and hardly an Enemy of the Church and her Orthodox Sentiments but was scourg'd and confuted by his Tongue and Pen. XXII Nor were the Sons of the Church his only Encomiasts the Adversaries of our Faith having been just to his Merit d R. Gedaliah in Schalschel haccabbala p. 93. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Hotting Smegon Orient p. 268. the Jews themselves giving him a good Character and e Apud Eus l. 6. c. 13. Porphyry even where he rails at it being forc'd to sacrifice on the Altar of Truth and to commend his learning and industry And though the Grandees of the Alexandrian Church were his Enemies yet the multitude ador'd his memory for when f Phot. Cod. pinâ—ubi suppletur locus ab Haesckel in not p. 940. Pierius on the account of his indefatigable industry acute Disputations and florid Sermons was much cryed up by them they could not find out a more Honourable Title to bestow on him than that of the Juâ—ior Origen XXIII Thus is he brought to his last Essay his preparations for Heaven and Eterâ—â—ity a place he could not but long for were there nothing there but a freedome from his Earthly troubles and in him we may observe some things peculiar 1. His Preaching frequently without Orders a thing not unknown in that Age and I could wish never had been practis'd in ours but unless an extraordinary occasion justifie it little allowable it being a just punishment of Heaven on him for this Usurpation to suffer him to fall into so many gross mistakes says a Loc. com part 3. Sect. de Eccles p. 130. Chemnitius 2. That when he was ordain'd the Ceremony was perform'd not by his own Diocesan which was usual nor by a Neighbour Bishop with Letters dimissory which was sometimes practised but by two Bishops the one of Jerusalem the other of Caesarea it being the first example that we meet with in Church-History of a Presbyter that had Imposition of hands to that sacred imployment from more than one Prelate 3. That his great Enemy S. Hierome who so roundly taxes Ruffinus for defending him notwithstanding the heat of his declaiming does b Praefat. quaest in Genes Tom. 3. p. 204. soberly protest that he could be well content to undergo the envy that befel him could he be but Master of his skill in the Scriptures and that he would scorn those Mormo's and little shadows that surrounded him whose fashion it was only to affright Children and make a great noise in a Corner XXIV Envy therefore it was in the Opinion of his profest Adversary that occasioned his Condemnation and made him fall under the Censures of c Euseb l. 6. c. 7. Pamphil Apolog apud Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 260. two Synods at Alexandria convened by the procurement of Demetrius whose spleen was grated to see a Presbyter make greater and more honourable Conquests than the Patriarch of the Province like David's ten thousands to Saul's thousands And the same Evil Spirit vext and haunted him at d Ruffin invect 2. in Hieron Tom. 4. p. 288. Rome because themselves were shadows while he was admired and his glory eclips'd their minor fames as when the Sun shines it is night with the Stars 4. That so great a lover and Zealot of Martyrdome should in an Age of Persecutions die in peace for I cannot believe a Apud Phot. cod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 159. Pamphilus though he says there were many others of his Opinion that he suffered an honourable Martyrdome at Caesarea in the Persecution under Decius for then he could not have lived to that age which S. Hierome allows him nor been Author of those Epistles which says Photius he writ after the death of that Emperour unless we suppose the Letters to have been written after he had left the World as the b 2 Chron. 21.12 Jews say Elijah sent a writing to Joram King of Judah nine years after his death and conveyed it miraculously by the Ministry of an Angel XXV But perhaps by that celebrated Martyrdome he means no more but an honourable confession of the name of Christ in those evil times which he never seal'd with his blood the title in the days of Persecution being usually given to those who having profess'd the Christian Faith before the Gentiles with the hazard of their lives suffered but out-lived the tortures inflicted on them so c Ad Philadelph p. 45. Edit Vossii S. Ignatius calls Philo his Deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. not a man of known probity but as d Not. in loc p 284. Vossius renders it one that had been a Martyr in designation and e Adv. Valent cap. 1. Tertullian says Valentinus expected a Bishoprick but it was conferr'd on one who had a better right to it because a Martyr in preparation and resolves though not actually and S. Athanasius's many banishments and sufferings for Orthodoxy got him that title too Athanasius the Martyr f Catal. p. 314. Edit Sealig Nicephorus stiles him Martyres designati in g De Martyr init Tertullian h Ep. 2. ad Victric p. 284. Martyres vivi i Natal 3. S. Faelicis p. 573. sine sanguine Martyr in Paulinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. Orat. 20. p. 319 and S. Cyprian directs many of his Epistles to the Martyrs and Confessors Nemesianus c. The Martyrs of God the Father Almighty for the three children says he k Cypr. Ep. 58. p. 79. were nevertheless Martyrs though they escap'd the flames of the Babylonish furnace the deferring of the Confessors Martyrdome does no way lessen the merit of his generosity and bravery but makes manifest the Magnalia of the Divine protection For there are two sorts of Martyrs says l Hemil. 36. in Evang. S. Gregory the great one in the intention only the other in the intention and action both So our Saviour tells the sons of Zebedee that they should be baptized with his baptism and drink of his cup by which is meant Martyrdome whereas S. John did not actually suffer but yet was a Martyr in will and resolution though his body escap'd XXVI And in truth the title was promiscuously bestowed on those that dyed in durance that were banish'd or imprison'd for the sake of Jesus or that had but their estates confiscated it was given to those charitable Christians who by visiting the sick of the Plague at Alexandria got the infection and lost their lives in that pestilential disease nay any man who was unjustly condemn'd and executed got that title if we may believe the Heathen Historian a L. 27. vide Baron not in Martyrol p. 266. Ammianus Marcellinus for I cannot allow of b Tom. 2. an 253. p. 458. Baronius his nice distinction that none of those who escap'd death were called Martyrs but who had undergone the Rack and other torments in prison while the Confessors were only those who had
exact but in point of Chronology not so accurate †Euseb lib. 1. c. 6 7. lib. 6. cap. 24. Julius Afri canus undertook the rectifying the accounts of Times and adjusting proper Epocha's to every remarkable accident And by this means the Church History grew up and gather'd strength till it attain'd to its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 its full maturity and growth under Eusebius Hist l. 1. c. 1. who complaining of his being engaged in a desart and untrod way with signal accuracy and unwearied diligence gives us the best prospect could be expected of the three first Centuries and so in some measure satisfied the World for the loss of those forementioned Writers which Method was continued but with less skill and accuracy by Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Euagrius and Cassiodore in whom we find the six first Saecula of Christianity well delineated but when afterward the Imployment devolv'd on Nicephorus and others among the Greeks on Vincentius Antoninus Jacobus de Voragine c. among the Latines what a Deluge of Fopperies Legends Miracles and Visions broke in and overwhelm'd the Church The whole aim of those Biographers and Chroniclers being to experiment not how truly but how honourably they could write of the persons whom they mentioned being ignorant how different an Encomium is from a History 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Lucian ubi supr p. 350. of whose Books we may affirm what Lucian does of some of the Historians of his Age that they deserve rather to be call'd an Ecclesiastical Poem or Romance than a History the enterprise being as suitable as the introducing a Wrestler in the habit of an Eunuch or a General of an Army with his Face bedawb'd with Paint and Ceruse and adorn'd with the little arts of Effiminacy under which Spiritual Scorbute which had emasculated all that was generous among Christians the Church for a long time insensibly languish'd the whole Common-wealth of Learning being disfranchiz'd and its last breath expiring among the Monks who by reason of their confinement to the Melancholy loneliness of a Cell were the unfittest men in nature to be Historians till Religion and the Muses had their restoration together and the Sacred and Secular Sciences were introduc'd from behind the Skreen and shewn to mankind cloath'd in their native Dress and Beauties among which productions of that benign providence the holy History began to look like it self the Winter Tales of the Fryars were hist off the Stage De Magdeburgens videsis Casaub Ep. Dedic ante exercit in Baron Montacut apparat Sect. 52 54. Cave 's Lives of the Apostoliciâ— ad Lector and men grew inquisitive after what really had been done in the days of their Fathers and after a few previous attempts of Melancthon and others to rectify the dis-joynted Series of Times the Divines of Magdeburg or rather Flacius Illyricus in the name of the rest adventured on the writing of the Church History whose Centuries when first they came forth alarm'd the whole Romish Faction and employed them in the moving every Stone to secure their Proselytes from believing that the Reformed was the most antient Religion and that the greatest pretenders to Antiquity were the veriest Novellists to this end a Countryman of theirs first takes up the Cudgels against them William Eysengreen in his Centenarius primus adversus Magdeburgenses but I never found that he went farther than that one Book being conscious to himself of his own impotence and contented to have given his Holiness such a specimen of his Obedience and good will to the Cause Nibbled at the Centuries were by Harpsfield Turrianus Canisius and others but never seriously and in good earnest undertook till Baronius set himself to the writing of his Annals a design which Onuphrius Panvinius had some thoughts of Hieron Barnab vit Baron l. 1 c. 18. but was by Death prevented in which by digesting his Memoires into a better order not of Centuries but of Years by reading through the Body of Ecclesiastick History seven times in his own private Oratory before he publish'd any thing the Centurists never reviewing their Labours nor bringing them to a more accurate Edition by the extraordinary advantage of the Vatican and access to all the learned Libraries and Men at Rome together with a stupâ—â—dous wit and industry he became the great Patron of the decayed Papal Interest and shoar'd up that Church which was just before tottering his Tomes were wonderfully cryed up translated into the German Polish and other Langunges epitomiz'd by Spondanus and by all men greedily sought after and read to the answering of him was the learned Isaac Casaubon design'd by King James who went through no more than the Apparatus of the Cardinal and our blest Saviour's Life and at that period was summon'd to a better Employment in Heaven while the abortive attempt mist not its Antagonists in Julius Caesar Bulingerus Lanselius and others most of whose quarrelâ— were rather in matter of Philology than History but that wise Patron of learning King James was not so content but devolv'd the Province on the most a cute Critick Doctor Montague who waâ— afterward Bishop of Norwick whose design as himself informs us was to reform the Magdeburg Divines on onâ— hand and the Cardinal on the other and how happily and succesfully 〈◊〉 would have managed it his Apparatus and the two Tomes of his Origines Ecclesiasticae are a pregnant demonstration to the World nor would that learned Prelate have there sat down had not that most elaborate work been obstructed by a Domestick Faction when all its foreign enemies could not supersede it At first loud out-cryes and hard words were his portion and for asserting Orthodoxy he was nick-nam'd Heretick till at last the bigger noyse of our unmanly Civil contentions made him earnest to beg his quietus from the Court of Heaven which heard his Prayers and rescued him from the evil to come and I have been credibly inform'd that whereas at his death there was a vast heap of Collections piled up in his Study as materials for the continuation of that Work they were all in the hurry of the Wars ravish'd by one of his Chaplains who had been perverted to the Roman Belief and so lost for ever an injury to the Church of God and Common-wealth of Learning not easily to be repair'd nor do I know of any person who hath undertook the same or a like design since that venerable Prelates decease for as to Hottinger's Historia Ecclesiastica it is too brief to be accounted a just and exact History the whole story of the sixteen Centuries being couch'd in five small Octavo's and the affairs of the nine first Saecula of Christian with the Synchronisms of the Jewish Gentile and Mahometan History cramm'd into one of them viz. the first part or Eneas I have thus more largely than perhaps I ought deduced this account to the present time that the World may the
Doctrine by standing to the Challenge of the famous Jewel and the Men of the New Discipline with the same Authority in point of Government and Polity and under her protection will I shelter my self Rectè verè haec in tumulo viri summi Adami à Bodenstein Basileae in coemeterio D. Pauli leguntur being satisfied that I can say that although I have disserv'd some particular Interests Nec omnia nec omnes mihi Placuere quinam ego omnibus Non omnibus Cous senex Non Eremita Spagirus Num tu Viator omnibus Deo placere cura abi Reusner Ep. ded â—nte lib. de probation urinar yet I am not conscious to my self of having baffled my own conscience dishonour'd the Truth or offended my Saviour and if I can please him other Frowns are contemptible THE CONTENTS The Life of Saint Ignatius THe deplorable loss of the antient Histories Apologies and the Acts of the Martyrs Whether Ignatius saw Christ in the Flesh and was that little Child that he took in his Arms and blest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what He was ordain'd Patriarch of Antioch by Saint Peter Two distinct Coetus of Jews and Gentiles under their distinct Bishops at Antioch Rome Corinth and elsewhere Their coalition at Antioch under Ignatius How long he sate in that See Ignatius not the most antient of Ecclesiastical Writers The genuineness of his Epistles evinc'd The Apostolicalness of Episcopal Government and novelty of any other Church-Polity The Excellent and Primitive Government of the Church of England Four different Copies of Ignatius's Epistles which of them are dubious which spurious and which genuine That to Polycarp was one of the seven genuine The Stages of his Journey to Rome the reason of his being carried so far out of his way What the Heresie of Apollinaris was An account of the first finding a genuine Copy of these Epistles first in England then at Florence Mistakes in Quotations not unusual in the antient Writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what and who usually carried the Bishops Letters to foreign Churches The three Latine Epistles His Style and Actons very conformable to Saint Pauls Ignatius first instituted the Antiphonal Hymns at Antioch Liturgies in his time and of Apostolical Institution An account of the most remarkable Passages in his Epistles his Zeal for Martyrdome severity against Schism and Heresie and importunate pressing submission to Bishops His leisure of writing purchast from his Guards The reasons why he was Martyred not at Antioch but Rome The time of his Journey his Preparative Torments and Death Gods Vengeance on the City of Antioch His greater Bones collected and buried The Church instituted Festivals to their Martyrs Memories honoured their Reliques and God wrought Miracles by them but their adoration was still disallowed Other famous Men of the Name Saint Chrysostom's Panegyrick The Life of Saint Justin His Original He was a Samaritan by Birth not by Religion An Apostolical Person The manner of his conversion His Apology writ to Antoninus Pius An account of his Writings The Age of the Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite The Quaestiones ad Orthodoxos are Saint Justin's but interpolated The Doctrine of the immaculate conception of Reliques and Vows That Baptism is necessary to Salvation The ancient use of Chrism A dissertation concerning the use of the Cross in all holy and secular Offices Where by whom and how the Sermons of the Anâ—â—ents were managed The Chiliast-Opinion the salvability of the Heathens and the Doctrine of Free-Will considered Saint Justin's Errors in Chronology His Martyrdom The Life of Saint Irenaeus His Mission by the Churches of Lyon and Vien to Pope Eleutherius and the Asian Churches Marcus the Disciple of Valentinus a notorious Heretick Most of the antient Hereticks and persecuting Emperors accused of too much familiarity with the Prince of Darkness The Female Sex most easily imposed on by those Impostures The Devils Policy in assaulting the Church Irenaeus his adjuration of the Transcriber of his works The Greek Copy of his works not to be found The Villany of Fathering Books on a wrong Author Heresies have appeared in the World according to the methods of the Creed The necessity of Episcopal Succession Irenaeus held not two natures in Christ His other Errors apologiz'd for and vindicated That the departed Saints are not in the most perfect bliss till the day of Judgment His Character and Martyrdom Life of Saint Clemens of Alexandria The Antiquity of the Catechetick School at Alexandria Clemens his several Tutors his last Pantaenus whom he succeeded in that School The time of his being made a Presbyter of that Church A large Discourse of the extraordinary care and respects of the Ancients toward their Martyrs in visiting them in Prison in Embalming and paying other funeral Honours to their dead Bodies in honouring their Relicks holding their Religious meetings at their Caemeteria and there performing all their Sacred Offices in Celebrating their Birth-dayes and recording their last Actions in building Churches to their memories allowing them an honourable commemoration at the Altar and calling their Children by their Names What Books of his are lost and what others misfather'd on him The Excellent method of his Writings that remain His Apocryphal citations Chemnitius his severe censure of some passages in his Paedagogus The disingenuous dealing of Blondel and others with the Ancients on the account of Episcopacy The agreement of the Jesuites and Presbyterians in that case A description of S. Clemens his Gnostick in his Stromata The Judgment of Pope Gelasius invalidated in condemning the Writings of Clemens with Hermas's Pastor and S. Barnabas his Catholick Epistle His errors considered His worth and Death The life of Tertullian Tertullian's birth and Education The time of writing his Book De pallio That he turn'd Montanist sooner than is asserted after which the Books de Corona c. were writ That the Rites mentioned in that Book were Catholick usages not observances of the Montanists That Ambition sowered most of the Antient Hereticks but Tertullian's ungovern'd zeal sway'd him The Apostolical Church did not admit gross offenders to penance The necessity of single Marriage was the opinion of the Antients their reasons for it The continuance of the Spiriâ— of Prophecy in his time this inclin'd him tâ— believe the Visions of Montanus and let him into many odd Opinions The difference between the Spirit of true Prophecy and pseudo-afflatus of Maximilla c. Hiâ— justly lamented fall His Writings and Style He did not believe Montanus tâ— be the Holy Ghost That Martyrdom expiates Transgression Tertullian no Maâ—tyr The Life of Origen Origens Name and Excellencies Hâ—â— Castration The occasion of his remove 〈◊〉 Caesarea The Emperour Caracalla's spleâ—â—â— against the Alexandrians and the caâ—â—â— of it Origen took not two journeys 〈◊〉 Rome nor was ever a Scholar to Ploâ—â—nus He is too often nâ—gligently confounâ—ed with a junior Origen a Heathen His Allegorical way of interpreting Scripture whence and
a Vindication of it His works What extant and what lost His Octapla his Style and the causes of his condemnation The quarrel between S. Chrysostom and Epiphanius thereupon The Church was accustomed to Excommunicate Hereticks after their death Origen's Errors and whence imbibed An Apology for him The Platonick Opinion concerning the Resurrection His character and Encomia from all sorts of Writers Christian Jewish and Heathen Some peculiar remarks in his Life The Title of Martyr was usually given to the confessors of Old but themselves modestly resus'd it The time of his death Life of Saint Cyprian He is inconsiderately confounded with Cyprian the Magician the Servant of Justina The junior Cyprian was never Arch-Bishop of Antioch The Carthaginian Primate was made a Convert by his Country-man Caecilius who was the same person that bears a part in the Dialogue of Minutius Foelix Donatus was Cyprian's immediate Predecessor in that See Who the Libellatici properly were the different customs of the Churches of that Age in allowing or condemning the purchase of such Libels of security from the Heathen Magistrate Saint Cyprian's exemplary humility and charity The Adulteration of his works by the Romanists The Primacy of Saint Peter what His genuine Writings and style The power of the people in electing their Prelates discust They had a priviledge conceded them to except against the manners of the Candidate for holy Orders and in some places to nominate but that power on their tumultuous and disorderly proceedings soon taken from them A Vindication of his reputed erroneous Opinions That Charity purges away Sins That a man may tender satisfaction to God as well as to the Church To communicate Infants a Catholick custom Authority and Reason for it Mixing Water with Wine in the Eucharist A Discourse of the duration of Miracles in the Christian Church especially of Prophecy the cure of Daemoniacs and raising the Dead Miracles no mark of a true Church The vain and empty boastings of the Romanists in this case The time of Cyprian's Martyrdom Two Temples erected to his memory and a Festival His honourable character Saint Austin's Homily in his commendation Life of Lactantius His Country Italy The design of his Institutions to stifle the Objections of two virulent Adversaries of Christian Religion Of whom Hierocles was one but Porphyry not the other Lactantius his Errors The Fathers were not very wary in asserting the Divinity of the Son and Holy Ghost till the appearance of Arius and Macedonius The praeexistence of the soul Merit The excellency of Charity That sins of ignorance damn not Whether the wicked shall arise at the day of Judgment and how His great learning and extream poverty Life of Saint Athanasius His Baptizing his play-fellows vindicated Baptism by Laicks in case of instant necessity connived at in the Primitive Church The Schismatical Ordinations of Coluthus condemn'd and Ischyras degraded who after was made a Bishop by the Arian faction Arsenius his appearing at Tyre to the vindication of Athanasius An account of the death of Arius Gregory and George the Cappadocian usurp the See of Alexandria The last of them cruelly slain What books of this Father are genuine The Saturday was observ'd as a Fast at Rome and Alexandria and the reasons of it but as a Festival in the rest of the Christian world and the reasons of that custome it is yet so retained in all the Churches of the East and South Nine Orders of Angels anciently asserted agreeable to Scripture That the glorified Saints pray for some persons in particular The retention of Images The distinction of sins into venial and mortal Divers Orders of Monks Penance Prayers for the dead Anti-Christ who the holy Table frequently called Altar The Eucharist a sacrifice how an unbloody sacrifice The Doctrine of the Procession of the Father by the Son was the ancient belief An Historical account of the addition filioque and of the just grounds of the Greek Church to keep to the ancient Creeds The life of S. Antony writ by Athanasius The genuineness of the Epistles between Pope Marc and Athanasius controverted That Christ descended locally into Hell The Father 's not in complete bliss till his Resurrection Circumcision was a sign of Baptism Athanasius's Death and character The famous men of his name S. Greg. Nazianzen's Panegyrick on him The Life of Saint Hilary of Poictiers The legend of his Condemnation at Rome under Pope Leo. The ancient division of France rectyfied by Augustus What Countryman Saint Hilary was the great confusion in Historians when men of the same name are cotemporaries When Saint Hilary was banish'd and by whom His honourable mention in the Writings of the Ancients The Tractate de numero septenario is not his Venantius Fortunatus who and how he came to be Bishop of Poictiers Saint Hilary's Poems His Books de Trinitate are his master-piece The Epistle to his Daughter Abra. His Fragment of the Council at Ariminum His Style The Interpolation of his works That he did believe the Divinity of the holy Ghost His Errors candidly considered and apologiz'd His Opinion of the holy Spirit Of our Saviours being without passions Of our being the Sons of God by Nature How all things were created at once His Opinion of Free-will his Death and Character ERRATA Besides mis-pointings and Words printed in an improper Châ—racter the Reader is desired to Correct as follows In the Book P. 4. l. 9. for by r. to p. 10. l. 13. r. Epistle p. 16. l. 9. r. pag. ¾ p. 18. l. 23. r. whence p. 28. l. ult r. rite p. 32. l. 2. r. ancient forms p. 34. l. 17. r. there p. 36. l. 26. and 32. r. thee p. 39. l. 4. r. Obsecrationum p. 52. l. 15. r. preceded p. 102. l. 7. dele as p. 103. l. 27. after ours r. is p. 104. â— dispossess p. 114. l. 21. del of all his Congregation p. 115. l. 23 â— meet p. 138. l. 29. del that p. 139. l. 12. del and. p. 148. l. 27. r. acute p. â—49 l. 32. r. disturber p. 152. l. 32. r. the. p. 158. l. 29. r. Mistresses p. 159. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 164. l. 1 2. r. in the next Century p. 166. l. 29. r. l. 4. p. 175. l. 26. del as he continues p. 186. l. 2. r. to partake p. 194. l. 12. r. gamala p. 196. l. 11. r. Martyr p. 198. l. 8. r. more beautified p. â—07 l. 19. for in r. out of p. 214. l. 10. r. of Saint p. 237. l. 18. for i r. first p. 241. l. 18. r. no power p. 337. l. 10. r. Eulalius p. 348. l. 26. r. before that time p. 356. l. 22. r. the Heathen Magicians p. 371. l. 24. r. Quiriacus l. 28. r. Rescripts p. 390. l. 34. r. Saturnilus p. 406. l. 34. r. Callecas p. 421. l. 5. del whereas it p. 465. l. 7. r. Raynaudus In the Margin P. 27. l. marg 8. r. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 37.
〈◊〉 and so Ruffinus after S. Hierom Translates it the Passage containing a Vindication of the Catholick Doctrine against the Docetae the Followers of Simon Magus who held That our Saviour took only a fantastick body which reading the judicious c Exercit. adv Bar. 16. n. 126. Isaac Casaubon and the immortal d Comment in Mat. 18. Grotius follow III. And yet there is no impossibility in the Assertion nor is it in it self altogether improbable though e Ubi supr Casaubon doubts of it whose Dissertation on the Subject I wish that Learned Man had lived to finish were there any thing of greater Antiquity to countenance the Tradition than Anastasius Bibliothecarius For Ignatius was martyred but eight years after S. John's Death when he had sate Patriarch of Antioch thirty years says f Chronic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— p. 66. Eusebius thirty nine as S. Hierom reckons it forty says g P. 21. Mr. H. out of Baronius at least thirty years says our most Learned h Vindic. Epist Ignat part 2. cap. 1. p. 2. Pearson Now S. John was a Man and a Disciple when this Child was taken up into the Holy Arms of Jesus and Simeon Cleophae our Saviour's Kinsman mentioned also in the Gospel who was the Second Bishop of Jerusalem was Martyred but the year before Ignatius So that nothing could hinder but that this excellent man might have been blest with the sight of Jesus as i Of Episcopacy Sect. 34. Bishop Taylor affirms did not k T. 5. Hom. in S. Ignat. p. 503. edit Savil. S. Chrysostom contradict the Opinion expresly asserting that Ignatius never saw nor converst with Christ Of which Passage the most acute l Ubi supr c. 10. p. 120. Bishop of Chester gives his Judgment that he was ignorant on what grounds that Eloquent Father built his Assertion IV. But grant we the certainty of this Position that S. Ignatius lived in our Saviour's time and might see him yet to argue from thence that he must have been that Child that Christ set in the midst of his Disciples is a wild way of arguing there being no congruity between the passages m Id. ubi supr c. 12. p. 148. c. this latter story therefore rose from another original from a mistake of that name which was always used by Ignatius as an addition to his own viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so the birth of this story must be placed higher than Nicephorus who lived but a few Centuries since circ an 1300. for we find it in Simeon Metaphrastes who lived circ an 1000. and before him in Anastasius Bibliothecarius who I suppose first learnt it from the Greeks when he was a member of the eighth General Council where the great Quarrel was decided between the most accurate Critick Photius and another Ignatius whom they stiled the junior Theophorus and the Church of Rome Canoniz'd about the Patriarchate of Constantinople in which Council Photius was depos'd and this story I believe coyned to gain some greater honour to his Opponent and the accent translated from the second to the third syllable thereby quite altering the signification of the word the one signifying actively the other passively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deum portans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Deo portatus sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matricida 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à matre occisus c. And this I the rather mention because Mr. H. though he calls the story a Fable yet always terms Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the use of the ancient Greeks and all Latine Translators who render it by Deifer or Deum vel crucifixum circumferens or qui Christum habet in pectore In which story what makes it most of all suspitious is that for this reason say they the Apostles made him a Bishop without laying on of hands because Christ had already laid his on him against the express testimony of S. Chrysostom Theodoret P. Foelix and other Fathers and against Reason too for had our Saviour laid his hands on him in the Rite of Confirmation as we might suppose was done Matth. 18. yet this hinders not the reiteration of the same Rite to another end and purpose in Ordination V. We are told p. 2. that Theodoret and to him might have been joined S. Chrysostom and others records that S. Peter ordained Ignatius his Successor whereas Eusebius and Dorotheus affirm that Euodius preceded him in that Chair and that it is true Ignatius was the third Bishop there if we reckon S. Peter for one but because he made a small stay there the Catalogue begins in Euodius and so ignatius is justly reckoned the second Bishop But this doth not salve the Objection how he could be ordain'd by S. Peter as his Successor and yet Euodius come between them who on all hands is acknowledged to have been Bishop of Antioch and to have dyed long before Ignatius his Name being inserted in that large interpolation of the a p. 97. ed. Uâ—â—er Epistle to the Philadelphians as also in the spâ—rious b p. 157. Epistle to the Church of Antioch which tells us of his Ordination to the Government of that See by the Apostles The first that I find bidding any thing toward a solution of this Question is c â—â—â—â—ent 〈…〉 lib. 7. c. â—6 Turrianus and out of him d Not. in Mâ—râ—yrel Feb. 1. p. 9â— 100. Baronius who inform us that on the dissention that happened at Antioch between the Jews and Gentiles hinted Galat. 2. each party had their own Bishop allotted them but on the re-union-of the Churches they were again setled under one Prelate and that during this breach Ignatius having been ordained by S. Peter and Euodius by S. Paul contrary to the e Lib. 7. c. 46. Apostolical Constitutions which say that Ignatius was S. Paul's Successor and Euodius S. Peter's on the re-union Ignatius modestly gave place to Euodius till his death and then succeeded him as Clemens being ordain'd at Rome by S. Peter did to Linus and Cletus and so was both the Second and Third Bishop of that See On this ground as I suppose the Learned f Dissert de Episcopat 4. c. 10. Dr. Hammond hath built the Opinion which I profess to embrace and which excellently solves the Question VI. Whereas in the dispersion of the Apostles the g Gal. 2.7 Gospel of the Circumcision i. the Conversion of the Jews was S. Peter's Province and that of the Uncircumcision or the Gentiles was S. Paul's accordingly they applyed themselves to the persons design'd for their peculiar Flock on which account S. Peter writes his first Catholick Epistle to the Jews disperst in the several parts of Asia whose Diocesan he properly was and not to the Gentiles and S. Paul writing to the Hebrews conceals his name lest he might be censur'd as a busie man in
the Government of the Church by Bishops as superiour to Presbyters been intimated in every Epistle and a submission to their Authority so instantly prest these Sacred Remains had never fallen under such rude Attacques but been reckoned among the most precious Treasures of the most Primitive Antiquity X. This set Blondel first on work says the immortal Grotius in his Epistle to Gerhard the Father of Isaac Vossius to decry these admirable Writings although in the former Edition which past through the hands of Videlius at Geneva Blondellus magnae vir diligentiae sed suae parti super aequum addictus Ignatii Epistolas quas filius tuus ex Italia attulit puras ab omnibus iis quae eruditi hactenus suspecta habuere ideo admittere non vult quia Episcopatuum vetrustati clarum praebent Testimonium Grot. Ep. Ger. Voss who could not be suspected to be partial for the Episcopal Cause there be enough left uncensur'd to shew us the Face of the Church of that Age. This also is Doctor Owen's Charge against them in his Preface to his Book of the Saints Perseverance that frequently causelesly absurdly in the midst of Discourses quite of another nature and tendency the Author of these Epistles or some Body for him breakes in on the commendation of Church-Officers Bishops and Presbyters Nor is a Apparat. ad lib. de Primat Pap. p. 55. Salmasius backward in the same Impeachment and I am apt to imagine that Mr. H. so thinks since else he would have mentioned some of those many Passages that give an account of the Church Government then in use as he hath done in the lives of some of the other Fathers where any thing might seem to make for him and which would have served as an excellent Comment on that rational Paragraph of his Preface That as to the Face and State of the Church both as to sound Doctrine and wholesom Discipline it may be presumed that they i. the Fathers were better acquainted with than most others and could give us the fullest and truest Information it having been their special work to publish and defend the one and they having had the chiefest hand in the management of the other for it was a solemn act of Divine Providence says the famous b Annal T. 2. an 109. p. 36. ex Euseb Hist Eccles lib. 3. cap. 30. Cardinal that these Epistles should be written but a greater that amidst that Tempest which wrack'd so many of the Writings of the Primitive Fathers these should escape in which we have such a lively draught of the Beauties of the Oriental Church for what the Apostles Peter and Paul taught the Church of Antioch and S. John instituted in the Churches of Asia that hath Ignatius preserved and transmitted to Posterity For that in S. John's time who dyed but eight years before our Martyr writ his Epistles the Church should be Govern'd by a Common Council of Presbyters or by every distinct Priest as absolute over his own Flock and presently on his death all the world of Christians should conspire to betray the Institution of Christ and c Chillingw of Episcopacy Sect. 11. p. 5. no man wish so well to the Gospel-Discipline as to oppose it is so wild a sancy that when I shall see all the Fables in the Mâ—tamorphoses acted and prov'd Stories when I shall see all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the World lye down and sleep and awake into Monarchies then will I begin to believe That Presbyterial or Independent Discipline having continued in the Church during the Apostles time should presently after against the Apostles Doctrine and will of Christ be whirled about like a Skreen in a Mask and transform'd into Episcopacy XI And I could wish that our Brethren of the Separation would consider how much they hereby both prejudice their own Cause since in no ancient Writer can they find so honourable a mention of the Presbyterate as in Ignatius and administer advantage to the common Enemy and how they can answer that Objection of a Ubi supr p. 39. Baronius who challenges all the Protestants to be tryed in point of Ecclesiastical Polity by this Father as if instead of a beautiful Church they had groan'd for a most deform'd Monster But blest be our great High-Priest and Bishop of Souls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Greg. Naz. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Polycarp and Clemens Alex. call him that the Church of England is able to retort the Calumny and lay it at the door of the Objectors being ready to be try'd for its Discipline by the Fathers of the first Ages of the Church consonant to whom it can show three Orders of the Clergy in opposition to the defects of the Conventicle and the superfluity of the Conclave But this Question hath been so accurately handled by so many learned men of our Church that it were folly in me to light my Candle where their Sun shines XII But Mr. H. is not without his own Reasons why these Epistles are not pure though he disallow Dailleés why they should not be Ignatius's of which before we examine particulars it will not be amiss to consider how many different Copies of the Greek Epistles have been made use of for as to the three Latine ones mentioned and disallowed per ¾ b Apud Usserii prolegomen de Epist Ignat cap. 5. p. XXIX Baronius and the Roman Index clear the Martyr from being the Author of them and this I do to mind Mr. H. of another slip of his p. 8 9. from his haste or mistake of the Reverend Primate who in his c Cap. 6. p. XXXIII Dissertation prefixt to his Edition of Ignatius reckons three several Editions of these Epistles in use among the Ancients the first of the seven genuine Epistles only or six as he would have them which Eusebius c. saw and used the second of the same Epistles but interpolated and so used by Stephanus Gobarus Anastasius the Patriarch of Antioch and the Author of the Chronicon Alexandrinum for they were not the Authors of the Connection of the five spurious Epistles as Mr. H. imagines the third consisted of the genuine and supposititious Epistles all in one Volume used by Johannes Damascenus Antonius in his Melissa and Anastasius Presbyter whom I suppose Mr. H. mistook for him of the same name that was Patriarch of Antioch and so fell into his errours And I am apt to think with a Ep. 1. p. 9. ad fin vindic Pearson Isaac Vossius That the genuine Epistles were adulterated and the spurious annext under the Emperour Anastasius circ an 510. who also supprest the Gospels as if writ by Idiots and unlearned men and commanded others to be writ in their stead This third Edition b Proaem c. 6. p. 28. Bishop Pearson divides into two one whereof had only four spurious Epistles added to the seven genuine and untainted as the Medicean Copy of
haer 46. p. 171. Epiphanius affirm that Justin suffered his Martyrdom under Adrian whereas it is on all hands conceded that he dyed for the Testimony of Jesus under M. Aurelius Antoninus Philosophus and Lucius Aelius Verus III. From this we pass to Sect. 3. where the number of the Martyrs Books are reckoned what are genuine what spurious what extant what not and p. 29. we are told that his two Volumes against the Gentiles which are mentioned by Eusebius S. Hierome and others are lost whereas they are certainly the same with his Paraenesis ad Graecos and Oratio ad Graecos sive Elenchus which are p. 30. acknowledged to be extant His â—mment on Genesis in the Centurists is no 〈…〉 than the Comment on the Hexameron â—â—entioned by Anasasius Sinatia his Comment on the Apocalypse no other than an Explanation of the Chiliast Opinion according to the Scheme of that Apostle's Prophetick Vision or if a distinct Book I suppose it to have been the Tractate de Resurrectione Carnis mentioned by Damascene of which sort of make was the Comment on the Revelation which c Biblioth lib. 4. Sixtus Senensis says was writ by Irenaeus and in truth whatever Mr. H. p. 61. say to the contrary they are both joined by d Catal. v. Johannes S. Hierome for I think it will be hard to prove a Commentator on Scripture ancienter than Origen or on that part of it than Aretas the Book it self of the Revelation in S. Justin's time being hardly allowed a place in the Canon and the Question not decided who was its Author whether S. John the Apostle or another John an Asian Presbyter buried also at Ephesus in a distinct Tomb from the Evangelist In the same page he reckons a Comment of this Martyr on Dionysius the Areopagite his Eccles Hierarch out of Possevines Apparatus and that among the number of his genuine Tractates not extant but I cannot but wonder that he allows that counterfeit to be so ancient as here to make him older than Justin Martyr and p. 94. than Clemens of Alexandria asserting after another Jesuite Halloix that Clemens writing obscurely imitated Dionysius of Athens whereas all sober Writers that give the spurious S. Dennis the greatest Antiquity make him not elder than the fourth Century and generally agree that the 〈◊〉 Father was Apollinaris so Laurentius Vallaâ— Sirmondus Petavius Launoy c. among the Romanists and Gerh. Vossius Vsher and Casaubon among the Protestants especially a 〈◊〉 pist â—â— part 1. c. 10. Bishop Pearson Dr. b Answ to Cressy's Apolog chap. 2. Sect. 17. c. Stillingfleet and c Life of S. Dennis Sect. 13 14 c. p. 73 74 c. Dr. Cave to omit Dailleé that hath undertook the task of set purpose P. 34. he accounts the Book De Monarchia now extant not genuine because it differs in the Title from his Tract de Monarchia Dei mention'd by the Ancients but there are greater Differences than this in the Titles of Books among the Fathers and for his Argument that he promises in that Book to fetch Testimonies from the Scriptures and Heathen Autâ—ors it is to me manifest That the Book is imperfect and by that means not able to speak for its self His Treatise entituled Eversio quorundam Aristotelicorum dogmatum is allowed to be genuine by that excellent Judge of Antiquity d Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 162. Photius under this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls Disputations full of rational Arguings Vehemency and freedom and is not that other Book which he there mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with his Questiones ad Orthodoxos and if so the Book hath fallen into foul hands that have foisted in many passages it being apparent that the Book as now it is written hath not a few places in it that relate to the Arian Heresie and matters of the third Saeculum and by that Interpolator is it that Irenaeus and Origen are there quoted which could not have been done by the Author who was Martyred above forty years before Irenaeus's Death and above twenty before Origen was born herein therefore I assent to Mr. H. but must profess my dissent from his Deduction p. 38. that therefore the Doctrine of the lawful use of the Cross of the Virgin Mary's being without Sin keeping Reliques that Baptism is necessary to Salvation c. are unsound and Popish which Doctrines we will severally and a-part consider IV. The Opinion of the Virgin Mary's being without sin we explode as a Novelty unknown to the purer Antiquity her being free from Actual Transgression was first talk'd of doubtingly by a De natur grat c. 36. S. Austin but that she was untainted with Original Sin hath been the late Dream of the Franciscans and since of the Jesuites and that the Fathers universally thought otherwise 〈◊〉 may see their Sentiments quoted by b Respons ad Albert. Pium. Erasmus and c Loc. Theol. l. 7. c. 1. p. 348. c. Melchior Canus and I find d In Rom. 5. disput 51. p. 468. Salmeron himself confessing that some men quote two hundred some three hundred Fathers against this Opinion of the immaculate Conception V. The lawfulness of keeping and honouring Reliques we have already made good the worshipping of them we with the Primitive Church disown As to Religious Vows whatever some great men since the Reformation in opposition to the Romish Church may have opin'd he that knows that the Orders of Hermites and Anchorites were an institution of the third Century and that the Fathers frequently distinguish'd between Precepts Evangelical to which all men aâ—â— bound and Counsels Evangelical Vide Monâ—â—â— Appel Casâ—â— cap. 15 15 17. or Perfections to which only those are obliged that will more strictly testifie their Devotion Self-denyal and Mortification cannot doubt of their allowance of making new engagements beside the General Vow in Baptism a Practice in truth customary among Men of all Religions Christian Jewish Mahometan or Heathen and I would willingly learn why it should not be as lawful to vow under the New as the Old Testament in things not commanded as well as in what is enjoyned since Vows are no part of the Divine Service but the manner only of performing it especially while the ancient and holy Christians understand the Widdows casting off her first Faith of the breaking her Vow 1 Tim. 5.12 that dedicated her Widdowhood to God and why it should be lawful to make Vows about Fasting Prayers and Alms which e Case of Cons l. 2. c. 14. Mr. Perkins allows and not in other matters I profess I cannot understand VI. That Baptism is necessary to Salvation we assert as a Catholick and Orthodox Position and what is impregnably founded on that Doctrine of our Saviour John 3.5 Except a man be born of Water and the Holy Chost he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven notwithstanding the
and Martyrdom Eusebius is silent but c Tom. 2. an 165. p. 159 160. Baronius out of the Acts of his Martyrdom gives us an exact account both of his Examination his being first scourged and then beheaded d Apolog. 1. p. 46. though himself seems to expect to be crucified saying That he look'd that some of his Enemies would accuse him and that he should dye his Master's death And he there particularly mentions Crescens that vile and profligate that debauch'd and ignorant Cynick who was the cause of his Martyrdom at what time whatever e Haeres 46. Epiphanius mistakes or rather his Transcriber he must needs be above 30 years of Age. So dyed this generous Apologist for the Laws and Religion of Jesus an 165. says Baronius but Dr. Cave in his Chronology makes it to have fallen out a year if not two sooner and the Church hath dedicated a Festival to his memory on the first of June in the Greek Church but in the Western on the 13th of April and may his name be had in everlasting remembrance THE LIFE OF S. Irenaeus BISHOP OF LYONS I. IN the Memoirs of this grave and learned Prelate I cannot find much that may justly be reprehended unless the Reader may be as I have been inclined to wish that Mr H. had spoken more fully to some passages of his life but withal I acknowledge my longings genuinely satisfied by the Reverend Dr. Cave who among other things accurately related acquaints us with Irenaeus's mission from the Churches of Lyons and Vien to Eleutherius and the Asian Churches not to the Asian Churches only in which journey he occasionally took Rome in his way as Mr. H. p. 53. avers out of a Vit. Irenaeiâ—nte opera Feuardentius nor to Rome only without any Letters at all to the Asian Churches as b Tom. 2. an 179. p. 246 247. Baronius would have it but to both to the Eastern Churches to compose the differences there rais'd by the followers of Montanus and to Pope Eleutherius not because it was the duty of that Oecumenical Pastor to decide all Controversies as the Cardinal would have it for himself was infected with the same heresie says c adv Praxeam c. I. Tertullian but to ratifie his authority with the Letters of that Patriarch and perhaps that he might without disturbance imploy his time and pains in the confutation of Florinus and Blastus two Presbyters of that Church but excommunicate whose falling into the heresie of Valentinus so grieved the good man that it occasion'd him to d Theod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. seci Florinus Blastus write his books against that heresie which we now have And that he went this Journey I am perswaded by e apud Dr. Caves life of Iren. p. 165. Eusebius and St. Hierome whatever the acut Valesius says to the contrary II. At his return from the East he was chosen successor to Pothinus who had been Martyred in his absence in a dangerous time that needed a man of spirit and courage of learning and piety the persecution raging violently without and the Church being as furiously assaulted within by Marcus one of the Scholars of Valentinus of whom whereas f Not. in Euseb p. 200. Scaliger wonders that neither Eusebius nor Hierome make any mention yet not only g lib. 1. cap. 8 9. Irenaeus himself and h Praescript adv haeres cap. 29. Tertullian names him with Heracleon and Colarbasus the upholders of the School of the Gnosticks but also i lib. 4. c. 10. Vide Theodoret. ubi supr in Marco Eusebius gives his Character and St. k Ep. 29. to 1 p. 198. comment in Isa 64. f. 112. D. Hierome avers that he was a Scholar of Valentinus and first brought that heresie into France into those parts of the Country through which the Rhoan and the Garonne run and thence passing the Pyrenée Mountains he went into Spain and that his chief employment was by Magick and other lustful privacies to creep into the houses of great men and debauch their Wives Women who are led about with divers desires always learning but never coming to the knowledge of the truth III. And here it may not be amiss to observe that the greatest enemies to Christianity have been Satans privadoes and admitted to some more familiar intimacies than ordinary with the Prince of Darkness and this will visibly appear if we inspect the Catalogues of the Primitive Hereticks or the lives of the Emperors who were the most active persecutors of the interests of Jesus whom we shall find acted by a more than humane impulse to uphold the reputation and grandeur of that tottering and ruinous Kingdom The first disturbers of the Churches peace and introducer of damnable Dogmata was Simon Magus whose name bespeaks what acquaintance he had with the Devil nor were his followers any more averse from his practices than his principles a Theodor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. sect Simonis haeresis their chief imployment lying in Charms Philtres Amulets and such magical and unlawful Mysteries his most active and acute Disciple was Menander a b Id ubi suprà Aug. de haeres c. 6. Tertull. praescript ad fin Euseb lib. 3. c. 20. Iren. l. 1. c. 21. Master also in this infernal Art after whom were Saturninus and Basilides his Scholars the first the more open villain and a plain asserter of his Masters heresies but the other a more close and busie Proctor for Satan being a great pretender to abstruse and undiscovered Mysteries but c Euseb l. 4. cap. 7. Theodoret. ubi supr sect Basil both equally enslaved by the Devil to become his Vassals Basilides especially being a great trader in Amulets which he gave his deluded Proselytes the form of which you may see in Baronius append ad To. 2. an 120. In these steps did d Gaius apud Euseh lib. 3. c. 22. Cerinthus walk and e Id. l. 4. c. 7. Iren. l. 1. c. 24. Carpocrates who blasted Religion with his venomous breath had an assistant Daemon and gloried that he kept those spirits in subjection whose son f Theod. ubi supr sect Carpocrat Epiphanes and the rest of his followers grew dextrous in those instances of their skill IV. Thus the first family of the Gnosticks grew up and became strong and formidable till it was supplanted or rather engrossed by the Valentinians g Theod lib. 1. sect Valentinus Valentinus deriving his heresie from Simon Magus and Menander and of whom we may judge what his course of life was whose instructors were Magicians and Scholars of the same trade such as were Marcus of whom hereafter and Heracleon who taught his Disciples Charms wrapt up in Hebrew and other obsolete words h Aug. de haeresib c. 16. and how to anoint their dead with oyl balsom and water and a set form of invocation From this Valentinus the Ophitae deriv'd
he not only kept his Miraculous Physician at Court with him but shewed himself favourable to all persons of his Religion whereas about the 9th of his Empire begun that fierce and cruel Persecution that ended not but with his Life I would therefore presume to believe that the Donative on the occasion of which Tertullian writ the defence of that Soldier who refus'd his crown was given not in the times of Severus but in the first year of Caracalla and Geta on their return out of Britain after the death of their Father when Antoninus slew all his Fathers Physicians for not hastening his death and his own Governor Euodus for endeavouring to take up the differences between him and his Brother and all others that were favourites to Severus it being usual at the Inauguration of Princes to give such largesses and very necessary at that time to smooth the mind of the Soldiery after so many brutish acts of cruelty and continued threatnings of more mischief V. So that I cannot but see a necessity of believing that Tertullian became a follower of Montanus in the middle of the reign of Septimius Severus for in the fifteenth year of that Prince were his Books against Marcion writ as a L. 1. adv Marc. p. 56. C. Ed. Rhen. himself testifies but that he was then a Montanist is very plain for b Lib. 1. ad fin he defends the necessity of single Marriages by the testimony of the Paraclete which can be no other than Montanus and c L. 4. p. 91. D. calls the Orthodox in scorn Psychici and pleads eagerly for his new Prophetick Afflatus and Ecstasies and to this the very long Popedome of Zepherinus will give countenance and engage us to believe that the Disputation between Gaius and Proclus was manag'd some years sooner than most of the Chronologers place it Nor are several other Works of this Father commonly reckon'd among his Tracts Writ before his Desertion of the Church but infected with the leaven of Montanisme for in his De resurrect carnis he stiles Prisca a Propneâ—ess and in his Deâ—anima undertakes to prove the corporeity of the Soul by a vision of that Impostress and in the beginning of his Book De velandis virginibus he affirm That Holiness was in its rude elements under the law of nature in its infancy under the Mosâ—ick Oeconomy and the Prophets in its youth under the Gospel Dispensation but never came to its maturity and full growth till his time under the Paraclete His discourse also against Praxeas then commenc'd wherein d Cap. 1. adv Prax. he tells us that at first the Roman Prelate Baronius says it was Anicetus Dr. Cave Eleutherius but I think it was Zepherinus did believe the Prophecies of Montanus Prisca and Maximilla and granted Letters of Peace and Communion to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia that were infected with that Heresie allowing what his Predecessors had condemn'd but was diverted from continuing in that resolution by Praxeas the Author of the Sect of the Patro-passiani against whom Tertullian Writing says That he did two good Offices for the Devil while he was at Rome he expell'd the Spirit of Prophecy and brought in Heresie he banish'd the Holy Ghost i. Montanus and crucified God the Father Calling the Orthodox by the usual name of disgrace among those Herereticks Psychici which makes me wonder that that very Learned Man should number these Books among those that Tertullian Writ before he fell into Heresie Whereas in the Books which he Writ before he became a Montanist he a De praescript adv haeret c. 52. calls it a blasphemous assertion to aver That the Holy Ghost discovered more by the Ministry of Montanus than of the Apostles and his Tractate De Baptismo purposely opposes Quintilla a Woman of great repute in the Family of Montanus to prove the necessity of Water to the right Administration of Baptism and of Baptism to Salvation VI. To this Opinion for the main Mr. H. p. 13½ assents but I can no way allow of his deduction from it that therefore all the customs and usages of the Church idle Ceremonies he calls them which Tertullian reckons up in his de Corona came out of the School of Montanus as the Centurists says he profitably conjecture and which p. 169. he stiles the materials of the Antichristian Synagogue then preparing For had Tertullian argued against the Catholicks from the observances of his own Conventicle he had expos'd his reasonings to derision by begging the question whereas the Orthodox might easily retort on him that these were not the usages of the Christian Church but of their little Tribe whereas the method is perswasive when disputing against the Catholicks he urges them with their Traditional Rites and practices which were common to both them and the followers of Montanus nor is it but a most irrational inference to cast off all things that are good because of the intermixture of some unsound Positions in any person or writing as if we must think all the accounts of the Primitive usages in Eusebius were only the little arts of the Arians or in Socrates did belong only to the Novatian Schism because the one was supposed an Arian and the other a Puritan But to argue justly we must first prove the Institution of these Ceremonies to be an act of Montanus and the use of them the peculiar practices of his followers which I think Mr. H. will hardly undertake and if he hath any Veneration for that learned man B. Rhenanus whom he so often quotes he may from his Notes on this Book have a perswasive and sober account of the reason of these Institutions and if this will not satisfie b Ubi supr Tertullian shall give him my Answer Quamdiu per hanc lineam serram reciprocabimus I count it madness any longer to draw this Saw of contention but it behoves the opposers of ours and the Primitive Church to discountenance as much as may be such early instances of the use of the Cross the Responses in Baptism the prohibition of fasting on the Lords day and many other such practices The occasion of this so justly lamented defection of this great man S. c Catal. v. Tertul. Hierome says was the envy of the Church of Rome against him and the opprobrium there cast on him which might easily work on a man of his temper and Country to imbitter him Pope Victor and the Emperour Severus his Countrymen and Cotemporaries were not the most moderate men in the world such injuâ—ties being insufferable to ingenuous Natures a Lib. 6. cap. 25. Sozomen telling us that had Apollinaris been treated with more mildness and condescension by Theodotus and Georgius Bishops of Laodicea he believes the Church had never been pester'd with his new Heresie others as Pamelius and Mr. H. p. 115. that it arose from his missing the Bishoprick of Carthage and such ambition hath also much promoted
speak in an Ecstasie as do the Books of Pope Miltiades and Apollonius which Eusebius mentions That the Montanist Enthusiasts had their Ecstasies Tertullian grants but denies that they fell into any rageings and fits of fury and would undertake to a Tert. adv Marc. l. 4. c. 22. prove that the true Prophets were so acted from the example of S. Peter who on the Holy Mount Luke 9.33 would have three Tabernacles rear'd one for his Master another for Moses and a third for Elias not knowing what he said for says he how was he ignorant was it from the erroneous notions that then possess'd his mind or from some extraordinary grace and assistance that threw him into an Ecstasie For that man who is acted by the spirit of God especially when he sees the glory of God or God speaks by him must necessarily be deprived of his senses being overshadowed and amazed by the brightness of the divine power And this says he is the Question between us and the Psychici i. the Orhthodox But herein Tertullian went alone it being apparent that S. Peter's mistake proceeded from his ignorance of the state of glorified bodies and that the Masters among the Jews and all the Fathers acknowledge that the Prophets had a clear light and apprehension of what was communicated unto them and that correspondent thereunto their deportment was grave and their demeanour sober Tertullian therefore was very happy when he more than once renders Ecstasis by Amentia their raptures being nothing else but fits of madness wherein they were acted by an assistant Daemon to reveal strange things Melancholy and a busie swelling fancy with a little help from Satan the great pretender to Oracles easily setting up a confident cheat to imitate the dictates and inspirations of the true Prophets XVI Secondly The false Prophets of Montanus were of very vitious lives and conversations notwithstanding their great pretences to extraordinary strictness and mortifications but the true spirit of God will not dwell in unhallowed minds b Talmud Gemar Joma c. 2. Abarban pref in 12. prophet Maimon Mor. Nev. p. 2. c. 32. c. Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 424. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Orig. contr Cels lib. 7. the Jewish Masters affirming that he that will be a true Prophet must be acted by a spirit of true probity and piety must be an humble man a man of wisdom and fortitude and who hath gotten a conquest over his passions And to this agrees S. Peter 2 Ep. 1. ch v. 21. That they were holy men that spake as they were inspired by God And so the Fathers did believe that those that had such uncommon assistances of the spirit of God were men whose souls were purified by the light of a sublime reason and whose lives were guided by that light But a Apollin aâ—ud Euseb â— 5. c. 15. Montanus himself was a man of unsatiable ambition and covetousness of an ungovern'd wildness and impudency and his b Apollonius â—pud eund â— 5. c. 18. Prophetesses were Adulteresses so far from being Virgins as was boasted that they deserted their Husbands to follow this Pseudoparaclete they were addicted to the use of Fucus and painting to gawdery and intemperance and unlawful games to putting their money to use and to what not and Theodotus Themison and Alexander and other of their followers were notorious profligate wretches and at last Montanus and his two female Proselytes fell into the condemnation of Judas and were their own executioners and now let the tree be judg'd of by the fruit XVII Thirdly The Predictions of the true Prophets were always fulfill'd but the Revelations of Maximilla were like the old Oracles at best dubious and many times very false she undertaking to threaten the world with Wars and Seditions that should scourge the Church if her dotages were not embrac'd c Apollinaris ubi supr whereas the Father observes that from the death of that Impostress to the time of his Writing there had past 13 years in which there was a profound peace over all the World but more especially the Church enjoyed her serene and quiet days and was free from Persecution and she also d Epiphan haeres 48. Prophesied that after her decease there should not arise another Prophet but the consummation of all things should commence whereas the World yet continues Fourthly True Prophecy is a spirit which descending from above is not to be controll'd by any thing but that supreme power that gives the inspiration who bestows and retrieves it at his pleasure but when these Ecstatick cheats appear'd in the World the good Fathers of that age undertook to exorcise the Daemoniack and cast out the evil Guest e Serapion Apollinaris Apollonius apud Euseb l. 5. c. 15 17 18. Zoticus Bishop of Comana in Pontus resolving to undertake the action but the Montanists oppos'd it XVIII Fifthly The true Prophets had never granted them against the ordinary and establisht Government of the Church the Prophets of the old Testament being to be judged by the Consistory and of the New by the Church against which I can only find one instance of Elijah at Mount Carmel superseding a positive law but these men were guilty of introducing new doctrines of opposing and reviling their Ecclesiastical Superiors and broach'd Opinions that contradicted the word of God Montanus himself says a Ubi supr Epiphanius affirming That the righteous at the day of judgment shall be a hundred times brighter than the Sun and the wicked a hundred times brighter than the Moon And what makes me most of all suspect the cheat is that this Afflatus made it self appear only at set times by Tertullian's own confession usually on the Sunday and that only during the celebration of Divine Service when the people were gather'd together like our Modern Quakers pretences to the spirit to assist them in their publick discourses as that thought fit which now no longer acts them but at set intervals and that the subject of the Prophecy was hinted to the Enthusiast from some passage or other in the Prayers or Lessons or Sermons of the Church whereas the true spirit of God tyed not its self to such Methods nor could be confin'd within such limits and needed not such concurrent circumstances from whence it might take the measures of its discoveries but as a free and uncontroll'd agent shed its influences on the mind of the Prophet at what seasons and in what degrees were best lik'd of by the supreme Inspirer Thus the Devil as they say can take upon him the shape of a man Naz. Orat. 25. p. 441. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Orat 14. p. 221. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but cannot so wholly play the counterfeit but that by a Satyrs tail or a cloven foot he will be betray'd to a severe and diligent inspector so when he seizes the Prophets Mantle to abuse the World there are some peculiar
been confined but no otherwise punish'd A Confessor therefore and a Martyr were in those days reciprocal terms in the account of all men but the Confessors themselves who were so modest as to disown the name The c Apud Euseb lib. 5. cap. 2. Churches of Lyons and Vien writing to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia that their sufferers who had been thrown to the wild beasts and were afterward rescued would not stile themselves nor suffer others to call them Martyrs but if any one either personally or by Letter had given them that appellation would severely reprehend him confessing that Christ who is the first-born from the dead and the giver of eternal life was the only d 1 Tim. 6.13 faithful and true Martyr Only Lucian and the rest of the pragmatical Confessors so called themselves in their Rescript to e Inter 〈◊〉 Cypr. 17. p. 26. S. Cyprian Optamus te cum sanctis martyribus pacem habere XXVII In this sense was Origen a Martyr not unto death but of the first Classe of Confessors his time being divided between his prodigious industry in his Studies his beloved poverty and his sufferings at the hands of Demetrius and his party besides his daily expectation of a fatal sentence from the inraged Gentiles made his whole life a continued martyrdome which God put a period to an Chr. 256. and of his age the 69th which cannot possibly comport with the reign of Gallus and Volusianus as Photius Baronius and Mr. H. assert but must be referred to the first of Valerian when reckoning him to be 17 years old at the death of his Father an 10. Severi his 69 years are compleated f Raleigh's Hist of the world lib. 2. cap. 7. sect 3. He lies buryed at Tyre where he dyed in the Cathedral Church in a glorious Sepulchre curiously adorn'd with Marble pillars cover'd with gold and precious stones †3. p. 339. by whom the famous Emperor Frederick Barbarossa being drowned near Iconium lies interred The Panegyrick of S. Gregory Thaumaturgus spoken to Origen at Caesarea Palaestinae when he was returning home Inter opera Greg. Thaumaturgi p. 48. Edit Gerh. Vossii Paris 1622. ' SIlence is a comely quality in all men generally but especially in me at this time who whether I will or no am compell'd to hold my peace being conscious to my self of my rudeness and unacquaintedness with the elegancies of Speech which requires great choice of pertinent expressions both in composition and pronunciation and perchance nature never design'd me for so smooth and pleasing an undertaking * * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gr. fit only for those that are Native Greciuns nor is it less than eight years since I either spake or writ any Oration or heard any other either declaiming privately or in publick making Panegyricks except only these admirable men that have fallen in love with sacred Philosophy who are less sollicitous about the Cadencies of word and Decencies of Elocution primarily studying to search out and then to express things as they are not that they disdain eloquence for they are very willing to cloath their accurate and generous notions in beautiful and veracious Language but that it is not so easie at the same time to express their Divine and holy sentiments in proper terms and the finer dress of the Orators and to comprehend within the narrow mind of one man two such opposite qualifications being the distinct employments of several persons for silence and thoughtfulness is a great promoter of the understanding and invention but few men speak well except those that constantly use it and beside all this my other studies have defaced any such impressions that the Greek Tongue had made in my mind on which the study of the Roman Laws by which the World is governed hath imposed which neither were digested nor can be understood without much industry which in themselves are full of wisdom and piety and a various and admirable composure and in a word dress'd in a most rich and pure stile but being translated into Latine though the Language be venerable and lofty and suited to the grandeur of that Majestick Empire they prove if I may speak my thoughts troublesom and difficult to me for whereas our words are nothing else but representations of the passions of our souls we confess it is as easie for skill'd Orators as for excellent Limners well furnish'd in point of art and diversity of colours to draw the pretty blushes and various shapes and intermixt beauties of flowers in a Tablet but for my self who am poor and unfurnish'd of those several boxes of paint as having either never enjoyed or rejected them it sufficeth me to delineate my naked thoughts in those words that first come to hand in usual and vulgar expressions as he that draws with a coal expressing my sentiments if not in gaudy and flourishing terms yet doing my best as in such a rude Essay voluntarily rejecting whatever pompous and finer ways of speaking do offer themselves unto me But there is a third reason yet that more enclines me to silence and that is the excellency of my subject of which I was always earnest and willing to treat but now am afraid and full of hesitation for I have designed to accost you with a discourse concerning a great Person who as to outward view is a man but to those that can see the greatness of his soul and his sublime accomplishments he appears more than humane endued with Divine Excellencies ' I will not detain your expectations with a rehearsal of his Parentage and Education of his strong habit of body and comeliness for these are the praises of Children which are scatter'd at randome with and without desert for to speak cautiously of things that are transitory and vain and by many ways and very soon and easily are destroyed as if they were Venerable and worth our pursuit seems to me a dull and empty undertaking it was never my design to speak of such trifling and unsatisfactory Toys though if I should I need not fear or blush as if I should degrade my Subject but whereas I have adventured to treat of greater things and to mention that in him which is most transcendent and nearest akin to the Divinity which though shut up in a mortal and visible body earnestly strives to be like God and to praise my Saviour for blessing me with the acquaintance of this Sage man beyond every other persons expectations and my own especially who ne're imagin'd nor could ever have hop't such happiness it is no wonder if being conscious to my self of my weak and mean parts that I am at a loss and full of tremblings and had rather hold my peace this course did seem most safe to me lest under the pretence of gratitude I by a hasty easiness talking light and common things of so Venerable and sacred a Subject might not only fall short of truth but injure its
them to have been two distinct persons for as to the fancy of a Not. in Naz. Orat. 18. tom 2. p. 687. Billius that there were two Cyprians both born at Carthage and both Bishops there and that the latter of them spending much time at Antioch and there growing famous was thence called Antiochenus as Pomponius though born at Rome was called Atticus for a like reason it savours of more love to the Fathers credit which he is willing to vindicate than to reason or the truth of History But this hath been sufficiently cleared by a Martyâ—olog Sept. 14. Sept. 26. Baronius b Vit. Cypr. ante opera Pamelius c Life of S. Cypr. sect 1. p. 252 253. Dr. Cave and others and before them all by the most accurate Critick d Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 215 216 Photius who gives us an account of the life of the Martyr of Antioch out of the Empress Eudoxia's three Oratitions on him not intermixing the smallest memoire relating to our Primate of Carthage though I must dissent from him in his making him Arch-bishop of Antioch for his acts in Latine make him no more than a Deacon nor is there any such name to be found among the Patriarchs of that See in the Catalogue of Nicephorus nor yet of Anthimus his predecessor nor does the Church History mention any other Bishop of that name under Dioclesian but e Euseb lib. 8. cap. 6. Anthimus Bishop of Nicomedia who was then beheaded while that cruel persecutor resided in the City of his Episcopal charge and when probably the junior Cyprian also was adorn'd with the same Crown II. The visible instrument of the conversion of this great man was Caecilius a Presbyter of Carthage the same as I conjecture with him of that name who bears a part in the Dialogue of Minutius Foelix his name and employ his Country and Religion conspiring to make good the conjecture for that he was no Roman is plain by the narration which he gives of himself f Pag. 3. Ed. Oxon. 1627. that he left his Country and Relations to see Minutius at Rome and g Pag. 6. for that purpose took a voyage which by the strongest probability must have been from Africk for Octavius not only calls Serapis and Osiris his Deities h Pag. 64. tui Serapidis sive Osiridis i.e. peculiar to that part of the World where he was born but Fronto by the name of i Pag. 100. tuus Fronto whom Caecilius himself stiles k Pag. 26. Cirtensis noster whereas it is well known that Cirta was a City of Numidia on the Mediterranean the Metropolis of the Country and the seat Royal of Massinissa Colonia Cirta Sitianorum cognomine as all the old Historians and Cosmographers stile it which say some is Constantina the Metropolis of Bugia others Teddeles the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Telensin They were therefore both of them Africans and both Christians for Caecilius in the end of that dialogue was a Convert both Marryed a Minut. p. 3. Caecilius leaving his Wife and infant-children behind him when he came to Rome and b Pont. vit Cypr. S. Cyprian on the death of his Converter being made a Guardian for his Family both of the same profession Rhetorick and it is probable that S. Cyprian succeeded him in his School at Carthage as says c Tom. 2. an 250. p. 440. Baronius who also would have him to be the same Caecilius who was made a Tutor to Diadumenus son to the Emperor Macrinus This was the good man whom providence thought fit to commission for the conquest of Cyprian he was the Jonah who preach'd repentance to him and enclined him to embrace the Laws of Jesus by the same methods as the Prophet made Proselytes among the Ninivites not that when Cyprian heard him Caecilius was preaching on that Prophecy as Mr. H. p. 250. avers which S. Hieroms words without some straining will not bear but that an extraordinary influence such as the Sermon of Jonah at Ninive is requisite to the conversion of the great and wise men of the World since the Apostle says not many wise not many mighty are called III. At his advancement to the See of Carthage of which he was the most famous d Conc. C. P. in Trull can 2. Arch-bishop I suppose Mr. H. need not as he does p. 251. doubt whether he succeeded Donatus Agrippinus or some other For e Epist 55. S. Cyprian himself mentions Donatus as his immediate Predecessor as Fabianus preceded Cornelius And whereas f De bapt contra Donat lib 2. cap. 7 8 9 S. Austin frequently calls Agrippinus his Predecessor he intends it only of one who sate in that Episcopal throne before him without relation to him who sate last there And if Agrippinus were the first in the African Churches who asserted the Doctrine of re-baptization as both S. Austin and S. Cyprian intimate then he must have been antienter than Tertullian especially if that story be true that that most learned Father was sowr'd into Montanisme by missing the Bishoprick of Carthage on the death of Agrippinus g Ep. 73. p. 105. S. Cyprian glorying that many years were past since the Prelates under Agrippinus determined this point which would hardly amount to so long a space if S. Cyprian immediately succeeded him IV. Who the Libellatici were in the Primitive Church hath been a disputable question Baronius and after him Mr. H. p. 255. appropriating the term to such as privately denying the name of Christ were by virtue of a Libel of security exempted from publick sacrificing and the rage of persecution but will by no means allow the title to be applicable to those that did neither sacrifice nor anathematize their Saviour but only paid a great sum to be exempted from the penalty of the Law whereas a Ep. 52. p. 58. de laps p. 145. S. Cyprian peculiarly calls these the Libellati but this mistake proceeds from not distinguishing the b Vid. Dr. Cave's Prim. Chr. part 3. c. 5. several sorts of Libellatici the last sort of which were those who in nothing complyed with the Heathen rites only paid a great sum to the greedy Magistrate and by that means smooth'd the ruggedness of his temper and took off the edge of his fury the man being Non tam crimine quà m errore deceptus says this Father not so much guilty of a crime as a mistake V. These in some Churches were injoyned penance as in the Church of Carthage in Cyprian's time but at other times in the same and other Churches were not only allowed but advised to such a purchase of their freedom and security c Epist Canonic Can. 12. p. 25. Ed. Paris 1622. S. Peter the Patriarch of Alexandria and a Martyr under Dioclesian in his discourse of penance freeing the act from irregularity That it was no sin to sacrifice their money to the