AN ABRIDGMENT OF Sir Walter Raleigh's HISTORY of the WORLD In Five BOOKS 1. From the Creation to Abraham 2. From Abraham to the Destruction of the Temple of Solomon 3. From the Destruction of Ierusalem to Philip of Macedon 4. From Philip of Macedon to the Race of Antigonus 5. From the Establishment of Alexander until the Conquest of Asia and Macedon by the Romans Wherein the particular Chapters and Paragraphs are suâ—cinctly Abridg'd according to his own Method in the larger Volume To which is Added His Premonition to Princes LONDON Printed for Matthew Gellisflower at the Black Spread Eagle in Westminister-Hall 1698. Times Witness Herald of Antiquity The Light of Truth Life of Memory London Printed for Mat Gillyflower at the Spread Eagle in Westminster Hall THE PUBLISHER's Advertisement TO THE READER I Need not give any Account of the Excellency of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World of which this is an Abridgment The great Knowledge and Learning the accurate Skill and Penetration the sublime Wisdom and Piety together with the curious Remarks and Observations which so signally appear in that History have sufficiently recommended it to the Judicious part of the World Yet notwithstanding these Excellencies Sir Walter has not been without some considerable Imperfections in respect to History which he has shewn in his too frequent and long Digressions and Observations and tho' several of them are very fine and Ingenious yet too many of them are wholly Foreign to his Subject But his Moral and Religious Reflections tho sometimes long are generally too Excellent to need a Vindication The abovâ—-mention'd Faults of this Great Man which were the general Faults of the Age in which he liv'd have made many Curious Persons wish for an Epitomy of that large Volume wherein his Excellencies might in a great measure be retain'd and his Errors be wholly expung'd This was attempted near Fifty Years since by Alexander Ross but with small Skill and Success for he has injudiciously fill'd his Epitomy with the most trifling and trashy parts of the Original and omitted too much of what was most material and substantial For which Reason I have ventur'd to Publish this Abridgment of which I shall give the Reader this Brief Account Above a Year and an half since it was given me by an Ingenious and Judicious Friend who knew nothing of the Author but finding it to be done with singular Care and Judgment he desir'd me to View it and Publish it Upon Examination I found my Friend's Character to be rather short of the Author's Deserts both as to his Skill and Accuracy in Extracting the Essence of the Original so that I could do no less than expose so choice a Piece to the view of the Publick All that I have done besides the Expunging and shortning some Passages is the Correcting and Altering of the Style which in most places was too obsolete But in that I have still preserv'd its first Resemblance to the Original which was almost as remarkable for the Style as the Matter so that the Reader is not to expect all the Purity of a New Written History for that would have been too unlike Sir Walter Besides the Reader may here find an Excellent Abridgment of Sir Walter 's Preface which is a most sublime Piece of Morality and Divinity and a most Noble Lesson and Instruction to all Princes and great Persons being by many esteem'd of more Worth than all his History besides Laurence Echard Louth in Lincolnshire Octob. 25. 1697. Sir Walter Raleigh's Premonition to PRINCES MY own weak Reason convinc'd me how unfit a choice I made of my Self to undertake a Work of this mixture For had it been generated in my younger Years before any Wound received either by Fortune or Time yet I might well have feared that the Darkness of Age and Death would have covered both me and it long before its performance It had better suited with my Disability to have confined my Discourse within our renowned Island of Britain and to have set together the disjointed Frame of our English Affairs than in the Evening of a Tempestuous Life thus to begin with an History of the World from the Creation But the deep piercing Wounds which while uncured are ever aking with the desire to satisfy those few Friends tryed by the Fire of Adversity the former inforcing the latter persuading have caused me to make my Thoughts legible and my self the Subject of every Man's Opinion wise or weak To the World I present them to which I am nothing indebted neither have others that succeeded me sped much better in the change of Fortune Prosperity and Adversity ever tying and untying vulgar Affections And as Dogs bark at those they know not and accompany one another in their Clamours so is it with the unthinking Multitude which led by uncertain Reports condemn without hearing and wound without Offence given contrary to the Counsel of Syracides Against this vanity of Vulgar Opinion Seneca giveth a good Rule Let us satisfie our own Consciences and not trouble our selves about the Censures of others be it never so ill as long as we deserve well Touching my self if in any thing I have preferred the service of my Country the general acceptation can yield me now no other profit than a fair Day does after Ship-wrack and the contrary no other harm than as a Tempest in the Port. I know I lost the love of many for my Fidelity to Her whom I must still honour in the Dust though farther than the defence of her excellent Person I never persecuted any To labour other satisfaction were the effects of Frenzy not of Hope seeing it is Truth not Opinion which can travel the World without a Passport Equity alone might persuade if there were not as many Forms of the Mind as there are external Figures of Men and that as every Man hath received a several Picture as to Face so hath he a diverse Picture as to Mind Every one a Form by himself every one a Fancy and Cogitation differing there being nothing in which Nature so much triumpheth as in Dissimilitude From hence it cometh that there is found so great a diversity of Opinions so strong a contrariety of Inclinations so many natural and unnatural natural wise and foolish manly and childish Affections and Passions in mortal Men. For it is not the visible fashion or shape of Plants or reasonable Creatures that makes the difference of working in the one or of Condition in the other but the internal Form And though God has reserved the reading of mens Thoughts to himself yet as the Fruit tells the name of the Tree so do the outward Works of men so far as their Cogitations are acted give us a Light to guess at the rest Nay it were not hard to express the one by the other very near the Life did not the Craft of many Fear in most and the Worlds Love in all teach every Capacity according to
Condition should run the Fortune of the Common-wealth which if once ruin'd in vain could any particulur Man hope to injoy the benefit of his proper substance Upon this Marcellus was sent against Hannibal and Livinus into Sicily where he finished what Marcellus left Hannibal by long hard Service and wanting Supplies from Carthage grew unable to keep the Field and sufficiently to Garrison his Towns this made him Demolish the places he could not Defend which aleniated many so that Salapia yielded to Marcellus and betrayed a Regiment of Hannibal's best Numidian Horse Hannibal in this strait hears of Masanissa with five Thousand Numidians sent to Spain and Asdrubal's coming to Italy which News made Hannibal then keep what he could and the Romans to recover â—hat they can Hannibal by great Marches came unlook'd for to Fulvius a Roman Praetor at Hardonia slew him Twelve Tribunes or Colonels and seven Thousand more others say thirteen Thousand burnt the Town and removed the Inhabitants Afterwards Marcellus who thought himself the only Roman fit to Incounter Hannibal met with him and lost six Ensigns and three Thousand Men but the next day Marcellus slew eight Thousand Carthaginians lost three Thousand and had so many wounded that he could follow Hannibal no further Quintus Fabius Maximus now Consul besieged Tarentum Garrisoned with Brutians whose Captain in Love with a Woman in the Town was drawn by a Brother of the Woman 's to betray it so all were put to the Sword even the Brutians contrary to his word that it might be thought he won the Town by Assault not by Treason But it saved not his Reputation Claudius Marcellus and C. Crispinus Consuls the next Year whom Hannibal entertained with many Skirmishes declined a set Battle till he might join with his Brother Asdrubal but watching all advantage he took them in his Ambuscade as they came to view a place with small Forces where they intended to Incamp Here Hannibal had placed in Covert some Companies of Numidians who incompassed them slew Marcellus wounded Crispine to Death and giving honourable Funerals to Marcellus sent his Ashes in a Silver Pot to young Marcellus Crispine considering that Hannibal had Marcellus's Ring with which he might deceive some Cities sent warning all about thereof even as a Letter in Marcellus's Name came to Salapia to prepare for his coming thither which Hannibal followed with Romen Fugitives which spake Latin to the Watch and bad them open to the Consul The Gate was opened and when six Hundred Men were entred the Port-Cullis were let down and Hannibal out-witted in his own Stratagem After Crispinus death Claudius Nero and M. Livius succeeded Consuls Of which two Livius had been many Years before condemned and expelled by the People for which indignity he refused the place till with much imporunity he was overcome Thus as Men in fair Weather break the Branches of the Palm Tree under which they shelter themselves in Storms so do the ungrateful with Men of Merit as Themistocles reprov'd the Athenians The two Consuls take their way Livius to meet Asdrubal Nero to follow Hannibal to hinder their Marches knowing the mischievous effects of a Conjunction of two Malevolent Planets It seemed that Livius was too weak to oppose Asdrubal and therefore Nero took six Hundred Foot and one Thousand Horse and in six Days long Marches came to him But Asdrubal perceiving the increase thought to decline a Battle by removing over the River Metaneus had not Nero followed and forced him to it in which Asdrubal was slain and fifty six Thousand with him saith Livy but Polybius numbers but ten Thousand After this Victory Nero hasted to his Camp with Asdrubal's Head which he threw before the Carthaginians and freed some Prisoners which might make Report of the Victory in Hannibal's Camp so to strike a terrour into it Here the Tide began to turn on the Romans side and so increased that no Bounds could contain it and Hannibal's hopes decayed daily From this thirteenth Year of the second Punick War unto the eighteenth in which it ended little is delivered worthy of Memory § 17. Publius Cornelius Scipio after Asdrubal's departure into Italy had to do with Hanno lately sent to succeed Asdrubal whom M. Syllanus shortly after took Prisoner Asdrubal Son of Gesco and Mago left by Asdrubal Son of Amilcar remained to make head who prepared seventy Thousand Foot four Thousand Horse and thirty two Elephants to keep the Field Scipio makes up his Legions with some Auxiliary Spaniards and seeks out the Enemy with forty five Thousand Foot and three Thousand Horse whom he fed well the day before and early next Morn provoked the empty Carthaginians to Battle as Hannibal had served his Father at Trebia Asdrubal wholly depended upon this Battle in which he was worsted whereupon Artanes with his Turdetans fell to the Romans and the other Spaniards being confirmed in the Report of the Carthaginians ill success at Metaurus in Italy never did them good service after Asdrubal perceiving this hasteth toward the Sea but is overtaken by Scipio and charged so furiously that he with seven Thousand took themselves to a strong piece of Ground from whence himself stole by Night to the Gades whither Mago and Masanissa followed and their Army dispersed So all the Towns except three submitted to Scipio who the Year after took them only Astapa was burnt with all the Riches therein by the Inhabitants who slew themselves except such as desperately broke out upon the Romans Camp and so were slain Asdrubal leaves Mago at Gades and Saileth to Syphax King of the Masaesili a People of the Numidians hoping to perswade him to be a Friend to Carthage but Scipio meeting him there drew him to the Roman side which he soon forsook Scipio returns to Spain and having taken Revenge of the three Cities which held out he celebrated Funeral Games at New Carthage for his Father and Unkle which was performed by Duels of Slaves as also such as had Quarrels for Title of Land which Friends could not compose Scipio being dangerously sick is reported Dead whereupon Mandonius and Indibilis two Spanish petty Kings rebel hoping to make themselves great and part of the Roman Army discontented with the little benefit they had got by the Roman Conquest fell to spoil drive away their Colonels choosing two base Leaders Scipio sent new Colonels which with fair words and promise of Pay brought them to Carthagenia where exemplary Justice is done upon the two Leaders and their Accomplices the rest having sworn Obedient receive Pay Mandonius and Indibilis pursued by Scipio submit and are pardoned but their former Power lessened Masanissa promiseth to serve the Romans and Mago by direction from Carthage leaveth Gades when he had Robbed it to go to Hannibal in Italy having Treasure sent to raise an Army So Gades presently yielded to the Romans and Scipio gives up the Province to a Successour and is chosen Consul § 18. Publius Cornelius Scipio
strange God's as Terah himself Ios. 24. Yet after Abraham's being called their willing departure with him from their Country and ordinary reverend Speeches of Iehova prove they were no Infidels and without Faith Gen. 24.31 50. I dare not therefore pronounce them out of the Church who I am sure were in the Faith § 6. Abraham's being first named proveth him not the Eldest § If in Scripture it appear not that God made especial choice of the First-born as it is in Seth Isaac Iacob Iuda David c. the being first named can prove no Birth-right Shem is first named among the Sons of Noah whereof said Augustine Order of Nativity is not here respected but signification of future Dignities in Gen. 25. And he rather judged Abraham the Youngest of the Three Piety saith he or rather Divine Election which draweth with it Piety and the Fear of God gave precedence to Shem among the Sons of Noah and to Abraham among the Sons of Terah Again Moses testifies Abraham was 75 Years old when he left Charran Stephen saith it was after Terah's death at 83 he rescued Lot at 86 Ismael was born and Isaac at 100 and all in Canaan But if he begat Abraham at 70 Abraham must be 135 Years old when he entred Canaan c. Moreover by this Accompt Isaac must be 35 years Old and Ismael 49. at Terah's death and Born in Mesopotamia contrary to Scripture Thirdly by this reckoning Terah should be but 145 Years Old at his Death when Abraham was 75. Fourthly Sarah being within Ten Years of Abraham her Unkle Haran her Father being his younger Brother must beget her at Nine Years Old which Reason Lyra useth The like Reason is taken from the Age of Lot the Son of Haran called an Old Man at Abrahams's Eighty third year § 7. The Conclusion noting the Authors on both sides § It agreeth with Scripture Nature Time and Reason that Haran was Terah's Eldest Son Augustin was herein uncertain and what he saith in his City of God lib. 16.15 is answered in his 52d Question on Gen. And as he follow'd Iosephus so Isidore and Beda follow him The Hebrews and generally the Romanists following the first Opinion allow but 292 Years from the Flood to Abraham But Theodoret and divers later Beroald Codornan Beucer Calvin Beza Iunius c. hold Abraham begotten in the 130 th Year of Terah Scaliger Seth Calvisius c. to the contrary call it Heresy in Chronology Bucholcreus Chitreus Functius and others follow them yet Torniellus in his Annals confutes them But if we advisedly consider the state of the World in Abraham's days we shall rather increase the time from the Flood to Abraham as the Septuagint did to 1072 than shorten it to 292 For such paring of Time to the quick draws the Blood of the Story if Scripture's Testimony were not supreme Seeing then we know the World was so peopled and Kingdoms so furnished with Cities of State and Strength more time is required for it than many imagine c. § 8. The Assyrians Times order'd by Abraham 's History § Thus Abraham's Birth being 352 Years after the Flood and so the 2009 th Year of the World bringeth Ninus's 43 to the same date of the 352 Years we must consider what probably was spent before the coming to Shinar admitting Chus were born the Year after the Flood His youngest Son Nimrod Founder of the Empire born after Dedan Son of Raamah the fourth Son of Chus could not according to the ordinary course of those Times be esteemed Born 'till 65 Years after Chus allowing 30 Years to Chus before his first Son and 30 Years to Raama Father of Dedan born before Nimrod and 5 Years for his five Elder Brethren Allow 60 Years after for two Generations before their setting forth before Shinar and six Years for their Travail with Wives Children and Cattel out of the East through over-grown Countries and Mountains Thus 131 Years are spent before Babel is taken in hand the 221 Years which remain of 352 are divided to Ninus 42 before Abraham's Birth 65 to Belus and 114 to Nimrod yet this maketh Nimrod in all not above 180 Years old which was not much for that Generation Gen. 11.3 in which they lived yea 400 Years Ninus lived 9 Years after and Semiramis suceeded 42 Years when Abraham was 52 Years old Ninias or Zameis succeeded 38 in whose 23 d Year Abraham at 75 years old came to Canaan and 10 years after Abraham over-threw Amraphel King of Shinar which may seem to have been Ninias in whose 33 d year it happen'd though the Reasons to the contrary are not easily answer'd § 9. Amraphel King of Shinar probably was Ninias § Ninias was King of Babylon at that time in the 85th year of Abraham It is objected that Chedorlaomer was greater now than Amraphel who therefore was not like to be Ninias To this it may be answered under Ninias the Babylonian Command was fallen and the Persian his Neighbour King of Elam was enlarged § 10. Arioch King of Ellassar § This Country can neither be Pontus nor Hellespontus as some think being so far out of the way to be drawn by the Persian who little needed to seek such aid against such petty Kings which had not in all so much ground as Middlesex of which sort Canaan had 33 destroyed by Ioshua And the whole Country these four Kings subdued was no more than the two little Provinces of Traconitis or Basan and the Region of the Moabites Stephanus a Grecian Cosmographer de Vrbibus findeth Ellas in the Border of Coelosyria and Hierom calls it the City of Arioch This City was also in the Borders of Arabia of which Arioch indeed was King and Confederate with the Assyrian Kings as in Ninus's Life c. § 11. Tidal King of Nations § There were divers petty Kingdoms adjoining to Phoenicia and Palestine as Palmirenia Batanea Laodicene Apamena Chalcidice Cassiotis Chalibonitis having Mesopotamia on the North and Arabia on the East It is probable these were joined together under Tidal § 12. Chedorlaomer the chief of the Four § He was not King of Assur and the other three Vice-Roys as Pererius judgeth for Moses never useth Elam for Assyria or Babylon Neither do I believe the Assyrian or Babylonian Kingdoms were very large at this time 1. From Example Things hastily set up with violence last not as Alexander's Conquests and Tamberlain's whose Empires dyed with them neither had they time to review what they had done God adjoining short life to asswage Fury and Nature cares least for what she doth in hast Ninus persued boundless Dominion with Violence Semiramis exceeded him c. 2. Ninias having changed Nature and Condition with his Mother preferring Pleasure and Ease before Honour and Greatness as he indured his Mother's Reign so wanted he Spirit to maintain what she left him against Neighbouring Princes whose Wounds and Wrongs from his Parents put them in mind to cure the one
a Moment is enough to overthrow what seemeth founded in Adamant Henry VI. overwhelmed with the Storm of his Grandfathers grievous Crimes generally esteemed an innocent Prince yet refused the Daughter of Armaignac of the House of Navarre to whom he was Ally'd and Married a Daughter of Anjou and so lost all that he had in France He also condescended to the unworthy Death of his Vnkle of Glocester the main Pillar of the House of Lancaster Buckingham and Suffolk contrived the Duke's death by the Queen's procurement but the Fruit was answerable to the Plantation and they and their Adherents were destroy'd by York whose Son Edward depriv'd Henry the Father and Edward the Son of Life and Kingdom The Politick Lady the Queen lived to see the miserable End of her Husband Son and all her Adherents her self plunder'd and Father beggar'd to Ransom her Edward IV. hath his turn to Triumph when all the Plants of Lancaster except the Earl of Richmond were extirpated whom he had also bought of the D. of Britain but could not keep him But what stability can Edward's Plantation promise when he had seen and approved Prince Edward's Murder by Glocester Dorset Hastings c. which escaped not the Iudgment of God in the same kind He instructed Glocester to Murder Henry VI. and taught him the Art to kill his own Sons and to Vsurp the Crown Richard III. The greatest Master in Villany of all that went before him who by necessity of his Tragedy being to play more Parts in his own Person than all the rest yet so well fitted every Mans Humour that join'd with him as if each had acted his own Interest Buckingham and Hastings Enemies to the Queen and her Kindred are easily allured to condescend that Rivers and Grey the King 's maternal Vnkle and half Brother should first be separated from him then imprisoned and for avoiding future Inconveniences to lose their Heads Having brought them to the practice of that common Precept which the Devil has written on every Post To depress whom they have injur'd and to destroy whom they have depress'd Then Buckingham has it form'd in his Head That when the King and his Brother shall be of sufficient Age they will take severe Revenge of the Wrong to Rivers and Gray and therefore of necessity the King and his Brother must be made away Hastings being sounded by Catesby and found not fordable by reason of his Fidelity to his Masters Sons after an attempt to kill him sitting in the Council the Hangman must get the Tyrant an Appetite to his Dinner by striking off his Head a greater Iudgment of God than this upon Hastings I never observ'd For the same Hour and in the same lawless manner by his Advice the Execution of Rivers and Gray was performed Buckingham has yet a part to play for Richard in persuading the Londoners to Elect him King and to be rewarded with the Earldom of Hereford But after much vexation of Mind and unfortunate attempts being betrayed by his trustiest Servant he lost his Head at Salisbury without troubling his Peers Richard after other Murders and Mischievous Policies having destroy'd his Nephews and Natural Lords by the great Out-cry of innocent Blood became an infamous spectacle of Shame and Dishonour both to his Friends and Foes Henry VII the Instrument of Gods Iustice in cutting off the Cruel King Succeeded a Politick Prince if ever there was any who by the Engine of his Wisdom beat down as many strong Oppositions both before and after he wore the Crown as ever any King of England did For as his Profits held the Reins of his Affections so he wayed his Vnderstanding by his Abilities leaving no more to hazard than what cannot be denyed in all Human Actions This King never indured Mediation in rewarding Servants and was therein exceeding wise for what himself gave himself received both Thanks and Love Knowing that the Affections of Men purchased no way so ready as by Benefits were Trains which better became Great Kings than Great Subjects On the contrary in whatsoever he grieved his Subjects he wisely put it off to those that he found fit Ministers of such Actions He used not to begin their Processes whom he hated or feared by the Execution as Lewis XI did Yet he somewhat follow'd the Errors of his Ancestors as the Head of Stanley who set the Crown on his and the Death of the young E. of Warwick Son to George D. of Clarence do shew and likewise the Success of his Grand-children of the first Line c. Henry VIII the Pattern of a merciless Prince Succeeded One who precipitately advanced many but for what Virtue no Man could imagine and with change of his Fancy ruined them no Man knowing for what Offence To how many others gave he abundant Flowers from whence to gather Hony and in the end of Harvest burnt them in the Hive How many Wives did he cut off or cast off as his Fancy or Affection changed How many Princes of the Blood with many others of all Degrees did he Execute What causeless cruel Wars did he make upon his own Nephew King James V What Laws and Wills did he invent to establish the Kingdom in his own Family using his sharpest Weapons to cut off the Branches which sprang from the same Root that himself did Yet God took away all his own without increase though for themselves in their several Kinds all Princes of eminent Virtues And that Blood which King Henry affirmed that the cold Air of Scotland froze up in the North God hath diffused by the Sun-shine of his Grace from whence his Majesty now living and long may is Descended Of whom I may say truly that Malice her self cannot charge him justly with any of those foul Spots by which the Consciences of all the forenamed Princes were defiled or the Sword of his Iustice stained with any Drops of that innocent Blood which had stained their Hands and Fame And for the Crown of England it may truly be avowed He received it from the Hand of God neither hastning the Time upon any provocation nor taking Revenge upon any that sought to put him by it And refused Assistance of her Enemies that wore it long with as great Glory as ever Princess did He entred neither by Breach nor Blood but by the ordinary Gate which his own Right had set open and was received in at it by an universal Love and Obedience Thus the Northern parts of Britany infinitely severed from the South in Affection for a long time whereof grew deadly Wars with much Cruelty were at length happily united For which Blessing of God never to be forgotten as we are bound to much Thankfulness so the Fruit of this Concord maketh all petty Grievances to appear but as a Mole-Hill to a Mountain And if the uniting of the Red Rose with the White were the greatest Happiness next Christian Religion that ever the Kingdom received from God to that Day certainly the
in largeness This number may be thought strange in so small a Territory being far greater than any Muster ever taken of that Country Ioab had found 500000 Rehoboam 180000 Abia 408000 Asa 580000 Amazia found 300000 Uzziah 307000 and surely if Iehosophat had 1160000 Men he would not have feared Moab and Ammon c. I am therefore of Opinion submitting to better Judgments that the numbers spoken of 2 Chron. 17. were not all at one time but that the two first numbers under Adnah and Iehobanan were after Mustred and Commanded by Amasia Eliada and Iehosabad yet this Mighty Prince made a League with Ahab and matched his Son Ioram with his Daughter and assisted him at Ramoth-Gilead for which he was reproved by Iehu the Prophet as he was a second time by the Prophet Eliezer for joyning with Ahab's Son in preparing a Fleet. So he joyned with Iehoram against Moab and had perished by Famine if Elisha had not relieved them from God whose Goodness was ever prone to save the Evil for the sake of the Good but never destroyed the Good for the Evil. Ophratenes now Reigned in Assyria Capetas and Tiberinus at Alba in Italy Atazedes in Athens Agesilaus in Corinth Archilochus in Lacedemon Badesorus in Tyrus Achab Ochozias and Iehoram in Israel CHAP. XVI Of Jehoram and Ahazia JEhoram the Son of Iehosaphat being thirty two Years old began to Reign and Reigned 8 Year of which 4 was in his Father's Life who at his two Journeys with Ahab and Iehoram Kings of Israel left him Viceroy 'till his return The first was in Iehosaphat's 17th Year when also Ahazia Son of Ahab began to Reign whose Brother Iehoram the 2 d year after succeeded K. of Israel in the 2 d year of Iehoram King of Iuda that is of his Reign when his Father Iehosaphat took the sole Government again upon him 'till the Fifth year after when he reassumed his Son Ioram into the Government 2 Kings 8. two years before his death in the fifth year of Iehoram King of Israel So that Iehosaphat Reigning Twenty five years 2 King 22.42 it is evident his Son Iehoram could not be King of Iuda 'till the Eighth year of Iehoram King of Israel The like regard is to be had in accounting the Reigns of other Kings of Iuda and Israel whose years are sometime to be taken compleat current or confounded with other Kings preceding or succeeding as the comparing of their Times together shall require In this History consider that Iehosaphat a Religious King is the first of Rehoboam's Issue that entred a League both Offensive and Defensive with the Kings of Israel with whom his Predecessors had tyred themselves in vain with continual Wars This Confederacy with one which hated the Lord could not long prosper not issuing from the true Root and Fountain of all Wisdom yet as a piece of sound Policy it wanted not fair Pretences of much common good as mutual Fortification of both Kingdoms against Uncircumcised Ancient Enemies For confirmation of such an apparent Good unto Posterity therefore the Bond of Affinity was knit by Marriage of Iehoram with Athalia a Lady of a Masculine Spirit who had learned so much of Iezabel her Brother's Wife that she durst undertake more in Ierusalem than the other in Samaria as a Fire-brand ordained by God to Consume many Nobles in Iuda and perhaps some whose Worldly Wisdom regardless of God's pleasure had brought her in The Syrian Wars at Ramoth-Gilead were the first Fruits of this League undertaken upon equal Adventure but upon the hope of Benefit only to Ahab As godly Princes seldom thrive by matching with Idolaters but rather serve the Turns of those false Friends who being ill-affected towards God cannot be well affected to his Servants At this time also as Ahaziah was designed King by Ahab his Father so was Ioram by Iehosaphat after the others Example without Example in any of their Predecessors § 2. Iehoram's Reign so diversly dated in Scripture argueth that Iehosaphat having taken him into the Government as Ahab had given Example found cause after to recall that Power Probable it is that his Insolent Idolatrous Wife having corrupted him was the cause that the Government both for Religion and Justice grew so far out of order that Iehosaphat was forced to the Reformation we read of and sequestred his Son from the Government 'till it were setled again and so after five years called him to it the second time which bred a new Date as did his Father's death two years after breed a third Many things might move Iehosaphat to Iehoram's second calling to Govern him as to try what Wisdom his restraint had wrought or to prevent his Brethrens Insolency against him if Iehosaphat had at his Death left him in disgrace which might be the cause of great Tumults it may be also Iehoram by dissimulation had won the good Opinion on of his â—ather and Brethren formerly offended it being usual in violent fierce Natures to be as abject and servile in their Adversity as insolent and bloody upon Advantage Howsoever it was this is manifest that his Father at his death doubting his Affection to his Brethren for their better Security besides great Riches gave them the custody of strong Cities and unusual means against unusual Perils § 3. Jehoram 's Reign alone in which Edom and Libna Rebel § Iehosaphat's providence for his younger Sons availed nothing against the determination of an higher Providence for these strong Cities were a weak defence for the young Princes against his Power to whom the Citizens were obedient If they came in upon the King's Summons he had them without difficulty if they refused they were Traytors yet could not hold out when all would fail them for fear of a Potent King However it was all were slain and many great Men with them who had any way offended the Tyrant either formerly or in behalf of his Brethren Iehoram after this made innovation in Religion not only incouraging the People prone to Idolatry of all other sins detested of God but using Compulsion also and was the first we read of that inforced Irreligion Edom in the mean time revolted and made themselves a King having from David's days been Tributaries and govern'd by Vice-Roys Now Isaac's Prophecy began to take effect that Esau should break the Yoke of Iacob for after this Edom was never subject to the Kings of Iuda Yea in process of time Antipater and Herod Elumeans Reigned as Kings in Ierusalem Lybna also a City of the Levites in Iuda rebelled against him because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers In defence of whose Worship these Levites thought themselves bound especially against his inforcement to the contrary Wherein also they might take Incouragement for Iehosaphat's Charge 2 Chron. 29.8 But as Iehoram had left Edom in their defection so he attempted nothing against Libna which seemeth to proceed from a doubtful Mind whether to put Weapons into the Hands of his
Subjects against their Fellows whose Cause might well be favour'd by many who yet durst not discover themselves being unarmed as they might when Weapons were put into their Hands So desperate is the Condition of Tyrants who think it a greater Happiness to be Feared than Loved yet are oblig'd to fear those whose Love would make them dreadful to others § 4. Iehoram taking no notice of God's displeasure by these Afflictions was threatned by a Prophetical Writing sent to him being such a Tyrant as the Prophets durst not reprove him to his Face as they had done many of his Predecessors bad as well as good but they writ to him keeping themselves from him Elias being Translated might have left this Writing or as some conjecture by mistaking in Writing one Letter for another Elias is put for Elisha c. The Accomplishment of the Prophecy proved as terrible as the Sentence when the Philistins which from David's days durst never look out brake in upon him c. with the Arabians a naked People on Horse-back of no Force dwelling in a Barren Desert So that the one quarter of those whom Iehosaphat Mustered had been able to repel greater Forces than both these Enemies could raise had the Iudean People been Armed as by their Prince's Jealousy they were not according to the Policy of the Philistins in the days of Saul The House of Iehoram which they surprised seemeth rather a Country House than in Ierusalem considering they made no further Ravages It is probable all Iehoram's Children were not now slain considering the Slaughters made after by Iehu and Athaliah within two years Lastly himself after two years Torment voided his Guts c. And as the People had small cause of comfort in his Life so they observed not the decency of pretending Sorrow for his Death neither had he the Honour of his Ancestors Burial though his Son Succeeded and his Wife did all Athaliah busie in Plotting her own Greatness and providing trusty Counsellors for her Son thought it unreasonable to offend the Eyes of the People with a magnificent Funeral of a Man by them detested and chose rather to let the Blame of past Actions lie upon the Dead than by doing him Honour to procure an ill Opinion of her self and Children which it now concerned her to avoid Such is the quality of Wicked Instigators to charge the Man whose Evil Inclination they corrupted by sinister Counsel not only with his own Vice but with their Faults also when once he is gone and can profit them no longer Thus we may clearly see how the corrupted Affections of Men impugning the Revealed Will of God accomplish nevertheless his hidden Purpose and without miraculous means confound themselves in the seeming Wise Devices of their own Folly All Men may likewise learn to submit their Judgments to the Ordinance of God rather than to follow Worldly Wisdom contrary to his Commandments § 5. Ahaziah succeeded his Father in the Twelfth year of Iehoram King of Israel and was guided by the same Spirits that had been his Father's Evil Angels Touching his Age 2 Chron. 22.2 a Point more difficult than important I see not a more probable Conclusion than that of Torniellus's mentioning an Edition of the Seventy at Rome Anno. 1588 which saith he was Twenty years old when he succeeded and the Annotations thereon which cite other Copies which give him two years more c. He accompanied Iehoram King of Israel to Ramoth Gilead and returneth home after the Battle and presently took a new Journey to visit Iehoram It seems his speedy return to Ierusalem was not pleasing to Athaliah as interrupting her in her Plots who therefore sought to oblige him abroad if it were but in a vain Complement to visit one whom he had seen but yesterday But however these things may seem accidental yet all concurred as disposed at this time to fulfil the high pleasure of God yea Athaliah's secret Plots which intended nothing less § 6. Ahaziah and that Family perished with the House of Ahab § Iehu is anointrd King and made Executioner of the Sentence of God against the House of Ahab according to the Prophecy of Elias and is proclaimed by all the other Captains He having this Honour upon the sudden thrown upon him was not slow in the heat of their Affections to put himself in possession and to set on foot the Business which so nearly concerned him and not to be retarded being no more his own than God's Ahab's House never so flourished having Seventy Princes of the Blood a valiant King honoured with the Victory of Ramoth Gilead so deeply Allied with Iudah and Courted by the King and so many Princes of his Blood that it might discourage all common Enemies and make Rebellious Enterprises hopeless In this Security and Joy of the Court for the King's Recovery and Entertainment of the Princes of Iudah the King his Court and Friends are suddainly surprized and slain neither could Iezebel's Painted Majesty nor Man-like Spirit with untimely brave Apothegms terrify her Adversary who of her Servant became her Lord at whose Command her base Grooms feared not to violate her affected Majesty Ahaziah is also wounded to Death CHAP. XVII Of Athaliah and Ioash that succeeded her § 1. AThaliah Vsurpeth and upon what pretences § Ahaziah being dead after one Years Reign his House was not able to retain the Kingdom 2 Chron. 22.9 which Speech hath bred the question of Ioash's Pedigree Athaliah having Reigned under her Sons Name had laid the Plot to play the Queen under her own Title if her Son fail'd and to that end had furnished the King Councel and Places of Chief Command with Men fittest for her purposes And though Ambition be violent yet seldom is it so shameless as to neglect Beauty It is not therefore improbable to think that Athaliah seeing the Royal Blood so wasted in her Husband and Son's days had by some means drawn her Husband or Son to make her Heir if the King's Blood should be extinct considering that without some such order taken when the King's Blood fail'd the Kingdom were like to be torn in sunder by Competitors or some Popular Seditious Man should be chosen that would subvert all regularity and exercise his Cruelty on such as they loved most and cast aspersions on the Royal House Pretence of Testaments to thrust out true Heirs is no new thing Yea what is new under the Sun To prefer a younger before the natural Heir hath proof in David and for State-Policy to slay a Brother by example of Solomon c. And though these had ground of their doings yet they which follow Examples which please them will neglect the Reasons which please them not Solomon slew Adonijah which had Rebelled and was entred a new practice Iehoram slew his Brethren better than he David purchased the Crown yet he gave it by God's direction when as Ahaziah sought to cut off David's Issue which the Lord had appointed
Aristotle's Rule That great Dominion be not committed to any one Then he gave order for building of Alexandria heard Psammonis the Philosopher who brought the haughty King to confess That God is the Father of all Men but acknowledgeth good Men for his Children From thence he led his Army towards Euphrates where Mazeus abandoned the defence of the Passage from whence he Marched towards Tygris so violent in its Current and deep that it had been easie to repell them who could not use Bows or Darts wading together Arm in Arm to withstand the Current Mazius having cowardly forsaken the Advantage of the Ford which no Valour of his Enemy could have easily won presents himself with some Companies of Horse setting Fire on the Provision of the Country but too late for Alexander's Horse-men saved much § 9. Darius's Forces by Curtius's Report were Two hundred Thousand Foot and Fifty thousand Horse Arrianus makes them Fourteen hundred thousand in all it is probable they were about four hundred thousand with which Multitude they thought to overpower their few Enemies in the Plains of Assyria but Skill and Practice do more toward Victory than rude Multitude Alexander's Army upon occasion of an Eclipse of the Moon are affrighted but are incouraged by Egyptian Astrologers For it had been contrary to all Rule to have an Army afraid to Fight Darius offered great Conditions of Peace in vain § 10. Alexander is advised by Parmenio to Assault Darius's Camp by Night that the sight of the Multitude might breed no Terrour which Counsel is a good ground of War as oft as few must fight with many but Alexander will have Day-Light to witness his Valour Then he gave his Army Rest and store of Food before the Battle according to the Rule of War which saith Men well refreshed will stand the better to it for Hunger sights more eagerly within than Steel without His Forces according to Arrianus were Forty thousand Foot and Seventy thousand Horse which I take to be his European followers besides Egyptians Syrians Arabians Scythians Of these Curtius saith three hundred only were slain and Forty thousand Persians others differ So that as in the former two so in this Battle what can we judge but the Persians upon the first Charge ran away else had every one but cast a Dâ—rt or a Stone the Macedonians could not have bought the Empire so cheap neither could they have past the River so easily if Sixty thousand had been Armed with Spades only § 11. Darius after the Rout of his Army recovered Arbela that Night with his Treasure intends a retreat into Media while the Macedonians as he supposed but was deceiv'd would attempt Babylon Susa c. Rich Cities Alexander pursueth and enters Arbela and possesseth the Treasure while Darius flyeth and then took his way to Babylon which Mazius and the Captain of the Castle rendred with the Treasure Here he rested thirty four days spent in such Voluptuous Pleasure as made the Macedonians forget the Hardness of their Military Discipline Here he erected Bands of One thousand called Chiliarchs bestowed on such as in the late War had best deserved This City and Territory he left in Charge with Three of his own Captains gracing Mazeus with the Title of Lieutenant Then he entred the Province Satrapenâ— and so to Susa on the River Euleus in Persia which Abulites gave up with Fifty thousand Talents of Silver Bullion and Twelve Elopha's which he committed to some Macedonians giving Abulites only the Title of Lieutenant as he did after to Teridates of Persepolis observing well That Traytors to their own Kings are never to be trusted alone in great matters wherein Falshood may redeem their lost Estate Vassals of Fortune love only their Kings Prosperity not Person § 12. Alexander advancing toward Persepolis was much worsted by Ariobarzanes at the Streights between the Mountains which divide Susiana and Persia But by a Lycian which lived there he found another way and came suddainly upon Ariobarzanes and forced him who not finding entrance into Persepolis returned with a second Charge upon the Macedonians and was slain Teridates another of Darius's trusty Grandees sends to Alexander to make haste to Persepolis before the People pillaged the Treasury which at that day was the Richest in the World This place Alexander committed to Nicarides a Creature of his own and left the Body of his Army there while he with a Thousand Horse and some choice Foot not able to stand still would in the Winter see the parts of Persia covered with Snow when his Foot-men were impatient of that extreme travail he left his Horse to bear a part with them But I rather commend him who seeks wisely to prevent Extremities than rash People which vaunt what they have indured with Common Souldiers Caesar's first care was for Victuals and he which will describe that Beast War must begin at his Belly said Coligni Alexander returns to Persepolis where he smother'd all his Reputation in Cups and Familiarity with Harlots of which Thais caus'd him to burn that sumptuous City Persepolis § 13. Darius in Media having about Forty thousand Souldiers which he design'd to encrease in Bactria hearing of Alexander's Approach resolves to Fight c. Nabarzanes and Bessus Governour of Bactria Conspire against him and draw away Thirty thousand of his Souldiers neither durst his Persian Cowards tho' offer'd the assistance of Four thousand Greeks led by Patronus defend him from Bessus who took and bound him and put him in a Cart covered with Hides and set forward to Bactria in hopes either by delivering him to Alexander to make their Peace or killing him to become King but failed in both God not induring so strange a Villany Alexander hasting after with Six thousand Horse and other selected Companies best Armed and for speed mounted also on Horse-back hearing by such as daily forsook Bessus what was done pursued as in Post so that Bessus finding Darius unwilling to take Horse and fly with him wounded him to death and the Beasts which drew him and left him alone Polystratus a Macedonian Priest Thirsty with pursuing while he stay'd at a Water discover'd the Cart and found Darius bathing in his own Blood at point of Death and took Commendations from his Mouth to Alexander to revenge him and refreshed him with Water c. § 14. Alexander hearing of Darius's Death persuaded the Macedonians to pursue Bessus and leaving some Forces in Parthia enters Hyrcania with some resistance of the Mardons He passed the River Zioberis which begins in Parthia runneth under the ledge of Mountains which part Parthia and Hyrcania and after three hundred Furlongs riseth again and falleth into the Caspian Sea In Zadracarta called Hyrcania by Ptolomy he rested Fifteen days where Patapherne and other great Commanders of Darius submitted to him and were restored especially he graced Artabasus for his Fidelity to his old Master c. he also to his dishonour accepted Nabarzanes the Traytor
and Publius Licinius Crassus are chosen Consuls Scipio had Sicily decreed for his Province with leave to make War in Africa if he thought fit Which Quintus Fabius Maximus opposed nevertheless Scipio proceeds But was not allowed to Press Souldiers for Africa but what Fabius and other Ancient Senators should allow of Besides his Roman Forces Italy sent him seven Thousand Volunteers and all manner of needful Provision In Sicily he found two Legions sent thither from the Battle at Canna and Pressed three Hundred Horse Notwithstanding all which he had like to have been hindred in this Expedition upon complaint of the Locrians whose Town he had gotten from the Carthaginians by their assistance who were much oppressed by the Governours put in by him But the Commissioners sending into Sicily to examine matters found him so well prepared for Carthage that they quickened his March He sent Laelius into Asrick to make discoveries who met with Masanissa revolted from the Carthaginian side to the Roman for an injury they did him about Asdrubal's Daughters being Betrothed to him but by them given to Syphax a more mighty Numidian Prince Laelius understood the State of Africa by Masanissa whom â—â—phax had driven out of his Country and by persuasion of Sophonisba renounced the Alliance of Rome to join with the Carthaginians her Country-men This troubled Scipio and made him hasten to Africa lest the Senate hearing thereof should stay his Journey to which he had been induced upon hopes of his assistance He Lands in Africa is met by Masanissa and Incamped before Vtica Asdrubal was with Syphax his Son in Law to whom the Carthaginians send to call him Home being chosen their General and to intreat Syphax against Scipio who lay before Vtica Asdrubal makes a Levy of thirty Thousand Foot and three Thousand Horse and Syphax brings fifty Thousand Foot and ten Thousand Horse with which they March toward Scipio who dislodged to a place fit for his Navy where he designed to Winter and there Fortified his Camp Asdrubal and Syphax Incamp near to him but carelesly presuming upon their Numbers While they lay thus Scipio endeavours to draw Syphax from the Carthaginians and he tries to persuade Scipio to a Peace this is in debate while Scipio learns how weak the Enemies Camp was and how it might be set on fire whereupon he breaks off the Treaty of Peace pretending his Counsel would not agree to it Setting therefore all things in order for such a business he sent Laelius and Masanissa to begin with Syphax who lay farthest off and when he saw the Flame he drew on to Asdrubal's Camp which was in confusion running to help Syphax but immediately they found the like Flame in their own Camp Great was the slaughter in which but few escaped with Syphax and Asdrubal After this new Levies are made and a second Battle fought and the Romans obtain a second Victory Asdrubal flying to Carthage and Syphax home whither Masanissa and Laelius pursue him Scipio takes in many Towns some by force others by surrender for all the Subjects of Carthage wavered and Carthage it self durst not exact Taxes of them whom they had so often overburthened It is therefore decreed to Fortifie the City to send for Hannibal and to set out the Fleet against that of Scipio before Vtica who perceiving it hastened thither from Tunis to defend them so they returned having gotten only six empty Hulks from the Romans In the mean time Masanissa recovers his Kingdom and with Laelius proceeds against Syphax who quickly raised as great an Army as his first which he also lost as soon with himself and his Kingdom For being taken Masanissa carried him bound to Cirta his chief City which presently opened where Sophonisba yielded her self intreating she might not be delivered to the Romans which suit her Youth and excellent Beauty so recommended that Masanissa Married her presently Laelius and Scipio were afterwards offended with this Marriage and persuaded Masanissa to give her over for fear she should draw him into the same courses she had drawn Syphax Masanissa to prevent her falling into the Romans hands sent her a Cup of Poison with which she ended her Days And he presently after to prevent the effects of Melancholy for that fact is comforted by Scipio with a Crown and Proclaimed King § 19. Carthage hearing this bad News and seeing Scipio returned to Tunis are so astonish'd that they send Thirty of the Princes which were of the Privy Council of the City unto Scipio to beg Peace prostrate kissing his and his Councils Feet humbly acknowledging their fault in breaking the former Peace Scipio considering the poor case that Rome was in and the Wealth and Strength of Carthage accepted the submission on Condition Carthage should call home her Forces in Italy relinquish all the Islands deliver up all their Ships of War but Twenty all Prisoners and Fugitives meddle no more with Spain pay a great Sum of Mony and certain Hundred Thousand Bushels of Corn. These Articles are approved a Truce granted 'till they send to Rome and Masanissa sent home to his new Kingdom as if all were ended but it appeared after their Ambassadors were come to Rome they only sought to gain time 'till Hannibal were come by whom at least they hope to get a better Peace the Senate therefore refer all to Scipio But before their return Carthage had seiz'd on the Roman Ships with Provision from Sicily scatter'd by storm and sought to surprize Scipio's Ambassadors in their return from Carthage § 20. Hannibal after his loss at Metaurus remained among the Brutains expecting aid from Carthage and his Brother Mago with Forces raised in Gaul and Liguria who also solicited the Hetrurians which caused the Romans to employ Three Armies in those Three Countries Mago near Milan met with the Roman Forces with which he fought like a Son of Amilcar but with the Carthaginian Fortune losing Five Thousand and himself wounded to death was forced to retire to Liguria where he found Ambassadors to call him home immediately which he obeyed but died by the way Hannibal receiv'd the like Message of return which he heard with such impatience that he gnash'd his Teeth and hardly refraining from Tears he cried out that not Scipio but Hanno had overthrown the Barchines with the ruine of Carthage so he departed as if it had been to Exile Rome being certain of his departure appoint an Holy-day for Thanks to the Gods but Quintus Fabius rejoyc'd little being in doubt of the issue in Africa § 21. Hannibal Landed in Africk at Leptis almost an Hundred Miles from Carthage that marching along he might gather Horses which he wanted and Scipio sends to Masanissa and the Roman Company with him to make speed to him who brought Four Thousand Horse and Six Thousand Foot Laelius also is returned with the Carthaginian Ambassadors from Rome at which time M. Baebius kept the Camp in Scipio's absence He laid hands on the Ambassadors and
unprosperous than that of Generals besides the Rapes Slaughters Devastations c. which are so hateful to God That were not the Mercies of God infinite as Monluc Marshal of France confessed it were in vain for those of his profession to hope for any portion thereof such Cruelties being permitted or committed by them And true it is that as the Victories obtained by so many of the greatest Commanders are commonly ascribed either to Fortune or to their Followers or Cowardize of the vanquished so the most whose Virtues have raised them above all Envy have in the end been rewarded either with Disgrace Banishment or Death as Examples both of the Romans and Grecians Witness § 3. Philip well perceiving the Romans aimed at his Kingdom repented himself of his Obsequiousness to them Yet was in ill Condition to help himself having been beaten by them his People unwilling to deal with them and no Friends to assist him Yeâ— Necessity the Mother of Invention made him resolved to remove the Inhabitants of his Maritime Towns to Emathia and people them with Thracians that feared not the Romans He also designed to draw the Bacternae an hardy Nation beyond Danubius into Dardania and to root out the Dardanians always troublesome to Macedon But this device took slow effect and was hindred divers ways His Subjects removed against their Will broke into words which his cruel Nature seeking to repress by putting many unto Death increased to exclamation which inflamed him barbarously to Massacre their Children After this the Furies enter his own House and Vengeance was poured upon him from Heaven in his own Children as was thought by the jealousie he had of Demetrius his Younger Son and the fear Prusius had of him for his Interest in the Romans Affections Wicked Instruments are not wanting who counterfeit a Letter from Quintius to Philip intreating for Demetrius with an intimation of his ambitious Desire against his Brother Prusius One Didas also to whom he was committed by Philip pretending Friendship to him sounded him and told the King that he meant to flye to the Romans who would not fail him So the Father without any examination commanded his unhappy Son to be Murdered and after upon his Cousin Antigonus his searching found out the Contrivance too late Hereupon he intended to confer the Kingdom upon Antigonus but Death prevented it § 4. Perseus succeeded his Father who had Reigned Forty two Years he thought it not expedient to imbroil himself so soon with the Roman War but to settle his Dominions and therefore to prevent danger slew Antigonus Then to get his Subjects Affections he sate in Judgment and made them many publick Shows and to win the Romans he sent and renewed the League Masanissa had heretofore taken the Country of Emporia from Carthage and about this time he took other Land from them by force about Seventy Towns and Castles of which when the Carthaginians complained by their Embassadours prostrate with Tears before the Senate desiring Right or Liberty to defend themselves against him or at least to know how far Masanissa should be allowed to proceed And if none of these would be granted that then the Senate it self would inflict upon them what they thought meet rather than to keep them in continual fear of this Numidian Hangman See the fruits of their Envy against that valiant Family of the Barchines and of the Roman Peace desired by Hanno which hath made them Slaves to the Servants of the Numidian whose Fathers they had used to sell over Africk and Greece Their Answer was gentle but without effect and Masanissa hath a mild rebuke Perseus is not yet brought into such a Yoke but must be for he is questioned for taking up Arms without their leave though to subdue his own Rebels After the same manner they dealt with Greece And of all others with the Achaeans who presumed most on their Favour So that all saw that the Roman Patronage tended to nothing but the bondage of Greece This gave Perseus hopes to find a Party there as indeed he did though it little availed him § 5. Eumenes King of Pergamus hated Perseus exceedingly not only for an Hereditary quarrel with Macedon but for that he perceived the Greeks began to favour him more than himself whom they seemed to neglect for being over serviceable to Rome For Redress hereof he thought it not hard to induce the Romans utterly to overthrow the Macedonian Kingdom which the Greeks now adored to which end he took a second Journey to Rome where he laboured to provoke the Fathers against Perseus which needed not though yet they heard him willingly that their Pretence of War might have the fairer shew as proceeding from the information of such a King come on purpose so far as out of Asia The Rhodians also were there with the Macedonian Embassadours to answer with matter of recrimination that Eumenes had provoked the Lycians to Rebel against the Rhodians Careless Audience was given to the Rhodians for their Friendly Office in conveying Laodice the Daughter of Antiochus to Perseus and their Answer is that the Lycians were assigned to Rhodes not as Vassals but Associates Thus their Subjects are become their Fellows Masanissa and the Aetolians whose Subjects were not increased by the Romans or by the Cities and Peo +ple bestowed upon them after Antiochus's Overthrow but their Friends had cause to resent this Decree The Macedonian Embassadours were heard not so carelesly as angerly being glad that Harpatus the chief Embassadour had by violent Speeches given them cause of anger And though Perseus his faint Heart was not sit to threaten Yet now he might think to get more by a little Bravery than submission seeing the Eyes of all Greece were set upon him for a Delivery from the Roman Servitude And it seems Perseus was not very cautious of offending them when he hired three or four Ruâ—â—ians to Murder Eumenes in his return from Worshiping at Delphos whom they had left for Dead though he recovered The Report of his Death made Attalus his Brother to take upon him as King and would have taken Stratonica his Wife as a matter of State had not Eumenes's coming home put a stop to it All which Eumenes only checked with wishing him not to Marry with the Queen till he was sure the King was Dead who then bequeathed her to him The Senate upon these occasions Decree War and send Embassadours to require satisfaction or to denounce it which Perseus slights calling the Romans greedy and insolent commanding them to depart This present heat was too much he wanting constant resolution which he neglected in hope of Peace § 6. Rome had now fair occasion of War with Macedon which though it had been long sought yet the preparation for War was to seek and the want of it helped to sound the disposition of Greece which they solicite by Embassadours with better terms than Threatnings though they durst not but promise aid to them