender as they had done before with Balliol whose right notwithstanding carried a greater show of equity and reason and truly it is not so much to be wondered at that King Edward condescended to these Articles as it is that King Robert should have yeelded to them being more unprofitable for him then for the other and a man would think it very strange that he should part with Northumberland or give any moneys to recompense any dammage done in a just warre and that there should not rather money have been given unto him as a dowrie or portion with his daughter in law But the time answereth it hee was now of a good age and unmeet for travel and warres being wearied with battells and cloyed with victories and ceased by sicknesse he longed for peace to himself and to his posteritie but with what fidelity and how little it was kept by King Edward we shall heare hereafter No aliance nor bond of amity which ought but seldome doth tie Princes and great men could keep him from breaking of this peace The marriage was solemnized at Berwick with all the pompe that might bee after which King Robert lived not a full yeare A little before his death being at Cardrois which stands over against Dumbarton on the other side of the water of Levin whether hee had withdrawne himselfe by reason of his age and sicknesse to live a private and quiet life hee called his friends together and made his last Will and Testament in which having ordered all his other affaires hee called to minde a vow that he had made to go into Syria and there to fight against the common enemy of the Christian name but because his warres before and now his age and sicknesse would not suffer him to performe it in his owne person hee recommended the performing of it to Sir James Douglas requesting him earnestly to go and do it for him and withall to carry his heart to Hierusalem and there to bury it neare the holy Grave This was esteemed a great honour in those dayes both by Sir James himself and others and withall a cleare and honourable testimony of the Kings affection towards him and so he interpreted it Wherefore King Robert dying the 7. of July 1329. hee made himself ready and prepared all things for his voyage very diligently yet there were some of the most judicious in those times who tooke it to have a deeper reach and that however he did also respect Sir James and thinke him the fittest for this businesse his main designe was to prevent all dissention which might have risen between these two great Captains Douglas and Murray Randulph to obviate the which they thinke he devised to send Sir James out of the Countrey upon this honourable pretext But there bee Authours that say the King did not particularly designe Sir James by name but desired his Nobles to choose one of his most noble Captains in the Realme for that effect and that they after his decease laid it upon Sir James with one consent who most willingly accepted thereof as one who during King Roberts life had served the body wherein the heart had lodged But whether the King desired him by name or the Nobility did interpret the Kings meaning to be such under the title and description of the most noble Captain or that they themselves did deem him to be so as indeed he was most worthy so it was that the charge was committed unto him and he most gladly undertook it when his presence was very needfull for the Countrey For before he tooke journey their fell out a matter that occasioned great troubles afterwards by Edward Balliol One Lawrence Twine an English man borne and one of those who had obtained lands in Scotland for reward of his service in the warres a man well borne but of a vitious life This man after King Roberts death presuming of inpunite in respect of K. Davids youth loosed the reignes to his licentious lewdnesse and being often taken in adultery and admonished by the officiall of Glasgow when he would not abstain from his wickednesse he was excommunicated wherewith being iâ—…censed he tooke the officiall as he was riding to the towne of Aire and kept him prisoner till hee was forced to redeeme his liberty with a summe of money Sir James Douglas highly offended with this enormity caused seek him that he might be punished which Twine understanding and fearing that he should not long escape his hands if he stayed within the Countrey fled into France and addressing himself unto Edward Balliol he perswaded him to enterprise against the King of Scotland and recover that which he had so good right to and so faire an opportunity which Balliol did in Sir James his absence by his voyage or after his slaughter in his voyage And no question his absence was a strong inducement both to this Edward and to Edward of England to attempt the subduing of Scotland which he did thinke would prove 〈◊〉 by making Randulph away which he sought to have done by poyson Sir James being absent So that either the Kings
whether he would or not As they were thus talking a servant of the house going to the door espies the Arch-deacon coming with a great company of men and came running to John and told him of it who leaping to the door just as they were ready to enter made good the door and drave them back so that with much ado he and those that were with him found means to shut it This attempt so incensed him that having understood of the Arch-deacons coming to Edinburgh at this time he lay in wait for him by the way and slew him This slaughter was imputed to the Earle of Angus by his enemies at least some aspersion thereof was rubbed upon him because as they alledged Angus had sent for the Arch-deacon and he was come upon his sending for and as some said upon an appointment of agreeance to be made betwixt John Hume and him But John ever in all discourse or conference of that businesse denied that everthere was any appointment or overture of agreement or that he ever knew of Angus his sending for him That which made it the rather beleeved to be done by Angus consent or privity was because when in the tumult raised upon the slaughter divers went out to have apprehended John Sir George Douglas the Earls brother went out also to have taken him at the Earls command who was highly offended that he should have committed this insolencie in his government whom when the others saw they suspected that he being Johns wives uncle and seeing many Douglasses and Humes in his company who were friends and allied with John was come out not to apprehend but to defend and assist him Wherefore they returned from pursuing of him Sir George also returned shortly after without finding him neither was there any search made for him after that Angus besides that he was uncle to Johns wife having almost continuall use of serviceable and active men being loath to offend his brother Sir David and his other friends in the Merse And now were things in working and a faction making against Angus Arch-bishop Beton who had joyned with him rather out of fear than good-will had quickly fallen off from them And Angus to be revenged of him had brought the King to his lodging in Edinburgh and intrometted and seized on his houshold stuffe for his own use Argyle and Lennox had separated from him The Queen and Arran were his professed enemies These had their friends about the King Lennox was ever with him and most entire of any His domestick servants were corrupted by the Queen who therefore all sought by all means to alienate the Kings minde from the Douglasses detracting and calumniating their actions some justly many of them unjustly aggravating their errours mis-interpreting things doubtfull concealing the good which they did and traducing all Thus did the King though to retain his favour they had used him with all indulgence and had loosed the rains to all delights and pleasures even more than was fit weary of their government Yet were they so incircumspect or carelesse that they neglected to remove his suspected servants and to place their own assured friends about him either not doubting them that were wiâ—…h him or being too confident in their own strength and power so that by little and little he became altogether alienate at last he opened his minde to such as he trusted and began to conferre with them of the way and means how to be set free from that bondage as he was taught to call it Above all he did most especially conferre with the Earle of Lennox While they are in plotting of these devices Angus either not knowing or not caring what they were doing was much troubled in settling and ordering the borders and the out-laws there He had made many rodes thither but effected nothing or litle Now he takes resolution for the better furtherance to go into Tividale and the more to terrifie the malefactours and to encourage others against them to take the King with him Being come to Jedbrough he moves the King to command the chief of the Clannes to bring in such men as were given up by name in writing to him It was obeyed and by that mean many were execute and put to death many pardoned in hope of amendment and that of the principall malefactours While all are glad hereof and their mindes loosed to some peace of contentment the occasion seemed fair and as it had been fallen from Heaven to them who were enemies to the Douglasses of taking the King out of their hands and custodie The mean is devised thus that Balcleugh who dwelt within a little of Jedbrough should invite the King to his house and retain him there being not unwilling till more were come and conveened But that plot failed by chance or by discovery the King being brought back to Melrosse Notwithstanding hereof Balcleugh resolving to prosecute what he intended would assay to do by force what he had failed in by craft He assembled about 1000. horse of his friends and other borderers accustomed to theft He cast himself to be in the Kings way as he was to passe into Lowthian at the Bridge of Melrosse upon Tweed The Earle of Angus sends to him and asks his meaning wils him to retire He answered he was come to show himself and his friends to the King his Master as other border-men did Then a Herauld was sent to him commanding him to with-draw himself out of the way in the Kings name but his answer was that he knew the Kings minde as well as he and would not go away till he saw him The Earle of Angus had not so many in number about him as Balcleugh yet those he had being his choyce Gentlemen together with the Chiefs of the names of Hume and Ker George Lord Hume and Andrew Ker of Cesford all valiant and active men he resolved to hazzard battell And because they were all come out on horse-back he gave order that they should alight and fight on foot The Lord Hume answered he would do so if the King would command him to do it We hear not what answer was made or that the King commanded but he alighted and took part very honestly with the rest Balcleugh also alighted but he had no sooner joyned battell than a great number of his men better accustomed to steal then to fight fled away and left him He himself and his friends stood to it manfully and continued the fight which was for a space very fierce and hard as being in the presence of the King who was a beholder and was to be the reward of the victor At last Walter Scot of Balcleugh being hurt his whole company turned their backs there being fourscore of them slain and having first slain Andrew Ker of Cesford Balcleugh escaped himself out of the Field Hereupon began deadly feude betwixt the Kers and Scots or was renued and continued divers years after and divers murthers and
prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controverâ—…ie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. the Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that Marre having crossed the water of