Aegeria he converts the vehement Spirits of the people to holy Duties 22. c. Tullus Hostillus makes War upon the Albans 25. After that the Combat of the Three to Three 26. Horatius absolved 28. The Punishment of Metius Suffetius 29. Alba demolished 30. The Albans received into the City and a War proclaimed against the Sabines 31. At last Tullus was consumed by a Thunderbolt 32. Ancus Martius renewed the Ceremonies instituted by Numa 33. He assigned the Aventine Mount to the Latines being now overcome and taken into the City he demolished Politorium a City of the Latines which the ancient Latines inhabited he made a wooden Bridg over the Tiber added the Hill Janiculum to the City enlarged the bounds of the Kingdom built Ostia and reigned 33 years 34 In his Reign Lucumo the Son of Damaratus a Corinthian came from Tarquinil a City of Etruria to Rome where being received into Ancus's friendship he began to bear the Name of Tarquinius and after the death of Ancus succeeded in the Kingdom 35. He augmented the number of the Senators by making an hundred more subdued the Latines appointed a particular place called the Circus for Games and gave the People an entertainment in it with such sports being attack'd with a War from the Sabines he augmented the Centuries of Horsemen 36. He likewise to try the skill of Attius Naevius the Augur is said to have asked him whether that which he thought of could be done or no to which he answering yes he commanded him to cut a Razor with a Whetstone which Attius immediately did 37. He also conquered the Sabines in a pitch'd Battel 38. He enclosed the City with a Wall and made common Sewers 40. He was killed by Ancus's Sons when he had reigned 38 years 41. Servius Tullius succeeded him who was the Son of a noble Lady taken in War at Corniculum and they say when he lay in his Cradle his head was all on a flame He defeated the Veians and Etrurians 42 43. He was the first that made a Poll. He set up a Lustrum a survey and purgation of thâ— people at which the people were rated in 8000 Sesterces He determined and set in order the Classes and Centuries â—4 He enlarged the bounds of the City He added to the City the Viminal Quirinal and Esquiline Hills 45. He built a Temple to â—iana in the Aventine among the Latines 47 48. He was killed by L. Tarquinius the Son of Priscus by the contrivance of his Daughter Tullia when he had reigned 34 years 49. After him Tarquinius Superbus usurpt the Kingdom without the consent either of the Senate or the People on which day impious Tullia drove her Chariot over the dead body of her Father that lay in her way he had a Lifeguard 50 51. He killed Turnus Herdonius by a Stratagem 53. He waged War with the Volsci and out of their spoils built a Temple to Jupiter in the Capitol 54. Terminus did not consent to it whose Altars could not be removed 55. He reduced Gabli into his own power by the treachery of his Son Sext. Tarquinius 56. His Sons going to Delphi and asking of the Oracles which of them should reign at Rome they were told he should be Sovereign there who first kiss'd his Mother which answer they interpreting the wrong way Junius Brutus who went along with them pretended to fall down and kiss'd the Earth which action of his had the foretold event for when Tarquinius Superbus by his Tyranny had made himself odious to all men at last for a Rape committed in the night by his Son Sextus upon Lucretia who calling her Father Tricipitinus and her Husband Collatinus to her whoâ— she engaged to revenge her Death with a knife stab'd herself 59. Was expelled by Brutus's means more than any body else after he had reigned 25 years 60. Then Consuls were first created whose names were L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus PREFACE WHether I shall make it worth my while to write the History of the Romans from the time their City was first founded I neither well know nor if I do dare be so bold to declare Because I observe it is the old and usual way for new succeeding Writers to pretend that they out do mistaken antiquity either in the certainty of their account or their stile and method of writing However this will be my satisfaction that I among others as much as in me lay have preserved the â— nory of those great Actions which have been performed by the most glorious People in the whole world And if amidst so great a throng of Writers my fame be eclipsed yet I shall please my self in the renown and grandieur of those whose very lustre obscures my Name Besides it seems a vast laborious enterprize to collect all the records of things done above seven hundred years ago and of a Nation that from so small an Original grew to such an height that it now tires under its own bulk Nor do I doubt but the account of its first rise and that which thereupon immediately fell out will be too tedious for most Readers who will therefore hasten to take a view of those more modern Exploits which long ago have ruined a powerful People even by their own strength I on the contrary will desire this one other reward for my pains that I may not be in sight of those Ills which our Age for so many years has suffered at least so long as I am studiously bent to relate those former Events but that I may be free from all care which though it do not carry a Writers mind away from what is truth may discompose it Those things which before the City was built or design'd to be built may seem more fit to employ a Poets pen than one who delivers down the uncorrupted memories of real Actions I shall neither confirm nor confute 'T is a liberty always granted to Antiquity that by mingling divine and humane things together it might make the rise of Cities more August and Venerable Now therefore if any People ought to have that freedom to consecrate their Original and make Gods the Authors of it The Roman People have gained such Glory in War that having Mars above all the Gods for yours and their Founders Father and Protector mankind may as easily allow them this Liberty as submit to their Dominion But these things and all such others as shall occur however they may be censur'd or esteem'd of I shall not make any great account of I only desire every Reader for his own sake carefully to mind the Lives and Manners that I describe by what Men and Arts both at home and abroad that Empire was both gained and augmented And then when their Discipline fell by degrees to decay let him observe how their manners first declined as also how they afterwards slid down still farther and farther till at last they tumbled headlong down the Precipice and rowled into these times wherein
ROMVLVS REX NVMA REX L. IVNIVS BRVTVS FAB MAXIMVS P. C. SCIPIO AFR HANNIBAL C. MARIVS L. C. SVLLA M. T. CICERO CN POMPEIVS MAGNVS C. IVLIVS CAESAR M.I. BRVTVS AVGVSTVS CAESAR M. ANTONIVS MARCELLVS AVG N. ex Imaginibus Fulvij Vrsini THE ROMAN HISTORY Written in LATINE BY TITUS LIVIUS WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS Of the LEARNED John Freinshemius and John Dujatius From the Foundation of Rome to the middle of the Reign of Augustus Faithfully done into English T. LIVIVS PATAVINVS LONDON Printed for Awnsham Churchill at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane near Paternoster-Row MDCLXXXVI THE Translators Preface I Intend not to enter into a large Discourse of the Excellency and Usefulness of History That Province has been undertaken by a thousand abler hands Tully's short Character is just and very significant when he calls it Times Witness Truths Light The Life of Memory The Herald of Antiquity and the Mistress of Life But as amongst all prophane Histories none can for Greatness of Action prudence of Counsels and Heroick Examples of all sorts of Vertue compare with That of the Commonwealth of Rome so of all Roman Historians Titus Livius both for Copiousness and Elegance for Accuracy and unblemish'd Fidelity is justly preferr'd Whose Excellent Works as far as Extant with Supplements for all that is wanting we undertake to present you with in English and the business of this Preface is to give 1. Some Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings 2. An Account of this present Translation Titus Livius was born at Padua whence his common Addition is Patavinus a City of Italy renowned for its Antiquity said to be built by Antenor four hundred Years before Rome as well as for its strength having been able to bring into the Field one hundred thousand Combatants and from which as Venice was but a Colony so it still belongs to that Illustrious Republick such being the fate of Towns as well as Persons that sometimes the Mother is forc'd to depend on the Daughter and remains to this day a place famous for Learned Men being honour'd with an University renowned especially for the study of the Noble Art of Medicine He was born about the Year 694. after the building of Rome that is according to the best Chronologers in the Year of the World 3906. and fifty six years before the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour How he spent his younger years though no Authors particularly mention yet we may easily guess at the Tillage by the Crop and conclude him then laboriously and no less successfully employ'd in the Studies of Literature and Eloquence whereof he gave an early Specimen in certain Philosophical Dialogues mention'd by Seneca Epist 100. which 't is likely he might present to Augustus and thereby first attract the Esteem of that most Illustrious Prince and grand Patron of Learned men For 't is certain our Author was not only well known to him but so much in his Favour that though afterwards he gave him a very free Account of the Civil Wars and spoke so honourably of the Republican Party that the Emperour Caesar jocularly called him Pompeianus one of Pompey's Faction yet that Generous Prince did not for all that refuse him his Friendship as is attested by Tacitus in the fourth Book of his Annals but made choice of him of all the Famous men then at Rome to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Claudius afterwards Emperour Thus he flourisht under the Reign of Augustus and began to write this History after the thirteenth and before the eighteenth year of that Emperour as we may gather from those words in his first Book Since Numa 's time Janus 's Temple has twice been shut once when T. Manlius was Consul after the first Punick War ended and again the Gods vouchsafed the same favour to our Times when after the Actian War the Emperour Augustus Caesar had obtain'd Peace both by Land and Sea Now 't is well known that Janus's Temple was thrice shut up by Augustus First after his Victory over Mark Anthony and Cleopatra at Actium here mentioned which was in his fifth Consulship And again when he had subdued the Calabrians in his tenth Consulship and the third time in the Year of the City 748. within two years after which our Blessed Lord was born of the Virgin Since therefore Livy mentions it to have been then only twice shut 't is plain that he wrote at least that first Part of his History before Augustus's second Closure thereof 'T is likely that he repaired very young to Rome and spent there most of his time For as in that Imperial City he had the best Advantages of Books and all the Records of Antiquity to furnish him with Matter so he had also the best Company both to inform his Judgment and improve his Stile And in this respect never was Author more happy as living in an Age when Letters were at the highest pitch both of Perfection in themselves and Estimation from others For 't is not improbable but he might have seen heard and been acquainted with Cicero that great Master of the Latine Eloquence for he was twenty years old at his death with the most Learned and in Roman Antiquities incomparably skilful Varro with that ingenious Parent of Lyrick Elegance Catullus with Virgil the Prince of Poets and Salust the most excellent at least till this our Livy out-vy'd him of Historians with Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus both no contemptible Authors in History Certain it is that he was Contemporary not only with those most famous Poets Ovid Horace Propertius and Tibullus but also with Seneca the Declaimer and Vitruvius the Architect and Dionysius Halicarnasseus who wrote the Roman Story most exactly in Greek Nor was he much elder than Strabo the Grecian Geographer than Valerius Maximus and Velleius Paterculus none of the least considerable Roman Historians In a dark Night Glow-worms may shine and Sporad's in the Suns absence cast a glimmering lustre but for a Star to appear in open Day-light is almost miraculous Amongst such a Crowd of Excellent men in the most polite Age that the World can boast of for Wit Learning and Eloquence that our Author should come behind none of them and in his Historical Province outstrip all as in the Judgment of the literate World he has done is certainly an Argument of a most happy Genius and Accomplishments altogether extraordinary Nor is it easie to determine whether his Industry or his Sufficiency were the greater for he wrote the whole History as well Civil as Military of the People of Rome for the space of seven hundred forty five years viz. from the Foundation of that City till the Death of Drusus that is until within eight years of our Saviour's Incarnation This mighty Undertaking which by what hath been said appears to have taken him up at least above twenty years time he performed in one hundred and forty Books or as Petrarch and others think one hundred and forty two which were
divided but whether by Livy himself or afterwards by the Transcribers for better conveniency is disputable though not much material into fourteen Decads that is so many Tomes of ten Books apiece of which there are now only five and thirty Books extant for the second Decade and all the rest after the fifth Book of the fifth Decade are lost But we have still the Epitomes of the whole one hundred and forty of which L. Florus is commonly reputed to have been the Author The Causes that contributed to this unhappy Shipwrack so passionately regretted by the whole Commonwealth of Learning were probably these 1. The Malice of the Emperour Caligula who whether out of Envy or his natural Aversion to all Learning Vertue and Industry endeavoured to remove both Livy's Works and Statues out of all Libraries alledging That he was too full of Words and false in his Relations Reproaches which ought to leave no stain on our Historian since they proceeded from the same ignorant Monster who condemned Virgil as a Sot and was contriving to have abolisht both his and Homer's incomparable Poems out of the World and to have made a Bonfire of all the Law-Books in Rome We could expect no better from a Caligula but I am somewhat surprized at the zeal of S. Gregory who as S. Antoninus tells us burnt Livy's Works for this Reason Quòd in Superstitionibus Sacris Romanis perpetuò versetur Because he was so perpetually mentioning the Roman superstitious Rites and Idolatries I confess his over-frequent Stories of Prodigies and their Expiations cannot but be somewhat nauseous to a judicious Christian Reader but we must consider him as he was an Heathen and then we can scarce blame him for shewing so much respect to those seigned Deities which were all he knew and Bodin's Apologie may excuse him Superstitione praestat quà m impietate obligari falsam quà m nullam habere Religionem Better Superstition than Impiety and to be zealous in a false Religion than either to have no Religion at all or to neglect and profane with irreverence that which we do profess 2. The vast Bulk of his whole Work not to be transcribed without a world of pains And here some could have wisht the Epitomizer whoever he was had spared himself that trouble it being suspected that many out of Laziness contenting themselves with his Abridgments the Original thereby became the more neglected which otherwise perhaps had not perisht however this accidental Consequence was unforeseen and those Breviats now in the want of the whole have proved of great use 3. Add to this the Rage of the Goths and Vandals and other Barbarians that since over-run Europe against all Monuments of Literature and how many choice Volumes have been swallowed by the devouring Jaws of Time in the Revolutions of above sixteen hundred years and we may rather wonder how five and thirty Books of Livy came to escape than that one hundred and five are perisht What we have came not all at once to light for the first five Books of the fifth Decade were found Anno 1531. at Wormes by Simon Gryneus in the Library of the Laurissene Monastery And in the Year 1615. the beginning of the forty third Book was regained from an old Manuscript belonging to the Chapter of the Church of Bamberge by John Horrion a Jesuit and first printed at Venice Some have formerly reported That all Livy or the greatest part of what we want might be found in his most Catholick Majesty's Library at the Escurial but if it had been so yet that Library being not many years since casually consumed by Fire we must despair of retrieving it from thence And as little hopes are there to have it from the Grand Seignior's Palace at Constantinople where others have fansied it to be Paulus Jovius in his Description of the Orkney Isles seems to insinuate as if in that remote Corner of the World the same lay dormant preserved by King Fergusius a Companion of Alaricus the Goth when he sackt Rome and laid up there for security when the Danes made their Invasions on Scotland I could heartily wish our Sacred Sovereign of Great Britain might have the Honour to oblige the World with this Treasure from any part of his Dominions but still must fear that we are no more to expect them than the lost Leaves of Solomon But though Livy publisht his History under the auspicious Reign of Augustus yet he lived somewhat longer though after the death of that good Emperour weary 't is like of Rome he retired back to his own native City Padua for there we find he dyed on the first of January in the fourth year of Tiberius's Reign the twentieth after our Lord's Nativity and the seventy sixth of his own Age. He had two Wives the first named Cassia two Sons T. Livius Priscus and T. Livius Longus to one of them he wrote an Epistle of the Art of Rhetorick mentioned by Quintilian and four Daughters The Names of his first Wife and two Sons are found in a most ancient Inscription on Marble extant not long since in the House of Annibal Capilisti a Captain of Horse in the service of the most Serene Venetian Republick near St. Daniel's Church in Padua Thus T. Livius C. F. Sibi suis T. Livio T. F. Prisco T. Livio T. F. Longo Cassiae Sex F. Primae Uxori He was buried at Padua in the Temple of Juno where since was erected the Monastery of S. Justina possessed by Monks of the Order of S. Benet By whom long since was found a Marble Inscription with these words V. F. T. LIVIUS Liviae T. F. Quartae L. Halys Concordialis Patavi Sibi suis Omnibus This the Monks and others took to be made by Livy himself interpreting so those Letters V. F. that is Vivens Fecit T. Livius c. That Livy living made it But Marquardus Gudius and from him Dujatius conclude that it was put there by Halys the Freed man of Livia his Daughter And thus it ought to be read in English T. Livius Halys the Freedman of Livia the fourth Daughter of Titus being Priest of the Temple of Concord at Padua in his Life time made this for himself and all his That is to testify their respects to the Great Livy there Interr'd plac'd this Monument and Inscription In the Year of our Lord 1413. upon occasion of digging to lay the Foundation for some new Building in that place of the Monastery the Bones of Livy were found in an Iron Chest upon the Report of which there was such a vast concourse of people that the good Monks had thoughts to have burnt them to prevent such unusual veneration to the Reliques of a Pagan But at last they were given to the Nobility at their earnest request to remain as an honour to their City Then was the Coffer carried on the shoulders of divers persons of the first Quality to the Town-Hall where their Courts of Justice are
got hold on the Wood of the Bridg and set it on fire That thing not only terrified the Sabines as they were fighting but when they were Routed was also a stop to their Flight and therefore many of 'em though they scap'd the Enemy perish'd in the River whose floating Arms being found in the Tiber at Rome and known discover'd the Victory there even almost before News could otherwise be brought of it In that Battel the Horse got the greatest Renown for 't is reported that they being plac'd in the Wings when the main Body of their Foot was now in a manner Defeated ran in so furiously from each side that they did not only stop the Sabine Legions who press'd so hard upon the yielding Infantry but on a sudden also put 'em to Flight The Sabines made all the haste they could to the Mountains of which some few possess'd themselves but the greatest part as I said before were driven into the River Tarquinius thinking it the best way to pursue them whil'st they were in that Consternation having sent the Booty and Captives to Rome and burn'd the Spoils of the Enemies for such was his Vow to Vulcan in a great Pile proceeded to March his Army into the Sabine Dominions and though the Sabines had had but ill success nor could well hope for better yet they met him with a tumultuary Army and being there a second time Defeated when they were almost utterly undone desir'd a Peace Collatia and all the Country round about it was taken from the Sabines and Egerius who was the Son of the King of Collatia's Brother was left in the Garison The People of Collatia my Author tells me made a Surrender of which this was the form The King ask'd 'em Are you Embassadors and Agents sent from the People of Collatia to surrender your selves and them We are Are the People of Collatia in their own Disposal They are Do you surrender the People of Collatia the City their Land their Water their Bounds their Temples their Utensils with all things Divine and Humane into the Possession and Power of me and the Roman People We do Then I receive ' em When the Sabine War was ended Tarquinius return'd in Triumph to Rome After which he made a War with the Antient Latins in which though they never came to hazard all at once yet he by carrying his Arms about to every single Town extinguish'd the whole Race of the Latins Corniculum old Ficulnia Cameria Crustumerium Ameriola Medullia and Nomentum were Towns that were taken either from the Antient Latins or such as had Revolted to the Antient Latins Then he made a Peace and from that time began the Works of Peace with greater vigour than he had carry'd on the Toils of War to the end that his People might not be less imploy'd at home than they had been abroad For he not only began to encompass the City where it was not yet Fortified with a Stone-wall the beginning of which Work was interrupted by the Sabine War but he also drein'd the lower parts of the City about the Forum and the other Valleys that lay between the Hills because they could discharge the Water from those plain places by Common-fewers which he made from thence into the Tiber besides that he laid Foundations in a void space of Ground by the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol which he had Vow'd to Build upon in the Sabina War because his mind did then Presage the future Glory of that place At that time there was a strange and wonderful Prodigy seen in the Palace where as a certain Boy whose Name was Servius Tullius lay asleep they say a great many People saw his Head all on a Flame whereupon there being a great shout made at that extraordinary Miracle the King was much concern'd and when one of his Servants was going to carry Water to quench it the Queen stop'd him till at last the Tumult being over she gave Order the Boy should not be stirr'd till he waked of himself and that soon after the Clouds of sleep and that Flame vanish'd together Then Tanaquil taking her Husband into a private place said she Doest thou see this Boy which we breed at such a mean rate Know that he will one day be a Lustre to our doubtful affairs and a Guard to our afflicted Palace wherefore let us cherish him with all possible Indulgence who is like to prove the Author of our great Honour both publick and private From that time they began to look upon the Boy as one of their own Children and to instruct him in those Arts whereby ingenious Lads are raised to great Fortunes And indeed that easily came to pass which the gods were willing to have for the Youth grew up into a very Princely Disposition nor at that time when Tarquin was looking out for a Son-in-law could any of the Roman Youth be compared to him in any Art wherefore the King gave him his Daughter in Marriage This great Honour upon what account soever confer'd on him forbids us to believe that his Mother was a Slave or that he himself was so when young I am rather of their opinion who say that when Corniculum was taken the Wife of Servius Tullius a Nobleman of that City being at the death of her Husband big with Child and taken notice of amongst the rest of the Captives was preserved from Slavery upon the Account of her Birth only by the Queen of the Romans and was brought to Bed at Rome in the House of Tarquinius Priscus upon the score of which great favour she was not only her self introduced into the familiarity of the Court-Ladies but the Child also who was bred in the Family from his Infancy was much beloved and respected nor was it any thing else but his Mothers fortune who when her Country was taken fell into the hands of the Enemy that made him be supposed to be Son of a Bond-woman About the Eight and Thirtieth year of Tarquinius's Reign Sorvius Tullius was very much honour'd not only by the King but by the Senate and the People also At which juncture the two Sons of Ancus who before had always resented it as a very great piece of Treachery that they should be depriv'd of their Father's Kingdom by the fraud of their Guardian and that a stranger should Reign at Rome who came not only of a foreign but also not so much as of an Italian race did then conceive more indignation than ever when they saw the Crown was not like to return to them even after Tarquinius's Death but that it would fall successively to a Slave that in the same City after almost an hundred years since Romulus who was the Son of a God and now a God himself possess'd the Throne as long as he remained upon earth a servant and the Son of a servant should enjoy it it would be not only a disgrace to the Roman name in general but more particularly to their
they thought themselves not only invincible but irresistable at any tiâ—e or in any place Which hopes of theirs was such an encouragement to them that whe◠〈◊〉 saw a slock of Sheep at a great distance from Cremera they ran towards them though â—â—e Enemy appeared here and there in many places and having tâ—oâ—â—h inadvertency passed the place where the Ambuscade was planted they straggled froâ— each other to catch the Sheep that being frighted as in such a case they use to be were dispersed over all the Fields till on the sudden the Enemy rose up and opposed them on every side Whereupon the noise set up quite round the Plains at first surprized them and then the Darts which flew upon them from all parts and the Etrurians gathering into a Body theâ— were so hedged in with that as the Enemy came on they were forced to draw themselves into a narrower compass which made them appear very few and the Etrurians very many now that their Ranks were reduced to their close Order Then quitting their design of engaging the whole Army they made toward one place only and forced their way by putting themselves into a posture called Cuneus i. e. the form of a Wedg The way that they took led gradually up an Hill where they at first stopt but soon after having taken breath there and recovered themselves from the fright they were put into they drove back the pursuers By which means though they were few they might with the advantage of the place have gotten the Victory had not the Veians gone round the Hill and come up to the very top for by that contrivance the Enemy became a second time too hard for them Whereupon the Fabii were every man of them slain and their Garrison taken It is certain that three hundred and six of them then died nor was there any more of the Fabian Family left save one young Lad to be a strong support to the Roman People who were or might be in dubious circumstances upon many future occasions as well at home as in the Wars When this slaughter happened among the Fabii C. Horatius and T. Menenius were Consuls U. C. 275 Of which two Menenius was presently sent against the Tuscans who were now proud of their Victory but he also had bad success and the Enemies possessed themselves of Juniculum nor had the City scaped a Siege for the Etrurians having passed the Tiber had made all provisions scarce as well as brought a War upon them if the Consul Horatius had not been recalled out of the Country of the Volsci Yea so near did that War approach their very Walls that they fought first upon equal terms near the Temple of Hope and a second time by the Gate called Porta Collina Where though the Romans had but little the better of it yet that Contest made the Soldiers more fit for future Action because they thereby recovered their former Courage Then A. Virginius and Sp. Servilius were created Consuls U. C. 276 and the Veians after their late Defeat came no more to a pitched Battel though they ravaged the Country and made havock of the Roman Territories even from Janiculum it self nor were either the Cattel or the Country People secure from their violence But they were taken by the same Stratagem whereby they had taken the Fabii for following the flocks of Sheep which were driven forth on purpose to invite them that way they ran headlong into a great Ambuscade who made a greater slaughter of them Yea that was such a provocation to them as caused a farther destruction among them for passing the Tiber in the night time they attacked the Camp of Consul Servilius from whence being repelled with great loss of men they with much ado retired into Janiculum With that the Consul also immediately passed the Tiber and pitching his Camp under Janiculum the next day early in the morning being flushed with the success of the day before but more because he wanted Provisions which made him too precipitate in his Designs he hastily led his Men up Janiculum to the Enemies Camp from whence being beaten with more dishonour than he the day before had routed the Enemy himself and his men were preserved by the interposition of his Collegue whilst the Etrurians were all slain between the two Armies as they were running away from both of them Thus was the Veian War made an end of by a successful piece of rashness Now therefore when the City was at peace the provisions grew again more plentiful not only upon the account of Corn that was brought out of Campania but inasmuch as every one being now no longer in fear of a Famin produced the stock that they had formerly concealed Whereupon they enjoyed such store and ease that they began again to grow wanton and for lack of mischief at home to seek it abroad The Tribunes began to infest the People with their poyson which was the Agrarian Law inciting them against the Senate who opposed it and not only against them all in general but against single Persons too Q. Considius and Genutius were the promoters of the Agrarian Law and gave T. Menenius warning to appear and make his defence on such a day whose crime was that he had lost the Garrison of Cremera though his Post when Consul was not far from thence Him therefore they ruined though the Senate stood up in his behalf as much as they had done for Coriolanus yea though his Father Agrippa's name was not yet forgotten But the Tribunes were pretty moderate in the mulct they laid upon him for when he was convicted they imposed no greater fine upon him than 34 pounds Yet even that proved his death for they say he could not bear the disgrace and dissatisfaction of it but died with grief After whose death there was another accused and that was Sp. Servilius U. C. 277 assoon as he quitted the Consulship when C. Nautius and P. Valerius were Consuls being summoned to his Tryal in the beginning of their Year by C. Caeticius and T. Statius who were then Tribunes but he did not like Menenius oppose the Tribunes fury either with intreaties of his own or the Senate but with great confidence in his own innocence and integrity whose crime was the Battel he fought with the Tuscans at Janiculum But he being a man of a stout spirit behaved himself at that time in his own case as he had done formerly in publick danger and baffling not only the Tribunes but the People also by an Oration that he made wherein he upbraided them with the Condemnation and Death of Menenius whose Father was formerly the restorer of the People who by his means obteined those very Laws and Magistrates which made them then so insolent by his courage escaped the danger Virginius also his Collegue being brought as a Witness against him did him some service by speaking in his commendation but the Judgment against Menenius was most to his advantage so much
ever before so much concerned That the defender of the Senate and the asserter of their Honour who was always an Enemy to the tumults caused by the Tribunes and the Commonalty and had exceeded his bounds only in one contest should be exposed to the fury of the rabble But Appius himself who was one of those Senators valued not either the Tribunes the People or his Accusation nor could the menaces of the populace or the intreaties of the Senate ever induce him not only to change his Cloaths and go about to beg the favour of the People but he would not soften or remit so much even as his usual manner of speaking when he was to make his defence before them No he look'd just as before with the same resolution and the same Spirit in discourse insomuch that most part of the People feared Appius as much when he was upon his Tryal as they had done when he was Consul He therefore at that time pleaded for himself with the same vehemence as he was always used to do when he accused another astonishing both the Tribunes and the People so much by his constancy that they themselves of their own accord gave him a farther day of Tryal and even then put it off again too To which time though it were not very long yet before the day came he died of a Distemper whose praises whilst the Tribunes of the People endeavoured to hinder the People would not endure that the death of such a great Man should be unattended with that solemnity wherefore they heard his Funeral Commendations when he was dead with as much satisfaction as they had his Accusation when he was alive and waited upon his Corps in great numbers The same Year Valerius the Consul going with an Army into the Country of the Aequi since he could not tempt the Enemy to fight was going to attack their Camp but was hundred by a mighty Tempest of Hail and Thunder though that which afterward increased his admiration was that when they were going to Retreat the Heavens were all calm and serene as before so that it seemed an heinous crime again to attempt the taking of that Camp which was as it were defended by some God By this means all the fury of the War turned into Plundering of the Country whilst the other Consul Aemilius made War in the Sabine Dominions whose Country was all laid waste because the Enemy kept within their Walls But after that the Sabines being provoked by seeing not only their Villages but even the Towns where there were a great many Inhabitants burnt down went out to meet the Ravagers but going off with no great success the next day pitched their Camp at a more secure Post which was enough to make the Consul think he might give the Enemy over for Conquered and therefore he Marched off though the War was not yet made an end of Whilst these Wars continued there being still animosities at home T. Numitius Priscus and A. Virginius were made Consuls And now the People seemed no longer able to endure U. C. 283 the delay of the Agrarian Law but prepared all the force they possibly could yet having notice that the Volsci were near at hand by the smoak which arose from the burnt Village and the flight of the Country People the Sedition which was now just ripe and ready to break forth was thereby repressed The Consuls were forced out of the Temple from the Senate into the Field who by drawing all the Youth out of the City made the rest of the People the more quiet And the Enemies did nothing else but having put the Romans iâ—â—o a vain fright made haste away Numicius went toward Antium against the Volsci and Vâ—rginius against the Aequi where having like to have received a great slaughter by an Ambusâ—aâ—e the Courage of the Soldiers recovered what the negligence of the Consul had lost But they used better Conâ—uct against the Volsci who were defeated in the first Battel and driven into Antium a veâ—y rich City as things then stood which the Consul not daring to Attack he took from the Antians another Town called Ceno not near so rich as Antium In the mean time whilst the Aequi and the Volsci imployed the Roman Armies the Sabines came and Plundered their Country even as far as the Gates of the City though in a few days after they received from the two Armies who were led into their Confines by both the enraged Consuls together more damage than they had done In the end of this Year they had some Peace but it was as it always used to be disturbed by a Contest between the Senate and the People For the People being disgusted would not come to the Consula Assembly wherefore the Consuls whose Names were T. Quintius and U. C. 284 Q. Servilius weâ—e chosen by the Senâ—te and their Clients whose Year was very like the precedent Seditious in the beginning but quieted by a Foreign War For the Sabines marching over the Crustumine Plains with all speed and having made a great slaughter as well as burnt several places about the River Anien were beaten back almost from the Gate called Porta Cellina and the very Walls but notwithstanding drove away before them great numbers of Men and Cattel Whom Servilius the Consul pursuing with a powerful Army could not indeed come to engage their Forces in a convenient place but plundered their Country to that degree that he left nothing untouched by his Arms and having taken a great Booty marched back again Among the Volsci too they behaved themselves very well not only through the Conduct of their Leader but the industry of the Soldiers too For there at first they fought upon a Plain receiving great hurt on both sides with much blood-shed and the Romans whose small number made them the more sensible of their loss had given way had not the Consul with a seasonable lie crying out That the Enemy fled on one side animated the Men who from thence took Courage and by thinking themselves Victorious gained the Victory The Consul fearing lest he by pressing too hard upon the Enemy might renew the Fight retreated and for some days after there was a tacit kind of Truce on both sides In which time there came a vast multitude of People from all quarters of the Volsci and the Aequi into the Camp not doubting but that the Romans if they knew of it would march off in the night time wherefore about the third Watch they came to attack the Camp Quintius having appeased the tumult that their sudden fear had caused and commanded the rest of the Soldiers to lie still in their Tents drew forth a Party of the Hernici for a Guard before the Camp giving orders to the Cornicines such as blew a Military Horn or Cornet and the Trumpeters to mount themselves upon Horses and sound before the Rampire so as to keep the Enemy in suspence 'till Morning by which means the remaining
Ancestors and the splendor of their Families to brag of so that it was no fault in them But that Sp. Maelius who should rather wish than hope to be Tribune of the People who was only a rich Corn-Merchant should hope to buy the Liberty of his fellow Citizens for two pounds of Wheat apiece or should think that by giving them a meals Meat he could wheedle a People into slavery who had conquered all their neighbour Nations or that the City should suffer him to be King whom they could scarce find in their hearts to make a Senator and to have all the Ensigns of State and all that Power which Romulus their Founder who was descended from the gods but now was one of their number had was not more wicked than monstrous Nor was it enough that he atoned fâ—r it with his blood except his House too were demolished in which so much madness was conceived and his Goods that were infected with the Design of their being the price of a Kingdom all confiscated Wherefore he ordered the Questors to sell those Goods and put them into the publick Treasury Then he commanded his House that the place where it stood might be a monument of the frustration of his wicked purpose to be immediately Demolished and the space was called Aequimelium L. Minucius was honoured with a figure of a Golden Bull without the Gate called Porta Trigemina nor were the People unwilling to have it so because he divided Maelius's Corn amongst them at an As i. e. a Bushel I find in some Authors that this same Minucius went over from the Senate to the People being made the eleventh Tribune of the Commons and appeased the Sedition caused by the death of Maelius But it is scarce credible that the Senate suffered the number of the Tribunes to be augmented or that such an example should be introduced by a Patrician especially Nor is it likely that the People ever obtained such a Priviledg or so much as stickled for it But above all it is plainly confuted by a Law that pass'd some few years before That the Tribunes should not have the power to take in any Collegue above their just number Q. Caecilius Q. Junius and Sext. Titinnius were the sole Persons of all the College of Tribunes that did not favour the Law touching Minucius's honour but accused one while Minucius and another while Servilius before the People complaining perpetually of the foul murder of Maelius By which means they brought it to pass that an Assembly should be held for the chusing of Tribunes Military rather than Consuls not doubting but since there were six to be chosen for that was now their legal number some Plebeians that should profess themselves revengers of Maelius's death would be elected The Commons though that Year they were disturbed with many and various Commotions created no more than three Tribunes with power Consular U. C. 316 among whom was L. Quintius Cincinnatus's Son from the envy of whose Dictatorship they sought an occasion to raise a Tumult but Mamercus Aemilius a Man of great Quality was chosen before Quintius and L. Junius was the third In the time of their Magistracy Fidenae a Roman Colony revolted to Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians and to the Veians But there was a worse offence added to that Revolt For by the command of Tolumnius they killed C. Fulcinius C. Julius Tullus Sp. Nautius and L. Roscius the Roman Embassadors that came to know the reason of their new designs Some extenuate the Kings fault and say that as he threw a lucky Cast at Dice his doubtful words being taken by the Fidenians as though he had meant they should kill them was the cause of their Death But that is incredible that when the Fidenates his new Allies came to him to consult about a Murder that was like to break the Law of Nations his mind should not be off from his Game nor that afterwards he should be concerned for the fact It is more likely that the People of Fidenae had a mind to be so engaged by that action that being conscious of its heinousness they might never after hope for any friendship from the Romans The Embassadors who were slain at Fidenae had their Statues set up publickly in the Rostra And now a bloody Fight drew nigh in which they were to engage with the Veians and the Fidenates who besides their being two neighbour Nations occasioned a War by such an horrid Act wherefore the People and their Tribunes being at quiet that publick affairs U. C. 317 might be the better managed there was nothing said to the contrary but that M. Geganius Macerinus a third time and L. Sergius Fidenas should be made Consuls of which the later I suppose took his Surname of Fidenas from the War which he then waged For he was the first that fought on this side the River Anien with any success against the King of the Veians but he did not obtain a bloodless Victory Wherefore the Romans were more grieved for the Citizens they had lost than they rejoyced at the Defeat of their Enemies and the Senate as in a case of extremity ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be proclaimed Dictator Who was no sooner made but he created L. Quintius Cincinnatus a Youth very worthy of such a Father who had been of the College the last Year when they were Tribunes Military together with power Consular To the Levy which the Consuls made were added the old Centurions who had experience in Warlike affairs and the number of those that were lost in the late Battel made up The Dictator commanded Quintius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibulanus to follow him as Lieutenants As therefore he had greater authority than ordinary so the Man was equal to his Commission for he drove the Enemy out of the Roman Territories beyond Anien where they took possession of the Hills betwixt that and Fidenae removing their Camp backward nor did they descend into the Plains before the Faliscan Legions came to their assistance and then at length the Etrurians Camp was pitched before the Walls of Fidenae In the mean time the Roman Dictator sate down not far from thence at the meeting of the two Rivers upon the Banks of them both and raising his Out-works as fast and as far as he could to defend himself for the present the next day led his Army into the Field There were several opinions among the Enemies The Faliscans being a great way from Home very uneasie in a Campaign and confident in their own strength desired to engage but the Veians and the Fidenates thought best to protract the War Tolumnius therefore though he was better pleased with the sentiments of his own Countrymen yet lest the Faliscans should undergo too much hardship declared He would fight the next day The Dictatoâ— and the Romans were the more encouraged when they saw the Enemy declined the Battel and the day following when the Soldiers murmured among themselves and said that
as fast as they came from City to City By which means the Youth of all those Towns being gathered to Antium they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy Which being told at Rome with much more noise than the thing deserved the Senate presently as in difficult circumstances it was their last refuge to do ordered a Dictator to be appointed At which Julius and Cornelius they say were vexed and that the business was carried with great heat of mind Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates disposal at last also appealed to the Tribunes of the People and said that the Consuls had been forced by their Authority upon such an occasion ere that time the Tribunes of the People who were glad to see the Senate at variance made answer by way of Irony That they could never assist them who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens or so much as Men if their honours ever became promiscuous or the Commonwealth were shared among them then they would take care that the Orders of Senate should not be evacuated by the pride of any Magistrates but in the mean time the Patricicians who were void of all respect to Law or Magistracy might assume the Tribunes Power also if they pleased and act as they would themselves for them This contention had seized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unseasonable time when they had such a War upon their hands till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately discoursed That it was not just the honour conferred upon them should be taken from them by the People Ahala Servilius a Tribune of the Soldiers said He had held his tongue so long not because he was not resolved in his opinion for what good Citizen could divide his own interest or designs from the publick but because he had more mind that his Collegues should yield to the Senates Authority on their own accord than suffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored against them yea at that time also if the thing would have permitted him he would willingly have given them time to recede from his resolute opinion but since the necessities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues if the Senate continued in the same mind he would declare a Dictator that night and if any one interposed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made yet he would be satisfied with their Authority and approbation By which having gained a great deal of just commendations and good will among all People he declared P. Cornelius Dictator and was himself by him made Master of the Horse He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him that favour and honour sometimes are found to court those Men who are not ambitious of it But this War was not very memorable the Enemies being slain at Antium in one slight Conflict After which the Army being Victorious pillaged the Volscian Territories stormed the Castle that stood upon the Lake Fucinus and in it took three thousand Prisoners forcing the rest of the Volsci into their Walls because they could not defend their Country Then the Dictator having so managed the War as that he seemed only to attend upon fortune returned into the City with more felicity than glory and laid down his Office The Tribunes of the Soldiers seeing there was no talk of a Consular Assembly I suppose out of anger which they conceived upon the score of making a Dictator appointed an Assembly for chusing of Tribunes Military Whereupon the Senate was much more concerned observing that their Cause was betrayed by their own Party and therefore as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the most rascally of the Plebeians so at that time preparing all the chief of the Senate with splendour and favour to stand for it they got all the places so that no Plebeian could be admitted At which time the four that were chosen were all Men that had before born the same U. C. 348 Offices and their names L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and C. Servilius Ahala which last of them was made again and continued in his Office as for his other vertues so also through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd That Year because the time of the Truce with the Veians was out they began to demand things back by their Embassadors and Heralds who coming to the Frontiers of that Country the Veians Embassadors met them desiring That they would not go to Veii before they themselves had been with the Roman Senate The Senate upon their Petition granted that seeing the Veians were under some intestine discontents there should be no demands made of any thing back again so far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends Then they received a Defeat in the Volscian Territories by losing the Garrison of Verrugo where there was so much importance as to time that though they could have succoured the Soldiers who were there besieged by the Volsci and begged their assistance if they had hastened the Army that was sent as supplies to them came up at such a juncture that finding all the Enemy stragling about the Country for Plunder after their late slaughter they overthrew them In this case the Senate were the occasion of their slowness more than the Tribunes who because they heard the Garrison made a brave defence thought nothing could be too hard for them for indeed they were stout fellows nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilst they lived or even after death The Year following U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Cossus Numerius Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority the Romans made War upon the Veians for a proud answer made by the Veian Senate to their Embassadors when they came to demand a reprisal which was That if they did not get them gone as fast as they could out of their City and Country they would serve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done some of their Predecessors in that employment Which answer of their the Senate took so ill that they decreed the Tribunes of the Soldiery should propose to the People the declaring of a War against the Veians assoon as possible Which when it was first offered the young Men began to murmur and said They had not yet done with the Volsci that two Garrisons of theirs were lately quite disabled and still kept with great hazard that no Year passed in which they had not some Battel and now as if they were sorry they had no more work for them they must needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their most powerful Neighbours and like to engage all
diverted by the Invasion which Alexander King of Epire made upon the Lucanians with whom the Samnites joyning gave him Battel near Paestus But Alexander worsted them and made a League with the Romans which how well he would have kept if his Success had continued is a Question The same Year there was a general Cense or numbering of the People with a valuation of their Estates and the new-made Citizens were Enroll'd and Entred into the Subsidy-Books And by reason of their Numbers two new Tribes Moecia and Scaptia were added by the Censors Q. Publilius Philo and Sp. Posthumus Likewise the Acerrans were by a Law prefer'd by L. Papirius the Praetor made free Romans but without right of Suffrages These were the Transactions of this Year both as to War abroad and the Civil State at home Infamous was the next Year whether it happen'd by the distemperature of the Heavens or through humane Villany I know not M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Valerius were then Consuls which last I find in some Annals to have the Surname of Flaccus and in others Potitus it matters not much which is the Right But I heartily wish that were false nor do all Authors mention it which is related of many Persons being made away by Poison whose sudden death rendred this Year infamous for a Pestilence But as the matter is delivered I shall not omit it lest I should seem to detract from the Credit of any of the Authors of the Story It happening that divers chief Men of the City and Persons of prime Quality dyed of a like Disease and almost all in the same manner A certain Chamber-maid addressed her self to Q. Fabius Maximus being at that time Aedile of State offering to discover the Cause of this publick Plague if he would engage that she should not thereby come to any harm or trouble Fabius presently acquaints the Consuls and they the Senate by whom such assurance was given as she desired Then did she declare That it was by the wickedness of certain Women that the City was thus afflicted That several Ladies did prepare these Poisons and that if they would instantly go along with her they might be taken in the manner They followed her acoordingly and found some Women as they were boiling their Venomous Medicaments and other Poisonous Confections ready made up they found hid in secret places which being all brought into the Forum or Justice-Hall and about twenty of those Matrons with whom they were found brought thither by a Serjeant Two of them Cornelia and Sergia both descended of Noble Families insisted That they were good and wholsom Medicines The Discoverer urged then That they might be enjoyned to drink them up and thereby convince her of inventing a lye and giving false Evidence against them Whereupon they desired to confer together and the People being withdrawn these two proposing the matter to the rest they all consented drank off their Doses and all perish'd by their own mischievous Practice Their Accomplices were forthwith apprehended who discover'd a great number of other Matrons concern'd of whom 170. were condemned Never before that time was there any Process made at Rome against any for Poisoning and the thing was now look'd upon as a Prodigy and thought to be done by People distracted and bewitch'd rather than having a Murderous Intent And therefore finding in old Chronicles That once upon a time when the Commons in a frantick fit withdrew themselves and went out of the City they were brought to their Wits again by the piacular Ceremony of the Dictators driving and fixing a Nail or Spike of Brass or Iron in the back-wall of Minerva's or of Jupiter's Temple the Senate resolv'd they would have a Dictator for performing this Ceremony and Cn. Quintilius was chosen with L. Valerius Master of the Horse who as soon as they had in due form driven the Nail laid down their Offices L. Papirius Crassus was chosen Consul the second time and L. Plantius Venno in the beginning of their Year Ambassadors came from Frabateria and Lucania two Cities of the Volscians requesting to be taken into protection and promising That if they might be defended from the Violence of the Samnites they would become Loyal and Obedient Subjects to the People of Rome The Senate dispatch'd Ambassadors to require the Samnites to forbear invading these People and the same prov'd effectual not that the Samnites desired Peace but because they were not yet ready for a War This Year began the War with the Privernates with whom were joined the Fundans and their General one of that Nation called Vitruvius Vaccus a Man famous not only in his own Country but also at Rome where he had an House in Mount Palatine which being since pull'd down and the Ground confiscated is now called Vacciprata Against this Person Forraging and Spoiling the Countries all about Setin Norba and Cora L. Papirius march'd forth and posted himself very near their Camp Vitruvius had neither the Prudence to keep his Men within their Works when he saw he had to deal with an Enemy too strong for him nor the Courage to fight far from their Fortifications He had scarce drawn the Body of his Army out of the Port of their Camp who were solicitous which way they should secure themselves in their Retreat rather than mindful of the Battel or the Enemy when with as little Conduct as Valor he began the Fight and as with little ado he was very undeniably beaten so by reason of the incarness and easie Retreat into their Camp he preserved his Men well enough there being scarce one of them kill'd in the Skirmish and only some few in the Rout of the hindmost as they were hudling into their Camp But thinking it more safe to trust themselves to the Protection of a Wall than of a Trench as soon as it was dark with a timerous March they stole away towards Privernum Round which the other Consul Plantius had spoiled all the Country and was now march'd into the Territories of the Fundans whose Senate met him on the Borders saying They came not to mediate for Vitruvius and his Gang but for the People of Funda who were altogether innocent and unconcern'd in the War as even Vitruvius himself had plainly shew'd in that he chose rather to shelter himself in Privernum than in Funda his Native Country That therefore at Privernum it was that the Enemies of the People of Rome were to be sought for who unmindful of both their Countries had revolted as well from the Fundans as the Romans That as for the Inhabitants of Funda they desired nothing so much as Peace and not forgetting the Honor they had lately received of being made free Denizons should always be Romans in their Affections as well as Title They therefore did beseech his Excellency to forbear prosecuting an harmless People avowing That their Lands their City their own Bodies and those of their Wives and Children were and should ever
yielded as great plenty of gallant Captains as any there was not a Person on whom the State of Rome did more rely and depend insomuch as some Writers have concluded that he would have been an equal match to the Great Alexander if after the Conquest of Asia he had bent his Arms against Europe Now although from the beginning of this Work it may sufficiently appear that I have sought nothing less than Digressions from the just order and series of the Story nor have at all endeavored by extravagant Varieties to garnish it or with pleasant Sallies to divert the Reader and refresh my self yet happening upon the mention of so great a King and so renowned a Captain I could not but be moved to disclose and set down those thoughts which have oft occurr'd to my mind and inquire a little What event would probably have succeeded to the Roman Affairs had they happened to have been engaged with this Illustrious Conqueror Those things that are of greatest consideration and seem to have the Ascendent in all Wars are the number of Soldiers and withal their natural Courage the sufficiency and dexterity of the Commanders and lastly Fortune which as in all humane Affairs it bears a great stroke so in War most of all He that shall narrowly weigh all these either jointly or severally may reasonably conclude That as the Roman State bore up against other Kings and Nations so it might have prov'd to him also Invincible To begin with ballancing the Commanders one against another I do not deny but Alexander was an excellent Leader but that which enhaunc'd his Fame was That he was a sole and Soveraign Commander a young Man his Sails always full blown with prosperous Gales and one who dyed before ever he had labored under any of the frowns of Fortune For to omit other glorious Princes and renowned Captains illustrious Examples of the uncertainty of Humane Grandeur What was it that exposed Cyrus whom the Greeks so highly magnifie or our great Pompey of late to the turning Wheel of Fortune but only this That they lived long On the other side Let us take a review of the Roman Commanders I mean not through all Ages but such as being Consuls or Dictators about those times Alexander must have engag'd with if he had spread his Ensigns this way there were M. Valerius Corvinus M. Marcius Rutilus C. Sulpicius T. Manlius Torquatus Q. Publilius Philo L. Papirius Cursor Q. Fabius Maximus the two Decii L. Volumnius Manius Curius besides abundance of prodigious Warriors that succeeded afterwards if he had first set upon the Carthaginians as he was resolved to have done if he had not been prevented by Death and so had arriv'd in Italy when well stricken in years Each one of these was master of as good Parts and natural Abilities as Alexander and had the advantage of being train'd up in an incomparable Military Discipline which having been delivered from hand to hand ever since the foundation of their City was now by continual Precepts arriv'd to the perfection of an Art For so after one and the same course did our Kings of old manage their Wars so after them the Junii and Valerii the banishers of Kings so consequently the Fabii the Quintii the Cornelii so Furius Camillus whom in his Age two of those Romans with whom Alexander must have encountred Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvinus had seen when they were Youths And whereas Alexander often hazarded his Person and underwent all Military toils and dangers which was one thing that not a little added to his Glory Can it be thought that if Manlius Torquatus or Valerius Corvinus had chanc'd to meet him at the head of his Troops either of them would not have prov'd a Match for him who were both of them famous for stout Soldiers before ever they had Commands Would the Decii that rush'd with devoted Bodies into the midst of the Enemy have been afraid of him Would Papirius Cursor that mighty Man both for strength of Body and gallantry of Mind have declined to cope with him Was it likely that a single young Gentleman should out-wit or manage his Affairs with greater prudence than that Senate which he only whoever he was had a right Idaea of that said It consisted altogether of Kings Here forsooth was the danger lest he should more advantagiously choose his Ground to Encamp on provide Victuals more carefully prevent Surprizes and Stratagems more warily know better when to venture a Battel range his Army more Soldier-like or strengthen it with Reserves and Recruits better than any of those whom I have named knew how to do Alas in all these matters he would have confess'd he had not to deal with a Darius over whom being attended with a vast Train of Women and Eunuchs softned with wearing Gold and Purple and clogg'd with the superfluous Furniture of his luxurious Fortune he did indeed obtain an unbloody Victory meeting rather with a Booty than an Enemy and had only this to boast of That he durst handsomly contemn such an abundance of Vanity He would have had another kind of prospect in Italy than in India through which he march'd at his ease with a drunken Army Feasting and Revelling all the way But here he must have met with the thick woody Forrest and almost unpassable Streights of Apulia the lofty Mountains of Lucania and fresh Tokens of a late Defeat that happen'd to his own Name and Family where his Uncle Alexander King of the Epirotes was hewn to pieces We speak hitherto of Alexander not yet debauch'd with excess of good Fortune wherein never any Man had less command of himself than he But if we consider him in his new Habit and that new Nature if I may call it so which he took up after he had a while been flush'd with Victories we may avow he would have come into Italy more like a Darius than an Alexander and brought with him a bastard Army altogether degenerated from the Macedonian courage and manners into the debauches and effeminacies of the Persians I am asham'd in so great a Monarch as he was to relate his proud humors of changing so oft his Garb his excessive vain-glory in expecting that Men should adore him by casting themselves prostrate at his feet when-ever they approach'd him a base servile flattery which must have been uneasie to the Macedonians though they had been Conquer'd much less to be endured now they were Conquerors his barbarous Cruelties and Butcheries of his nearest Friends amongst his Cups and Banquets and that ridiculous Vanity of forging a Divine Pedigree and boasting himself the Son of Jupiter Nay more since his Drunkenness and Greediness of Wine his savage Passions and cholerick Phrensies did every day increase I report nothing but what all Authors agree in shall we not think that his Abilities as a General must quickly have decayed and been wonderfully impaired But here perhaps was the danger which some little triffling Greeks who
exceeding thick together with their Targets before them so that to cope with them at handy-stroaks was to little purpose the Roman Commanders therefore ordered the Darts and Lances that lay scattered on the ground between the two Armies to be gathered up and flung at the Enemy who now stood like a Tortoise in his shell impregnable But these Darts and Javelins sticking in their Targets and many of them lighting upon and with their sharp points piercing into their Bodies that Wedge-like Battalion began to scatter and many of them though not wounded did like men amaz'd tumble upon one another Thus various was the Fortune of the Romans Left Wing But on the Right Fabius having as aforesaid lingered out the day at last when he perceiv'd that the Enemies shouts grew fainter their Charges weaker and their Darts and Javelins not lanc'd with the same force and vigor as before he commands the Captains of the Horse to wheel about from the Wings that upon a Signal given they might Charge the Samnites on the Flank In the mean time he by degrees advanc'd his Legionary Foot and made the Enemy give ground seeing therefore that they made no considerable resistance and that 't was plain they were wearyed out then he brought up all his Reserves which he had kept fresh for such an opportunity and at the same time gave the Signal to the Cavalry to fall on The Samnites were not able to stand the fury of such an impetuous Charge but fled in confusion to recover their Camp running by the Battalions of their Friends the Gauls whom they left to maintain the Fight as well as they could The Gauls compacted themselves in a close order and stood immoveable and therefore Fabius being advertis'd of the death of his Colleague commands a Wing of Campanian Horse consisting of almost Five hundred to withdraw out of the Conflict and wheeling about to Charge them in the Rear and the formost Divisions of the third Legion to follow them and wherever the Horse should disorder the Enemy they were to second them Whil'st he himself having first vow'd a Temple to Jupiter the Conqueror and all the spoils of the Enemy pursued the Samnites to their Camp where he found all on an heap and in the greatest consternation imaginable under the Rampire for the Ports were so narrow that they could not all get in at once They that were shut out by the throng made an offer to renew the Fight and there Gellius Egnatius the Samnites General was slain but they were quickly cut off or beat into the Works which after a small skirmish were also taken by the Romans and then the Gauls surrounded and cut to pieces There were kill'd that day of the Enemies Five and twenty thousand and Eight thousand taken Prisoners Nor was this glorious Victory purchased without Roman Blood for of P. Decius's Army there fell Seven thousand and Fabius lost Twelve hundred The Spoils of the Enemy were all heap'd up together and burnt as a Sacrifice to Jove the Victor The Consul Decius's Body could not that day be found being covered with the Carcasses of the Gauls but next day it was discover'd and brought to the Roman Camp with a general lamentation of his Soldiers Whose Funeral Obsequies Fabius setting all other Affairs aside for the time caused to be Celebrated with the highest Honors and Applauses About the same time likewise Cn. Fulvius the Pro-Praetor had as good Success in Tuscany as could be wish'd for besides the vast damage done the Enemy by over-running and plundering the Country he routed them in a pitch'd Battel where of Perusines and Clusines above Three thousand were slain and twenty Colours taken As the Relicks of the Samnites Army fled through the Territories of the Pelignians they were by them intercepted and slaughtered so that of Five thousand there was scarce a thousand left This Battel fought in the Sentinates Country was certainly a great Action and deservedly famous if a Man keep strictly to Truth and make no more on 't than 't was but some have Romanc'd upon it and say That the Enemy had Forty thousand three hundred and thirty Foot Six thousand Horse and a Thousand War-Chariots including the Umbrians and Tuscans whom they will have to be in this Fight and that they may encrease the Roman Forces proportionably they add to them L. Volumnius the Pro-Consul and his Army But in most Chronicles the honor of this Victory is ascribed only to the two Consuls for Volumnius was at that time managing the War in Samnium where having forc'd the Enemy to take the Hill Tifernum nothing discouraged with the disadvantage of the place he pursued and utterly routed them Q. Fabius leaving the Decian Army in Tuscany march'd back with his own Legions to Rome and Triumph'd over the Gauls Tuscans and Samnites the Soldiers following him with their rude Military Catches wherein they did not more celebrate and applaud the Victory of Fabius than the noble Death of Decius equalling the Glories of the Son in all respects publick or private with the Renown of his Father who exposed himself in the same manner for the good of his Country not many years before In lieu of the spoil the Soldiers had given them Eighty two pieces of Mony apiece and every one a Campaign Coat and Tunick no contemptible Military Reward in those days But for all these notable Victories neither the Samnites nor the Tuscans would yet be quiet for as soon as the Consul was gone with his Army the Perusines began to Rebel and the Samnites in several Parties came down to forrage and ransack the adjacent Provinces some into the Territories of Vestin and Formianum and others into Aeserniac and the Banks of the River Volturnus Against whom Appius Claudius the Praetor was sent forth with the Army which Decius lately commanded Fabius himself undertook to chastize the Tuscan Rebels and killed Four thousand and five hundred of the Perusines and took One thousand seven hundred and forty of them Prisoners who were forced to pay Three hundred and ten Asses that is about Forty six shillings and ten pence apiece for their Ransome All the rest of the Booty was distributed amongst the Soldiers The Samnite Forces being hard pursued by App. Claudius one way and by L. Volumnius the other rendezvouz'd altogether in the Territory of Stella and there also Claudius and Volumnius join'd their Troops A sharp and cruel Fight it was on both sides the one enraged against those that had so oft rebelled and the other now grown desperate and resolv'd to run all hazards Of the Samnites Sixteen thousand and three hundred slain of the Romans Two thousand seven hundred This Year so prosperous in Mititary Affairs was by reason of Pestilence very dolesom and mens minds much perplex'd wtth Prodigies for 't was reported that in divers places it rain'd Earth and in the Army of App. Claudius several Soldiers were blasted with Lightening therefore the Books of the Sybils
purge the City of innovators and to efface the memory of former differences Moreover a Warbroke out with the Lucanians upon a new score who by molesting their Neighbours the Thurini that inhabit a part of Italy called Magna Graecia forced them after many injuries to put themselves under the protection of the Romans and the people decreed a War should be made with the Lucanians Aelius their Tribune proposing it to them The Armies on both sides marched out and several actions passed between them the memory of which with the Annals that recorded them is quite lost The Thurini presented a Statue and a Crown of Gold to C. Aelius A. U. 468 The Consulship of C. Claudius Canina and M. Aemilius Lepidus follows which passed without any thing of note whereof there is any Record save that the Wars with the Hetrurians and Lucanians seem to have happen'd about that time We have also the Triumph of Manius Curius for his Victory over the Lucanians which is to be reckon'd among his four Triumphs so many being attributed to him but when or in what Office he did these things is not known After this arose greater business and memorable for no inconsiderable loss A War being made with the Senones a people of Gaul who had Peace and War at turns with the Romans and now they had rested ten years after their defeat in the Countrey of Sentinum when upon Decius's devoting himself to death great numbers of them were slain onely they let their young Men be listed by the Hetrurians against the Romans but afterwards they came out in greater numbers than they had done for many years before and entring Hetruria besieg'd Aretium The Aretines before that had a desired Peace with the Romans but though that was denied them yet they obtain'd a Truce which was not yet expir'd but now they were in greater hopes of aid because they knew the Galls could not clash with their Arms but the Romans thought themselves concerned at it therefore by their Ambassadours sent to Rome they begg'd aid against the common Enemy and now the year ended when C. Servilius Tulla and L. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls Some Annals put Caelius for Caecilius but the House of Caelius being of a meaner quality is supposed not to have bore the Consular Dignity till six hundred sixty years after the building of Rome DECADE II. BOOK XII Florus his Epitome of the Twelfth Book of Livy The Roman Ambassadours having been assassinated by the Galli Senones a War is therefore declar'd against them wherein Caecilius the Pretor with his Forces is defeated And the Roman Fleet being robb'd by the Florentines and the Admiral kill'd the Ambassadours sent to them to complain of these injuries are beaten Therefore a War is declar'd against them The Samnites revolt with whom as also the Lucanians and Brutians many Battels are fought with good success Pyrrhus King of Epirus comes into Italy to aid the Tarentines The Campanian Legion under the command of its Tribune Decius Jubellius being sent for to aid the Rhegians they stay the Inhabitants and seize on the Town of Rhegium WHEN P. Cornelius Dolabella and Cn. Domitius Calvinus were Consuls there arose some fear again of the Gallic War it being reported that many of the Tuscans took part with the Gauls so that the Senate looked on the danger of the Aretines as a thing not to be neglected but because that neither Dolabella could be call'd out of the Volscinian Province nor Domitius from Lucania without prejudice to the Affairs they had in hand the Senate commanded L. Caecilius the last year Consul and then a Praetor to march out speedily to raise the Siege of Aretium But lest this War should seem to be undertaken rashly 't was thought fit to send Ambassadours before to acquaint the Gauls that Aretium was under the Romans protection and that the Gauls would seem to act more honestly if they would not suffer their young Men to serve in War against their Confederates Whilst the Ambassadours carried this Message through the several Cantons of the Gauls one Britomaris a young Hotspur descended from the Royal Line whose Father among the Auxiliaries of the Hetrurians had been slain by the Romans being brimfull with desire of revenge not onely seiz'd on the Ambassadours cutting them in pieces but tore even their Robes and badges of their Sacred Character When this barbarous act was reported at Rome and in the Camp of Dolabella people were so incensed at it that a war was immediately declar'd against the Senones and the Consul laying aside the Hetrurian Expedition by great Journeys through the Sabino and Picene Countries arrives upon the borders of the Senones who being alarm'd by this sudden incursion of the Enemy whilst the main of their Forces was absent came out with a few unexperienced Soldiers and were easily routed The Consul giving no respite to the conquered burns their Villages and wasts all the Country round In fine he slew all that were of age carried into captivity all the weak multitude of Women and Children and lest the Country as desert as he could behind him Britomaris himself was taken and after he had endured several tortures he was reserved for the Triumph But at the same time Affairs did not succeed so well at Aretium L. Caecilius before the Town being routed by the Senones and Hetrurians Seven Tribunes and many brave Men besides having been killed together with the General Out of the Legions and Auxiliaries thirteen thousand Men were lost but the joy for this Victory among the Gauls was quite damp'd with mourning and consternation when they understood the ruin of their own Country for these people being furious desperate and rash having now no habitation to go to drew together all their Countrymen that fought in Hetruria resolving in a heat to march against Rome as if they were led by Fate to their own destruction For they could not quit scores with the ravagers of their Territories but by forcing them to behold their own City under the same Fate and to be sure they had as much courage and greater reason to march against Rome than their Ancestours who setting out of Clusium a place in the same Hetruria had conquer'd that City Having provoked one another by such words as these they marched out in a hurry being naturally impatient of delay and now hastning the more to surprize the Enemy but whilst they pass through their Enemies Country several devices were found to retard their motion whereby time was gain'd to provide against the storm Being thus put back whilst they roam heedlesly through strange and dangerous places at last they light on Domitius the Consul and immediately joined Battel with him but his Conduct easily prevail'd over their rashness many of them being kill'd in the Battel the rest in rage and despair turned the Swords upon themselves which they had drawn in vain against their Enemies So that a Nation but now flourishing in power for the
him he had put to death Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers he return'd with the rest of his Forces being eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse into his own Kingdom now in the sixth year after he had come from thence In the mean while when the Centuriate assemblies were held at Rome and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War they determined to make Curius Consul the second time because he of all Men had managed the business most handsomly against that King and therefore seem'd a Person of the greatest stroak and fortune to go through with the rest of the War Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Consul his late Atchievements and glory advancing him and also the recommendation of his Kinsman under whom he had bore Arms in the last Campagne These Consuls bent the effort of their Arms against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians who defended themselves rather by strength of places than by Arms so that no Action could be perform'd comparable to the rest Yet this did not in the least impair Curius's glory whilst all were of Opinion that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd but also because Curius would be made General again to fight against him Therefore the whole honour of ending this War and routing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be ascribed to this Great Man The next year after Curius's third Consulship the first Embassy came from the Kings of Alexandria with A. U. 480 Presents to Rome in the Consulship of C. Corso and C. Claud. Canina Ptolomy surnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight sent to congratulate the Romans and to desire an Alliance with them The Senators thought it highly honourable and a great happiness thus to be courted by Kings so potent and remote of their own accord for their Alliance therefore they received the Ambassadours civilly and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy Moreover they nominated persons of the greatest Quality to go Ambassadours to the King to ratifie the Alliance and to return the Complement namely Q. Fabius Gurges a Consular Person and with him Caius Fabius Pictor Numerius Fabius Pictor and Q. Ogulnius When these were gone the Consuls fought with good success against those Italian Nations who out of necessity and despair continued yet in Arms but that the actions of one of the Consuls exceeded the others may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites Lucanians and Brutians in his Consulship at the Feast Romulus But these Joys for successes abroad were somewhat disturbed by Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest and thought to have incens'd the Gods against the City by her Irreligion but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements and the Nun suffering the punishment due to so great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate The same year Colonies were brought to Cosa of the Volscians and Paestum in Lucania called by the Greeks Possidonia This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites and now it was newly subjected to the Romans The year following was more remarkable wherein not only the War against the Samnites and others but also against the Tarentines was ended L. Papirius Cursor and Sp. Carvilius Consuls the second time having the Lucanians Brutians Samnites and Tarentines for their Provinces by their great Exploits and undertakings answer'd the expectations they A. U. 481 had rais'd being both chosen on purpose in hopes to conclude the War that year and the Samnites being totally subdued by Carvilius after a War of seventy one years now with more fidelity than before imbrac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians after great slaughters made of them to sue for Peace But as it happens in a War against several bordering People Papirius was also ingag'd with the Samnites and Carvilius with the Brutians and Lucanians and both with the Tarentines nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated but the City it self was taken which whole affair I shall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conquest of this famous City but also the death of King Pyrrhus with the false dealings of the Carthaginians and the source of that Rupture between them and the Romans Pyrrhus two years before had so departed from Italy as by his Garison left behind at Tarentum to give People hopes of his return which soon after being much increas'd by the late successes of that King in Macedonia kept up the spirits of the Italians in their present sufferings for being a Man of an active Spirit who could not long rest he had made War against Antigonus for not aiding him in the business of Italy and having defeated him almost dispossess'd him of his whole Dominions Whence the Romans were theâ— continually affraid lest returning with more Forces into Italy he should raise a greater War than the former But the sudden death of Pyrrhus destroy'd the hopes and remov'd the fears of all People For Pyrrhus insatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmost under pretence of re-instating Cleonymus in the Kingdom of Sparta who then had difference with Areus entring Peloponnesus resolv'd to make himself Master thereof likewise and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much though he had in vain attacked their City In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties headed by Aristippus and Aristias the first of which sends for Antigonus the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies For Antigonus also was come to Peloponnesus to assist the Lacedaemonians against the common Enemy So that the same Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through several Gates into the Town Pyrrhus understanding that his men were press'd hard by the Enemies entring himself likewise into the City when he saw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Brass representing them fighting with one another was astonished at this Omen of his imminent danger For there was an ancient Oracle which said that the place where Aeacides should see a Bull and a Wolf fighting should be fatal to him Therefore he design'd to draw back with his Forces and to retire out of the Town but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reserves and Elephants had stop'd his way and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town and the others to enter in whilst the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring and the Argives Epirots and Macedonians together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus and some Elephants were in those narrow streets crouded together and trampled upon one another all was in a hurry and confusion Mean while Pyrrhus whilst he does all he can by his directions exhortations and valour to repel the Enemy and defend his own men receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth whose Mother being a poor old Woman was there among
made brisk resistance and several Skirmishes hapned between both parties the Consul unwarily exposing himself to the shot receiv'd a Wound whereof he dy'd being under the Chirurgions hands The besieged understanding this disaster sallied out with all their Forces hoping that an Army cow'd by the fall of their General might be beaten from the Town if it were suddenly assaulted but the event of the Battel proved contrary to their expectations for the Roman Soldiers bravely receiv'd them and with great slaughter forced them to retire into the Town I suppose Decius Mus was chief Commander in this Battel for that this man might be Lieutenant to Fabius and so might manage the War after his death until one was sent to succeed him And hence I believe it comes to pass that Decius Mus by some negligent Historians is entitled to the beginning and ending of this War The Censors made that year were Cn. Cornelius the Son of Lucius and C. Marcius who having been Censor once before was call'd Censorinus in the time of his second Censorship Memorable was the moderation of this Marcius who receiving a Power he su'd not for reprimanded the People being assembled in a grave Harangue because they had twice committed that Office to the same Man whereas their Ancestors had for no other reason judged that the time of bearing this Office ought to be limited but because the Power was too great Hence there arose a Law whereby it was provided That no man should be twice Censor the same year the number of the Questors were increas'd hitherto four had serv'd the tuâ—n two in the City and as many more joyn'd with the Consuls that went out to the War But some years after the Commonwealth being inlarg'd and greater Customs and Revenues coming in it was necessary that that number should be doubled Afterwards Appius Claudius surnamed Caudex in his Office and M. Fulvius Flaccus were made Consuls This year was memorable for the War then first begun against the Carthaginians in Sicily for then the quarrel first brake out between those two most potent States which after many years and great losses on both sides could not be ended but by the destruction of one of them But we must premise some things more particularly concerning Carthage before we come to the handling of these things for that in the narrations of these matters several things will be unintelligible unless we have first an insight into the rise and growth of that City DECADE II. BOOK XVI Florus his Epitome of the Sixteenth Book of Livy The Original of the Carthaginians and the first Fortunes of their City related Against whom and Hiero King of the Syracusans the Senate of Rome decreed Forces to be sent in Aid of the Mamertines or Inhabitants of Messina after much debate Pro and Con upon that point And then the Gentlemen of Rome that serv'd on Horseback first cross'd the Seas and fought valiantly against King Hiero in several Battels who at last suing for Peace had it granted The Censors held a Lustrum and enroll'd 292224. Citizens in the Subsidy-Book D. Junius Brutus in honour of his deceased Father entertained the people with a Prize or Fencing-match of the Gladiators the first of that kind that was ever show'd in Rome A Colony planted at Aesernia and several prosperous Actions against the Carthaginians and Volscinians THAT Carthage was founded by Phenicians of Tyre besides the Authority and faith of ancient Story we have the perpetual amity between those two Nations while they flourished as also the apparent similitude of Language even now remaining to attest it It is reported that one Elisa of that Nation the same which is surnamed Dido Daughter of Agenor Son of Belus fled from her Country in hatred to Pygmalion her Brother-in-law for the cruel murther of her Husband Sicheus and arrived at that Bay or Peninsula in Africa where Carthage was afterwards built whose Power at its beginning being but inconsiderable discovered not any hopes of that grandeur which it afterwards attained to For Elisa is thought to have bought no more Land from the Inhabitants than could be cover'd with an Ox hide But then that she cut this Hide into small thongs and so took in a far greater quantity of ground than the Owners thought they had bargain'd for so that the place serv'd for the building of a Citadel which from thence is supposed to be called Byrsa In process of time when several people for the convenience of trading with these Foreiners built Houses close to the Citadel so that it appeared like a Town and that the Africans also desired to retain such civil and rich customers with them they easily complied with the Ambassadors from Vtica who by their own Example for Vtica was a Colony of Tyrians exhorted them to build a City in those places It was agreed therefore between them that the Africans should give the Phenicians a place to dwell in these paying a yearly tribute to the Africans in lieu thereof When the work was finished Elisa call'd it in her own Language Carthadas which signifies the new Town the Greeks call it Carchedon and the Romans as is usual by altering the pronunciation Carthago This City having peaceful Neighbours an industrious People and what was the main thing of all a wise Queen arriv'd in a short time to great prowess and Riches These things seem to have been done about seventy years before the building of Rome for Authors differ in their account of an affair so ancient But as the life of Elisa was remarkable for variety of Fortune so was her death memorable too Jarbas a petty Prince of some African Province courted her for his Wife threatning War if he should be deny'd But she being a Woman of rare chastity and still retaining true to her deceased Sicheus was averse from marrying him however because she understood that a War would be destructive to the infancy of her blooming State she took some time to consider on 't as if she were inclining towards the marriage with this African Prince and then order'd a pile of Wood to be set up in the further end of the Town pretending that before she would enter upon the second Marriage she would perform holy Rites to the ashes of her Sicheus and afterwards having offered many Sacrifices she climbs up the Pile her self at last and with the Sword which she had brought for that use kills her self her affection to her Husband and People exceeding the care she had of her own life The Carthaginians shew'd as much respect to her memory as they could and in admiration of her Vertues worshipped her for a Goddess as long as their Commonwealth stood She had a Temple built her in the place where she dy'd being called Dido a name given to brave Amazons by the Carthaginians Afterwards when no single Person was held worthy of the succession to the Government the City began to be governed by a mix'd power of the Nobility
the Senate order'd that some Ceremonies used for the expiating of Prodigies should be perform'd because that in Monte Albano A. U. 496 and many other places and even in the City it self it had rain'd Stones as thick as Hail It was order'd that the Latine Holy-days should be renew'd and a Dictator chosen for that end Q. Ogulneius Gallus was the Dictator and M. Letorius Plancianus his Deputy C. Atilius who commanded the Fleet arriving at Tyndaris in Sicily destroy'd the Punic Navy sailing by in a disorderly manner and resolv'd to aâ—tack â—t and accordingly having order'd the rest of the Fleet to follow him he with ten Galleys which could be first fitted advances against the Carthaginians who were got pretty far before by the help of their Oars and Sails which they ply'd with all their might and main Hamilcar was then in that Fleet a great Commander who seeing but few Ships near him and others scarce yet got out of the Haven and that the greatest part yet lay at Anchor tack'd about and with his whole Fleet encompass'd C. Atilius and his Ships Nine Galleys were sunk presently being over-pour'd by the numbers of the Enemy after they had fought it stoutly But the Admiral by the help of her Oars and the Rowers being encourag'd by the presence of the Consul forc'd its way through and sav'd her self For now there were other Galleys of the Romans come up which chang'd the fortune of the Battel and then there were eight Galleys of the Carthaginians sunk ten with their Rowers taken the rest steer'd their course towards the Liparean Isles These were their Actions at Sea Their Land-forces acted more slowly having attack'd Lipara in vain but they wreck'd their fury upon such places as were open laying them wast and the same Calamity reach'd the Island of Malta not far distant For these Atchievemâ—nts C. Atilius the Consul had a Naval Triumph for his Victory over the Carthaginians The same year Atilius triumph'd over the Carthaginians in Sicily the 19th of January Thus prosperously did the Roman Affairs succeed so that they now being superiour at Sea as well as at Land began to consult not onely about Sicily and the adjacent Isles the Conquest of which they made sure of but also of invading Affrica and carrying the terrour of the War to the very Gates of Carthage DECADE II. BOOK XVIII Florus his Epitome of the Eighteenth Book of Livy Atilius Regulus being Consul overthrows the Carthaginians in a Sea-fight invades Affrick and there kills a Serpent of a prodigious bigness not without a great slaughter of his Soldiers He having fought several Battels with the Carthaginians with advantage and the Senate by reason of his success continuing him in his Command he himself by his Letters complains thereof and desires a Successâ—r assiâ—ning amâ—ngst other things this reason for it because the Farm his Family liv'd upon lay untill'd being deserted by his Bailiffs and Husbandmen After this Fortune being willing to shew an Eminent Example in this Gentleman of a glorious Adversity as well as a great Prosperity he is overthrown and taken Prisoner by one Zantippus a Lacedaemonian whom the Carthaginians had entertain'd for their General The Roman Navies suffer'd grievous Shipwrecks which eclips'd the Glory of all their former successes either at Sea or Land Tib. Caruncanus Created High Priest the first Commoner that ever enjoy'd that dignity P. Sempronius Sophus and Manius Valerius Maximus the Censors calling over the Senate turn'd out thirteen Members fâ—r misdemeanours And held a survey of the whole City and registred to the number of 297797 Heads Regulus is sent by the Carthaginians to the Senate to treat for a Peace or if that could not be obtain'd for exchaâ— of Prisoners Vpon his Parole to return again if the same were not granted But he himself persâ—aded the Senate to deny both and to discharge his Promise goes back where he is put to death by the Carthaginians with most exquisite Tortures THE Consuls next were L. Manilius surnamed Longus and Q. Ceditius who dying in his Office was succeeded by M. Atilius Regulus second time Consul Affrica having hitherto been exempt A. U. 497 from all acts of Hostility first felt the War this year the Romans entring the Country after a signal Victory gain'd by them over the Carthaginian Fleet. All which Affairs as they happen'd as also Regulus his adverse and prosperous fortune and undeserv'd death we shall describe in this Book The year before C. Atilius being Consul the Carthaginians notwithstanding in a Sea-fight they first retreated with the loss of many of their Ships yet look'd upon themselves not inferiour to their Enemies because they had sunk some of their Galleys also whilst the Romans reckon'd themselves to have gain'd a signal Victory Hence the two Nations with equal Courage and Emulation apply'd themselves to Maritime Affairs And in pursuance hereof the Consuls being order'd to transfer the War into Affrica arrived at Messina with three hundred and thirty sail of Ships under their Command and from thence leaving Sicily on the right hand pass'd by Paclinyus to take in some Foot-Companies then quarter'd about the Hill Ecnomus and Hamilcar the Carthaginian General and Hanno the Admiral with three hundred and sixty sail put over from Carthage to Lilybeum and from thence taking their course to Heraclea Minoa posted themselves in that Port watching the Enemies motions and intending to stop their passage to Affrica The Consuls inform'd hereof prepar'd themselves diligently to encounter either danger so that whether they should come to a tryal of skill by Sea or make any descent into the Country they might not be at a loss when the matter came to the push Having therefore mann'd their Ships with the best and most couragious Soldiers they divided their whole Fleet into four Squadrons the first Squadron being composed of the first Legion the second and third of the two other Legions and the fourth of the Triarii The Forces were ordered in this manner Every Ship carried three hundred Seamen and one hundred and twenty Soldiers so that the whole Fleet made about one hundred and forty thousand men which number was somewhat exceeded by the Carthaginians having aboard their Navy one hundred and fifty thousand men but for all that the Consuls looked on the Carthaginian Soldiery no ways comparable to their own but seeing they were to fight upon the main Sea where the swiftest Saylors and the most skilful Seamen have the advantage their chiefest care was to range their Fleet in such an order as might best incounter this danger At last they rang'd their Fleet in this manner the two Galleys wherein the Consuls were they placed in the front to both which they joyn'd the first and second Squadron in two Lines one directly opposite to the other the Ships standing with their Prows outward the two Admirals rode almost side by side but those Ships next to them stood at a greater distance asunder which still
the Roman Cavalry near the River Ticinus 46. In which Conflict P. Cornelius Scipio being wounded was rescued and his Life saved by his own Son the same who afterwards was surnamed Africanus 56 c. Annibal having again routed the Roman Army upon the River Trebia advances over the Appenine Hills where his Soldiers were much distressed by the foul Weather and violent Tempests 60 c. Cn. Cornelius Scipio prospers in his Wars against the Carthaginians in Spain and takes their General Mago Prisoner JUstly may I Preface to this Part of my Work what most Historians are wont to profess U. C. 534 in the beginning of the whole of Theirs That I am about to write the Story of one of the most memorable Wars that ever happened in any Age of the World I mean That which the Carthaginians under the Conduct of their General Annibal waged with the People of Rome For never did more wealthy and potent Nations engage against each other in Arms nor were they themselves at any time so strong and formidable as at this Juncture And as they were not ignorant of each others Courage and Military skill but had sufficiently experienced the same in the former War between them so also they were so equally match'd and the fortune of the Field so variable that for a long time that side seemed nearest to Ruine who at last obtained the Victory Besides their spights and animosities against each other were in a manner greater than their Forces the Romans taking it in scorn and indignation that Those whom once already they had vanquish'd should of their own accords now begin a War with their Conquerors and the Carthaginians no less enraged because the Romans manag'd their Success with so much insolence and covetousness as rendred they thought their usage altogether insupportable 'T is also reported That when Amilcar after finishing his War in Africk was upon his Expedition into Spain as he was Sacrificing for good Success Annibal his Son not then above nine Years of Age came coaksing of him as Children use to do to take him along with him whereupon the Father brought him up to the Altar and with his hand laid thereupon caused him to swear That he would ever be a mortal Enemy to the People of Rome and fight with them as soon as he was able This Amilcar being a Person of great Spirit was no doubt exasperated as well at the loss of Sicily and Sardinia of which the former he thought was too hastily surrendred by those that without cause dispaired of Defending it and the latter during the Broils in Africk fraudulently seized by the Romans as also for the Tribute which beyond what was capitulated they had arbitrarily imposed upon his Country Disquieted with these thoughts he manag'd Affairs so both in the African Commotions which ensued for the next five Years after the Peace concluded with Rome and after that in his Spanish Wars where for nine Years together he diligently and with mighty success encreased the Punick Dominions and Grandeur that all the World might see he design'd still a greater War than what he had in hand and if he had lived there is no question but he had brought those Carthaginian Arms upon Italy wherewith it was afterwards Invaded under the Conduct of his Son but his seasonable Death and Annibals Non-age deferr'd the Storm a little longer In the mean time between the Father and the Son Asdrubal was Commander for almost the space of eight Years This Asdrubal had been Amilcars Favorite at the first they say for his Youth and handsome Face but afterwards for those signal marks of Gallantry and Prudence which he manifested upon all occasions preferr'd to be his Son-in-Law and in respect of that Alliance by the Interest of the Barchine * Some say this was the common Name of the Commons-Party at Carthage in opposition to the Nobility whereof Amilcar had made himself Head others that Amilcars Father was named Barcha and that this was only the Faction of that particular Family Faction which carryed a mighty sway both in the Army and with the Commons he was now advanc'd to the Soveraign Conduct of the War though much against the Will of the principal Noblemen He manag'd Affairs more by Policy and Intrigue than Force and Violence and by treating entertaining and caressing the Neighboring Princes and Grandees won the Affections and good Will of several Nations and by that means encreased the Carthaginians Dominions and Power rather than by force of Arms. But for all this Peace with Forein States he was never the more secure of his own Life at home for a certain barbarous Fellow whose Master he had put to death watching an opportunity lop'd off his Head and being apprehended by some that were by kept his Countenance and look'd as unconcern'd as if he had escaped nay when he was all mangled and torn with Tortures he seem'd to smile so far did the joy of his mind and sweetness of revenge over-ballance the pains of his Body and render them as it were insensible With this Asdrubal because he had such a singular dexterity at insinuating into Forein Nations and uniting them to his Interests the Romans had renewed the League upon these two Conditions That the River Iberus should limit the utmost extent of their Dominions on either side and that the Saguntines who were situate between the Territories of both Nations should enjoy their Antient Liberties There being now a new Commander to succeed in the room of Asdrubal there was no doubt to be made but the favor of the Mobile would join with the Prerogative choice of the Soldiery who presently carryed young Hannibal to the Head-Quarters and with a vast Shout and unanimous consent saluted him as their General For you must note whil'st he was yet very young Asdrubal had sent for him to the Army and the matter was debated in the Senate at Carthage where they of the Barchine Faction urg'd how fit it was That Annibal should be train'd up in the Camp and enur'd to Affairs of War that he might be qualified to succeed his Father in serving the Publick But Hanno the Head of the contrary Faction stood up and told them That both what Asdrubal desired was very just and reasonable and that yet he was of Opinion it ought not to be granted They all began to stare at him for this odd saying and knew not what to make on 't till thus he continued his Speech That flower and beauty of Youth which Asdrubal himself parted with and prostituted long since to Annibals Father to use or abuse at his pleasure the same he thinks he may with good right challenge and expect from the Son But it little becomes the Dignity of our State to have our Youth under pretence of following the Camp and Military Institution debauch'd and made Catamites to the Lusts of our Generals Are we afraid that Amilcars Son should not soon enough be Ambitious or too late
for no great difference there was either in numbers or kinds of the Souldiers but in their Courage and Resolution there was abundance of odds for the Romans though they fought far from their Country yet were easily perswaded by their Officers That it was for no less a prize than Italy and the City of Rome it self that they were that day to contend therefore as if all their hopes of ever seeing their Country again depended on this one Battel they had fix'd their minds either to conquer or die Nothing so resolute were the Souldiers of the other side being for the most part Spaniards willing rather to be overcome at home than with Victory to be drawn into Italy therefore at the very first push almost before there was a Dart thrown their main Battel retreated and being then so much the more fiercely press'd upon by the Romans plainly ran away however in both Wings the service was hot enough the Carthaginians on the one side and the Africans on the other charg'd the Romans briskly and had them in a manner enclosed but the Roman Army being rallied altogether in the middle of them was strong enough to keep off both Wings for facing several ways they maintain'd the fight in two places at once but both in one and the other having before routed the Enemies main body were superiour in numbers as well as Courage a power of men were kill'd that day and if the Spaniards had not fled so fast before the Battle was well begun there had very few of the whole Army escap'd The Horse were not at all engag'd to speak of for as soon as the Numidians saw their main Battel shrink they presently fled as fast as they could driving the Elephants before them and left the Flanks naked Asdrubal himself maintain'd the Fight till he plainly saw all was lost and then accompanied with a very few got away out of the midst of the slaughter his Camp the Romans took and plunder'd and if any people of Spain stood Neuters before the success of this day turn'd the Scale and brought them over to the Romans and so far was Asdrubal from pursuing his march to Italy that he had no hopes to continue long with safety in Spain The two Scipio's sending Intelligence of this action to Rome the whole City was overjoy'd not so much for the Victory it self though very considerable but because Asdrubal was prevented from coming into Italy Whilst this was doing in Spain Petelia a City of the Bruttii after several months Siege was taken by Himilco one of Annibals Captains yet it cost him dear many of his men being kill'd or wounded nor was it his Force abroad so much as Famine within that subdued the Town for having eaten up all their Provisions of Corn and flesh of what Creatures soever they liv'd at last upon Shoomakers-Leather Weeds Roots the Inward Barks of Trees tops of Briars and Brambles and the like nor did they submit as long as they were able to stand on their Legs or wield their Swords After the taking of this Town the same Party of Carthaginians marcht to Consentia which made nothing so brave a Defence but surrendred in few days About the same time an Army of the Bruttii sat down before Croton a City built and inhabited by the Greeks heretofore rich and potent but now so weakned by several losses and disasters that there were not in it twenty thousand Souls of all sorts so that for want of men to defend it the Enemy easily got possession of the City but some that fled to the Castle held out still The Locrians also by the treachery of some of their Grandees revolted to the Bruttii and Carthaginians and only the Rhegines of all that Country continued true to the Romans and had the good luck to preserve all along their own liberty nay this deserting humour like an infection spread into Sicily nor was the Family of King Hiero free from the Contagion for his eldest Son Gelo contemning both the old Age of his Father and also after the defeat at Cannae the Friendship of the Romans turned unto the Carthaginians and had no doubt made a great alteration in Sicily had he not been taken off by Death so very opportunely just in the nick when he was arming the multitude and soliciting the Allies to Rebellion that his own Father did not escape some Censures as if he had hastned his end These were the remarkable Actions that happen'd in Italy Afric Sicily and Spain that year towards the end of which Q. Fabius Maximus desired leave of the Senate to dedicate that Temple which he had vow'd to Venus Erycina when he was Dictator Accordingly it was decreed that T. Sempronius the Consul Elect as soon as he came into his Office should move the people to create Duumvirs for that affair In honour of Aemilius Lepidus lately deceased who had twice been both Consul and Augur his three Sons Lucius Marcus and Quintus exhibited certain Funeral Games and caused two and twenty couple of Fencers to play at sharps for three dayes space in the publick Market place The Aediles of the Chair C. Laetorius and Tib Sempronius Gracchus Consul Elect who during his Aedileship had been General of the Horse celebrated for three dayes together the Roman Games and the like was done for the Commons by M. Aurelius Cotta and M. Claudius Marcellus At the end of the third year of the Punick War Tib. Sempronius the Consul entred upon his Magistracy on the fifteenth of March. The Praetors were Q Fulvius Flaccus for the City and M. Valerius Laevinus for the Foreigners Ap. Claudius Pulcher for Sicily and Q. Mucius Scaevola for Sardinia M. Marcellus was by the people continued in his Command as Vice-Consul as being the only General that since the loss at Cannae had fought the Enemy with success The first day the Senate met in the Capitol it was resolv'd That a double Tax should this year be levied the first to be immediately collected for paying all Arrears to the Souldiers except those that were at Cannae Then concerning the Aâ—mies it was ordered That the Consul Sempronius should appoint a day for the two City Legions to Rendevous at Cales That six Legions should be conducted to the Camp of Claudius above Suessula and the Legions that were at present there being for the most part the Cannian Army should be carried over into Sicily by Ap. Claudius the Praetor and those that were now in Sicily brought home to Rome To the Army appointed to Muster at Cales M. Claudius Marcellus was sent and commanded to lead the Detachment of the City Legions from thence to the Camp of Claudius and lastly to receive the charge of the old Army and conduct it into Sicily T Metilius Croto was dispatcht by Ap. Claudius People silently expected when the Consul should appoint the Elections for chusing him a Partner and when they saw Marcellus whom they pitcht upon for that place in reward of
say Annibal burst out of laughing for which when Asdrubal Haedus reproved him he being himself the cause of all their grief he replyed If as the face appears to the outward so also a Mans Soul could be seen within you would easily be convinced that this laughter of mine which you reprove me for did not proceed from joy but almost madness it self wherewith I am possess'd upon such dismal thoughts as in my heart I conceive and yet it is not so unseasonable neither as those your absurd and effeminate tears are You should then have cryed when our Arms were taken from us our Ships burnt and we forbid the making of any foreign Wars for by that wound we fell nor do you think that the Romans have so ordered things out of hatred to you No great City can be long at quiet if it have not an Enemy abroad it finds one at home as strong Bodies seem safe from all outward annoyances but are oppressed by their own weight We are so far sensible of the publick misfortunes as concerns our own private affairs in which nothing stings us more than the loss of Money Wherefore when Carthage being vanquished was also pillaged when you saw it unarmed and destitute amidst so many armed Nations of Africa none of you gave one groan but now seeing you must pay a tribute out of your private Estates you make as much lamentation as at a publick funeral I am very much afraid that you e're long will find you have cryed this day for your least misfortune Thus spake Annibal to the Carthaginians Then Scipio calling an Assembly presented Massinissa besides his Fathers Kingdom with the Town of Cirtha as also other Cities and Lands that the Roman People had then possession of as formerly belonged to the Dominions of King Syphax He ordered Cn. Octavius to deliver the Navy which he conducted into Sicily to Cn. Cornelius the Consul and the Carthaginian Embassadors to go to Rome to get what he had done according to the opinion of the ten Embassadors confirmed by Authority of the Senate and consent of the People Having now made Peace both by Sea and Land he shipped off his Army and went over to Lilybaeum in Sicily From whence sending great part of his Soldiers by Sea himself went through Italy which was no less rejoyced at the Peace than at his Victory and where not only all Inhabitants of the Cities came out to do him homage but the Country People too with crowds fill'd up the Roads and came to Rome whereinto he was carried with the greatest Triumph that ever was seen He brought into the Treasury a hundred thirty three Thousand Pound of silver Bullion and gave forty Asses apiece to all his Souldiers Syphax at that time was taken off by Death being an example of hâ—mane frailty rather than of triumphant Glory who dyed not long before at Tyber whither he had been from Alba carried over yet his Death was remarkable because he was buried at the publick Charge Polybius an Author of very good credit says that this King was led in triumph Q. Terentius Culleo followed Scipio in his Triumph with a Cap upon his Head and respected him all his life after as the author of his Liberty Whether the favour of the Souldiery or popular breath first gave him the sir-name of Africanus or whether as that of Foelix Sulla and Pompey the Great fore fathers it first arose from the usage of his sawning Familiars I am not certain But this is evident that he was the first General who was ennobled with a sir-name taken from a Nation which he himself had vanquished by whose example other Families not at all equal to him in Victories made themselves Glorious Titles upon their Images and famous Sirnames DECADE IV. BOOK I. The EPITOME 14. Why the war against King Philip of Macedon which had been intermitted was renewed these are the reasons at the time of the Initia i. e. holy Rites in honour of Ceres two young Men of Acarnania who had not as then been initiated came to Athens and went into Ceres's Temple with others of their own Country For which as though they had committed the greatest wickedness that could be they were slain by the Athenians Wherefore the Acarnanians being concern'd for the death of their Countrymen desired aid of King Philip in order to revenge it 5. A few Months after the Peace was concluded with the Carthaginians in the five hundred and fiftieth Year after the building of Rome when the Athenian Embassadors their City being besieged by Philip came to desire the Senates assistance the Senate agreed to give it them but the Commons who were tired with the continual fatiegue of Warfare dissented from them Notwithstanding the Authority of the Senate prevailed so far that the People at last ordered Auxiliaries to be sent to them as being a City then allied to the Romans 6. The manage of that War was committed to P. Sulpicius the Consul who having led an Army into Macedonia engaged with Philip very succesfully in several Horse Battels 16 c. The Abydenes being besieged by Philip like the Saguntines kill'd themselves and all their fellow Citizens 21. L. Furius being Praetor overcame the Gauls of Insubria that then rebell'd and Amilcar the Carthaginian who made War in that Country in a set Battel In that War Amilcar and thiry five Thousand Men were slain 15 c. It further shews the expeditions of King Philip and Sulpicius the Consul with the taking of several Cities by them both 46. Sulpicius the Consul made War with the help of King Attalus and the Rhodians 49. L. Furius the Praetor triumphed over the Gauls I AM as glad as if I also had been a sharer in the trouble and danger that I am come to the end of the Punick War For though I dare say it is not convenient for one that writes all the Roman History to be tired in the compiling each part of such a vast Work yet when I consider that sixty three Years for so many they are from the first Punick War to the end of the second has taken me up as much Paper as four Hundred eighty eight did from the building of the City to the time of Appius Claudius's being Consul who first made War upon the Carthaginians I already foresee like those who going into the shallow Water next the Shore are entering into the Sea that whatsoever steps I make forward I shall still be plunged into a vaster depth and as it were a main Ocean yea that that Work does even grow upon my hands that seemed when I had done all the first parts to be much less The Peace with Carthage was attended by a War with Macedonia though not to be compared with the other either in respect to the danger the courage of the General or strength of the Souldiers and yet in regard to the renown of those ancient Kings the celebrated Fame of that Nation and the greatness of
Citizens were like to live in banishment So that the People of Rome were become the Lifeguard to Nabis Quintius carry'd back his Forces from Argus to Elatia from whence he came to the Spartan War Now there are who say the Tyrant did not come far out of the Town to sight but lay in a Camp just without the Walls over against the Roman Camp And that when he had linger'd a great while expecting the Aetolian Auxiliaries he was forced at last to engage with them in a set Battle seeing the Romans fell upon his Foragers and being in that fight not only overcome but forced from his Camp likewise desir'd a Peace after he had lost fifteen thousand men and that above four thousand were taken Prisoners About the same time there were Letters brought to Rome from T. Quintius concerning what he had done at Lacedemon and from M. Porcius the Consul out of Spain Whereupon in the name of them both there was a Supplication decreed by the Senate to be made for three dayes together L. Valerius the Consul when he had defeated the Boii near the Litane Wood and thereby quieted that Province return'd to Rome to hold the grand Assembly and created for Consuls P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus a second time and Ti. Sempronius Longus whose Fathers had been Consuls the first year of the second Punick War After that the Praetorian Assembly was likewise held in which there were chosen for Praetors P. Cornelius Scipio and the two Cn. Cornelius's Merenda and Blasio Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus Sex Digitius and T. Juvencius Thalna When the Assembly was dissolv'd the Consul return'd into his Province A new priviledge was that year aimed at by the Ferentinates That all those Latines who had given their names into a Roman Colony should be Citizens of Rome Now there were several persons added to Puteoli Salâ—rnum and Bruxentum who had given their names and for that reason pretended to be Roman Citizens but the Senate did not esteem as such At the beginning of that year in which P. Scipio Africanus a second time and Ti. Sempronius Longus were Consuls there came two Embassadours from the Tyrant Nabis to Rome To whom there was an Audience granted without the City in the Temple of Apollo they coming to desire that the Peace made with T. Quintius might be confirm'd which they accordingly obtained After that when the business concerning the division of the Provinces was proposed the Senate were most of this opinion that since the War in Spain and Macedonia was made an end of both the Consuls should have Italy for their Province But Scipio thought that one Consul was enough for Italy and that the other ought to have Macedonia That there was a grievous War like to befal them from Antiochus For what could they think he 'd next do who was already come over of his own accord into Europe especially when the Aetolians who were undoubtedly their Enemies on the one side and Annibal who was a General so famous for having kill'd so many Romans incited him to a War But whilst the Consuls Provinces were in Debate the Praetors also took their Lots Cn. Domitius happen'd to have the City jurisdiction T. Juvencius the Foreign P. Cornelius the farther Spain and Sex Digitius the hither of the two Cn. Corneliuses Blasio Sicily and Merenda Sardinia They were not for transporting a new Army into Macedonia but that that which was already there should be brought back into Italy by Quintius and disbanded So also that the Army which was with M. Porcius Cato in Spain should be disbanded That both the Consuls should have Italy for their Province betwixt them and carry two Legions raised out of the City thither with them so that when those Armies were disbanded which the Senate had appointed so to be the Roman Legions might be but eight in all The Spring had been hallow'd the year before when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were Consuls Which when P. Licinius the High Priest declared first to the College and then by authority of the College to the Senate not to be rightly perform'd they order'd it to be done over again according to the direction of the High-Priests and that the Grand Games called Ludi Magni which were at the same time vow'd should be set forth with as much money as was usual But that the Ver Sacrum or hallowing of the Spring seemed to be a Beast that was born between the first of March and the last of April when P. Cornelius Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus were Consuls After that the Assembly for chusing of Censors was held in which were created Sex Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cethegus who chose P. Scipio the Consul President of the Senate as the former Censors had also done passing by but three Senators in all though none that had ever gone in a Chariot of State to the House They likewise gained great favour with that Order forasmuch as at the Roman Playes they commanded the Curule Aediles to divide the Senators places from those of the Commonalty for before that they all sate promiscuously They also took their Horses from very few of the Knights nor were they severe upon any order at all The Porch of Liberty and the Villa publica or publick place for exercise in the Campus Martius was by them two repaired and inlarged The Spring was hallow'd and the Games that Ser. Sulpicius Galba when Consul had vow'd perform'd And when the minds of all people were intent upon the sight of them Q. Pleminius who for his many hainous offences both against the Gods and Men at Locri had been put in Prison got a Company of Fellows to set the City on fire in the night time at several places to the end that when the City was consternated by the nocturnal tumult he and his Complices might break open the Prison But the Conspirators some of them detected the design and it was told the Senate by whose order Pleminius was thrown into the Dungeon and there put to Death There were Colonies of Roman Citizens that year carry'd to Puteoli Vulturnum Liternum three hundred men to each of them as there were such like Colonies also carry'd to Salernum and Buxentum They were carry'd thither by a Triumvirate who were T. Sempronius Longus then Consul M. Servilius and Q. Minutius Thermus That Land which formerly belong'd to the Campanians was divided Three others also that is to say D. Junius Brutus M. Baebius Tamphilus and M. Helvius carried another Colony of Roman Citizens to Sipontum in that part of the Country which formerly belong'd to the Arpines There were also Colonies of Roman Citizens carried to Tempsa and Croton The Tempsan Territories were taken from the Bruttii the Bruttii had expell'd the Greeks and the Greeks at that time were in possession of Croton The Triumviri Cn. Octavius L. Aemilius Paulus and C. Pletonius carried the Colonies to Croton as L. Cornelius Merula and C. Salonius did to Tempsa There were moreover several
Scipio L. Hostilius the Lieutenant and C. Furius were condemn'd upon this account for that Scipio to make a better accommodation of peace between him and Antiochus had received six thousand pounds of gold and four hundred and eighty of silver more than he had return'd into the Treasury A. Hostilius eighty pound of gold with four hundred and three of silver and Furius the Questor a hundred and thirty of gold and two hundred of silver These sums of gold and silver I find set down in Valerius Antias Now in L. Scipio's Case I would rather have it to be the Booksellers fault than a lie of the Authors as to the summ of gold and silver For it is more likely that the weight of silver was greater than that of the gold and that the mulct laid upon him was rather four Millions of Sesterces than eight hundred Millions and that so much the more still for that they say P. Scipio himself was required to give an account of such a summ in the Senate as also that having order'd his Brother Lucius to bring the Book of that account as the Senate was looking upon it he with his own hands tore it all to pieces as being very angry that after he had brought into the Treasury twenty Millions of Sesterces an account of four Millions should be required of him And that with the same assurance of mind when the Questors were afraid to take any money out of the Treasury contrary to Law he ask'd for the Keys and said he 'd open the Treasury who had been the cause of its being shut They are also of very different opinions in many other things concerning Scipio's later days especially his Tryal his Death Funeral and place of Burial so that I cannot tell which story to believe They do not agree concerning his Accuser some saying that M. Naevius and others that the Petillii summon'd to his Tryal Nor concerning the time when he was to be try'd nor of the year in which he dy'd nor where he dy'd or was buried Some say that he dy'd and was buried at Rome and others at Liternum But there is a Monument and Statues erected for him in both places For at Liternum there was a Monument and upon it a Statue which I my self saw not long ago thrown down by a Tempest and at Rome without the Capene Gate there are three Statues two whereof are said to be the Statues of P. and L. Scipio and the third of Q. Ennius the Poet. Nor is this difference among Historians only but the Speeches also which were made upon that occasion if at least those that go under that Title of P. Scipio and Tib. Gracchus were really theirs are contradictory to each other The Title of P. Scipio's Oration bears in it the name of M. Naevius Tribune of the people though the Oration it self is without any name at all of an accuser but only calls him sometimes Rascal and elsewhere Fop. Nor has Gracchus's Oration it self made any mention either of the Petilliuses being Africanus's accusers or of the Day appointed for his Tryal But he that would accommodate this matter to Gracchus's Oration must tell you quite another story and follow those Authors who say that when L. Scipio was accused and condemned for taking of Money from the King Africanus was a Lieutenant in Etruria From whence as soon as he heard of his Brothers misfortune he made haste and quitting his Lieutenantship went to Rome where going from the Gate strait into the Forum seeing it was said that his Brother was going to Prison he rescu'd him from the Officer and more out of natural affection than civility offer'd violence to the Tribunes who strove to detain him For this Gracchus himself complains of That the power of the Tribunes was destroyed by a private Person And at last though he promised assistance to L. Scipio he adds That it was a thing of more tolerable example that the Tribunes power and the Commonwealth should seem to be overcome by a Tribune of the People rather than by a private Person but yet he blames him for this one insolent action at such a rate that in chiding him for degenerating so far from himself he makes him amends for the reproof he gave him with heaping many commendations upon him for his former moderation and temperance For he says That the People were once rebuked by him for that they would needs have made him perpetual Consul and Dictator that he forbad the setting up of any Statues for him in the Assembly Court in the Rostra in the Senate House in the Capitol or in Jove 's Chapel as also that he was against the making of a Decree that his Image should be carryed out of the Temple of Jupiter the good and great in a triumphal habit These things being said in commendation of him even by an Enemy shew'd the greatness of his mind in his being able to set bounds to his Honours as he was a Citizen of Rome 'T is very probable that his younger Daughter for the elder undoubtedly was placed out by her Father to P. Cornelius Nasica was married to this Gracchus But 't is not well known whether she were betrothed and married after the Death of her Father or whether those opinions are in the right which say that Gracchus when L. Scipio was going to Prison and none of his Collegues would assist him swore That all the enmity he bore to the Scipios still continued nor did he do any thing to ingratiate himself with them but yet he would not suffer P. Africanus to be carryed into that Prison to which he had seen the same Africanus lead the Kings and Generals of their Enemies That the Senate that Day happening to sup in the Capitol rose all up together and desired That whilst the Feast lasted Africanus would betroth his Daughter to Gracchus Which Espousals being rightly perform'd amidst that publick solemnity that Scipio when he came home told his Wife Aemilia That he had betrothed his younger Daughter At which she being in a Woman-like passion and saying That if he design'd to marry her to Gracchus her Mother ought to have known of it That Scipio being overjoy'd that she should hit so right upon the same Person made answer That she was betrothed to that very Man Now these things ought to be laid before you concerning so great a Person though Opinions and Authors vary about them When the Tryals were by Q Terentius the Praetor made an end of Hostilius and Furius being condemned gave sureties the same Day to the City Questors Scipio arguing that all the Money which he had receiv'd was in the Treasury and that he had nothing which belong'd to the publick was going to Prison But P. Scipio Nasica appealed to the Tribunes and made a speech full of real Glories not only of the Cornelian Race in general but particularly of his own Family That his Parents and those of P. Africanus as also of L. Scipio
Letters cut in stone for an eternal memorial of them as sacred and inviolable they would have us forswear our selves and abolish Romans we honour and if you 'll have us say so fear you but we honour and fear the immortal Gods much more He was heard with the assent of the greatest part and they all thought he had spoken according to the majesty of a Magistrate so that it easily appear'd that by dealing gently he could not maintain his dignity with the Romans Then Appius said he would advise the Achaeans by all means whilst they might voluntarily do it to be Friends with the Lacedaemonians lest they should soon afterward be forced to it against their wills This saying of his was heard with a general sorrow but made them afraid to refuse his commands They only desired that the Romans would alter what they pleased as to the Lacedaemonians but would not oblige the Achaeans to make those things void which they had establish'd with an Oath and then the Sentence of Death against Areus and Alcibiades which lately made was revers'd At Rome in the beginning of that Year when they had discours'd concerning the Provinces of the Consuls and Praetors the Consuls had Liguria because there was no War any where else allotted them The Praetors C. Decimius Flavus had the City and P. Cornelius Cethegus the Jurisdiction between Citizens and Foreigners C. Sempronius Blaesus Sicily Q. Naevius Matho Sardinia and was also to inquire concerning their poysoning there A. Terentius Varro the hither Spain and P. Sempronius Longus the farther From those two Provinces there came about that time two Embassadours named L. Juventius Thalna and T. Quintilius Varus Who having inform'd the Senate what a mighty War was made an end of in Spain desired at the same time that all honour might be ascribed to the immortal Gods for their great success and that the Praetors might be permitted to bring away their Armies Thereupon a Supplication was order'd of two dayes continuance and when they talk'd of the Armies that were under the Consuls and the Praetors they gave order that the whole matter concerning the Legions being brought home should be reported to the House Some few days after the two Legions which Appius Claudius and M. Sempronius had had were allotted to serve under the Consul in Liguria Concerning the Spanish Armies there was a great contest between the new Praetors and the Friends of them that were absent viz. Calpurnius and Quintius Both sides had the Tribunes of the People and the Consuls to back them The former of whom declar'd that they would interpose against the Order of Senate if they voted that the Armies should be brought home and the latter that if such an intercession were made they would suffer nothing else to be decreed At last the favour born to the persons absent was over power'd and an Order of Senate made That the Praetors should raise four thousand Roman Foot and four hundred Horse with five thousand Latine Foot and five hundred Horse which they should take along with them into Spain And that when they had distributed these men into four Legions they should disband all above five thousand Foot and three hundred Horse in each Legion but those first of all who were old Souldiers and then such as Calpurnius and Quintius had found to be most stout and serviceable in the War When this sedition was allay'd there strait arose another upon the Death of C. Decimius the Praetor Ca. Sicinius and L. Puppius who had been Aediles the Year before and C. Valerius Flamen Dialis i. e. Jupiter's High Priest and Q. Fulvius Flaccus who because he had been design'd to be Curule Aedile was without a white Gown but stickled most of all stood for the same place and Flaccus contended against the Flamen But though at first he seemed to be equal with him and soon after to have the better of it part of the Tribunes of the People said They ought not to regard him because he was not capable of nor could he as a single person bear two Offices especially Curule ones i. e. eminent in the state at the same time whilst some of them said they thought it reasonable he should be discharg'd from the obligation of the Laws that the People might have the liberty of making who they would Praetor L. Porcius the Consul was first of opinion Not to take his name and next that he might do so by authority from the Senate having summon'd the Senators together he said he refer'd it to them to consider that against all Law and by an example which was not tolerable to a free City one who was set down for Curule Aedile stood for the Praetorship but that he unless they thought any way else more convenient design'd to hold the Assembly according to Law Whereupon the Senate voted That L. Porcius the Consul should treat with Q Fulvius that he might not be an hinderance to the holding of a Legal Assembly for choosing of a Praetor in the room of C. Decimius So when the Consul came to discourse with him according to the order of Senate Flaccus told him That he would do nothing unworthy of himself By which ambiguous and imperfect answer he gave them some reason to hope that he would do as they would have him and yield to the authority of the Senate But at the Assembly he nevertheless made a greater bustle than before complaining That the Consul and the Senate extorted from him the kindness of the Roman People and laid upon him the envy of a double honour as though it were not manifest that as soon as he were designed for Praetor he would immediately renounce his Aedileship The Consul seeing his resolution as a Candidate still encrease and that the favour of the People inclined more and more toward him dismissing the Assembly call'd a Senate where they were generally of opinion That since the Authority of the Senate did not at all move Flaccus they ought to treat with him before the People Thereupon an Assembly being call'd when the Consul had done speaking Flaccus who continued even then of the same mind gave the Roman People thanks That they had been pleas'd with so much zeal whenever they had had the liberty of declaring their inclinations to make him Praetor and said that he would not slight the favour of his fellow Citizens to him That resolute saying of his gain'd him so much the more favour that without all doubt he had been Praetor if the Consul would have taken his name Thence arose a great Contest not only among the Tribunes themselves but with the Consul too till he call'd a Senate and it was decreed That since Flaccus 's obstinacy and the evil zeal of some People hinder'd their holding an Assembly for choosing of a new Praetor according to Law the Senate were of opinion that there were Praetors enough that P. Cornelius should have both jurisdictions in the City and should set forth
keep their mobile at home That the Alps which was a boundary almost insuperable was in the midst between them nor would it be better with them than it had been for those who first had made them passable The Embassadours that were sent were L Furius Purpureo Q. Minucius and P. Manlius Acidinus Upon whose arrival the Gauls having all things restored to them that they were justly possess'd of march'd out of Italy The Transalpine people gave the Roman Embassadours a very kind Answer But the Seniors of them rebuked the Roman People for their excessive lenity in that they suffer'd those men to pass unpunished who without the consent of their own Nation had gone and taken possession of a Territory belonging to the Roman Empire and endeavour'd to build a Town in a foreign soil That they ought to have set a good heavy mulct upon them for their temerity But since they had even restored them their goods also they feared lest by such their indulgence more of the same Nation would be excited to make the same attempt They entertain'd and presented the Embassadours with many presents M. Claudius the Consul having driven the Gauls out of the Province began to prepare for the Istrian War having sent a Letter to the Senate to desire leave that he might carry his Legions over into Istria That the Senate granted but this they debated whether they should carry a Colony to Aquileia nor was it agreed upon whether it should be a Colony of Latines or of Roman Citizens At last the Senate thought it best to send a Latine Colony and the Triumviri created for the performing of that duty were P. Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius and L. Manlius Acidinus The same year Mutina and Parma Colonies of Roman Citizens were planted in which two thousand men through that Country which was lately in the hands of the Boians but formerly of the Tuscans received each one at Parma eight Acres and at Modena five The Triumviri that carry'd them thither were M. Aemilius Lepidus T. Aebutius Carus and L. Quintius Crispinus The Colony of Saturnia also consisting of Roman Citizens was carry'd into the Caletran Territories by the Triumviri Q. Fabius Labeo C. Afranius Stellio and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus and each man had ten Acres of Land given him The same Year A. Terentius the Propraetor not far from the River Iberus in the Ausetan Dominions not only fought several prosperous Battels with the Celtiberians but also took some Towns which they had fortified in that Country The farther was that Year at peace not only for that P. Sempronius the Propraecor was long sick but likewise that the Lusitanians since no body provoked them were all quiet Nor was there any memorable action done in Liguria from the time that Q. Fabius was Consul there M. Marcellus being recall'd out of Istria dismissing his Army return'd to Rome to hold the Assembly in which he created for Consuls Cn. Baebius Tamphilus and L. Aemilius Paullus who had been Curule Aedile with M. Aemilius Lepidus and Consul five Years before when that same Lepidâ—s was made Consul after two repulses Then they chose Praetors Q. Fulvius Flaccus M. Valerius Levinus P. Manlius the second time M. Ogulnius Gallus L. Caecilius Denter and C. Terentius Istra At the end of that Year there was a supplication appointed upon the score of certain Prodigies for that they were satisfied that it rained Blood two Days together in the Court of Concord and that it was reported That not far off of Sicily there arose out of the Sea an Island that had never before appeared Valerius Antius says that Annibal dyed this Year in which Embassadors were sent about that matter to Prusias namely besides Quintius Flaminius whose Fame was great in that affair L. Scipio Asiaticus and P. Scipio Nasica DECADE IV. BOOK X. The EPITOME 4. When Philip had given order that all the Noble-mens Children whom he had in custody should be brought together and put to Death Theoxena upon the account of her own and her Sisters Children who were very young fearing the Kings Lust brought forth several Swords with a Cup full of Poyson and perswaded them that they would avoid the imminent disgrace that was like to come upon them by Death and having prevailed upon them kill'd her self also 5 6 c. The contests between Philip of Macedon's two Sons Demetrius and Perseus are related 8. And how Demetrius who through the malice of his Brother was first of all falsely accused of Parricide among other things and aspiring to the Kingdom 24. Was at last as being a friend to the Romans destroyed by Poyson and how the Kingdom of Macedonia when Philip was dead came to Perseus 16 25 c. The great success that several Generals met with in Liguria and Spain against the Celtiberians 29. The Books of Numa Pompilius both in Greek and Latine were found lock'd up in a stone Chest in a field belonging to L. Petillius the Notary under Janiculum by Men that were a ploughing there In which when the Praetor to whom they were carryed had read several things tending to the dissolution of Religion he swore to the Senate that it was against the interest of the Commonwealth that they should be either read or kept And therefore by an order of Senate they were burnt in the Assembly Court 34. The Colony of Aqulleia was planted 54 c. Philip being sore troubled in mind that he had made away with his Son Demetrius by the instigation of his other Son who falsely accused him studied how to be revenged on Perseus and had a mind rather to leave Antigonus his Successor in the Kingdom But whilst he was thinking of this affair he was snatch'd away by Death and Perseus came to be King IN the beginning of the next Year the Consuls and Praetors chose their Provinces To the Consuls there was ne'r an one to be assign'd except Liguria M Ogulnius Gallus happened to have the City Jurisdiction and M. Valerius that among Foreigners Of the two Spains the hither fell to Q. Fulvius Flaccus and the farther to P. Manlius to L. Caecilius Denter Sicily and to C. Terentius Istra Sardinia Then the Consuls were commanded to make their Levies Now Q Fabius had written word from Liguria That the Apuans were inclining to a Rebellion and that there was some danger lest they should make an in-road into the Territories of Pisae And from the Spains they were likewise informed That the hithermost was in Arms and a War waged with the Celtiberians but that in the farther by reason that the Praetor had been so long sick all their military Discipline was dissolv'd through ease and luxury Upon these grounds they thought sit to have new Armies raised four Legions for Liguria each one consisting of five Thousand two Hundred Foot and three Hundred Horse to which there were added of the Latins fifteen Thousand Foot and eight Hundred Horse and that these should be the two Consular Armies They were
farther ordered to raise seven Thousand Foot of the Allies and Latines and six Hundred Horse to send to M. Marcellus in Gaul whose Commission though he were out of his Consulship was continued They likewise gave order for the raising of four Thousand Roman Foot and two Hundred Horse with seven Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse of the Allies to go into both the Spains And Q Fabius Labeo too was continued in Commission for another Year with the Army that he had in Liguria That Year it was a very stormy Spring for the Day before the Palilia a Feast in honour of Palis the Goddess of Shepherds about noon a mighty Tempest arising with a Wind did great damage to many places both sacred and prophane It threw down the brazen Statues in the Capitol carried a door from the Temple of Luna that is in the Aventine and fix'd it in a Monument upon the back Walls of the Temple of Ceres It likewise overturned several other Statues in the Circus Maximus with the Pedestals on which they stood and miserably dissipated the roots of certain Temples which it forc'd off Wherefore the Tempest was turn'd into a Prodigy and the Soothsayers ordered a Sacrifice to be made upon account thereof The like was also at the same time done for that they heard there was a Mule with three feet born at Reate and from Formiae that the Temple of Apollo at Cajeta was burnt with Lightning For these Prodigies there was a Sacrifice made of twenty bigger sort of Victims and Supplication for one Day At the same time they were inform'd by a Letter from A. Terentius the Propraetor that P. Sempronius was dead in the farther Province after he had been above a Year sick Wherefore the Praetors were commanded to go the sooner into Spain Then the Foreign Embassadors were introduced into the Senate First those of King Eumenes and King Pharnaces and of the Rhodians who complained of the slaughter made in Sinope There came likewise about the same time Embassadors from the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to whom there were Answers given when Marcius had been first heard who was sent to view the affairs of Greece and Macedonia To the Kings of Asia and the Rhodians they made this Answer That the Senate would send Embassadours to see how those things stood Marcius had encreased their concern about Philip For he said that Philip had done what the Senate order'd him at such a rate that it easily appear'd he would no longer do so than he of necessity was obliged to it nor was it hard to guess that he design'd to renew the War since all things that he at that time either said or did tended that way And he indeed now first brought over almost all the Horsemen out of the maritime Towns with their Families into Emathia as it is now called formerly called Paeonia delivering their Cities to be inhabited by the Thracians and other Barbarians because he supposed that these would be a more faithful sort of men in the Roman War That made a great disturbance in all Macedonia and very few people when with their Wives and Children they left their House and home could contain their grief in silence but you might have heard them Curse the King as they went in Droves along their hatred so far overcame their fear By this means his tyrannical mind grew suspicious of all persons places and times till at last he began to declare openly That there was no safety now left for him before he had laid hold of and secured the Children of those men that he had put to death and taken them off one after another That Cruelty which was hateful in it self was render'd yet more horrid by the destruction of one Family He had kill'd Herodicus Prince of the Thessalians many years before and his Sons-in-Law sometime after So that his Daughters were left Widows with each of them a Son their names being Theoxena and Archo Of whom Theoxena though she had many Suiters was still against Marrying but Archo was Married to one Poris who was far the greatest man in all the Aenean Nation to whom when she had born several Children she left them all very small and dy'd Theoxena that her Sisters Children might be educated under her care married Poris and as though she her self had bore them all took the same care of her Sisters Children as of her own When therefore she heard of the Kings Edict for apprehending the Children of those persons that had been kill'd supposing that they would be exposed to the Lust not only of the King but their Keepers too she bent her mind upon a cruel design and dar'd to say That she would kill them every one with her own hand before they should come into the Kings Clutches But Poris abominating the very mention of so barbarous an action said he would carry them to Athens to people that would take great care of them and would go along with them himself Accordingly they went from Thessalonica to Aenea at a set time of Sacrifice which was made each year with great Ceremony in honour of their Founder Aeneas Where having spent that day in solemn Feasting they got a board a Ship which Poris had laid ready about the third Watch when all people were a sleep as though they were going back to Thessalonica though they intended to cross over into Eubaea But the Wind being against them it was day before they could get off far from the Land and therefore the Kings men who guarded that Harbour sent an arm'd Vessel to fetch their Ship into the Harbour with an heavy Injunction that they should not return without her When they came near her Poris was very intent upon encouraging the Rowers and Sailers and sometimes lifting his hands to Heaven desired the Gods to assist him In the mean time the resolute Woman being return'd to her former project which she had premeditated a great while before prepared the Poyson and brought out a Sword after which having placed the Cup and several drawn Swords before their Eyes Death said she is the only revenge And these are the wayes to Death wherefore as each of you are most inclined by that means make your escape from the Kings Tyranny Come on my Lads first you that are the Elder take the Swords in your hands or drink up this Cup if you are more inclined to die a slow Death The Enemies were at hand and the Author of their death at the same time urged them forward So they being taken off by different means fell headlong over-board and half dead till she her self at last embracing her Husband who was her Companion in Death threw her self down into the Sea and the Kings men boarded the Ship after the Owners were all out of it The cruelty of this action added new flame as it were to the Kings Envy insomuch that the people in general cursed both him and his Children which execrations being in a short
him too of the multitude he return'd to Aquileia in the same Ship wherein he came Then he wrote to his Collegue to give order to that part of the Souldiery who were design'd for Istria to meet at Aquileia lest any thing should keep him at Rome longer than he could make his Vows and go out of the City in his Warlike Garb. This his Collegue did very carefully and gave them a short day to make their Rendezvous in Claudius almost overtook his Letter and when he came having made a publick Speech concerning Junius and Manlius he staid not above three dayes at Rome but after he had got on his Armour and made his Vows in the Capitol went with Lictors into the Province in the same hast as before Some few dayes before Junius and Manlius with all their force attack'd the Town of Nesattium into which the Istrian Princes and their petit King Aepulo himself was fled To which place Claudius having brought the two new Legions and dismiss'd the old Army with all its Officers himself beset the Town and began to attempt it with Galleries turning a River that ran by the Walls which was not only an hinderance to the Besiegers but afforded Water also to the Istrians by many days pains and toil into a new Channel That terrified the Barbarians who were amazed to see their Water cut off though even then they never thought of Peace but turning their fury upon their Wives and Children that their barbarity might appear to the Enemy also they kill'd and tumbled them down from the Walls Amidst the cries and cruel slaughter of the Women and Children the Souldiers got over the Wall and enter'd the Town Upon the taking whereof when the King heard the hurly-burly by the frightful noise of those that endeavour'd to make their escape he ran himself through that he might not be taken alive the rest were all either taken or slain After that there were two other Towns Mutila and Faveria taken by storm and utterly destroy'd The booty for a poor Country was more than they hoped for but all given to the Souldiers There were sold for Slaves five thousand six hundred thirty two persons The Authors of the War were lash'd with Rods and beheaded with an Axe So Istria in general was reduced into a peaceable condition by the sacking of three Towns and the Death of their King and all the Nations round about came with Hostages and made their surrender About the end of the Istrian War there were consultations held in Liguria about another Tib. Claudius the Pro-Consul who had been Praetor the year before was Governour of Pisae where he had a Garison consisting of one Legion By whose Letters the Senate being inform'd thought fit that those very Letters should be carry'd to C. Claudius the other Consul who was gone over into Sardinia and added a Decree that since the Province of Istria was now setled if he thought fit he might bring his Army over into Liguria At the same time upon the account of the Consuls Letter which he wrote out of Istria concerning his atchievements there there was a Supplication appointed for two dayes The other Consul also Tib. Sempronius Gracchus had good success in Sardinia For he led his Army into the Territory of Ilian Sardians whither there came a great number of Auxiliaries from the Balarians He therefore engaged hand to hand with both Nations utterly routing the Enemy and forced them from their Camp twelve thousand of them being slain The next day the Consul gave order that the Arms should be all gather'd together into an heap which he burnt as a Sacrifice to Vulcan Then he led his victorious Army back into their Winter Quarters which were the associated Cities and C. Claudius having receiv'd Tib. Claudius's Letter together with the Order of Senate brought over his Legions out of Istria into Liguria The Enemy by that time having marched forward were Encamped in a Plain near the River Scultenna where he fought them kill'd fifteen thousand and took above seven hundred either in the Field or in the Camp for that he also made himself Master of with fifty one military Ensigns The Ligurians that escaped alive fled several wayes into the Mountains nor did any of them appear in Arms all the while the Consul was pillaging the Champaign Country Then Claudius being Conqueror of two Nations in one year which seldom any one had been before him and having setled the Provinces return'd in his Consulship to Rome There were certain Prodigies related that year That at Crustuminum a Bird which they call an Osprey cut a sacred Stone or Statue of some God perchance with its Beak That in Campania an Oxe spoke That a brazen Cow at Syracuse was bull'd by a Bull of that Country that had straid from the Herd and sprinkled with his seed For which at Crustuminum there was a Supplication one whole day in the very place In Campania the Oxe was given to be kept by the publick and the Syracusan Prodigy was expiated by supplication to such Gods as the Soothsayers named M. Claudius Marcellus who had been Consul and Censor dy'd that year and in his place was chosen M. Marcellus his Son There was also a Colony of two thousand Roman Citizens carry'd to Luna the same year by three persons chosen for that purpose whose names were P. Aelius L. Egilius and Cn. Sicinius There were fifty one Acres and an half of Land given to each man which Land was taken from the Ligurians having belong'd to the Tuscanes before it did to the Ligurians C. Claudius the Consul came to the City and having discours'd in the Senate concerning his prosperous Atchievements in Istria and Liguria upon his request had a triumph decreed him So he triumph'd in his Magistracy over two Nations at once and carry'd in his triumph three hundred and seven thousand Denarii with eighty five thousand seven hundred and two Victoriati i. e. pieces of money with the Goddess of Victories Image upon them He gave to every private Souldier fifteen Denarii double to a Centurion and treble to an Horseman and to the Allies half as much as to Citizens wherefore they follow'd his Chariot and that you might perceive they were angry said nothing Whilst that Triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated the Ligurians perceiving that not only the Consular Army was carry'd away to Rome but the Legion at Pisae disbanded by Tib. Claudius were delivered from their fear and therefore having raised an Army privately they went through cross-wayes over the Mountains into the Plains where having plunder'd the Territory of Mutina they surpriz'd the Colony and took it Of which when the news came to Rome the Senate order'd C. Claudius the Consul to call the Assembly as soon as possible and when he had chosen Magistrates for the year ensuing to return into his Province to rescue the Colony from the Enemy Accordingly as the Senate would have it the Assembly was
held at which there were Created for Consuls Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus and Q. Petillius Spurinus Then the Praetors were Elected viz. M. Popillius Lenas P. Licinius Crassus M. Cornelius Scipio L. Papirius Maso and L. Aquilius Gallus C. Claudius was continu'd in Commission for another year Gaul being his Province and order'd lest the Istrians also should do the same that the Ligurians had done to send those Latine Allies whom he had brought out of the Province upon the score of his triumph into Istria As Cn. Cornelius and Q. Petillius the Consuls that day they enter'd upon their Office were sacrificing to Jupiter each of them an Oxe according as the custom is in that Victim which Q. Petillius offer'd the Liver was found without an Head or upper Lobe Which when the Senate heard of they order'd him to make a new Sacrifice of another Oxe After that the Senate being consulted concerning the Provinces assign'd Pisae and Liguria to the Consuls with a charge that he to whose Lot Pisae fell when the time for electing of Magistrates came should come home to hold the Assembly To which Decree there was this addition made that they should raise two new Legions and three hundred Horse injoining the Allies and Latines to bring in ten thousand Foot and six hundred Horse T. Claudius was continu'd in Commission till the Consul came into the Province Whilst the Senate consulted about these affairs C. Cornelius who was called out of the House by a Messenger having gone forth of the Temple return'd immediately with a troubled Countenance and told the Senate that the Liver of an Oxe which he had sacrificed turn'd all to Water which because he did not believe upon the Sacrificers bare relation he himself caused the water to be poured out of the Pot in which the Entrails were boiled and saw all the rest of the Entrails whole but the Liver strangely consumed The Senate being affrighted at this Prodigy the other Consul also made them yet more concern'd by telling them that he could not make a grateful Sacrifice though he had offer'd three Oxen the head of the Liver having been wanting Thereupon the Senate gave Order that they should Sacrifice the bigger sort of Victims till they found a pleasing Sacrifice Now they say all the other Gods were pleased but that Petillius did not make any Sacrifice that was acceptable to the God of Health or Safety Then the Consuls and Praetors chose their Provinces Cn. Cornelius happen'd to have Pisae and Petillius Liguria The Praetors L. Papirius Maso the City and M. Aburius the Foreign Jurisdiction M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis the farther Spain and L. Aquillius Gallus Sicily Two of them desired that they might not go into their Provinces M. Popillius into Sardinia saying That Gracchus was at that time setling that Province and that T. Aebutius was assign'd him by the Senate to be his assistant That therefore it was not at all convenient that the tenour of affairs should be interrupted in which the very continuation of them was most effectual toward their performance For between the resignation of a command and the rawness of a Successor who was to be informed before he could do any business the occasions of good management were often lost Popillius excuse was approved of and then P. Licinius Crassus said That he was hinder'd from going into his Province by solemn Sacrifices which he had offer'd He happen'd to have the hither Spain but he was order'd either to go or to swear in a publick Assembly that he was hinder'd by solemn Sacrifice Which being so resolv'd upon in the case of P. Licinius M. Cornelius also desired that they would take an Oath of him too that he might not go into the farther Spain Both the Praetors swore the same thing So M. Titinius and T. Fonteius the Pro-Consuls were order'd to stay in Spain with the same Commission as before and that for a Supplement to them there should be sent thither three thousand Roman Citizens with two hundred Horse five thousand Latine Allies and three hundred Horse The Latine Holy-Days were then kept upon the fourth of May on which because at the making of one Sacrifice the Lanuvian Officer did not pray in these Words Populo Romano Quiritium i. e. for the People of Rome call'd Quirites it was look'd upon as matter of Religious concernment Which being reported in the Senate they referr'd it to the Colledge of Priests who seeing the Latine Holy-Days had not been duly kept resolv'd that the Lanuvians by whose default it became necessary to celebrate them anew should provide the Sacrifices for the instauration thereof It increas'd their Religious dread too in that Cn. Cornelius the Consul as he came back from the Mountain of Alba fell down and being disabled in part of his Limbs went to the Waters at Cumae but there his distemper growing upon him dy'd and being brought from thence to Rome had a Noble Funeral made for him and was buried He had been High Priest Then the Consul Q. Petillius being commanded as soon as he could by any tokens from the Sooth-sayers to hold an Assembly for Electing of a Collegue and set forth an order for the keeping of the Latine Holy Days appointed the Assembly to be on the second of August and the Latine Holy-Days to begin on the tenth of the same Month. But now when their minds were full of Religious thoughts there were Prodigies also related That at Tusculum there was a blaze seen in the Sky that at Gabii the Temple of Apollo and many private Houses and at Graviscae the Wall and a Gate were burnt by Lightning all which the Senate ordered to be expiated as the Priests should think sit In the mean time whilst first Religious Matters and next the Death of one the other together with the renewing of the Latine Holy Days hindered the Consuls C. Claudius advanced with his Army to Mutina which the Ligurians the Year before had taken Before three Days were past from the time that he began to attack it he retriev'd it from the Enemy and restor'd it to the former Inhabitants There were eight Thousand Ligurians slain within the Walls of it and a Letter immediately sent to Rome in which he did not only tell the story but boasted also That through his valour and good success there was no Enemy of the Roman People now on this side the Alps and that he had taken as much Land as might be divided share and share like among many Thousands of Men. Tib. Sempronius also at the same time in Sardinia subdu'd the Sardians in several successful Battels in which he slew fifteen Thousand Men. All the Sardians who had revolted were reduced the old stipendiaries had a Tax laid upon and exacted from them and the rest contributed Corn. Having settled the Province and received two Hundred and thirty Hostages out of the whole Island he sent Embassadors to Rome to tell the News and to desire of the Senate
according to the Decemvirs report command proper Sacrifices and Supplications to be made for appeasing the Gods For at that time there happen'd a grievous Mortality of men and a more grievous Murrain of Cattel which continued till the year following And 't is said though the Lanes in the Fields and streets in the City were strew'd with Carcasses even the Vultures the most ravenous of all Birds of Prey would not eat nor so much as touch them such a most loathsom stench and poisonous infection exhaled from their putrified bowels But after all Sacred Rites due and accustomed were performed they departed in usual State to their several Charges And Lepidus having quickly and with little difficulty routed the Boii and other Gauls that dwelt near the Banks of the Po and made them glad to beg for Peace that he might keep the Ligurians that dwelt up in the Land behind him in subjection and prevent their joining with those on the Sea Coasts against his Collegue he led his Forces that way Now on this side the Appennine c. as fol. 799 The Supplement of what is wanting at the End of the nineteenth Chapter fol. 799. Which was left without Defence And at first suspected some Stratagem but at last entred Anno V. C. 587 it without any opposition and were going to plunder it when on a sudden being advertized by a Messenger what imminent danger their own City was in they thought it better to burn the Camp and all that was therein that the Pillage might be no hinderance to their speedy March to raise that Siege The Bastarnans seeing at once their own Tents on fire and the Enemy ready to fall upon their backs being thereby on the one side destitute of all Provisions and military Necessaries which by long forraging they had there heaped up out of all the neighbouring Country and on the other part suspecting the fidelity of Perseus who call'd them in had their minds more busied how to run away than fight Besides they call'd to mind the late Calamity inflicted on their Countrymen as by the manifest vengeance of the Gods therefore having wasted all things thereabouts they hastned further off to supply themselves with Victuals they were indeed a vast multitude but the Women and Children not fewer in number than the armed men Thus they rambled scatteringly about without any certain Conduct or common resolution but as every ones hopes or fears their love to their Relations or the care of their private concerns at home led them so they endeavour'd to consult their own and their Friends safety all agreeing in this one design though scarce in any thing else to get to their own respective Habitations as soon as they could Nor did the Dardanians offer very much to pursue them conscious to themselves that they were inferiour in numbers and since the Enemy of their own accord were retreated out of their Country they were content with having gain'd the point for which they took Arms and thought it not prudential to tempt further hazard The Bastarnians wearied with several days hard marches and great want coming up to the River Ister which bounds their Country were not a little joyful both at the sight of their native soil as also to find the River somewhat more early in the Winter than usual so hard frozen over as promised them a safe and easy passage but their whole Army venturing on all at once and as it were in an heap the multitude of people and Horses was too heavy for the Ice to bear so that about the middle of the River it broke swallowing them all up in a moment Some Authors place this destruction of the Bastarnians sooner as if upon their march out of their own Country they and their Wives and Children were thus destroyed but this is confuted by the Dardanians Embassy to Rome imploring aid against them which shews they were not only pass'd the Ister but advanc'd a good way into Thrace nor want there some who think that Perseus mistrusting the consequences of their assistance join'd with the Dardanians to complot their ruin and secretly supply'd the latter with Forces 'T is certainly difficult to determine whether he entertain'd the news of their disaster with joy or grief so variously was he always agitated by the different Passions of Covetousness and Hope Fraud and Fear For now he might count it no small advantage to be freed not only from the payment of those rewards with the large promises of which he had drawn those Barbarians into Thrace but also from all fears of danger from their revenge which might have followed upon the refusal or non-payment thereof Besides he flatter'd himself that now they were sent packing into another World he should be able more easily to clear himself from any suspitions the Romans might have as if he had hired those Auxiliaries against them and so for the future enjoy a firm Peace with that mighty Nation for he had suffer'd himself to be coaks'd by Marcius with some such vain hopes But when he saw the storm of the War still approaching nearer him terrified with the incredible preparations and numerous Forces of the Romans he then began to lament the loss of so great an accession of strength as those Bastarnians might have afforded him and to fear that the Dardanians perpetual Enemies to the Macedonians now that curb was removed would boldly make incursions into his Kingdom behind whilst the Romans invaded it in the Front To enable himself the better to weather out this double tempest he too late seeks shelter in Alliances with neighbouring Princes and Nations and yet persevered not in that necessary design with that constancy and diligence as the doubtful posture of his Affairs required These things past in Macedonia towards the latter end of the Winter About this time Antiochus Son of Antiochus the Great upon the Death of his Brother Seleucus came to the Crown of Syria The said Seleucus eldest Son of Antiochus weakned with those Overthrows his Father had received having held the Kingdom near twelve years in sloth and ease without ennobling his Reign with any Honourable Atchievements recall'd his Brother Antiochus from Rome into Syria sending his Son Demetrius to remain there in his stead as Hostage But Antiochus in his return was scarce got to Athens when Seleucus was treacherously murther'd by Heliodorus one of his Nobles who aim'd at the Crown but was restrain'd by the opposition of Eumenes and Attalus objecting That he was altogether a stranger to the Blood Royal And the same two Princes receiving Antiochus at his Arrival with all kind of Friendship and respect by their interest establisht him in the Throne I cannot affirm whether their officious regards towards this new King were encreased by the recommendation of the people of Rome or whether the same proceeded meerly from their natural propension towards the Brothers and the Royal Family For some write as if their good will to him might arise
so brave a lofty and Royal Mind furnish'd with many extraordinary good Qualities should also give entertainment to so many monstrous and most clownish Depravities But as it would be difficult to set forth all his Freaks and extravagant Expences so neither is it worth while this only I think fit to add That by observing no end nor measure in consuming and most prodigally wasting or rather playing the Mad-man with the Tributes Taxes and almost innumerable Revenues of that vast and most flourishing Empire he utterly exhausted both his own Exchequer and his Subjects Purses and was reduced to such extremity of Poverty as to be forced to prey upon and pillage not only prophane things but after he had first impoverish'd Syria and the most Eastern Countries and then plundered Egypt of all its Riches he could not forbear the very Temples and those Presents which had been made and dedicated to the Gods Among the rest having by treachery got possession of Jerusalem he with vast slaughter of the Citizens ransack'd that Temple which Alexander the Great presumed not to violate in which the Jews a People most strictly tenacious of their Religion worshipp'd The invisible Deity only to be apprehended by the mind and never spared for any cost in his service but this ravenous Prince carried away all the Gold Silver and Precious Utensils which the most liberal Devotion of the people in so many years had there accumulated After this he attempted to spoil a certain Temple either of Diana or Venus amongst the Elymaeans very highly esteemed and fill'd with rich Offerings and amongst the rest certain Coats of Mail and Shields of Alexander's richly beset with Precious Stones were there said to be kept But by the concourse of the Priests and Inhabitants he was repulsed not without the loss of some of his Company and so forced to fly back to Babylon where for grief at his ill success he fell into a Consumption and is believ'd to have been cut off by an untimely death through the just vengeance of that Deity whose Temple he had sacrilegiously offered to rifle nay some there are who write That he and his Army were destroyed in the very Attempt Others relate much such like Passages touching the Death of his Father Antiochus when he went about to plunder a most opulent Temple of Jupiter or Belus in the same Province of Elymais But these Foreign Transactions a great part of which happened some years after have taken us off longer than our manner is from the prosecution of our Domestick Affairs And since we are so seldom guilty in that respect we hope this one Sully will the more easily be excused Anno V. C. 578. In the end of this Year Ti. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsul having overcome the Sardinians surrendred the Government of that Island to Sex Cornelius the Praetor and returned to Rome for a Triumph which as he had most justly deserved so the same was granted him Nemine contradicente He is reported to have brought with him such a multitude of Prisoners that men being wearied with the long Auction when they were exposed to Sale under the Spear according to custom made it a Proverb when they would express a dull Market or a bad Commoditity that would not go off they would cry Sardi venales Here are Sardinians to be sold Both the Consuls likewise triumphed over the Ligurians and Gauls and as far as we can conjecture by antient Monuments it was a Victory at Sea gave P. Scaevola the Honour of a Triumph But whether He or his Collegue M. Lepidus held the Comitia for the next Year is uncertain but the Consuls then created were Sp. Posthumius Albinius and Q Mucius Scaevola In the Assembly for chusing Praetors amongst the rest of the Candidates it happened that L. Cornelius Scipio the Son of P. Africanus and Q Cecereius who had been his Father's Secretary were put up in competition and so far it seems was this young Scipio degenerated from his Father's Vertues and thought to have sullied the Cornelian Name with so many filthy Vices that Cicereius by the Suffrages of all the Centuries had undoubtedly been preferred before him had not he himself amended this fault of Fortune or mistake of the Assembly call it which you please by his own modesty which could not endure to wear an Honour snatcht from his Patron 's Son wherefore withdrawing himself he flung off his white Gown renounced his Pretensions and of a Competitor certain of Victory chose rather to shew himself a grateful Client and become a Voter for his Antagonist Thus the Honour which the people seemed not willing to grant him Scipio by the help of Cicereius obtain'd but with greater Glory to the latter in refusing than to the former in enjoying that Dignity The other Praetors were C. Cassius Longinus P. Furius Philus L. Claudius Asellus M. Atilius Serranus and Cn. Servilius Caepio The Consuls consulted the Senate touching the Provinces and Commonwealth who assign'd Liguria to them both but divided in several Regions The dispatch of the Sacred Ceremonies and especially the compleating of their Levies retarded their Advance very much which I conceive may be the cause that we find no memorable Action performed by them The Praetors had now taken their Provinces by Lot C. Cassius Longinus the City-Jurisdiction L. Cornelius Scipio had the Foreign Jurisdiction c. fol. 800. dele there the following words of the City In the 27th Chapter of this 41 Book fol. 803. there is a small defect all that remains in the Latine Copies being these broken Syllables Et dam metas trans caveas ferreas pe intromitterentur Which Marcellus Donatus thinks should be thus Et Rhedam metas transitus caveas ferreas per quas intromitterentur Ferae In English thus Likewise a Flying Chariot and Turn-pikes for the passage and Iron Grates through which the wild Beasts were to be let in In the same Chapter and Folio there is another Mark of someting wanting but it is only the word dicebat in the Latine which is supply'd in the English and so the Reader may be pleased to number that Mark among the Errata as being needless In the Eight and twentieth Chapter after the word Revenues what is wanting is supposed to be only these three words Restor'd the Allies brought home c. as fol. 804. A Supplement of the first defective Passage in the 43d. Book after the third Chapter fol. 832. their Friend or Enemy He the said Gelussa also intreated the Senate not to give any credit to the Carthaginians Complaints against Masinissa assuring them that the same proceeded from no other Fountain than their inveterate hate against the Romans and his Father 's Good Will and hearty inclinations to their service That as for his Father his care should always be to prefer those Conditions and Terms of the League which the Romans had prescribed before any of his particular Advantages whatsoever Or rather would
Pictures which filled two hundred Chariots such abundance of most excellent Works had those Cities of Macedonia and the neighbouring Greeks which our men had ransackt The next day the Money was carried along and the Kings Treasure together with vast quantities of Arms of Iron or Brass very bright and neat They were placed in innumerable Waggons as it were carelesly in heaps but yet indeed order'd with wonderful Art here Head-pieces upon Shields or Greaves and Iron Boots upon Coats of Mail and Breast-plates There Thracian Bucklers mixt with Cretan Targets nor wanted there painted Quivers and bunches of Arrows sticking in them There too you might have seen Bridles with golden Bits and silken Reins naked Swords lying upon sharp-pointed Javelins and Spears made a terrible fragor and clashing against â—ach others Edges as they were carried along Then there were above seven hundred and fifty Chests of Money ready coin'd born by the hands of three thousand strong lusty Fellows In each Chest there was said to be three Talents a good Load for four Porters Others carried silver Bowls and Horns tipt and vast Goblets more than could be number'd all engraven with admirable Art The third day brought forth the Prisoners First with Trumpâ—ts sounding were led along one hundred and twenty fat Oxen with their Horns gilt and Fillets and Garlands which Sacrifices were led by young men that had their Garments trussed up with embroider'd Girdles accompanied with Boys that carriâ—d gold and silver Chargers to be used about the Sacrifice Then came the Presents to Jupiter viz. seventy seven Vessels full of Gold Coin of the same weight with those before-mentioned and golden Goblets to the value of ten Talents beset with precious Stones which Paulus had caused to be made and thus adorn'd for this occasion After which was carried the Regalia of the ancient Kings being golden Vessels of old fashion'd Work which Perseus was wont to use at solemn Feasts next succeeded his Chariot loaded with his rich Armour whereunto was added his Crown At a little distance followed the Kings Children attended with a Troop of their Nurses Tutors and Servants all miserably lifting up their hands to the Spectators and by their Example teaching the Children in suppliant manner to implore the Clemency of the Conquerours There were two Sons and one Daughter so much the more deserving pity as by reason of their tender Age they were less sensible from what an height of Grandeur the iniquity of Fortune had tumbled them into this extremity of misery Then came Bittius the Son of King Cotys but that which above all the rest of the Show drew the Eyes of the Romans was Perseus himself in Mourning Habit and Slippers after the Grecian Fashion but so ghastly and astonish'd that he left it a doubt whether griâ—f wholly possessed his heart or which was more calamitous whether being distracted with the excess of his Misfortunes he was grown altogether insensible of what he suffer'd A vast Company of his Nobles Favourites and Guards ever and anon looking upon him with sighs and tears bewailed his Fortune much more passionately than their own 'T is reported That he had begg'd of Paulus to be excused from this publick shame and disgrace but was deluded with this doubtful Answer That he already was and should for the future find he was in a Gentlemans hands and disposal But as this unfortunate Prince preferr'd the hope of any kind of Life before a generous Death and chose rather to have himself reckon'd amongst part of the Booty than to rescue himself and the honour of his being taken from the Conquerour he seems to have deserv'd this harsh usage After him there were carried in state forty several Golden Crowns which had been presented to Paulus by the several Cities of Greece when their Embassadours came to congratulate his Victory last of all to compleat the Glory of the Day appear'd Aemilius himself in Triumphant Robes mounted on a magnificent Chariot and holding a Laurel-Branch in his right hand on each side sat his two Sons Q Fabius and P. Scipio whom he had had Companions of his toil and assistants in his Victory After him went the Lieutenant Generals Colonels and Souldiers all Crown'd with Laurel and singing Io Paeans and their Generals Praises intermixt according to the Custom with Joques and smart Reflections now and then upon him Valerius Antias says c. as fol. 881. Fasti Consulares OR A Chronological Catalogue according to the Marble Records of the Capitol illustrated by Sigonius of all the chief Magistrates of Rome successively wherein the Triumphs and Ovations of each are noted with the Letters Tr. and O. And also divers of the most remarkable Occurrences are briefly intimated in the years when they happen'd AS touching the time of the Building of Rome though Authors vary yet the most common opinion seems to be That the Foundation thereof was begun the 21 of Apr. in the first year of the seventh Olympiad In the year of the World 3212. being about the fourth year of the Reign of Ahaz King of Judah and 750. years befoâ—e our Blessed Saviours Incarnation Therefore though in the following Chronology we reckon the years ab Vrbe Condita from the Building of the City Rome yet if you add the same to 3212. the product gives you the year of the World Or if you substract it from 750. the remainder shews how many years before Christ any person bore Office or accident happen'd The first Government of Rome was by Kings Anni V. C. 1 Romulus the Founder and first King of Rome Reigned Years 37. He Triumpht thrice first over the Caeninians then over the Camerines and lastly over the Fidenates and Veians and from his Example all other Triumphs though afterwards more splendid were practised After his Death the Romans were about a year before they chose another King under certain Magistrates call'd Inter-Regents that rul'd by turns five days apiece Anni V. C. 38 The Inter-Regents 1 Years Anni V. C. 39 Numa Pompilius the Son of Pomponius being chosen the second King Reigned 43. Years He was a Stranger and for the Fame of his Piety and Vertue call'd out of Cares a City of the Sabines to accept the Government He employ'd his whole Reign in setling Religious Ceremonies and brought the year to twelve Months which before were but ten Anni V. C. 82 Tullus Hostilius chosen the third King Tr. 3. and Reign'd 32. Years Alba destroy'd and the Inhabitants carried to Rome Anni V. C. 114 Ancus Martius Numa's Grandson by his Daughter Created the Fourth King Tr. 2. and Reign'd 24 Years He built Ostia at the mouth of Tiber sixteen miles from Rome Anni V. C. 138 L. Tarquinius Priscus the fifth King Tr. 3. Reign'd 38. Years He was the Son of Demaratus a Corinthian came a stranger to Rome and was by Ancus left Guardian to his Children whom upon their Fathers Death he sent out of Town a Hunting and in the mean time
Ambustus Q. Servilius Ahala M. E. CENSORS Cn. Manlius Capitol Imperiosus C. Marcius Rutilus He held the twenty second Lustrum and was the first Commoner that ever had that Office Anni V. C. 403 M. Popilius Laenas II. Tr. L. Cornelius Scipio The thirtieth Dictator for holding the Comitia L. Furius Camillus Anni V. C. 404 L. Furius Camillus P. Cornelius Scipio M. E. P. Claudius Crassinus Regillensis M. Valerius fights hand to hand with a mighty Gaul and being assisted by a Raven kills him whence he was call'd Corvus The thirty first Dictator for holding the Comitia T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus II. Anni V. C. 405 M. Popilius Laenas IV. A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina II. M. E. M. Valerius Corvus being then but twenty three years of Age. The thirty second Dictator for holding the Comitia His Name not known Anni V. C. 406 C. Plantius Venno T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus Anni V. C. 407 M. Valerius Corvus II. Tr. C. Paetilius Libo Visolus Anni V. C. 408 M. Fabius Dorso Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus The thirty third Dictator L. Furius Camillus II. Anni V. C. 409 C. Marcius Rutilus III. Cn. Manlius Capitolinus Imperioss M. E. T. Manlius Imperioss Torquat II. The thirty fourth Dictator for holding the Latine Holy-Days P. Valerius Poplicola Q. Fabius Ambustus M. E. Anni V. C. 410 M. Valerius Corvus III. Tr. A. Cornelius Cossus Arvin Tr. The Capuans freely surrender their City to the Romans to be protected against the Samnites And so began the Samnite War Anni V. C. 411 Q. Servilius Ahala C. Marcius Rutilus IV. The thirty fifth Dictator M. Valerius Corvus L. Aimilius Mamercinus Privernas II. M. E. Anni V. C. 412 L. Aimilius Mamercinus Priv. C. Plautius Venno II. Book VIII Anni V. C. 413 T. Malinus Imperios Torquat III. Tr. Who beheaded his Son for fighting though with success against his Order P. Decius Mus. Who devoted himself for his Army The thirty sixth Dictator L. Papirius Crassus who was also Praetor L. Papirius Cursor M. E. Anni V. C. 414 T. Aimilius Mamercinus Q. Publilius Philo Tr. The thirty seventh Dictator Q. Publilius Philo. D. Junius Brutus Scaeva M. E. Anni V. C. 415 L. Furius Camillus Tr. C. Maenius Tr. Anni V. C. 416 C. Sulpicius Longus P. Alius Paetus The thirty eighth Dictator C. Claudius Crassinus Regillensis P. Claudius Hortator M. E. But being unduly created they resign'd Anni V. C. 417 L. Papirius Crassus K. Duilius Anni V. C. 418 M. Valerius Corvus IV. Tr. M. Atillius Regulus The thirty ninth Dictator for holding the Comitia L. Aimilius Mamercinus Anni V. C. 419 Ti. Veturius Calvinus Q. Publilius Philo M. E. Sp. Postumius Albinus The fortieth Dictator P. Cornelius Rufinus M. Antonius M. E. Unduly created they resign Anni V. C. 420 This Year was without Consuls t is thought by reason of the raging Pestilence Anni V. C. 421 A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina II. Cn. Domitius Calvinus The forty first Dictator M. Papirius Crassus P. Valerius Poplicola M. E. CENSORS Q. Publilius Philo. Sp. Postumius Albinus Anni V. C. 422 L. Valerius Potitus Flaccus M. Claudius Marcellus The forty second Dictator for driving the Nail Cn. Quinctius Varus L. Valerius Potitus Flaccus M. E. Anni V. C. 423 L. Papirius Crassus II. L. Plautius Venno Anni V. C. 424 L. Aimilius Mamercinus II. Tr. C. Plautius Decianus Tr. Anni V. C. 425 P. Cornelius Scapula P. Plautius Proculus Anni V. C. 426 L. Cornelius Lentulus Q. Publilius Philo II. Tr. The forty third Dictator for holding the Comitia M Claudius Marcellus Sp. Postumius Albinus M. E. Unduly made they resign'd Anni V. C. 427 L. Papirius Cursor C. Paetilius Libo Visolus II. Roman Debtors freed from Bondage and henceforth their Goods only and not their Bodies liable to their Creditors Anni V. C. 428 L. Furius Camillus II. D. Junius Brutus Scaeva The forty fourth Dictator L. Papirius Cursor Tr. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus M. E. Who being forc'd by the Dictator to resâ—gn because he fought against his Order for which he endeavour'd to put him to Death in his place was chosen L. Papirius Crassus M. E. Anni V. C. 429 This Year there was only the Dictator and Master of the Horse without Consuls Anni V. C. 430 C. Sulpitius Longus II. Q. Aulius Corretanus Anni V. C. 431 Q. Fabius Max. Rullian Tr. L. Fulvius Curvus Tr. The forty fifth Dictator for holding the Roman Games A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina Anni V. C. 432 T. Veturius Calvinus II. M. Fabius Ambustus M. E. Sp. Postumius Albinus II. Book IX The Romans shamefully worsted at Caudinum by the Samnites The forty sixth Dictator for holding the Comitia Q. Fabius Ambustus P. Aimilius Paetus But being unduly created resign'd and in their room came The forty seventh Dictator M. Aimilius Papus Anni V. C. 433 L. Papirius Cursor II. L. Valerius Flaccus M. E. Q. Publilius Philo III. The Samnites beaten and made pass under the Gallows The forty eighth Dictator C. Manius M. Fostius Flaccinator M. E. The forty ninth Dictator L. Cornelius Lentulus L. Papirius Cursor II. M. E. The fiftieth Dictator T. Manlius Torquatus III. Anni V. C. 434 L. Papirius Cursor III. Tr. L. Papirius Cursor III. M. E. Q. Aulius Cerretanus II. He was Contemporary with Alexander the Great and thought as brave a Commander as he Anni V. C. 435 L. Plautius Venno M. Fostius Flaccinator CENSORS L. Papirius Crassus C. Manius He held the twenty fifth Lustrum Anni V. C. 436 Q. Aimilius Barbula C. Junius Bubulus Brutus Anni V. C. 437 Sp. Nautius Rutilus M. Popilius Laenas The fifty first Dictator L. Aimilius Mamercus Privern II. L. Fulvius Curvus M. E. Anni V. C. 438 L. Papirius Cursor IV. Q Publilius Philo IV. The fifty second Dictator Q. Fabius Maximus Rullian Tr. Q. Aulius Cerretan M. E. who being slain C. Fabius Ambustus came in his place Anni V. C. 439 M. Paetilius Libo C. Sulpicius Longus III. Tr. The fifty third Dictator C. Manius II. M. Fostius Flaccinator M. E. Anni V. C. 440 L. Papirius Cursor V. C. Junius Bubulcus Brutus II. The fifty fourth Dictator C. Paetilius Libo Visolus M. Libo *** M. E. Anni V. C. 441 M. Valerius Maximus Tr. P. Decius Mus. The fifty fifth Dictator C. Sulpicius Longus C. Junius Bibulcus Brutus CENSORS Ap. Claudius Caecus He held the twenty sixth Lustrum C. Plautius who in this Office gain'd the Name of Venox Anni V. C. 442 C. Junius Bibulcus Brutus III. Tr. Q. Aimilius Barbula II. Tr. Anni V. C. 443 Q. Fabius Maximus II. C. Marcius Rutilus The fifty sixth Dictator L. Papirius Cursor II. Tr. C. Junius Bubulus Brutus M. E. Anni V. C. 444 This Year the Dictator and Master of the Horse govern'd without Consuls Anni V. C. 445 P. Decius Mus II. Q Fabius Maximus III. Anni V. C. 446 Ap. Claudius Caecus L. Volumnius Flamma violens CENSORS M. Valerius Maximus C. Jun. Bubulc Brutus He held the twenty seventh Lustrum Anni
chosen in any Comitia nor by the Senate but by one of the Consuls And as the first Dictator T. Lartius created Anno Vrbis 255. behaving himself in this Sovereign Power with so much modesty that after he had finisht the Latine War and elected new Consuls he freely resign'd his Office having not caused any one Citizen to be put to death banisht or outragiously fined so all his Successors in that Office for about four hundred years observ'd the like Moderation not one of them abusing his Authority until the time of Sylla and afterwards of Julius Caesar who against the Laws made himself perpetual Dictator But although Dictators were first and principally chose in great streights yet in time they were made upon smaller occasions as to perform the religious Ceremony of driving a Nail into a certain place of Jupiter's Temple ovâ—r agaâ—â—st â—â—at of Miâ—erva which they thought in a time of Pestilence or Sedition would appâ—ase the Anger of the Gods to celebrate the Latine Holy-days or Roman Gâ—mes or hold the Câ—â—â—itiâ— for Elections of Magistrates when the Consuls that ought to hold the same were 〈◊〉 in the Wars and could not be conveniently recall'd None could be nominated Dictator but one that had serv'd the Office of Consul and at first he was always a Patrician but in time Commoners did also obtain it the first of that Rank that held it was C. Martâ—uâ— Rutilus A. V. C. 397. The Dictator always chose his Lieutenant who was called Magister Equitum the General or Master of the Horse who had the Command in the Dictator's absence but yet was to act nothing against his Order as appears by the Examplâ—s of Q. Fabius and M. Minucius who for fighting against the Dictator's Command in his absence were like to have been executed and very hardly escap'd This Office was most times conferr'd upon them that had been Consuls Duumviri Magistrates two in number of several sorts as Duumviri Capitales Juâ—â—â—â— of Life and Death from whom an Appeal lay to the People Duumviri Navales two â—â—â—missioners of the Navy Duumviri Sacrorum two Patricians ordain'd fiâ—st for kâ—â—pâ—â—â— oâ— Sibylla's Books dedicating of Temples c. which were increased first to five and aâ—◠〈◊〉 â—s to ten See Decemviri Equestris Ordo the Equestrian Order was next to the Senatorian and above the Plâ—â—â—â— it consisted of Knights or Gentlemen called Equites in Latine not only for serving in â—he Wars on Horse-back for so did the ordinary Troopers and were also called Equites but yet had nothing to do with this Order but also because when they were muster'd by the Censors or elected into that Order they receiv'd an Horse from them which was called Equus Publicus because they had an allowance from the State to keep him as well in Peace as War They also had a Ring given them by which they were distinguisht from the Populacy for none but of the Senatorian or Equestrian degree might wear a gold Ring From the Senators the Equestrians were distinguisht by the formers wearing the Laticlavium or a Robe bestudded with flourishings of Purple Silk in manner of broad Nail-heads whereas the latter wore Angusticlavium a Garment that differ'd from the other only in this that the Purple Studds wherewith it was embroider'd were narrower The Estate requisite to qualifie a Person of this Order was that he must be worth four hundred thousand Sesterces that is of our money about 3000 l. Which Estate if he had consumed or committed any misdemeanour for which the Censors took away his publick Horse and forbad him the use of his Ring then he was lookt upon as degraded and no longer a Gentleman but one of the Populace Epulones were certain Priests whose Office was to prepare and set forth the solemn Feast for Jupiter and other Gods called Epulum of whom there were first three and afterwards seven called Triumviri and Septemviri Epulones Faeciales were Heralds or Officers at Arms whose business was to perform the Ceremonies of denouncing of War and making Peace or Leagues the principal of them who was as their Dean was called Pater Patratus and He Plutarch says ought to be a man that both had Children of his own and his Father living Fasti is used sometimes for Festi Dies or Holy-days and in this sense Ovid intituled those Books of his Fasti wherein he sets down the ordinary Feasts of every Month. At other times it signifies Law-days whereon the Praetor was allow'd to administer Justice and try Causes But besides it is put for certain Books or Registries wherein the Names of the Chief Magistrates of the Romans were every year recorded And hence the Fasti Consulares before recited Flamines were Roman Priests so called of Filamen a Fillet of woolen Yarn they wore about their Heads three of them were Patricians and called the greater Flamens viz. Dialis for the Service of Jupiter Martialis the Priest of Mars and Quirinalis that look after the Worship of Romulus after he was deified twelve more were Commoners deputed to the Rites of minor Deities and the meanest of them attended the Service of Pomona the Goddess of Apples Fo rs Fortuna was that Goddess Fortune in Rome whose Temple stood beyond the Tiber worshipt of such idle people as follow'd no Trade nor Calling but lived wholly on their Rents who were especially obliged to her because she came unlookt for undeserved Besides which there was Fortis Fortuna honour'd for her Power in Battel Fortuna Mulicuris that was propitious to the Women Seia Fortuna sought unto for the kind and seasonable ripening of Corn and Fruit c. Forum à ferendo from bringing of Wares or Causes thither signifies either a Market and then commonly with some Epithet to signify of what kind as Forum Boarium the Beast-Market Forum olitorium the Herb Market c. Or else for the common Hall or place where people assemble for pleading of Causes and having Justice administred but most times used for that great and most notable part of Rome reaching from the Foot of the Capitol to the bottom of the Palatine Hill built round with stately Edifices here were the Basilicae and the Comitium here were also the Rostra or common Pleading place where they made Orations to the People Saturn's Sanctuary wherein was kept the Romans Exchequer or Treasury There were also other Forums afterwards built as Forum Julium Augustus's Forum Trajan's Forum which we may english magnificent Squares with Statues in the middle of them and other rarities H. S. This Character stands for a certain silver Coin of the Romans called Sestertius not compounded of two I Is. signifying two but mistaken for two L Ls. signifying duas Libras two pounds and the S. for Semis half for the Sestertius contained two Asses which were at first two pounds of brass as is mentioned before and an half and was in value of our money three half pence farthing half farthing a thousand of these Sestertii
hinder Pyrrhus that he might not pass over into Sicily For these reasons therefore the King apply'd his mind to the business of Sicily being mightily incouraged thereunto partly by the posture of Affairs there and partly by the Embassies of the Sicilians which coming one after the other brought word that he was desir'd to come by all men as the onely support of those miseries wherewith that unhappy Island was at that time more grievously harrass'd than ever it had been before For after the miserable rather than unworthy death of Agathocles one Moeno a native of Egesta in Sicily who also had poison'd the King aspiring to the Government and being driven out of Syracuse by the Praetor Hicetas had put himself under the protection of the Carthaginians hence there arose a greater War which was unfortunate to the Syracusians at which time notwithstanding Hicetas's Power was increased by private means who afterwards turning his Arms against Phintia the Agrigentine held the Government of the Island for a long while in his hands though in a very unsetled posture till at length by the courage of one Thenio he was depos'd after he had govern'd the Island nine years Thenio who endeavoured to keep the Power in his own hands was opposed by Sosistratus a Nobleman of Syracuse and between these two there was a long War whilst Thenio was Master of the Island call'd by them Nasus which is part of Syracuse and Sosistratus play'd the Tyrant over the rest of the City At length when both Parties saw that these quarrels would end in the common destruction of them all they unanimously agreed to send for Pyrrhus who being the Son-in-law of Agathocles and next Heir to the Crown having had a Son by Lanassa his Wife was esteemed also a man capable both for Courage and Power to settle the Affairs of Sicily Moreover the Princes of the Agrigentines and Leontines who also offer'd him the Government of their respective Seigniories ask'd him with one accord to come over into Sicily that he might by his presence succour their distressed State and preserve their liberty now endanger'd by the Arms of Barbarians For the Carthaginians having wasted the Country belonging to Syracuse besieg'd the Town it self with a hundred Gallies by Sea and an Army of fifty thousand men by Land Pyrrhus therefore being resolv'd not to lose time sends Cyneas before whom for his prudence and fidelity he employ'd very much to make Leagues with the several Provinces of Sicily Moreover he comforted his Confederates who were troubled for his departure by telling them that if the Romans should molest them he would come time enough out of the Neighbouring Island to their aid being strengthned with the addition of these new Confederates But when he was about to leave a Garison in Tarentum the Tarentines earnestly requested him either to give them the aid he promis'd upon those terms agreed betwixt them or else to leave their City free but they could prevail in neither Pyrrhus giving them no satisfactory Answer but commanding them to wait his time Whilst Pyrrhus bends his mind this way the Consuls find it easier to deal with the rest of their Enemies We find therefore that at this time they fought with good success against the Hetrurians Lucanians Brutians and Samnites That they had but little action with the Hetrurians appears hence because no Triumph follow'd that War and I think they did not fight with the whole Nation but onely with one or two Provinces which being solicited by the Samnites that were left in a forlorn Estate upon the departure of Pyrrhus took Arms again against the Romans having been at Peace a little before with them With the other Nations as the War was greater so the Conquest was more illustrious C. Fabricius the Consul his Colleague being gone as is conjectured to the Hetrurian War because that one Consular Army seem'd sufficient upon the Epirots departure overcame the Lucanians Brutians Tarentines and Samnites With some of those States he made a League among which was that of Heraclea and he Triumph'd over all these Nations before the fifth of December Afterwards when the Election was held Pub. Cornelius Rufinus and C. Junius Brutus were elected Consuls the second time There were other Noblemen likewise who stood in competition with Rufinus but A. U. 476 he got it by the interest of Fabricius who having an Eye to the public good valu'd the safety of his Country more than any private animosities For there was some pique betwixt these two upon the account of their different dispositions Fabricius being a Person not superable by Money that wholly minded the good of the Community But Rufinus being a greater lover of Money acted and design'd several things for his own Interest However because he was otherwise a good careful Commander Fabricius judged him preferable to his Competitors far inferiour to him for experience in Arms. 'T is reported that Rufinus afterwards thank'd him because though he was his Adversary yet he should make him Consul especially for so great and important a War and that he answer'd him That it was no wonder if he had rather be pillag'd than sold For there were yet remaining in Italy very dangerous Wars and Pyrrhus proceeding successfully in Sicily whither he was now arriv'd gave them just cause to fear lest the King back'd with the additional Forces of this noble Island should return a more formidable Enemy to Rome DECADE II. BOOK XIV Florus his Epitome of the Fourteenth Book of Livy Pyrrhus crosseth the Sea into Sicily Amongst other Prodigies the Image of Jupiter in the Capitol is overthrown by Lightning and the Head thereof supposed to be lost recovered and found again by the skill of the Aruspices or Soothsayers Curius Dentatus the Consul when he was making his Levies caused the Goods of one that being Cited would not answer to his name but declined the Service to be presently sold by the publique Cryer and he was the first that took that Course to punish such as refused to be Listed The same General routs King Pyrrhus being now return'd out of Sicily and beats him quite out of Italy Fabricius the Censor turns P. Cornelius Rufinus one that had been Consul out of the Senate because he had as much Silver Plate in his House as weighed Ten Pounds Vpon a Poll taken by the Censors the number of Citizens is cast up to be 271224. An Alliance is made with Ptolomy King of Egypt Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest Fornication was called so in one of her sacred Order is buried alive Two Colonies peopled Possidonia and Cossa A Fleet of Carthaginians comes to assist the Tarentines by which they first broke the League with the Romans It likewise relates several Exploits against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians and the death of King Pyrrhus WHILE Affairs went thus in Italy Pyrrhus carrying his Army and Elephants aboard his Ships set sail from the Port of Tarentum to Sicily
After he had stay'd in Italy two years and four months being attended by Thenio who met him with his Fleet he was receiv'd with the general satisfaction of all the Sicilians who deliver'd their Towns Forces and Money into his hands striving which should come first Therefore having in a short time brought all the Territories of the Greeks under his subjection he won likewise all the Punic Dominions by Arms except onely the Town of Lilybaeum which the Carthaginians being much advantag'd by its natural strength defended against Pyrrhus who had in vain attack'd it From whence having not without cause entertain'd great hopes in his mind he intended to leave his eldest Son his own hereditary Dominions and of his other two to make one King of Italy and the other of Sicily This King was then a Man of great fame and worth and the Sicilians having for many years endured forein and domestick Wars and what was yet worse than either Tyranny they were ready with all their hearts to accept of a Prince that was but tolerably good But a little after when he fell to oppress them with heavy impositions of Taxes and to make away those that were in greatest sway among them he render'd himself very odious Moreover the covetousness and arrogance of his Ministers did him no less prejudice than his own faults So that next to that prime duty incumbent upon Kings to be good themselves they cannot fix their thoughts upon any better or worthier concern than to chuse virtuous Friends for whereas among private men every one is hated for his own fault the misdemeanours of others are imputed to the Prince But these things came to pass afterwards But then while Peoples affections were warm being first nobly entertain'd and honour'd by Tindario the Prince of the Taurominitans for he had landed first in that part of the Island and afterwards by the People of Catana he marched with an Army of Foot to Syracuse and order'd that the Fleet being in a readiness should steer its course near the shore for that the Carthaginian Fleet belike would not let them have passage to Syracuse without running the risque of a Battel but as it happen'd a little before that time thirty Ships of the Carthaginians were gone off from the Fleet upon other occasions and because these were not yet return'd the Carthaginian Admiral durst not hazard Battel with the rest Therefore having entred the Town without any opposition Thenio and Sosistratus deliver'd him their public Fond with their Artillery and Ammunition of War as also one hundred Galleys and twenty Long-boats While he was doing these things there came to him Ambassadours from the Leontines who in the name of their Prince Heraclides offer'd to him their City and other Towns likewise resign'd their Power readily into his hands his success flowing upon him in a full tide Pyrrhus by his obliging meen and good entertainment having endear'd himself to them all dismissed them for now he had greater designs in his head and intended if things should thus succeed to pass over into Africa But his Confederates had no such happy times for the Romans taking this advantage of the King's absence and the strength of the Army annoy'd them daily more and more whilst Milo that was left with a part of the Army at Tarentum was not in a capacity to defend them However he stood them in so much stead that the Consuls did not fall upon them presently but employ'd their Arms against Samnium The Samnites when they saw the ruine of their Castles and Country their Allies falling off and the burden of the War lying upon them being unequal both for courage and strength to their Enemies retir'd into high Mountains carrying with them their Wives Children and as much of their most valuable goods as they could for the hurry and confusion The Romans besides the piques of their Officers were also through contempt of the Enemy and prosperity seiz'd upon with supine security the attendant of success Hence they incurr'd some danger and disgrace for whilst the Soldiers crept up those crags in a careless and disorderly manner they were routed by the Samnites that had the advantage of the ground In which action many were slain some with Darts and Stones and some with tumbling down the Precipices but others having neither room to fight nor to retreat fell into the hands of the Enemy This Accident made the Generals divide their Armies again whilst one charg'd the other with the miscarriage and each of them pretended that if he had acted separately things should have succeeded better Caius Junius with his Regiments staid in Samnium and Publius Cornelius bends his course against the Lucanians and Brutians There while he was spreading terrour and ruin all around by burning the Villages and laying the Country waste he lights upon an opportunity of undertaking a greater Enterprize In the utmost Coast of Italy at the farthest point of the Lacinian Promontory to the Eastward on the Ionian Sea Croton is situated a Town of Ancient Fame and then considerable for Wealth through the middle of it in those days the River Esarus ran on both sides of which a great number of Houses stood inclosed with a Wall twelve miles round the Consul not daring openly to besiege the place trusted that he might possess it by treachery for that he was assured by several of the Roman party within that the Town having no extraordinary Garison in it might be taken by the interest and assistance of those that disgusted Pyrrhus's Government if he should lead his Forces to the place in time But by chance at that nick whether for fear of the Enemies approach or upon suspicion of Treason which is not generally conceal'd long the Crotonians had sent to Milo for a Garison and there arriv'd a strong Body of Lucanians to the place which issuing forth suddenly defeated the Consul who without fear of danger had made his approaches nearer to the Walls and slew and wounded several of his men upon the place Rufinus was resolv'd by Stratagem to repair the loss sustain'd by his temerity and therefore of himself enhanses the report of his defeat and that he might seem to be more affraid he makes a shew of quitting this design and gives Orders to his Soldiers to make ready their Bag and Baggage as being for the march This was soon understood in the Town the Camp lying so near it and besides the probability of the thing they believ'd it the more because they wish'd it to be true And now while they were of themselves leaning to this Opinion a certain Prisoner induc'd with hopes of liberty and reward by the Consul came among them pretending that he had made his escape taking this opportunity of the haste they were in at their departure This person informs them that Cornelius Rufinus having not men enough to attack Croton was gone for Locri being inticed thither by certain who promis'd to betray the place to him