to bee shewed there where had been his great humiliation and that those that would not bee convinced by the resurrection might be convinced by this miraculous gift of the holy Ghost Vers. 6. They asked of him saying Lord wilt thou at this time restore againe the Kingdome to Israel This was and is the great delusion of that Nation unto this day and not a few Christians doe side with them in it supposing that at the Jews conversion they shall be brought home to Canaan there inhabit with Christ visibly among them Ierusalem built againe and their peace and prosperity so great as never the like and so constant as never interrupted To this tune spake the petition of Salome the wife of Zâ—bedee and Iames and Iohn her two sonnes Mat. 20.20 and the speech of Cleopas Luk. 24.21 And how common this Doctrine is among the Jewish Authors it is needlesse for it might bee endlesse to recite it is evidence enough in that wee see it the common and generall quaere of all the Disciples met together Christ since his resurrection had spoken to them of the things that concerned the kingdom of God and they finde belike that hee had passed a great Article of their beleef unspoken of about restoring the kingdome of Israel Our Saviour answers their curiosity with a check as he had done Peter Ioh. 21.22 diverts their thoughts to the more needfull consideration of the calling that he would set them about as in the next verse and sheweth that the kingdome of Christ which they mistooke should be a spirituall power which even just now was to begin and of this power he tells they should receive and dilate and carry on his Kingdom Sect. Certain Articles or positions tending to the confutation of the Iews in this point and the Millenaries that concur in many things with them 1. That the Book of Daniel speaketh nothing of the state of the Jews beyond the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus 2. That the Revelation intendeth not the stories and times that are written in Daniel but taketh at him and beginneth where Daniel left to discourse the state of the new Jerusalem when the old one was ruined 3. That the fourth Monarchy in Daniel is not Rome nor possibly can be Dan. 7.11 12. well weighed together 4. That the blasphemous horn in Dan. 7.8.25 c. is not Antichrist but Antiochus 5. That Antichrist shall not be destroyed before the calling of the Jews but shall persecute them when they are converted as well as he hath done the Church of the Christians And that the slaying of the two Prophets Rev. 11. aimeth at this very thing to shew that Antichrist shall persecute the Church of Jews and Gentiles when towards the end of the world they shall be knit together in profession of the Gospel 6. That the calling of the Jews shall be in the places of their residence among the Christians and their calling shall not cause them to change place but condition 7. That Ezekiels New Jerusalem is bigger in compass by many hundreds of miles then all the land of Canaan ever was in its utmost extent 8. That the earth was cursed from the beginning Gen. 3.17 and therefore Christs kingdome not to bee of the cursed earth Ioh. 18.36 9. That the kingdome everlasting that began after the destruction of the fourth beast Dan. 2.44 7.14.27 was the kingdom of Christ in the Gospel and began with the Gospel preached among the Gentiles 10. That the binding of Satan for a thousand years beginneth from the same date 11. That his binding up is not from persecuting the Church but from deceiving the Nations Rev. 20.3.8 12. That multitudes of those places of the Old Testament that are applyed by the Jews and Millenaries to the people of the Jews and their earthly prosperity doe purposely intend the Church of the Gentiles and their spirituall happinesse Vers. 8. But ye shall receive power after the holy Ghost is come upon you Sect. 1. How many of the Disciples were spectators of Christs ascension It is apparent by this Evangelist both in this place and in his Gospel that there were divers others that were spectators of this glorious sight beside the twelve For in the 14 verse he hath named both the women and the brethren of Christ which number of men in ver 15. he hath summed to 120. as we shal see there And so likewise in his Gospel Chap. 24. he hath so carryed the Story as that it appeareth by him that the beholders of his first appearing after his resurrection were also the beholders of his Ascension for at ver 33. he speaketh of the eleven and them that were with them and from thence forward hee hath applyed the story until the ascension indifferently to them all And this thing will bee one argument for us hereafter to prove that the whole hundred and twenty mentioned vers 15. of this Chapter received the Gift of tongues and not the eleven onely Vers. IX While they beheld he was taken up Sect. 1. The yeare of Christ at his Ascension The time of Christs conversing upon earth commeth into dispute viz. whether it were 32 years and an half or 33 and an half mainely upon the construction of this clause Luke 3.23 Iesus began to be about 30 yeares of age when he was baptized For though it bee agreed on that the time of his Ministery or from his Baptisme to his suffering was three yeares and an halfe yet is it controverted upon that Text whether to begin those from his entring upon his 30 yeare current or from finishing that year compleat The Text speaketh out for the former and in that it saith He began to bee thirty it denyeth his being thirty compleat and in that it saith he began to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirty after a certain reckoning or as it were thirty it denyeth his drawing upon thirty compleat likewise For if hee were full thirty it were improper to say hee began to bee thirty and if hee were drawing on to full thirty then were it proper to have said he began to bee thirty indeed and not began to bee as it were thirty Therefore the manner of speech doth clearly teach us to reckon that Iesus was now nine and twenty years old compleat and was just entring upon his thirtyeth yeare when hee was baptized and so doth it follow without any great scruple that hee was crucified rose againe and ascended when hee was now thirty two yeares and an half old compleate which we must write his thirty third yeare current Sect. 2. The age of the world at our Saviours death resurrection and ascension Wee have shewed elsewhere that these great things of our Saviours suffering and exaltation came to passe in the yeare of the world 3960. then halfe passed or being about the middle It will bee needlesse to spend time to prove and confirme it here The summing up these severall summes which were as so many
Matth. 17.11 and here Elias indeed shall first come 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and shall restore all things what to their former estate Nay that the Baptist did not for hee brought them into a cleane different estate to their former or hee shall amend all things That is true indeed so the Baptist did but how will this place in hand bare that sense which speaketh not of the mending of all things but of their ending and how improper would either of these senses runne in this verse Till the restoring of all things to their former estate which God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets or till the amending of all things which God hath spoken by his Prophets But cleare and facil is that sense that is given Till the accomplishment of all things that God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets The things which God had spoken by the mouth of his Prophets from the beginning of the world were Christs victory over Satan in the Salvation of all his people his conquest of the last enemy death the calling of the Jewes the fulnesse of the Gentiles c. and how can these things be said to bee restored or amended they may most fitly bee said to bee accomplished perfected or performed and so must the same words bee rendred of the Baptist Elias truly commeth and accomplisheth all things that are written of him and so must the son of man doe all things that are written of him as Marke followes the sense Mar. 9.12 Ver. 24. All the Prophets from Samuel Hee is reckoned the first of the Prophets after Moses First because Prophecy from the death of Moses to the rising of Samuel was very rare 1 Sam. 3.1 2. Secondly because he was the first Prophet after Moses that wrote his Prophecy From the beginning of Samuels rule to the beginning of the captivity in Babel was 490 yeares and from the end of that captivity to the death of Christ 490 years more and the 70 yeares captivity the midst of yeares betweene as I have shewed elsewhere But I must advertise the Reader here that the beginning of Samuels Propheticknesse in this reckoning is not from the death of Eli but from one and twenty yeares after And here let me take up a verse of as much difficulty and of as little observing of it as almost any in the Old Testament as that is 1 Sam. 7.2 And it came to passe while the Arke abode at Kiriath-jearim that the time was long for it was twenty yeares and all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord. Now the Arke was undeniably above forty yeares in Kiriath-jearim namely all the time from Elies death till David fetcht it to Ierusalem which was seven and forty yeares and somewhat above onely that first excepted in which it was seven moneths in the Land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 and a little time in Bethshemesh what then should bee the reason that it is said to bee in Kiriath-jearim onely twenty yeares Why the meaning is not that that was all the time that it was there but that it was there so long a time before the people ever hearkened after it Their idolatry and corruption of Religion had so transported them that they thought not of nor took regard to the Arke of God for twenty yeares together Then all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord for so must it bee rendred and not And all the house of Israel c. And so have wee one and twenty yeares taken up from the Death of Eli till this time of Israels repentance which yet are counted to Samuels forty but are not reckoned in the account of Habakkuk of the extent of the race of the Prophets Upon this place therefore we may take up these pertinent observations First that God did now on a suddain poure a spirit of Reformation generally upon all the people of Israel after a long time of prophanenesse and Idolatry They had been exceedingly prophane in the time of Elies sons And therefore the Lord in justice forsook his Tabernacle in Shiloh the Tent which hee had pitched besides Adam when Israel passed through Iordan Iosh. 3.16 Psal. 78.60 and hee gave the Arke into the Enemies hand yet was not Israel humbled for it The Arke was restored to them and was among them twenty yeares together and they continued in their Idolatry still and never sought after it nor took it to heart At last upon a suddaine and with a generall conversion Israel begins to turne to the Lord and lament after him and forsake their Idols Secondly here was a strange and wondrous spirit of conversion poured upon the people at the beginning of the race of the Prophets as there was at the end of it in these Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles Thirdly as the practise here in the Acts was to repent and to bee baptized so was it then with Israel as that expression may most properly bee interpreted ver 6. They drew water and poured it out before the Lord as washing or baptizing themselves from their Idolatry Ver. 25. Ye are the children of the Prophets That is the Scholars or Disciples of them as the phrase The children of the Prophets is ordinarily used in the Old Testament 2 King 2. c. and Amos 7.14 I was neither Prophet nor Prophets son that is nor Prophets Scholar And Mat. 11.19 Wisdome is justified of her children that is of her Disciples ACTS CHAP. IV. Ver. 1. The Captaine of the Temple THIS was the Captaine of that Guard or Garison which was placed in the Tower of Antonia for the guard of the Temple This Tower stood in the North-east corner of the wall that parted the mountaine of the House from the City It was built by Hyreanus the Asmonean the high Priest and there hee himselfe dwelt and there hee used to lay up the holy Garments of the Priest-hood whensoever hee put them off having done the service of the Temple Ioseph Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 6. Herod repaired this Tower and bestowed much cost upon it and in honour of Antony named it Antonia and fortified it that it might bee a guard for the Temple and as in former times so still were the holy Robes laid up there all his time and all the time of Archelaus his Sonne after the removall of Archelaus from his kingdome and the confiscation of his estate this Tower came into the Romans hands and was kept as a Guard or Garison by them and the High Priests garments laid up there under their power till Vitellius as wee shall see hereafter did restore them to the Jews own keeping Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 15. So that the Captaine here meant is the Captaine that was over the Company that kept this Castle a Roman Commander and hee joyning with the Priests and Sadduces to hinder the Gospel and imprison the Disciples the Jews and Romans doe again conspire as they had done against Christ so now against his Apostles Psal. 2.1
the like expresse it sine merito nostro meruimus wee have obtained it without our merit PART II. The Roman Story Sect. I. The state of the City hitherto THe Citie Rome was built by Romulus in the yeare of the world 3175. in the fifteenth yeare of Amaziab King of Iudah and in the first yeare of Ieroboam the second the King of Israel It had stood from the time of its first foundation to this yeare in which it put the Lord of life to death seven hundred fourescore and five yeares And had undergone and passed thorough two different and diverse kinds of government and was now but lately entred upon a third The first was under Kings for 243. yeares and the foundation of this government as of the Citie it selfe was laid in the blood of Remus shed by his brother Romulus who was the founder of the Citie The second was under Consuls 467. yeares from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa which was the yeare that Augustus began to rule with Antony and Lepidus This change of the government was likewise founded in blood as the former had beene namely of Lucrece Aruns and Brutus and in the extirpation of Tarquiâ—s house A thiâ—d manner of government had the Citie and Empire now begun upon and had beene under it threescore and two yeares namely a monarchy againe but the name onely changed from a King to an Emperour And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had beene namely in the death of Iulius Caesar Antony and Cleopatra The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the Citie into an opinion that monarchy was an enemy to liberty And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion that they were sooner put out of their liberty then out of beleefe of that position Brutus and Collatinus who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him had found out a government likely enough in all humane judgement to heale all these mischiefes and miscarriages that monarchicall tyranny did bring upon them when they appointed two supreme governours in stead of one and their power and rule to bee but annuall in stead of for life The successe was agreeable to the policy and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers and some others mixt as occasion urged that to offer to reduce it to a Monarchy againe was infallibly held to bee to reduce it to slavery and Iulius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman by the losse of his life they supposing his affecting the Empire single aimed at the losse of their liberties Augustus his Nephew and adopted sonne though hee had before his eyes in Iulius his death a cleare and convincing Lecture how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was to affect the monarchy yet did hee dare it but managing his desires and designes with so much discretion and noiselesnesse that the government was gotten into his hands alone and the Empire slipt into a monarchicall subjection even before it was aware Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose After that Brutus and Cassius being slaine there was now no publicke hostility Pompey was crushed at Sicily and Lepidus being stipped of his power and Antony slaine there remained now no commander on Iulius his party but onely Caesar hee laying downe the name of Triumvir and bearing himselfe as Consull and as content with the Tribunate for the defense of the Commons when he had won the Souldiers with gifts the people with provision and all men with the sweetnesse of peace hee began to get up by degrees and to draw to himselfe the power of the Senate Magistrates and Law no man gainsaying him For the fiercest persons were either dispatcht in the armies or by banishment the rest of the Nobles by how much the more they were the readier for vassallage by so much the more they were preferred with wealth and honours and being thus inriched by these innovations they desired rather the safe and present condition then the ancient and dangerous Nor did the provinces refuse this state of things they having the rule of the Senate and people in suspition because of the quarrelings of the great ones and the avarice of the Magistrates the Lawes affording no reliefe but themselves destroyed by power prowling or money Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus to bring the Roman state into a monarchy and himselfe to bee the monarch the decrees and determination of heaven having so ordered that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the foure Dan. 2. and 7. which should equall all the foure in power pompe and cruelty and should be the continuall persecutor of the Church of the Christians as they had beene of the Church of the Jewes And thus doth the Gospell and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are borne together Sect. II. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperour his damnable dissimulation Augustus as hee had got the sole government into his hands by a great deale of wisdome and daring so did hee keepe it with the same wisedome and as much moderation Hee sate Emperour for the space of foure and fortie years honoured and beloved and died desired and lamented though hee had thus impropriated as it was conceived the whole liberty of the Empire into his owne hand Now whether it were the native gentlenesse and goodnesse of the Emperour that kept him in such a sweetnesse and moderation or whether it were some policy mingled with it as knowing it not to bee safe to bee too busie and rigid so neare the change hee so demeaned himselfe for the benefit of the City and love of the people that as he was the first of all the Emperours so in a manner was hee the last that shewed such mildnesse goodnesse and noblenesse either to people or City Tyberius succeeded him his Wives son by nature and his by adoption a man as incomparably evill unworthy and cruell as Augustus had been glorious noble and humane And if that were true which some supposed and beleeved That Augustus had nominated Tyberius for his Successor that his owne worth might be the better set off by the others wickednesse that hee might bee the better spoken of because the other was so odious this his last action was more to his dishonour then all his former and howsoever Tyberius might do him honour by his miscarriage yet did he doe himselfe dishonour in Tyberius This wretch whose Story wee are now to follow was as his owne Tutor used to define him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A lumpe of clay mingled with blood and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousnesse as it was almost
cockles and shells upon the shoare and so hee returned with these goodly spoiles and brought them to Rome in a foolish triumph as if hee had conquered the Ocean being come into the City hee had like to have slaine all the Senate because they had not decreed divine honours and worship to him But hee became reconciled to them againe upon this occasion Protogenes his bloodhound that used to carry his two Bookes or Black-bills the one whereof hee called a Sword and the other a Dagger in which Books he inrolled whom hee destined to death or punishment he comming one day into the Court and being saluted and fawned upon by all the Senate was among them all saluted by Scribonius Proculus Upon whom looking with a grim and displeased countenance What saith hee dost thou salute mee that hatest so deadly the Emperour my Master Whereupon the rest of the Senators arose came upon him and pulled him in pieces With this piece of service so well suiting with the Tyrants humour hee was so well pleased that hee said they had now regained his favour again Under his cruelty this yeare perished by name Ptolomy the sonne of King Iuba because he was rich Cassius Becillinus for no crime at all and Capito his father because hee could not indure to looke upon his sonnes death Flattery delivered L. Vitellius our late Governour of Syria and it was much to appease such a Lion but that it was a flattery without parallel Sect. II. Caius profane The blasphemous Atheist continued still in his detestable Deity being what God he would when he would and changing his Godship with the change of his cloths sometimes a male Diety sometime a female sometime a God of one fashion sometime of another Sometime he was Iupiter sometime Iuno sometimes Mars sometimes Venus sometime Neptune or Apollo or Hercules and sometimes Diana and thus whilst he would be any thing he was nothing and under the garbe of so many Gods he was indeed nothing but Devill He built a Temple for himselfe in Rome and made himselfe a roome in the Capitoll that he might as he said converse with Iupiter But it seemes Iupiter and hee fell out for he removed his owne mansion and built himselfe a Temple in the Palace because he thought that if Iupiter and he shared in the same Temple Iupiter would have the upper hand and the more repute Therfore that his owne Deity might have room enough hee built this new Temple and that hee might bee sure to get equall worship with Iupiter hee intended to set up the statue of Iupiter Olympius there but pictured directly after his own Image so that it must have been Iupiters statue but Caius his picture Iupiters trunke but Caius his head and face but this fine designe came to nothing and was cleane spoiled for the Ship that went for this statue was spoiled with liâ—htning and there was a great laughing alwaies heard whensoever any one went about to meddle with the picture to forward the bunnesse and truly it was as fit an Omen as likely could have been invented for it When this invention thus failed him hee found out a new trick to get part of the Temple of Castor and Pollux for himself and joyned it to the Palace and hee so contrived the matter that his entrance was just in the middle betweene those two Gods and therefore hee called them his Porters and himselfe hee stiled the Dialis and his deare Caesonia and his uncle Claudius and divers of the richer sort hee ordained to bee his Priests and got a good summe of money of every one of them for their Office nay hee would bee a Priest unto himself and which best suited with him in such a function he admitted his Horse to bee fellow Priest with him and because he would be a right Iupiter indeed he would have his trickes to imitate thunder and lightning and he would ever bee defying Iupiter in Homers speech Either take me away or I will take thee And thus was his Palace parted into a senselesse contrariety one part to bee a Temple and another part a common Stewes in one Caius to be adored as a God in another Caius to play the Beast deflowring Virgins violating Boyes adulterating Matrons exacting and extracting money from all and using to tumble himselfe in heapes of Money which he had so gotten THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN OF The Yeare of Christ 42. And of Caius Caligula 5. Claudius 1. Being the Yeare of the World 3969. And of the City of Rome 794. Consuls Caius Caesar IV. Cn. Sentius Saturninus London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. PART II. The Roman Story Sect. I. Caius his death contrived THis madnesse of Caius could not last long it was so mad and it was so violent and hee could not expect a dry and timely death himselfe which had brought an untimely and bloody to so many hundreds Hee began a Consulship this yeere with Cn. Sentius but it was soone out of date as hee was himselfe but hee not so soone as the people desired as hee had deserved and some had compassed had their plot but taken effect One or two conspiracies had beene contrived against him before this but had failed in the successe and hee escaped to doe more mischiefe still But now a designe is in undertaking that will runne the businesse to the full and men are entred into the combination that have mettle and want not fortune These were Cassius Chaereas Cornelius Sabinus that contrived in chiefe and they intertained many others into the conspiracy with them as Callistus and Eparchus Regulus and Minutianus While the plot was in hatching Caius gave an extraordinary offence and disgust unto the people which basined and ripened it the more upon his owne head There were solemne spâ—rts kept now in the Citie at which time it was 〈…〉 that if the people asked a boone the Emperour â—id 〈◊〉 grant it Now therefore they beggâ—d that heâ—â—ould eaâ—e 〈◊〉 taxes and release somewhat of the grievous 〈…〉 under which they groaned But 〈◊〉 was so far from 〈◊〉 that hee caused many of the petitioners to bee slaine hastning his owne death by theirs and condemning himselfe by their condemnation For what now remaines thought the conspirators but a speedy course when neither his owne reason nor their petitions nor their countreys custome can any whit move him to goodnesse nor divert him from his cruelties Besides this generall quarrell of their countrey some of them had their peculiar heart-burnings against him for particular abuses As Minutianus for the death of his friend Lepidus and for feare of his owne life but Cassius Chereas for divers affronts and disgraces which the Tyrant not onely used but loved to put upon him above other men He was Tribune of the Praetorian band or as it were Captaine of the guard and a man as valiant as that place required or any whatsoever Yet was it the senselesse and
sinned and hee hath not spared I need say no more I can say no more teares take up and prayers and patience must make up the rest I have spoke thus much that my dearest native countrey may have a testimony that no distance no condition can make mee forget her Forget my country let my tongue forget her art and my pen her profession if Staffordshire bee not ever in my chiefest thoughts Put up these teares into that bottle where are the heartiest drops that are wept for you in those your sorrowes and lay up this volume amongst those records that shall speake of the duty remembrance and observance of your faithfull children to you to future ages And owne deare mother amongst that number that most sincerely and intirely love you honour you and moane after you the heart and affections prayers and groanings Ah poor Staffordshire poore Staffordshire Of Thy most mournfull but most faithfull sonne and servant John Lightfoote London Decemb. 1 1645. A Chronicall Table of the chiefe Stories contained in this Book Occurences of the yeare of Christ XXXIII Tiberius XVIII In the Church CHRIST riseth from the dead appeareth forty dayes and ascendeth 3 4 5. c. A Presbytery of 120 Apostles and Elders 22 25. This chooseth Matthias c. 28. The gift of tongues on the Lords day 33 38 41. Peter and the eleven preach and convert 3000.47 48 c. Peter and John heale a Creeple 52 53. c. Preach and convert 5000.61 Are imprisoned and convented before the Councell 62. Are threatned and dismissed c. 64. Community of Goods 65. Ananias and Sapphira struck dead 675. Peters shadow 69. The rest of the Story of the 5 Chapter 70. In the Empire Tiberius now Emperour and in the 18 yeare of his Reigne 80.81 Hee now in Capreae having forsaken the City living in all filthinesse and cruelty 83. Divers cruelties 84. Strange accusing 85. The boldnesse of Sejanus and Terentius 87. Divers cruelties more and other occurrences 88. Tiberius troubled in mind 89. Among the Jewes A Commotion among them occasioned by Pilate 92. Occurrences in the Yeare of Christ XXXIV Tiberius XIX In the Church Hellenists murmuring against the Hebrewes Seven Deacons chosen 100. And their office 101. Stephen martyred 104 105. c. Bitter persecution against the whole Church 115. Dispersion of the hundred and eight upon the persecution 117 118. Samaria receiveth the Gospel 118 119. Simon Magus 119. The holy Ghost given by imposition of hands 121. c. The Ethiopian Eunuch converted 125. Paul converted and baptized 128. c. In the Empire Velleius Paterculus flourisheth 137. Troubles in Rome about Vsury 141. Tiberius still most bloodily cruell 144. Strange accusations among the people ibid. Marius and his daughter wrongfully slaughtered ibid. The miserable end of Asinius Gallus and Nerva 145. The miserable end of Agrippina and Drusus 146. Other Massacres 148. Occurrences in the Yeare of Christ XXXV Tiberius XX. In the Church No particular occurrence of the Church mentioned this yeare 151. In the Empire Tiberius Reigne proclaimed for ten yeares longer and the Consuls punished for it 152. Many cruelties of the Emperour 152 153. A feigned Drusus 154. Among the Jewes A commotion and slaughter of them caused by Pilate 155. Philip the Tetrarch of Trachonitis dyeth 156. Occurrences in the Yeare of Christ XXXVI Tiberius XXI In the Church No particular occurrence mentioned this yeare Among the Jews Vitellius governour of Judea he commeth to Jerusalem is curieous to the Iews 159. Caiaphas removed from the high Priesthood 160. In the Empire A rebellion in Parthia 161. Tiberius still cruell and shamelesse 164. Occurrences in the yeare of Christ XXXVII Tiberius XXII In the Church Paul commeth to Jerusalem 168. The Disciples afraid of him 169. Persecution lasteth yet 170. Paul presented to the Apostoles preacheth boldly is persecuted and goeth to Tarsus 171. c. In the Empire The Parthian warre yet uncomposed 173. Artabanus restored to his Kingdom 174. A commotion in Cappadocia 175. Cruelties at Rome 175. Mishaps there through fire and water 176. The death of Thrasyllus the Astrologer 183. Among the Jewes A commotion in Samaria 177. Pilate put out of Office 178. Agrippa his journey to Rome 179. His imprisonment there 181. Warre betwixt Herod the Tetrarch and Areâ—as King of Arabia 184. Occurrences in the yeer of Christ XXXVIII Tiberius XXIII Being also the first yeer of Caius No particular Occurrence of the Church specified this yeer In the Empire Macro all base 187. A wicked woman 189. Tiberius neer his end 192. His choice of a successor ibid. Tiberius his death 194. Caius his successor 195. Tiberius in a manner cruell being dead 196. Caius commeth to Rome 197. His dissimulation 198. He beginneth to shew himselfe in his own colours 201. His cruelty ibid. Young Tiberius brought to a miserable end 202 Among the Jewes Preparation of warres against Aretas 190. An Omen to Agrippa in chaines 191. Agrippa perplexed and inlarged 197. Occurrence in the yeer of Christ XXXIX Caius II. No Occurrence of the Church mentioned this yeer In the Empire Cruelties at Rome 205. An end of Macro 206. Caius the Emperour will needs be a God 211. Among the Jewes Great troubles of the Iewes in Alexandria 207. Agrippa at Alexandria abused 208. A Pageant of one and more madmen 209. Sad outrages upon the Iewes 211. More of their miseries 213. Agrippa in his owne kingdome 215. Yet more occurrences in the Empire Caius the new God little better then a Devill 216 217. c. Many and many cruelties of his 218 219. Occurrences in the Yeare of Christ XL. Caius III. In the Church Peter visiting divers parts 223. Yet not at Antioch in this visitation 224. Dorcas raised 227. Cornelius converted 228. The keys of the kingdom of Heaven now onely used 237. The holy Ghost given to the Gentiles 241. In the Empire Caius still cruell â—42 A most inhumane cruelty 244. Caius his luxury and prodigality 245. His strange bridge of Ships 246. His covetousnesse 248. Among the Jews Herod and Herodias before the Emperour 251 The Alexandrian Iews still perplexed 252. Flaccus his downfall 253. The Iews still distressed for all that 254. Occurrences in the yeare of Christ XLI Caius Caligula IV. In the Church Antioch receiveth the Gospel 257. Barnabas commeth thither 258. Among the Jews Troubles at Jamnia 259. Caius his image to be set up in the Temple causing troubles 260. Petronius his Letter hereupon to the Emperour 262. Agrippa his mediation for the Iewes 263. Flaccus Avilius his end 265. The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian Iews before the Emperour 266 Apion 297. Philo the Iew 268. his writings 26â— In the Empire Caius still foolish and cruel 273. Caius profane 274. Occurrences in the yeere of Christ XLII Caius V. Claudius I In the Empire Caius his death contrived 279. The manner of his death 281. The sequell 283. Dissention about the government 284. Claudius 285. Caesonia and her child slaine 287.
20.20 27. Every apparition that are reckoned before and are mentioned by the Evangelists had one or more of these demonstrations and yet were there certain appearances and divers such proofes which are not recorded Ioh. 20.30 Sect. Being seen of them forty dayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Theophylact not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For that Christ was not continually conversing with his Disciples but hee came among them at certain times Yet doe the Syrian and Arabicke translate it in Forty dayes Forty yeares after this a yeare for a day as Numb 14.33 34. was Jerusalem destroyed and the Nation of the Jews rooted out because they would not beleeve in Christ who had so mightily declared himselfe to bee the Son of God by his resurrection from the dead and who had so plainely declared his resurrection from the dead by so many appearings and infallible proofes for forty dayes And that the sinne might bee fully legible in the Judgment they were besieged and closed up in Jerusalem at a Passeover as at a Passeover they had slaine and crucified the Lord of life Now that this remarkable work of the Lords Justice upon this Nation in suiting their judgement thus parallel to their sinne and unbeleefe in regard of these yeares and this time of the yeare may bee the more conspicuous to the minde of the reader for the present it will not bee much amisse to lay downe the times of the Romane Emperours from this time thitherto for even by their times and stories this time and truth may bee measured and proved and in the progresse of the discourse to come the particulars both for yeare and time may bee cleared more fully Now the times of the Roman Emperours that came between the death of Christ and the destruction of Jerusalem are thus reckoned by the Roman Historians themselves Tiberius began to reign about August the 18. Hee reigned 22 yeares 7 moneths and 7 dayes Dion And dyed in the 23 of his reign Suet. Hee dyed March 26. Dion Or the 17 of the Calends of Aprill Sueton. Caius Caligula began March 27. Reigned 3 yeares 9 moneths 28. dayes Dion Or 3 yeares 10 moneths 8 dayes Sueton. Dyed January 23 or the 9 of the Calends of February Sue◠Claudius began January 24. Reigned 13 years 8 moneths 20 dayes Dion Hee dyed in the 14 yeare of his reign Suet. Dyed October 13. Dion or the 3 of the Ides of Octob. Suet Nero began Octob. 14. Reigned 13 years 8 moneths Dion Galba reigned 9 moneths 13 dayes Dion Dyed in his 7 moneth saith Suet. Otho reigned 90 dayes Dion 95 dayes Suet. Vitellius reigned 1 year wanting 10 dayes Dion Vespasian reigned 10 years wanting six dayes Dion In his second yeare Jerusalem is destroyed by his son Titus Ioseph de Bello Iudaic. lib. 7. cap. 18. And now if wee cast up the times from the 18 of Tiberius to the second of Vespasian and compare and parallel them with the yeares of our Saviour we shall find them running together in this manner Christ Tiberius Christ Claudius 33 18 54 13 34 19 55 14 35 20 56 1 Nero. 36 21 57 2 37 22 58 3 38 1 Caius begins in March 27. 59 4 39 2 60 5 40 3 61 6 41 4 62 7 42 1 Claudius begins 63 8 43 2 January 24. 64 9 44 3 65 10 45 4 66 11 46 5 67 12 47 6 68 13 48 7 69 14 49 8 70 1 Calba Otho 50 9 71 1 Vitellius 51 10 72 1 Vespasian 52 11 73 2 Ierusalem destroyed 53 12   Vers. IV. And being assembled together with them There is no small difference among Interpreters about rendering this clause out of the Originall Some read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others leave the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out as thinking the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficient some render it Eating with them as the Syrian Arabick Oecumenius Chrysostome Vulgar Latine Deodate and our English in the Margin the Rhemists and those that follow the Vulgar which Valla thinketh was mistaken and read convescens in stead of conversans Others Assembling them or being assembled with them as Beza Camerarius Deodate and our English in the Text the Tigurine Spanish French Erasmus and others Epiphanius as he is cited by Camerarius readeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Valla as hee is cited by Erasmus saith it is so written in some Greek Copies For the setling therefore of the right construction of this place First it is the concurrent agreement of all men this last excepted to read the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word indeed the thing it self will not beare for though Christ conversed and was much among his Disciples after his resurrection yet doe wee not read that hee ever lodged with them which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly import Secondly In the difference about the translation whether to render it eating or being assembled with them the current of Greek Authors in the use of the word do vote for the latter sense and not at all for the former as Beza and Camerarius doe prove at large and more proofes might bee given were it needfull Now this phrase seemeth to referre to Christs meeting his Disciples on the mountaine of Galilee which hee himself had appointed for a meeting place Mat. 28.16 And the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may not be wanting For in other of his appearings it was accidentall and unexpected when he came among them but upon this mount hee was assembled together with them upon appointment And here it is like were the five hundred Brethren mentioned by Paul and spoken of before for where was it so likely so many should have the sight of Christ at once as in that place where he had promised that he would meet them and had appointed to assemble with them Sect. Commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem Not that they were at Ierusalem when they received this command but that he commandeth them now to Ierusalem there to continue Till they were come into Galilee they had no warrant to stay at Ierusalem at all but command to the contrary for hee commanded them away from thence into Galilee Matth. 28.7.16 because hee would appeare to all those at once that had been most constant Auditors of him for there had been his greatest converse and being there assembled together with them according to his promise and his appointment he then chargeth them to return to Ierusalem and not to depart from thence till the promise of the Father become Christ confineth them to Ierusalem for the receiving of the holy Ghost 1. Because of the Prophecy Esay 2.3 Out of Zion shall goe forth the law c. 2. Because there would bee the greatest company to be spectators of that great work and to bee wrought upon by it as is proved by the sequel 3. Because that this great work of Christs power was fittest
possible for humane nature to containe A dissembler hee was beyond all parallels and comparisons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Dion He had a disposition most single to himself For hee never made shew to what he desired and he never spake as he thought what he desired hee denyed what hee hated hee pretended to hee shewed anger where hee loved best hee pretended love where hee hated most hee looked sullenly on his friends chearfully on his enemies was faire spoken to those he meant to punish was most severe towards those hee thought to pardon And it was his Maxime That a Princes minde must bee knowne to no man for that by its being knowne many evils and inconveniences doe follow but many conveniences by its being dissembled Hence did every man that medled with him come into danger and to understand or not understand his minde was alike perillous And some have beene undone for agreeing to his words because they agreed not to his mind and some have beene undone for agreeing to his mind because hee perceived they had found his mind out And it was a thing of extreme difficulty either to consent to his words or to gainsay them when it was his custome to command one thing and to will another This dissimulation hee began withall at his very first entrance to the Empire pretending great unwillingnesse to take it upon him and when it was urged on him past deniall then pretâ—nding to take two partners with him as to share in the burden and honour but when Asinius Gallus tooke him at his word and bad him choose his part hee tooke it so ill that hee dogd him for it to the death The same dissimulation hee tooke along with him when hee had taken the Empire on him carrying it with all mildnesse and moderation as if hee had beene a second Augustus whereas indeed the reason was because Germanicus was alive and most deare in the peoples affection and hee feared him lest hee should have beene preferred before him Yet did his best demeanour bewray what hee was within for all his skill in dissembling and at the very best hee gave just suspition that hee would prove but evill Hee began his reigne with the murder of Agrippa a man once in as high favour with Augustus as himselfe Hee went on with the murder of a poore man for a peece of wit For as a corpse was carried to its interring this man can to it and whispered in the dead mans eare and being asked by the standers by what hee meant hee answered that hee desired that dead man when he came into the other world to tell Augustus that his Legacies to the people were not yet paid This cost the poore man his life for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself and so hee slew him but this got the people their Legacies It would be infinite to reckon up the murders oppressions and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeene yeers of his raigne or before this yeare that wee have in hand The most remarkable were that hee raised Sejanus purposely that hee might helpe to ruine Germanicus and Drusus though they were his owne adopted sonnes and when that was done by Sejanus hee ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him Wee shall have mischiefe enough from him in those yeares that wee are to follow him in namely from his eighteenth and forward and therefore let the story hasten thither Sect. III. The yeare of Tiberius his reigne at our Saviours death This yeare is determined by common consent of Historians to bee his eighteenth and the matter is past all doubt if it were as certaine that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius as it is certaine that Iohn began to baptize For whereas Iohn began to baptize about the vernall Equinox and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnall beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth yeare and whereas Tiberius began to reigne about the 18. day of August as appeareth by the Roman Historians the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weekes before Christ was baptized And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius Iohn came baptizing Luke 3.1 yet was it in the 16. yeare of Tiberius as it seemeth before Christ came to his baptisme and so should the death of our Saviour fall into Tiberius his 19. yeare But it is not safe to hang the Chronologie of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this therefore according to the universall consent and determination of all Christian writers wee will take the 18 yeare of Tiberius to have beene the yeare of Christs death resurrection and ascension and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperours that wee have to goe through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning The Roman Consuls for this yeare that wee have in hand were Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus as is obvious to any eye that counteth and the yeare and Consuls in the time of Tiberius Sect. IV. His lusts and beastiality HEe had certaine yeares before this departed out of Rome resolving never to returne to it againe which indeed hee never did though often taking on him to come and drawing very neare unto the Citie The pretence of his departure was the griefe that hee tooke on him to take for the death of his two sonnes Germanicus and Drusus and the dedication of a Capitoll at Capua and a Temple at Nola but the reasons indeed were partly in disdaine of the authority of his mother Livia partly to avoyd the dangers of the Citie partly to outrun the shame of his evill actions and partly that in the retirednesse of the Countrey hee might bee the more freely wicked as not restrained by the publike shame This last hee made good by his badnesse if such a thing may bee said to bee made good For having gotten the libertie of retirednesse saith Suetonius and being removed from the eyes of the Citie hee now let goe loose all the vices that hee had so long dissembled Uncleannesse both with Boyes and Girles ravishing both of wives and maides new invented arts of letchery and trades of lust obscene bathings and filthy feasts and such horriblenesse of beastialitie that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christians hearing nay Rome her selfe had not heard of none such till this very time Sect. His crueltie and how forwarded Nor which is wonderfull did hee in all this delicacy and effeminatenesse remit or ungive any thing of his bloodinesse and crueltie but as in his person hee plaid the Swine in Capreae so by his letters did hee the Lion at Rome The cowardize and fawning of the Senate from which hee was run and which hee sought to destroy did forward his inhumane disposition exceeding much for as this inhumanitie provoked him to doe what mischiefe hee could so did their complyance shew him that hee might doe what his list when things were
trap was prepared tooke off his Ring when hee was drunke And when Maro tooke witnesse of the guests that Caesars Image was laid to a filthy base thing and was ready to subscribe the charge the servant shâ—wed the Ring upon his owne finger Exceeding many doe the Roman Histories mention and nominate that came to fatall ends or heavy doomes under the bloodinesse of this inquisition but many and many omitted saith Tacitus and not named by the Roman writers either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples or lest as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves so likewise might it bee unto the Reader Sect. VII Desperate boldnesse and discreet In these so dangerous times of the Citie and raging humors of the Emperour it cannot bee omitted for the strangenesse of it how two men came off Marcus Terentius by a resolute bravery before the Senate and Lucius Seianus by a desperate scoffe and mocking of the Emperour In the sports and feasts of Flora this Seianus being Pretor had caused all things to bee performed by baldheaded men and by no other and this hee did because Tiberius was bald-headed himselfe And to make up the scorne to the full at night when the company was to depart hee caused five thousand boyes with their heads shaven bare to carry Linkes and Torches to light them away And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though hee knew it well enough either because hee would not second his owne derision by taking it to heart or because hee intended to revenge this scorne at some other time under some other title or because by this toleration hee would animate more to bee saucy with him to their owne confusion But far more brave because far more necessary and discreet was the courage of Terentius who had the sober and well guided valour not to thrust himselfe into danger but to bring him out Hee was accused of dependence upon Sejanus and of complying with him and he denied not the accusation but strengthned it and came off better by extremitie of confession then others could doe with the utmost of excusing I loved said hee and honoured Sejanus because Tiberius loved him and did him honour So that if hee did well I did not amisse and if the Emperour that knoweth all things exactly were deceived it is no wonder if I were dâ—ceived with him It is not for us to regard or search for what cause the Emperour promoteth such a man to him belongeth the propertie of that judgement to us the glory of obsequiousnesse His treasons against the commonwealth and plots against the Emperours life let them beare the punishment they have deserved but as for friendship and observance the same end will acquâ—t Tiberius and us c. And in this straine and boldnesse proceeded hee on still driving on his affections to Sejanus thorow Sejanus to the Emperour that hee led the accusation the same way to light upon him also insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him for they were accused and hee discharged Sect. VIII Other Occurrences of this yeare But Tiberius his humour was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetorick in behalfe of any more though this prevailed for Terentius himselfe For presently come accusatory letters against Sex Vestilius as a libeller against C. Caesar who to avoyd death by the hand of some other man would prevent it with his owne and so cut his veines but tying them up againe and repenting his fact hee sent a supplicatory petition to the Emperour that hee might live of which receiving but a comfortlesse answer hee let them open to bleed againe Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio Appius Silanus Scaurus Mamercus Sabinus Calvisius Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consull put to death for nothing but for bewayling the death of her owne sonne Vescularius and Marinus executed in Capreâ— And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatall ends towards the end of the yeare In this yeare there was a booke of the Sibyls offered to the Senate but hee that offered it was sharpely checked by the Emperour for his paines Some scarsitie of provision oppressed the Citie and plentie of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperour but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both and for the latter sooner then the former Scribonianus his place of Consulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering pleasure the politician craftily shaking and unsetling that ancient government that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster Flaecus Avilius was made Governour of Egypt an Iberian by birth as may bee collected from Dion and a future scourge of the Jewes as will appeare hereafter Rubrius Fabatus when hee saw the Citie in so desperate an estate betooke himselfe to fall to the Parthians but was apprehended by the way and yet escaped punishment being forgotten rather then forgiven Sect. IX Tiberius perplexed Among all the troubles of that Citie that hath beene ever the troubler of the world that befell her this yeare when she slew the Prince of quietnesse and peace it may not bee amisse to looke a little upon the disquietnesse of him himselfe within himselfe that caused this disquiet to her and imbrewed her so oft in her owne blood And this wee may doe by the Anatomy that Tacitus hath read upon his intralls spying the thoughts of his heart through the words of a letter that hee wrote in behalfe of Coâ—ta Messalinus an old favorite of his the letter bearing the date of this yeare as appeareth by the same Tacitus and the words this tenour as is attested both by him and Suetonius Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut quomodo scribam aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore Dii me Deaeque peius perdant quam perire quotidie sentio si scio What I shall write to you O fathers conscript or how I shall write or what I shall not write at all at this time the gods and goddesses confound me worse then I feele my selfe to perish daily if I can tell Whereupon Suetonius saith that being weary of himselfe hee almost confesseth the summe of his miseries But my other author thus largely Thus did even his villanies and flagitiousnesse turne to punishment to himselfe Nor was it in vaine that the wisest of men was wont to affirme that if the mindes of Tyrants were but opened tortures and stripes might bee spied there seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty lust and evill projects as the body is with blowes For not solitarinesse not fortune could protect Tiberius but that hee confesseth the torments of his breast and his owne punishment PART III. The affaires of the Iewes Sect. I. A commotion of them IF the Method of Iosephus were Chronicall and the order of his ranking of Stories to bee presumed for the order of their falling out at this time or hereabout should bee taken in that famosum
manner of accounting or rather to speake properly indeed I have beene inforced to follow it there being not onely various and pregnant helpes both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning but there being also an utter impossibilitie to reckon or compute from any other beginning or calculation now as for those stories that wee are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles the holy Ghost hath not beene so punctuall and exact to give us the times of the things as to give us things themselves The Chronicle chaine of the times indeed is drawne up by the Scripture from the Creation to the death of our Saviour which was the fulnesse of time with all care and accuratenesse but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth nor indeed was it requisite that it should so bee To annalize therefore the story of this booke of the Acts as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when wee have done what wee can and both these proceed from this ground and reason because the holy Ghost hath beene very sparing if not utterly silent in giving account of the times in the new Testament from the death of Christ forward that great businesse in his death being accomplished and fulfilled for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded wee shall therefore in the casting of passages and occurrences into severall yeares as wee goe along present them under their proper notion of conjecture yet shewing some groundwork and reason of what wee doe and though it may be we may not alwayes hit aright in fixing every thing to its proper yeare yet hope wee to finde here and there some such maine pins as whereon to hang a summe of divers yeares joyned together and to settle them fast although wee cannot so perfectly find a generall naile whereby to fasten the occurrences of every severall yeare by it selfe Wee may take an instance in the story at which wee now are the choosing of the seven Deacons It is not possible positively to determine at what time this was done it may bee it was before the three and thirtieth yeare of our Saviour was expired namely before September next after his Ascension it may be again it was not before September but betwixt it and Ianuary next following or it may be it was not before Ianuary but after it in this yeare that wee are entring upon there is a like uncertainty in all these things if wee should come to try the times of this particular thing by it selfe but when wee shall come to examine and take up the time of Pauls conversion then will some steadinesse of the time of this appeare and the naile that fastneth that will so clench up all the stories betwixt that and the descension of the holy Ghost or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the beginning of the ninth that they will not hang altogether loose but have some fixednesse to their proper time Act. VI. Vers. 1. There was a murmuring of the Grecians IN the Greeke it is Of the Hellenists which word is also used Chap. 9.29 and 11.20 and is of no small controversie for the sense whether it meane Greeks that lived among the Jewes or Jewes that lived among the Greekes Whether Greeks that were converted to the Jewish Religion or Jewes that used the Greeke tongue but the latter seemeth to bee the proper meaning of it upon these grounds 1. Because proselyted Greeks which some thinke Hellenistae meanes are expressely called Hellens Ioh. 12.20 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioseph Ant. lib. 18. cap. 4. And not Hellenistae 2. Because the very forme of the word Hellenista doth more properly import a Jew ingraffed into the Greeks then a Greek ingraffed into the Jewes 3. Because whereas Iudeus and Hellen distinguish the two nations Iew and Greeke all along in the Scripture Hebraeus and Hellenista must needs signifie something else here 4. Because if by Hellenistae had beene meant the converted Greekes it had beene most proper in contradistinction to them to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. Because the story from the beginning of this booke hither maketh the Church to consist most especially of Jewes as Ch. 2.5.22 and 3.12 and though it mention proselytes among them yet seemeth it most improbable that their number should be so great as to have seven Deacons chosen for them 6. Because Nicolas one of the seven is expressely called a Proselyte of Antioch which had beene somewhat improper if all the businesse had onely concerned Proselytes By these and some other reasons â—hat might bee produced it is most proper to apprehend and conceive that these Hellenists were Jewes of the Grecian dispersion and plantations that lived among the Greeks and used their language and which may bee called the westerne dispersion not onely in regard of the situation of their dwellings but chiefely in difference from the Easterne captivities carried away by the Assyrians and Persians and also because they used Westerne tongues And to this sense it soundeth when it is said the Hellenists murmured against the Hebrews namely that both they that murmured and they that were murmured against were Jewes but the one party called Hebrewes and the other Hellenists in reference to their language and residence The Hebrewes in Iudea or in the countries of the Easterne dispersion and the other in the countries and Colonies of the Westerne And in this sense is that easily understood which is spoken of Paul Chap. 9.29 that he spake and questioned with the Hellenists namely because hee spake their language the Greeke tongue hee being borne in Tarsus where they had Greeke Schooles And that in Chap. 11.19.20 They that were scattered spake the word to none but to the Iewes onely and yet some spake to the Hellenists at Antioch they that spake being themselves Hellenists by birth or Jewes borne in Cyprus and Cyrene in Greeke colonies and so dealt with them of Antioch that were of the same native reference that they were Sect. Were neglected in the daily ministration That is in the daily distribution of almes or the stock of the Church as the Text and reason iâ— selfe maketh it plaine enough though some have conceived that it is to bee taken passively as if these widowes had been hindred from ministring to the Apostles as women had ministred to our Saviour Vers. 2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the Disciples unto them Not the whole multitude of beleevers which at this time were growne to very many thousands but the whole number of the Presbytery or the 108. of whom mention hath beene made before For 1. how needlesse was it that eight or ten thousand people should meet together about this businesse to choose six or seven men And 2. how impossible was it there should bee a joynt choice where the distance and
here related as appeares by Pauls owne relation of it Act. 26.16 17 18. but the holy Ghost frequently useth to speake out stories to the full some parts in one place some in another challenging the readers paines and study to pick them up 2. That whereas in Chap. 9.7 it is said that those that travailed with Paul heard the voyce but in Chap. 22 9. that thâ—y heard not the voyce it is to bee understood that they heard the voyce of Paul speaking to Christ but not Christs voyce to him or if they heard the voyce from heaven yet they understood not what it said 3. Whereas in Chap. 9.7 it is said these men stood speechlesse but in Chap. 26.14 that they fell all to the ground the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chap. 9.7 standeth in opposition to their going forward and not to their falling to the earth and meaneth that their amazednesse fixed them that they could not flee nor stirre Sect. II. The yeare of his conversion Some have conceived that hee was rapt into the third heaven and learned the Gospel by revelation as 2 Cor. 12. in those three dayes that hee was blind after the sight of this glorious light and whilst hee fasted and prayed Act. 9.9 And from this conceit hath another growne as a supporter of that that bred it namely that hee was not converted till seven yeers after our Saviours Ascension This latter opinion was first invented that his writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians might bee brought within the compasse of about foureteene yeeres after his conversion for so long a time and no more hee setteth betwixt his rapture and that Epistle 2 Cor. 12.2 and it was also originally grounded upon this supposition that his rapture was in the time of that his blindnesse Two surmises probable and plausible enough to behold at distance but approaching nearer to them they will lose of their beautie and upon serious weighing they will prove but a shadow The question how hee came to the knowledge of the Gospel so soone in so much that hee so soone preached it very likely gave the first occasion of the first opinion namely of his rapture in his three dayes blindnesse A question to which an answer may bee easily given and yet no such consequence concluded upon it 1. It is true indeed that hee received not the knowledge of the Gospel of man nor was hee taught it but by the revelation of Iesus Christ as himselfe saith Gal. 1.12 yet might he have such a revelation without any such rapture For there were three other speciall wayes whereby God used to reveale himselfe and his will to his Prophets and servants and those were by dreames by visions and by a suddaine and immediate suggestion or revelation which is called telling in the eare as 1 Sam. 9.15.17 2 King 20.4 And as for raptures they were the most extraordinary and the least familiar of all other And how easily might Paul bee taught the mystery of the Gospel by some of the other meanes especially since the Text hath expressely told that he had his visions Act. 9.12 2 Paul himself telleth of an ecstasie or rapture that hee was in as hee was praying in the Temple at Ierusalem Act. 22.17 Now that that was in the second yeare of Claudius as shall bee shewed by and by when hee went to carry the almes of the Disciples to Ierusalem Act. 11.30 it may bee confidently concluded upon because that God in that his rapture telleth him that hee must thence forward goe farre away to preach unto the Gentiles Act. 22.21 and when he returneth from Ierusalem to Antioch he is sent by the Church upon that imployment by a speciall charge of the holy Ghost Act. 13.2 And that from that time to the time of his writing the second Epistle to the Corinthians were about foureteene yeares as himselfe summeth it wee shall evidence by some particulars before wee part from this subject Thus then in the first place wee see that neither his rapture was at the time of his conversion nor that his conversion is to bee cast six or seven yeares forward that it may bee within foureteene of that Epistle in regard of his rapture But not to intricate our selves any more in the varietie of opinions that have fixed some one time some another to the conversion of this Apostle the next readiest and surest way that I have found to resolve upon this doubtfull question and to determine this scruple is to goe by these collections and degrees I. That the famine prophecied of by Agabus and which is said to have fallen out in the time of Claudius the Emperour Act. 11.28 fell out and came to passe in his second yeare And for this wee have the testimony of a Roman Historian even Dion Cassius who under the Consulship of Claudius II. and Cajus Largus which was in the second yeare of Claudius his reigne speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his translater hath rendred fames ingeâ—s Dion lib. 60. Now although it might seeme that that famine only referred to the Citie of Rome and was caused there through the unnavigablenesse of the River Tiber which should have brought in Provisions because he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— that Claudius provided not onely for the present famine but also for future times by mending the Haven and clearing the River yet Suetonius writing the very same story ascribeth the cause of the famine not to the fault of the River or Haven but to a constant sterilitie or barrennesse and so inlargeth the extent of it further then Rome Arctiore autem annona ob assiduas sterilitates c. In Claud cap. 18. Iosephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 2. speaketh of this great famine in Iudea and relateth how Helena the Queene dowager of the Adiabeni and Izates her sonne then reigning shee being at Ierusalem in her owne person and hee in his owne kingdome did bring in provisions in an exceeding plenty to the Jewes at Ierusalem for their sustenance in the famine for they were both converted to the Jewes religion and Izates circumcised Eusebius hereupon hath set this famine in Claudius his fourth yeare and after the death of Herod Agrippa because that he found that Iosephus had placed it after Agrippaes death which was in Claudius his third But wee find not in Iosephus any thing that may fix it to that yeare more then the subsâ—quence of one story to another which is an argument of no validitie onely this hee relateth as concerning the time of Izates that when hee first came to the Crowne and found his elder brethren imprisoned that he might come to the Throne the more quietly hee was griâ—ved at the matter and on the one hand accounting it impietie to kill them or to keepe them prisoners and on the other hand knowing it unsafe to keepe them with him and not imprisoned hee chose a meane betweene both and sent them for hostages to Rome to
Claudius Caesar And after this be relateth how hee hasted upon his comming to the Crowne to bee Circumcised and after his Circumcision how his mother Helena went to Ierusalem and relieved it being much affamished Now in what yeare of Claudius any of these things were done hee hath not mentioned but hath left it at large and therefore wee may as well suppose that Izates was made King in the first yeare of Claudius and Helena his mother went to Ierusalem in his second as Eusebius may that she went thither in his fourth II. That Paul going at that time of the famine to Ierusalem to bring the almes and collection to the poore Brethren of Iudea had his trance in the Temple Acts 22.17 and in that trance he was rapt into the third Heaven 2 Cor. 12.2 It may be thought indeed by the juncture of Story that Luke hath made that this his trance was at his first journey which hee tooke to Ierusalem after his conversion which journey is mentioned Acts 9.28 Gal. 1.18 for having from the sixth verse of Acts 2â— and forward related the Story of his conversion and of Ananias comming to him and baptizing him hee presently subjoyneth this when I was come againe to Jerusalem and was praying in the Temple I was in a trance as if that had beene the very first time that ever hee came there after he was converted But besides that it is very common with Scripture to make such juncture for times and Stories as if they were close together when oftentimes there is very much space of time betwixt them as Mat. 19.1 Luke 4.13 14. Acts 9.20 21 26 27. â—he proper intent of the Apostle in that Oration of his Acts 22. is to vindicate himself from the accusation laid against him for polluting the Temple and chiefly to plead his authority and commission and why hee had to deale among the Gentiles and therefore hee insists upon two particular Commissions one to Preach and the other to preach to the Gentiles and this is the reason why he joynes his conversion and his rapture in the Temple so close together and not because they were so in time Now this scruple being thus removed and that considered which was said before that in this trance in the Temple God said hee was to send him to the Gentiles and that accordingly hee was dispatched to that worke as soone as hee came to Antioch it cannot but bee concluded that his trance in the Temple was in the second of Claudius and that this was his rapture into the third Heaven since we read not of any rapture or trance that hee had but this III. That this trance or rapture was somewhat above foureteene yeares before hee wrote his second Epistle to Corinth 2 Cor. 12.2 Now in that hee saith it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before or above fourteen yeares agoe hee speaketh not of an indefinite time for then for ought any reason can bee given to the contrary hee might as well have let the mention of the time alone but that it was but a little above that space though it were somewhat above exact fourteen yeares IV. When hee wrote that second Epistle to Corinth hee was in Macedonia as is apparent by very many passages in that Epistle chap. 1.14 and 2.13 7.5 9.2 4. And thither he went upon the hubbub at Ephesus raised against him Act. 20.1 where hee had even the sentence of death in himself 2 Cor. 1.9 V. Now to count foureteene yeares compleat from the second of Claudius in which was Pauls rapture it will bring us to the second yeare of Nero. And let us but cast and compute those shreds of time that wee can find hinted in the Acts of the Apostles and wee shall find them agreeing with this account and giving some light unto it As first it is said by Paul that after hee had been at Ierusalem hee must also see Rome Acts 19.21 Now this doth argue the death of Claudius for if he had expected all the Iews out of Rome as it is averred both by the Scripture Acts 18.2 and by Suetonius in Claud. chapt 25. and never revoked his Edict for ought wee can read in any Story it is very unlikely and unreasonable to thinke that Paul should thinke of going thither if Claudius were alive for thither could hee neither goe without evident and inevitable danger of his owne life nor could hee find so much as one person of his owne Nation in the City when hee came there By this therefore may bee concluded that Claudius was now dead and Nero was going on his first yeare when Paul publisheth his resolution to goe for Rome And the times from hence to his apprehension at Ierusalem may bee cast by these Counters After this his declaring his intention for Rome hee stayeth in Asia for a season Acts 19.22 Now that this season was not long both the preceding and following Verses doe help to confirme for in the Verse before Paul is in a manner upon his motion toward Macedonia and so to Ierusalem already And it is very likely that the feast of Tabernacles which was in September induced him thither but the danger that hee was in at Ephesus before his parting Act. 19.23 24. c. disappointed him of his journey thither hee being now put off from providing accommodation for his voyage and put to shift for life and liberty About the middle of October Neroes first yeare was out and Paul by that time it is like is got to Macedonia and while hee continues there he writes this Epistle as the subscription of it in the Greeke Syriack Arabick and divers other Translations doe reasonably well aime it here howsoever they doe it in other places Or if wee should yeeld to Baronius that it was written from Nicopolis Tit. 2.12 it maketh no difference as to the thing in hand or at least very little since wee are upon the time and not upon the place and the time of difference will not be above a moneth or two Paul wintering so little at Nicopolis as that hee was in motion againe about the beginning of Ianuary if not before for his three moneths travaile of Greece brings it up to the Passeover time or neare upon Acts 20.3.6 And after the Passeover weeke Paul sets for Ierusalem as the Story plainely leads him thither and thence is hee Shipt for Rome toward the latter end of our September or about the Fast and solemne day of humiliation Acts 27.9 And this was in the second yeare of Nero now almost expiring or very neare unto its end And to this sense seemeth that account in Acts 24.27 to be understood After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room Not after two years of Pauls imprisonment for that is utterly without any ground or warrant in the world nor after two yeares of Felix Government for hee had been Governour in Iudâ—a many yeares Acts 24.10 but after two yeares of Neroes Empire or
when hee had now sitten Emperour about two years for that the Scripture sometime reckoneth from such unnamed dates might bee shewed from Ezek. 1.1 2 Sam. 15.7 2 Chron. 22.2 And that it is so to be understood may be confirmed out of Iosephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7. c. So that this time being fixed of Pauls apprehension at Ierusalem to bee in Neroes second as Eusebius and others have well held and his writing the second Epistle to Corinth proving to bee about the beginning of that yeare and so the fourteen yeares mentioned 2 Cor. 12.2 measured out VI. Wee must now count backward from this time to the Councell at Ierusalem and as neare as wee can cast up what time might bee taken up betwixt those two periods in the motions and stations of the Apostle that the Text hath expressed betwixt the 15 Chapter of the Acts and the twentyeth Or rather let us count forward for the more facil and methodicall proceeding and take up what may bee guessed to bee every yeares worke and passage as it commeth to hand Paul commeth from Ierusalem to Antioch with Iudas Silas and Barnabas Acts 15.20 Iudas and Silas stay there a space verse 33. Paul stayeth after they be gone away verse 35. Some dayes after he departeth verse 36 40. Hee goeth through Syria Cilicia confirming the Churches verse 41. To Derbe and Lystâ—a chap. 16.1 Through the Cities delivereth the Apostles decrees ver 4. Throughout Phrygia ver 6. Throughout the region of Galatia vers 16. To all these journeys we may allow one year and certainly if the movings and stayings of the Apostle and the distance of the places and the work hee did be considered there can no lesse then a whole yeare be allowed for all this progresse After his passage through Galatia Paul goeth to Mysia Acts 16.7 To Troas verse 6. To Samothrace Neapolis and Philippi ver 11 12. At Philippi hee continueth many dayes ver 13 16 18. Thence hee passeth through Amphipolis and Apollonia chap. 17.1 Commeth to Thessalonia and is there three Sabbath dayes in quiet ver 2. Afterward is persecuted ver 5. Goeth to Berea and converteth very many vers 10 12. Goeth from thence to Athens ver 15. There waiteth for Silas and Timothy ver 16. From thence goeth to Corinth Acts 18.1 For all these journeys and actions wee will allow him half a yeare and I cannot see how they could take so little At Corinth hee continueth a yeare and an halfe Acts 18. verse 11. And this makes up 3 years since the Councell at Ierusalem After this long stay at Corinth he is persecuted yet tarryeth a good while after Acts 18.18 From thence hee saileth to Ephesus but stayeth little ver 19. Goeth thence to Cesarea To Ierusalem To Antioch and spendeth some time there Acts 18.22 23. Goeth over all the Country of Galatia And Phrygia in order Acts 18.23 To these passages I suppose there is hardly any that can allow him lesse then a whole yeare that shall but seriously consider of the things that are mentioned and the length of the journeys After his passing through Phrygia hee commeth to Ephesus Acts 19.1 And there continueth three yeares Acts 19.8 10 21 22. 20.31 After this he goeth into Macedonia Acts 20.1 from whence he writeth that second Epistle to Corinth in the beginning of the 2 year of Nero. So that yeelding these seven years for the travails of this Apostle betwixt that time and the Councel of Ierusalem Acts 15. and lesse then seven it is not possible to allow seeing that foure yeares and an halfe of that space was taken up in the two Cities of Corinth and Ephesus and it will result that the Councell at Ierusalem was in the ninth yeare of Claudius Now Paul himself reckoneth seventeen yeares from his conversion to this Councell Gal. 1.18 2.1 which seventeen counted backward from the ninth of Claudius it falleth out almost past all controversie that Pauls conversion was in the next year after our Saviours ascension as may bee seen by this ensuing table Christ. Tiberius 33 18 Christ ascendeth 34 19 Paul converted 35 20 Goeth into Arabia 36 21 Commeth up to Jerusalem 37 22 38 1 Caius 39 2 40 3 41 4 42 1 Claudius 43 2 The famine Act. 11.28 Paul rapt into the third Heaven 44 3 45 4 46 5 47 6 48 7 49 8 50 9 The Councell at Ierusalem Paul goeth to Antioch Syria Cilicia c. 51 10 Paul the latter half this yeare at Corinth the former half in Athens Beraea Thessalonia c. 52 11 Paul all this yeare at Corinth 53 12 Paul in Phrygia Galatia Antioch Ierus Caesarea Ephesus Corinth 54 13 Paul at Ephesus 55 14 Paul at Ephesus 56 1 Nero. Paul at Ephesus 57 2 Paul writeth the second Epistle to Corinth And now may wee in some scantling fix those Stories to their times which hung loosely before namely the choosing of the Deacons the death of Stephen conversion of Samaria and the Eunuch and conclude that they were about the beginning of the next yeare after Christs ascension Part II. The Roman Story Sect. I. Velleius Paterculus TIBERIVS keepeth himselfe still in the Countrey but not still at Capreae for this yeare hee draweth neare unto Rome and haunteth in some places about foure miles off but commeth not at all unto the City This seemeth to bee his first journey towards it that Suetonius speaketh of when hee came by water to the Gardens beside the Naumachy or the Poole in Tiber where they used their sporting sea-fights and returned againe but the cause not knowne The first thing mentioned of him under these Consulls both by Tacitus and Dion is his marrying forth the daughter of Drusus which they name not and Iulia and Drusilla the daughters of Germanicus Drusilla to L. Cassius Iulia to M. Vinicius This was a sonne of that M. Vinicius to whom Paterculus dedicateth his short and sweet Roman History And the nearenesse of the time would very nearely perswade that this was that very Vinicius himself but that Paterculus sheweth that his Vinicius was Consull when hee wrote his Booke to him and that as himselfe and Dion agreeing with him sheweth An. V. C. 783 or the next yeare after our Saviours Baptismâ— but this Vinicius Tiberius his son in law as Tacitus intimateth was onely a Knight but a Consuls son Howsoever in these times shone forth and flourished the excellent wit and matchlesse pen of that Historian an Author known to all Learned men and admired by all that know him His Originall was from the Campanians as himself witnesseth not very farre from the beginning of his second booke when hee commeth to speake of the Italian warre in the time of Sylla and Marius No pen is so fit to draw his pedegree and Character as his owne and therefore take onely his owne words Neque ego verecundiâ domestici sanguinis gloriae dum verum refero subâ—raham c. Nor will I for
another seeking the ruine and destruction one of another and furthering their owne misery when they were most miserable already in him that sought the ruine of them all A fitter instrument could not the Tyrant have desired for such a purpose then themselves nor when hee had them so pliable to their owne mischiefe did he neglect the opportunity or let them bee idle For as hee saw accusations encrease so did hee encrease his laws to breed more insomuch that at the last it grew to bee capitall for a servant to have fallen before or neare the image of Augustus or for any man to carry either coine or ring into the Stewes or house of Office if it bare upon it the image of Tiberius Sect. 3. A wicked accusation Who can resolve whether it were more vexation to suffer upon such foolish accusations or upon others more solid but as false as these were foolish That was the fortune of Sextus Marius an intimate friend of the Emperours but as it proved not the Emperour so of his This was a man of great riches and honour and in this one action of a strange vaine-glory and revenge Having taken a displeasure at one of his Neighbours hee inviteth him to his house and there detained him feasting two dayes together And on the first day hee pulleth his house downe to the ground and on the next hee buildeth it up farre fairer and larger then before The honest man when hee returned home found what was done admired at the speed of the worke rejoyced at the change of his house but could not learn who had done the deed At the last Marius confessed that he was the agent and that hee had done it with this intent To shew him that hee had power to doe him a displeasure or a pleasure as he should deserve it Ah blinded Marius and too indulgent to thine owne humours seâ—st thou not the same power of Tiberius over thee and thy fortunes pinned upon his pleasure as thy neighbours upon thine And so it came to passe that fortune read him the same lecture that his fancy had done another For having a young beautifull Daughter and such a one as on whom the Emperour had cast an eye and so plainly that the father spyed it hee removed her to another place and kept her there close and at distance lest she should have been violated by him who must have no denyall Tiberius imagined as the thing was indeed and when hee seeth that hee cannot enjoy his love and satisfie his lust hee turneth it to hate and revenge And causeth Marius to be accused of incest with his daughter whom hee kept so close and both father and daughter are condemned and suffer for it both together Sect. 5. A miserable life and death In these so fearefull and horrid times when nothing was safe nothing secure when silence and innocency were no protection nor to accuse no more safeguard then to bee accused but when all things went at the Emperours will and that will alwayes cruell what course could any man take not to bee intangled and what way being intangled to extricate himselfe The Emperours frownes were death and his favours little better to be accused was condemnation and to accuse was often as much that now very many found no way to escape death but by dying nor to avoid the cruelty of others but by being cruell to themselves For though selfe-murder was alwayes held for a Roman valour yet now was it become a meere necessity men choosing that miserable exigent to avoid a worse as they supposed and a present end to escape future evills So did Asinius Gallus at this time for the one and Nerva for the other This Gallus about three yeares agoe comming to Tiberius upon an Ambassy was fairely entertained and royally feasted by him but in the very interim he writeth letters to the Senate in his accusation Such was the Tyrantâ— friendship and so soure sawce had poore Asinius to his dainty fare A thing both inhumane and unusuall that a man the same day should eate drinke and be merry with the Emperour and the same day bee condemned in the Senate upon the Emperours accusation An Officer is sent to fetch him away a Prisoner from whence hee had but lately gone Ambassadour The pooreman being thus betrayed thought it vaine to beg for life for that hee was sure would bee denyed him but he begged that he might presently bee put to death and that was denyed also For the bloody Emperour delighted not in blood and death onely but in any thing that would cause other mens misery though it were their life So having once committed one of his friends to a most miserable and intolerable imprisonment and being sollicited and earnestly sued unto that he might bee speedily executed and put out of his misery hee flatly denyed it saying That hee was not growne friends with him yet Such was the penance that hee put poore Gallus to a life farre worser then a present death for hee ought him more spight and torture then a suddaine execution The miserable man being imprisoned and straitly looked to not so much for feare of his escape by flight as of his escape by death was denyed the sight and conference of any one whosoever but him onely that brought him his pitifull dyet which served onely to prolong his wretched life and not to comfort it and he was forced to take it for hee must by no meanes be suffered to die Thus lived if it may bee called a life a man that had been of the honourablest rank and office in the City lingring and wishing for death or rather dying for three yeares together and now at last hee findeth the means to famish himself and to finish his miserable bondage with as miserable an end to the sore displeasure of the Emperour for that hee had escaped him and not come to publike execution Such an end also chose Nerva one of his neare friends and familiars but not like the other because of miseries past or present but because of feare and foresight of such to come His way that hee tooke to dispatch himself of his life was by totall abstinence and refusall of food which when Tiberius perceived was his intent hee sits downe by him desires to know his reason and begs with all earnestnesse of him that he would desist from such a design For what scandall saith he will it be to mee to have one of my nearest friends to end his own life and no cause given why he should so die But Nerva satisfied him not either in answer or in act but persisted in his pining of himself and so dyed Sect. 6. The miserable ends of Agrippina and Drusus To such like ends came also Agrippina and Drusus the wife and son of Germanicus and mother and brother of Caius the next Emperour that should succeed These two the daughter in law and Grandchild of Tiberius himselfe had about foure yeares agoe beene brought
into question by his unkind and inhumane accusation and into hold and custody untill this time It was the common opinion that the cursed instigation of Sejanus whom the Emperour had raised purposely for the ruine of Germanicus his house had set such an accusation a foot and made the man to bee so cruell towards his owne family but when the two accused ones had miserably survived the wicked Sejanus and yet nothing was remitted of their prosecution then opinion learned to lay the fault where it deserved even on the cruelty and spite of Tiberius himselfe Drusus is adjudged by him to die by famine and miserable and woefull wretch that he was hee sustaineth his life for nine dayes together by eating the flockes out of his bed being brought to that lamentable and unheard of dyet through extremity of hunger Here at last was an end of Drusus his misery but so was there not of Tiberius his cruelty towards him for he denyed the dead body buriall in a fitting place he reviled disgraced the memory of him with hideous and feigned scandals and criminations and shamed not to publish in the open Senate what words had passed from the pining man against Tiberius himselfe when in agony through hunger hee craved meat and was denyed it Oh what a sight and hearing was this to the eyes and eares of the Roman people to behold him that was a child of their darâ—ing and delight Germanieus to be thus barbarously and inhumanely brought to his end and to heare his own Grandfather confesse the action and not dissemble it Agrippina the woefull mother might dolefully conjecture what would become of her selfe by this fatall and terrible end of the poore Prince her son And it was not long but she tasted of the very same cup both of the same kind of death and of the same kind of disgracing after For being pined after the same manner that it might be coloured that she did it of her self a death very unfitting the greatest Princesse then alive she was afterward slandered by Tiberius for adultery with Gallus that died so lately and that shee caused her owne death for griefe of his She and her son were denyed buryall befitting their degree but hid in some obscure place where no one knew which was no little distaste and discontentment to the people The Tyrant thought it a speciall cause of boasting and extolling his owne goodnesse that she had not been strangled nor dyed the death of common base offenders And since it was her fortune to die on the very same day that Sejanus had done two yeares before viz. Octob. 17. it must be recorded as of speciall observation and great thankes given for the matter and an annuall sacrifice instituted to Iupiter on that day Caius her son and brother to poore Drusus tooke all this very well or at least seemed so to doe partly glad to bee shut of any one that was likely to have any colour or likelyhood of corrivality with him in his future reigne and partly being brought up in such a schoole of dissimulation and growne so perfect a Scholar there that he wanted little of Tiberius This yeare hee marryed Claudia the daughter of M. Silanus a man that would have advised him to good if hee would have hearkened but afterward he matched with a mate and stock more fitting his evill nature Ennia the wife of Macro bvt for advantage resigned by her husband Macro to the adulterating of Caius and then to his marriage Sect. 7. Other Massacres The death of Agrippina drew on Plancinaes a woman that never accorded with her in any thing but in Tiberius his displeasure and in a fatall and miserable end This Plancina in the universall mourning of the state for the losse of Germanicus rejoyced at it and made that her sport which was the common sorrow of all the State How poore Agrippina relished this being deprived of so rare a husband can hardly be thought of without joyning with her in her just and mournfull indignaon Tiberius having a spleen at the woman for some other respect had now a faire colour to hide his revenge under to call her to account and that with some applause But here his revenge is got into a strait for if he should put her to death it may bee it would be some content to Agrippina And therefore not to pleasure her so much hee will not pleasure the other so much neither as with present death but keepeth her in lingring custody till Agrippina be gone and then must she follow but her resolutenesse preventeth the Executioner and to escape anothers she dyeth by her own hand Let us make up the heape of the slaughtered this yeare in the vvords of Dion Such a number of Senators to omit others perished under Tiberius that the Governours of Provinces were chosen by lot and ruled some three yeares some six because there were not enough to come in their roome THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN FOR The Yeare of Christ 35. And of Tiberius 20. Being the Yeare of the World 3962. And of the City of Rome 787. Consuls Lucius Vitellius P. Fabius Priscus or Persicus London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. PART I. Affaires of Rome Sect. I. Thanklesse officiousnesse OF the state and occurrences of the Church this instant yeere there is neither any particular given by S. Luke nor any else where to bee found in Scripture save onely what may be collected from the words of Paul concerning himselfe namely that he is this yeere either in Arabia or Damascus or both spending one part of it in the one place and the other in the other The Church now this great persecutor is turned Preacher injoyed no doubt a great deale of ease in the ceasing of the persecution and benefit by the earnestnesse of his ministery And so let us leave her to her peace and comfortable times now growing on and turne our story to the Romans Tiberius his reign being now come to the twentieth yeer the present Consuls L. Vitellius and Fabius Priscus do prorogate or proclaime his rule for ten yeers longer A ceremony used by Augustus whensoever hee came to a tenth yeer of his reign but by Tiberius there was not the like cause One would have thought the twenty yeers past of his inhumane and barbarous reigne should have given the City more then enough of such an Emperour and have caused her to have longed rather for his end then to have prolonged his dominion But shee will make a virtue now or complement rather of necessity and will get thanks of him for continuing of that which shee cannot shake off and is willing that he shall reign still because she knew he would do so whether shee will or no. It is the forlorne way of currying favour to please a man in his owne humour when we dare not crosse it The flattering Consuls received a reward befitting such unnecessary officiousnesse for they kept the
feast saith Dion that was used upon such occasions and were punished Not with death for the next yeer you shall have Vitellius in Iudea but with some other infliction which it may bee was pretended for some other reason but intended and imposed upon a profound policy For while they thus took on them to confirme his rule they did but shake his title as he conceived and told him a riddle that hee reigned by their courtesie and not by his own interest but when hee punished them that would take on them to confirme this superioritie hee proved it independent and not pinned upon their will Sect. II. Cruelties The veine of the Citie that was opened so long agoe doth bleed still and still as fresh as ever For Slaughter saith Tacitus was continuall and Dion addeth that none of them that were accused were acquitted but all condemned some upon the letters of Tiberius others upon the impeachment of Macro of whom hereafter and the rest onely upon suspition Some were ended by the executioner others ended themselves by their own hands the Emperor all this while keeping out of the Citie and that as was thought lest he should be ashamed of such doings there Among those that perished by their owne hands was Pomponius Labeo and his wife Paxaea who being accused for corruption in his government of Maesia cut his own veines and bled to death and his wife accompanied him in the same fatall end To the like end but upon different occasions and accusations came Mamercus Scaurus and his wife Sexitia He some yeers before having escaped narrowly with life upon a charge of treason is now involved againe in other accusations as of Adultery with Livilla magicall practices and not the least for libelling against Tiberius For having made a Tragedy which he titled Atreus and in the same bringing him in advising one of his subjects in the words of Euripides That he should beare with the folly of the Prince Tiberius not so guilty indeed of such a taxation of being a foole as ready to take on to bee guilty that he might have the better vie against the Author personated the matter to himselfe crying out that Scaurus had made him a bloody Atreus but that hee would make an Aiâ—x of him again which accordingly came to passe for the Tragedian to prevent the executioner acted his own tragedy and died by his own hand his wife being both incourager and companion with him in the same death But among these lamentable spectacles so fearfull and so frequent it was some contentment to see the accusers still involved in the like miseries with those whom they had accused for that malady of accusing was growne Epidemicall and infectious sparing none and as it were catching one of another The tokens hereof appeared in the banishment of Servilius and Cornelius the accusers of Scaurus and of Abudius Rufo that had done the like by Lentulus Getulicus This Getulicus was then commander of the Legions in Germany and being charged with so much intimacy with Seianus as that hee intended to have married his daughter to Sejanus his sonne hee quitted himselfe by a confident letter to Tiberius In which hee pleadeth that his familiarity and alliance to Sejanus had begun by the Emperours owne advice and privacy and he was so farre from crouching that he profereth termes of partition to Tiberius namely that hee should enjoy the Empire and himself would enjoy the Province where he was This it was to have armes and armies at his disposall for for all this affront the Emperour is necessarily calme considering partly his owne age partly the hatred of the people but chiefly that he stood in that height and sway and power that he was in rather by the timorous opinion of others then by any strength or firmnesse of his owne This yeer there arose a feigned Drusus in Greece a man as it seemed neither led by common policie that might have told him that so great a Prince of Rome could not possibly have been so long obscured nor by common opinion which greatly suspected that Drusus was made away by the Emperours own consent He found a party as inconsiderate as himselfe for he was intertained by the Cities of Greece and Ionia and furnished with aid and had like to have come into Syria and surprized the forces there had hee not been descried taken and sent to Tiberius To conclude with some other raritie besides these of crueltie there was seen a Phoenix in Egypt this yeer as Tacitus hath laid it but as Dion two yeers after which then exercised the wits of the Philosophicall Greeks interpreting the presage either to the State or to the Emperour as their fancy led them and in after times it exercised the pens of Christians applying it as an Embleme of the resurrection of Christ. PART II. The Affaires of the Iewes Sect. A commotion of the Iewes caused by Pilate BEsides the tumult mentioned before caused by Pilate among the Jewes about some images of Cesar Iosephus hath also named another raised by the same Spleene and rancour of his against that people which because Eusebius hath placed it at this yeer bee it recommended to the reader upon his Chronology Pilate a constant enemy to the nation of which hee was governour sought and dogged all occasions whereby to provoke them to displeasure that the displeasure might provoke them to do something that would redound to their owne disadvantage At this time he took in hand a great worke of an Aquaeduct or watercourse to Ierusalem to bring the water thither from a place two hundred furlongs or five and twenty miles off as Iosephus reckoneth it in one place but in another he crosseth himself and doubleth the measure to foure hundred and for this purpose hee took the money out of their Corban or holy treasure to expend upon this his fancy The people displeased with what was done come together by multitudes some crying out against the work and others plainly against Pilate For they of old did know his conditions that his affection was not so much to the people or to do them good by his Aquaeduct as it was to tyrannize over their consciences which were nailed to their ancient rights and rites But he suborning some of his Souldiers in the common garbe and garments and they hiding clubs under their coates disposed themselves so about the multitude that they had them within them And then when the people continued still in their outrage and rayling upon a signall given they fall upon them and beate without distinction all before them both those that were seditious and those that were not so that many died in the place and the rest departed away sore wounded This is the tenour of th story in Iosephus in Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 4. Bell. Iudaic. lib. 2. cap. 14. In the allegation of which History by Baronius to omit his placing of it in the first yeer of Pilate about which he sheweth himselfe
indifferent I cannot passe these two things without observing 1. That he saith that Pilate took the head of his watercourse three hundred furlongs off whereas in the Greek there is no such summe in either of the places where the story is related but in the one two hundred and in the other foure 2. That whereas the Greek readeth the transition to the next story de Bell. Iud. l. 2. cap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. At that time Agrippa the accuser of Herod went to Tiberius c. His Latin readeth it Atque ab hoc accusator Herodis Agrippa c. losing both scantling of the time which the Author hath given Eusebius followed and seeming to bring Agrippa to Rome about this matter of Pilate In the twentieth yeere of Tiberius hath the same Iosephus placed the death of Philip the Tetrarch although hee hath named it after the entrance of Vitellius upon the government of Syria which was in the next yeere but such transpositions are no strange things with him This Philip was Tetrarch of Trachonitis Gaulonitis and Batanaea he died in the Citie Iulias and was interred with a great deale of funerall pompe His tetrarchy was added to Syria but the tributes of it were reserved within it self THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN FOR The Yeare of Christ 36. And of Tiberius 21. Being the Yeare of the World 3963. And of the City of Rome 788. Consuls C. Cestius Gallus M. Servilius Rufus London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. PART I. Sect. Affaires of the Iewes Vitellius their Friend VItellius the last yeers Consul a◠Rome is sent this yeer Proconsul into Syria to govern that and Iudea which was incorporated into that Province A man more Honorable abroad then at his owne doors renowned in his youth but ignominious in his old age brave in ruling in forain parts but base in officiousnesse and flattery at Rome At the time of the Passeover he commeth up to Ierusalem whether induced by curiositie to see the festivall or by the opportunity of the concourse to behold the whole body of his dominion collected in so small a compasse and to disperse among them his commands or for what other cause let him keep it to himselfe But so well did he like his intertainment and the people that had given it him that hee remitted to all the inhabitants the Toll or Impost of all the fruits bought and sold and hee permitted to the Priests the keeping of the High-Priests garments which alate had been in the custody of the Romans For Hyrcanus the first of that name having built a tower neer unto the Temple and living in it himself and after him some of his successors he laid up there those holy garments which they onely might weare as in a place most convenient both where to put them on when they came into the Temple and to put them off when they went into the Citie But Herod in after times seising upon that tower and repairing it and naming it Antonia in honour of the great Antony hee seised also upon the custody of those robes when hee found them there and so also did Archelaus his sonne But the Romans deposing of Archelaus and usurping his whole dominion if reassuming of that which they had bestowed before may bee called usurpation they also as hee had done kept these sacred garments under their hands Laying them up in a roome under the seales of the Priests and the keepers of the treasury and the keeper of the Tower set up a Candle there every day Seven dayes before any of the feasts they were delivered out by the same keeper and purified because they came out of heathen hands and used the first day of the feast and restored the second and laid up as before Vitellius graciously restored the custody of them to the Priests as had been used of old But Ioseph who was also called Caiaphas who should have first worn them after was removed by him from the high priest-hood and Ionathan the sonne of Ananus placed in his stead And thus is one of the unjust Judges of our Saviour judged himself and the next yeere and by this same Vitellius wee shall have the other judged also PART II. Sect. I. Affaires in the Empire A rebellion in Parthia c. AT this yeer hath Eusebius in his Chronicle placed the Spleen of Seianus against the Jewes which was some yeers before and the spleene of Herod against Iames and Peter which was some yeers after and Massaeus in his Chronicle hath placed the assumption of the Virgin Mary which was no body knownes when A story first published to the world by revelation as the common cry went of it but invented indeed by superstition backed by ease and love of holydayes and growne into credit and intertainment by credulitie and custome As unconstant to it selfe for time as her Sex is of whom it is divulged for there is so great difference about the time when this great wonder was done that it is no wonder if it bee suspected to have been done at no time at all We will leave to rake into it till wee come to find it in its place and rubrick in Eusebius who is the most likely man to follow and for the present we will divert the readers eyes to a matter of farre more truth and likelihood Phraates a King of Parthia of old had given Vonones his eldest sonne for an Hostage to Augustus and Augustus upon the request of the Parthians afterward had given him againe unto them for their King At the first hee was well accepted and well affected by them and among them as he had been desired by them but afterward he was disliked and displaced by Artabanus whom they had called in for their King in his stead This Artabanus having been kept in awe by Germanicus whilest he lived and having been a good while agoe quitted and delivered of that awe by Germanicus his death and having at this present a fit opportunity for the seisure of the Kingdome of Armenia by the death of Artaxias their King he taketh upon him to place Arsaces his own eldest son in that throne demanding withall some treasures that Vonones had left in Syria and Cilicia and challenging the royalty of Persia and Macedon and the old possessions of Cyrus and Alexander This was a proud scorne and defiance to the Romans and such as was not possible for their victoriousnesse to digest nor safe for him to offer but that he was imboldned to it by considering the Emperours old age But Sinnaces and Abdus and other Nobles of Parthia not trusting their lives and liberties to the rashnesse of Artabanus come secretly to Rome and commit the matter to Tiberius He upon their request and glad of opportunity to correct the insolencies of Artabanus giveth them Phraates another sonne of Phraates their old King who also lay for an Hostage at Rome and dispatcheth him away for his
Warre and knowing without a prompter what it was to defie the Romans condescendeth readily to the motion and Vitellius and hee meeting upon a bridge made over Euphrates for that purpose each with a guard about him conclude upon Articles of agreement and Herod the Tetrarch entertaineth them both in a pavilion curiously seated in the midst of the streame Not long after this Artabanus sendeth Darius his son for an hostage to Tiberius and withall he sendeth Eleazar a Jew of seven cubits high for a present and many other gifts Sect. 3. A Commotion in Cappadocia Whilst matters went thus unquietly in Parthia the Calite a Nation of Cappadocia grew discontented about paying tribute to the Romans so departed into the mountaine Taurus and there fortifie resolving as they never had used to pay such taxations so never to learne nor to use to doe so Archelaus was now King but not now King of them for the strength of the mountains and the desperatenes of their resolution do animate them to withstand him and to rebell against the Romans When tydings of this was brought to Vitellius into Syria he dispatcheth away M. Trebellius with foure thousand legionary Souldiers and some other Forces raised otherwayes to bring the Rebells to obedience or to ruine Trebellius invironeth with workes and men two hills Cadra and Davara where they were the most strongly trenched and those that were so hardy as to come forth hee subdueth with the sword and the rest with famishing Sect. IIII. Bloodshed at Rome These diseases of the Roman body were far from the heart and yet was the heart the Citie it self but little the better for though some veines were opened in these warres which one would have thought should have turned the blood another way yet did the Citie through the cruelty of the Emperour bleed inwardly still For L. Aruleius and some others died by the hand of the Executioner and C. Galba two of the Blesii and the Lady Aemylia Lepida by their owne hands But the example of the greatest terror was Vibulenus Agrippa a Knight who being at the barre when he had heard what his accusers could say against him and despairing to escape hee tooke poyson out of his bosome in the face of the Court Dion saith hee sucked it out of his Ring and swallowed it and sank downe and was ready to die yet was hee haled away to prison and there strangled Sect. V. Mishaps Besides this deluge of blood which overflowed the Citie continually there was also this yeer a deluge of water For Tiber rose so high and violently into the town that many streets became navigable and where men had walked lately on their feet they might have passed now up and downe in ships And a greater misfortune happened this yeer likewise by the contrary element for a terrible fire consumed the buildings of the mount Aventine and that part of the Circus that lay betwixt that and the Palace For the repaire of all which again Tiberius out of his own treasure gave a great summe of money Tacitus saith Millies Sestertium which according to the value and reckoning of our English coine amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds within nineteen thousand A summe not strange in an Emperours coffer at Rome where the vastnesse of the Empire brought in vast revenues but somewhat strange out of the purse of Tiberius for so good a purpose whose covetousnesse was larger then those whole revenues And therefore as I cannot but observe the difference of Dion about this liberality of the Emperour from Tacitus and the difference of his translator from his Text so can I not but conceive his computation and account to be the more probable in regard of the niggardise of the Emperour For whereas the summe of Tacitus is eight hundred thousand within nineteen hee hath so farre come short of such a reckoning that he maketh nineteen thousand pounds to bee the whole account For Tiberius saith he gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two thousand and five hundred thousand meaning â—600 sestertia and each sestertium containing a thousand Sestertios this accreweth to about the summe last named of 19000 l. and yet hath his translator forsaken his Greek and followed Tacitus Latine to so vast a difference PART III. The Jewish Story Sect. I. A commotion in Samaria Pilate out of office A Great space of time is past since wee heard any newes of Pontius Pilate and news it is indeed that his malicious and stirring spirit hath not entertained us with some bloody tragedy or other of all this while His government draweth now neer its expiration for he is going upon the tenth yeere of it and it is a kind of miracle if so mischievous an agent should part withour acting some mischiefe before his exit and this at last hee did which put him out of office There was a certain impostor among the Samaritans Simon Magus as like as any that would perswade the people that in mount Gerizim he could shew them holy vessels which Moses had hid and laid up there with his owne hand The credulous vulgar meet by multitudes at a certain Village called Tiraâ—haba intending when their company was full to goe see these sacred reliques But Pilate before-hand takes the passages with his Horse and Foot and falling upon those that were thus assembled some he slew others he took captive and the rest fled Of those that he captived hee caused the noblest and most principall to bee put to death For this fact the chiefe men of Samaria accuse him to Vitellius who commands him to Rome there to answer before the Emperour what should bee objected against him and in his stead he made Marcellus a friend of his owne the Governour of Iudea but before Pilate came to Rome Tiberius was dead Yet hath Eusebius put off the testimony that Pilate is said to have given to Tiberius concerning the death and resurrection of Christ and concerning the wonders wrought by him till the next yeare following A relation doubtfull in it selfe but more then doubtfull in the issue For first though it be granted that Pilate bare witnesse to the works and wonders done by Christ and gave testimony to his resurrection which yet to beleeve requireth a better evidence then I can find any Yet secondly the Epistle that is pretended for this his certificate by Hegesippus cannot be that originall one that Tertullian and out of him Eusebius do mention because it is indorsed to Claudius and not to Tiberius Thirdly though both these were confessed and agreed unto that Pilate wrote a Letter to Tiberius to such a purpose and that this was the Letter or some other that Tertullian had seen yet can I never find the Emperour of so good a nature and respective a disposition as to give the desert of goodnesse its due be it never so eminent and conspicuous or bee it in what kind soever Fourthly and lastly that which maketh all the rest of the story to
it more and more Hee was used by Tiberius as an instrument to bring down Seianus the one bad and the other worse and after hee had done that none must stand by his good will that was likely to stand in his way Hee was made master of the Praetorian Souldiers in Seianus his stead and as hee possessed his place so did hee his favour with the Emperour and the crookednesse of his conditions as if all the honours fortune and wickednesse of Seianus had been intailed upon Macro An agent as fit for Tiberius as could bee required and a successor as fit for Seianus A man as bloody as the Tyrant could desire him and sometimes more then hee set him on worke Hee was the continuall Alguazil and Inquisitor for the friends and complices of the late ruined Favorite and under colour of that pursuite hee tooke out of the way whosoever would not friend and comply with him Of that number were Cn. Domitius and Vibius Marsus accused with Albucilla the wife of Satrius secundus for Adultery but all three together for conspiracy against the Emperour yet was there no hand of the Emperours shewed for the prosecution of the matter which shewed the onely spleene and machination of the Blood-hound Macro Albucilla whether guilty indeed or knowing that his malice and power would make her so stabbed her selfe thinking to have died by her owne hand but the wound not being deadly shee was taken away to prison Grasidius and Fregellanus the pretended Pandars of her adulteries were punished the one with banishment and the other with degradation and the same penaltie was inflicted upon Laelius Balbus A man but justly paid in his owne coyne to the rejoycing and content of divers for hee had been a strong and violent accuser of many innocents Domitius and Marsus it may bee as guilty as the woman but more discreet traversed the indictment and saved their owne lives partly by the shortnesse of the Emperours life and partly by the feigned prediction of Thrasyllus that promised that it should bee long But too sullen was the indignation of L. Arruntius against Macro and too desperate his ill conceit of Caius who was to succeed in the Empire for when hee was inwrapt in the same accusation with the two last named and might have escaped the same escape that they did yet despised hee so to outlive the cruelty of Tiberius and Macro as to come under the greater cruelty of Macro and Caius No saith hee I have lived long enough and to my sorrow too long Nor doth any thing repent me more then that thus I have endured an old age under the scornes dangers and hate first of Selanus now of Macro and alwayes of one great one or another and that for no other fault then for detesting their flagitiousnesse It is true indeed that I may survive the old age and weaknesse of Tiberius but what hopes to doe so by the youth of Caius and wickednesse of Macro Can Caius a youth do well being led by Macro who so corrupted Tiberius in his age No I see more tyranny like to come then hath been yet And therefore will I deliver my selfe from the present misery and that to come And with these words and resolution hee cut his owne veines and so bled to death and spent a blood and a spirit what pitie it was that they should have been so lost As Macro thus divided his paines in crueltie betwixt the satisfying of Tiberius his mind and his owne malice so also did hee his affections shall I say or flattery rather and own-end observances betwixt Tiberius and Caius For as hee sought to please the one that now ruled for his owne present security so did hee to indear the other that was to succeed for his future safety Hereupon he omitted not any opportunitie nor occasion that he might skrew Caius further and further into Tiberius his favour and to keepe him there that he might doe as much for himselfe into the favour of Caius One raritie and non-parallel of obsequiousnesse hee shewed to the young Prince worth recording to his shame for hee caused his owne wife Ennia Thrasylla to intangle the youthfulnesse of Caius into her love and adultery and then parted hee with her and gave her to him in marriage The old Emperour could not but observe this monster of pretended friendship nor were his old eyes so blind but hee perceived his flattery plaine in other carriages in so much that hee brake out to him in these plaine words Well thou forsakest the setting Sun and onely lookest upon the rising Sect. II. A wicked woman With the wife of Macro that made her owne prostitution to become her husbands promotion may not unfitly bee yoaked the mother of Sex Papinius that made her owne lust her sonnes overthrow Whether this were the Papinius that was the last yeers Consull or his sonne or some other of the same name and family it is no great matter worth inquiring but whosoever hee was infortunate hee was in his mother for shee caused his end as shee had given him his beginning Shee being lately divorced from her husband betooke herselfe unto her sonne whom with flattery and loosenesse shee brought to perpetrate such a thing that hee could find no remedy for it when it was done but his owne death The consequent argueth that the fault was incest for when hee had cast himselfe from an high place and so ended his life his mother being accused for the occasion was banished the Citie for ten yeers till the danger of the slipperinesse of her other sons youth was past and over Part II. The Iewish Story Sect. I. Preparations of warre against Aretas THe terrible and bitter message of the Emperour to Vitellius against King Aretas must bee obeyed though more of necessity then of any zeale of Vitellius in Herods quarrell He therefore raising what forces he accounted fitting for his owne safety in the Emperours favour and for his safety with the enemy marcheth toward the seate of the warre intending to lead his Army through Iudea But hee was diverted from this intention by the humble supplication of the Jewes to the contrary who tooke on how contrary it was to their ancient Laws and customes to have any Images and pictures brought into their Country whereof there was great store in the Romans Armes and Banners The gentlenesse of the Generall was easily overtreated and commanding his Army another way hee himselfe with Herod and his friends went up to Ierusalem where hee offered sacrifice and removed Ionathan from the High-priesthood and placed Thâ—ophilus his brother in his stead This was saith Iosephus at a feast of the Jewes but hee named not which and Vitellius having stayed there three dayes on the fourth receiveth letters concerning Tiberius his death I leave it to bee weighed by the reader whether this festivall were the Passeover or Pentecost For on the one hand since Tiberius died about the middle of March as the Roman
knowne before but onely her brother and shee troubled them as much in her heaven as hee did on the earth For now was it impossible for any man so to behave himselfe but hee was intrapped on the one hand or the other about this new found Goddesse To mourne for her death it was criminall because shee was a Deity and to rejoyce for her Deity was capitall because shee was dead so that betwixt this Dilemma of pietie teares and devotion that man was very wary indeed that suffered not inhumanity and violence For to laugh feast bath sing or dance was mortall because the Emperours sister and darling was dead and yet to mourne or sorrow for her death was as deadly because shee was immortall This last stale did hee make of this his deceased sister when shee would now serve him for no other use that both sorrow for her mortalitie and joy for her being immortall did alike bring in money to his treasures which were now almost drained of his many millions either by bribes for the saving of the life of some or by confiscation upon the Death of others But how must hee doe now for another Paramour after his deare Drusilla Why that needeth not to breed any great difficultie when his unbridled lust is not very curious of his choice and his as unbridled power might choose as it list Hee first married Lollia Paullina the wife of C. Memmius sending for her from another country where her husband was Generall of the Army and all the reason of this his choice was because hee was told that her grandmother was an exceeding great beauty but hee soone put her away againe and forbad that any should touch her for ever after him Next came Caesoâ—ia into his affections and there continued a mother of three children and of more age then beauty but of a lasciviousnesse and beastiality so well befitting his that now hee had met with his match and it was pitie they should have missed meeting Hee would sometimes shew her to the Souldiers in armor and sometimes to his friends starke naked transforming her by these vicissitudes into two extreames equally unbefitting her sex to a man and to a beast By her hee had a daughter whom hee named Iulia Drusilla and whom hee brought to the shrines of all the Goddesses in Rome and at last committed to the lap of Minerva for her tutorage and education But this his behaviour is nothing in comparison of that which followed Hee slew divers of the Senate and yet afterward cited them to appeare as if they had been alive and in the end pretended that they had died by their owne hands others came off with a scourging and so they escaped with life but hee caused the Souldiers to tread on them as they lay and as they whipped them that they might have them at the more command And thus hee used some of all rankes and 〈◊〉 Being disturbed at midnight one night by the noyse of same that were getting places in the Circus against the next day hee fell upon them with Clubs and slew twenty knâ—ghts as many matrons and an infinite company of the 〈◊〉 people Hee threw a great multitude of old men and decrepit housholders to the wild beasts that hee might 〈◊〉 such unserviceable men as hee thought them out of the way and hee caused the granaries to bee often shut up that they that had escaped the wild beasts might perish with famine Hee used to fatten the beasts that hee desired to have fed with the inhumane diet of humane bodies yet alive that thereby hee might save other charges Many men hee first mâ—ngled and maimed and then condemned to the mines or to the wild beasts or to little-ease-prisonâ— and some he caused to bee sawed in sunder Hee forced parents to bee present at the execution of their children and for one that could not come to such a miserable spectacle hee sent a letter and another hee invited to a feast after hee had caused him to bee a spectator of the execution of his owne sonne One of the masters of his games that had offended him he kept in chaines and caused him to bee beaten every day before his face till the offensivenesse and stench of his wounded braine obtained his death A Roman Knight being cast by him to the wild beasts and crying out of the injustice done to him hee caused to bee taken out againe and his tongue to bee cut out and then hee cast him to them againe Hee caused all the banished men that were in the Ilands about Italy to bee slaine at once because having asked one that was banished in the time of Tiberius what hee did all the time of his exile and hee answered that hee prayed continually for the death of Tiberius and the succession of Caius hee thought that all the present exiles prayed for his death likewise Every tenth day hee caused an execution to bee had of those that were condemned boasting and vaunting that hee scoured the prisons And ever as any one came to suffer hee commanded the executioners to end him with such deliberate tortures as that hee should bee sure to feele himselfe to die involving many deaths in one and causing men that were to die to live even in death that they might die with the more paine THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN FOR The Yeare of Christ 40. And of Caius Caligula 3. Being the Yeare of the World 3967. And of the City of Rome 792. Consuls Caius Caesar II. L. Apronius Celianus or Cestianus London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. ACTS Chap. 9. Vers. 32. And it came to passe as Peter passed through all quarters THe occasion of Peters travaile at this time may bee well apprehended to bee for the setling and confirming of those Churches that were now begun by the Ministery of the dispersed Preachers One thing was most necessary for these new founded Churches which the Preachers themselves could not provide for them and that was Ministers or Pastors unlesse they would have stayed there themselves which in all places they could not doe and in many places they did not if in any place at all they did longer then for a little space the necessitie of dispersing the Gospell calling them from place to place Therefore it was needfull that the Apostles themselves should goe after them to ordaine Ministers by the imposition of their hands with which they did not onely install or institute into the office of the ministery but also bestowed the holy Ghost for the inabling of those that they did ordaine for the performance of that office which gift the other Disciples could not bestow and this may bee conceived one reason why ten of the twelve Apostles were absent from Ierusalem at Pauls comming there as was observed before namely because they were dispersed abroad over the new planted Churches for this purpose And this was one cause why Peter travailes thus at this time the
plantations of the Churches still increasing and his comforting confirming and setling the Churches was another Through all quarters This referreth to those places mentioned in the verse preceding Iudea Galilee and Samaria onely whereas that verse speaketh of the places themselves this Verse in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word of the masculine gender referreth to the people of the places and this is all the difference And therefore Baronius is besides the Cushion who upon this very place and out of this very word would conclude that Peter in this his peregrination did found the Episcopacy at Antioch His words are these Luke saith hee being intent as it appeareth to commend to memory the more remarkable miracles wrought by Peter hath omitted in silence the rest of his actions performed in this visitation of the province and among other things the institution of the Church of Antioch which that it was erected by him in this very yeer wee shall easily shew by the testimony of the ancients Eusebius may bee alledged as one of these ancients and one for all who speaketh much to the same purpose and somewhat further but onely with this difference that hee hath set downe this matter a little before the death of Tiberius Peter the Apostle saith hee founded the Church of Antioch and having there gotten his chaire bee sate five and twenty yeers Thus Eusebius ad annum Christ. 38. Parisiis 1511. Now to take up this position and story in its severall particulars almost every parcell will prove a stumbling block and before beleefe can bee given to it it must passe thorow and overcome these difficulties 1. Whereas his journey to Antioch is laid in this visitation it is strained beyond the letter and beyond the Spirit and meaning of the Text. For that speaketh onely of the Churches of Iudea Galilee and Samaria and then how came in Antioch in another country And those words through all quarters run at a very uncertaine randome if they bee uncircumscribed by the Verse before 2. It is past all peradventure that as yet there was no Church at Antioch at all much more that there was no Episcopall Chaire and See there For it is a yeer yet to come before there be any mention of a Church there Act. 11. and that that story of the first beginning of that Church lieth in its proper place and time without any transposition or Hysteron-proteron is so plaine to him that will but view it that it needeth no proof 3. How is it consistent with Peters imprisonment at Ierusalem Chap. 12. to sit Bishop in another country Much more is it inconsistent or rather to speak plainly impossible that he should fit five and twenty yeers at Antioch and as many at Rome and yet goe thither in the second of Claudius as hee is held to have done Now Baronius hath espied these two stumbling blocks and laboreth to remove them but in his striving about the one hee throweth dirt into Eusebius his best Authors face for hee saith hee is corrupted and indeed hee doth little lesse about the other For whereas Eusebius saith in plaine termes ibi sedit Peter there sate this his Paraphrast glosseth that it sufficed though hee never came there For with him Peter was as a Creator of Churches and Bishopricks for if dixit factum est if hee but spake the word bee hee where hee would there was a Metropolis or an Episcopacy created in any place whatsoever But not to spend much labour where wee are sure but of little profit let it suffice the reader to have but a Catalogue and particular of his arguments let him censure them according to his own judgment Argum. 1. It was Peters office to oversee and take care of the whole stock and for this hee visited all the Churches that lay round about Ierusalem pag. 306. But that draweth on another question which will bee harder to prove then this and it maketh Paul but an intruder thâ—t took upon him such a care Arg. 2. Peter taking opportunitie of the Churches tranquillity pag. 306. visited all the Christians which were in Syria pag. 309. But here hee is besides his warrant of the Text and maketh a History of his owne head Arg. 3. Peter wheresoever hee was might raise an Episcopall or metropoliticall See at any place distant where hee pleased by the Authoritie wherewith hee was indewed pag. 309. When this is proved wee may beleeve the other that hee would prove Arg. 4. The number of Eusebius of his sitting 25. yeers at Antioch is an error crept into the Text but the number of his 25. yeers at Rome in him is right pag. 306. but if hee bee at liberty to suspect the one sure wee may have the like liberty to suspect the other Arg. 5. The Hierarchicall order seemeth not to indure that the prime Church that had been as yet instituted should bee governed by any but the prime Apostle pag. 309.330 It will bee some worke to prove any Hierarchicall order at all or Peter Prime Apostle or Antioch a chiefe Church above others more then by humane preferring or Antioch yet a Church and were all these proved which never will bee yet is the inference or argumentation thereupon but of small value and validity 6. His last Argument is from Authorities which at last hee gathereth into the Center of a Councell at Rome pag. 332. But Amicus Plato amicus Aristoteles magis amica veritas As for his answers to Eusebius that calleth Evodius the first Bishop of Antioch his answer to Ignatius that saith hee was placed there by the Apostles more then one and to Onuphrius that maketh Peter Bishop of Rome before hee was Bishop of Antioch bee they referred to the perusall in his owne Text for the matter is not worth the labour of examining them Vers. 32. Lydda This seemeth to bee the same with Lod 1 Chron. 8.12 A Citie in the Tribe of Benjamin mentioned Ezra 2.33 Vers. 35. Saron Heb. Sharon A fertile valley famous in Scripture as 1 Chron. 27.29 Esa. 33.9 Cant. 2.1 c. where the Targum renders it the garden of Eden and the Seventie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a field or pâ—aine the masculine Article sheweth it is not the name of a Citie And so do the Seventie article it Esa. 33.9 There is menâ—ion of a Sharon beyond Iordan 1 Chron. 5.16 inhabited about by Gileadites by which it seemeth that it was a common name for plaine champion grounds wheresoever Vers. 36. Tabitha which by interpretation is called Dorcas Tabitha the Syriack and Dorcas the Greek do both signifie a Hind or Doe Capream as Beza renders it Now the reason why Luke doth thus render the one into the other seemeth to be because Tabitha was a Grecizing Jewesse and so was commonly called by these two names by the Syrian among the Hebrews and by the Greeke among the Greeks Vers. 37. Whom when they had washed Whether it were a common custom among the Jews
husband and but very justly neither for shee had brought him to it And shee could not in civility refuse to take part with him in his misery as hee had done with her in her folly that had caused it both their estates dignities and dominions Caius bestoweth upon Agrippa to their greater vexation and so wee leave them going to Lions there to thinke and repent too late how wholesome the counsell was that was given them by the Baptist and that they tooke it not Sect. II. The Alexandrian Iewes still perplexed And now let us returne from Rome to Alexandria where the last yeer we left the Jews in so extreme misery and distresse and now it is to bee suspected wee shall find them in the same still Being so oppressed plundred and massacred by Flaccus as wee have heard their utmost refuge is to petition to the Emperour but a miserable refuge you must needs thinke it will prove when they cannot doe it but by Flaccus his permission and assistance When they made this motion and request to him foolish men to expect such curtesie from their greatest enemie hee taketh on him to approve of their intention promiseth to speed their petition the best he could but when hee had it pretending to have sent it away hee keepeth and suppresseth it and answered neither his promise nor their expectation either in haste or in assisting Thus do the poore Jewes lie waiting in uncertaine hopes but in certaine misery looking for some comfortable answer from Rome to their petition which is still at Alexandria But at last comes their old friend and countreyman Agrippa to Rome with the old grudge in his bosome against Flaccus for his base usage of him at his last being there and hee promotes their cause to Caesar with the best excuses hee can make for them and with some bitter accusing of their enemie the Governour Sect. III. Flaccus his downfall Whether it were the prevalency of Agrippaes letters with the Emperor or the divine vengeance upon this unjust murderous governour or both or some other conjoyned Caius ere long sent Bassus a Centurion with his band into Alexandria to apprehend Faccus Hee stole in by night into the Citie lest his approach had it been detected should have bred commotion and meeting with a Souldier in the darke and inquiring for the chiefe Captaine that hee might acquaint him with the cause of his comming and obtaine his assistance with his Souldiers if there should bee any resistance hee was informed that Flaccus and hee were both at supper with Stephanio one of the freemen of Tiberius Thither hee getteth with all secrecy and scouting before the house hee sendeth in one of his Souldiers habited in the garbe of a Servingman that hee might the more safely thrust in among the servitors to see what store of company was there and when hee heard by him that it was but small hee bursteth in with his men and apprehendeth him I leave to the reader to imagine the contrary operation that this suddaine action had with Flaccus and with the Jewes It was now the time of the feast of Tabernacles with them but the feast was intermitted because of their common misery but now somewhat solaced by the event of this feast of Flaccus Hee is hurried away to Rome in the beginning of winter and there tried and condemned to perpetuall banishment in the I le of Andros where what became of him you shall heare the next yeere Sect. IIII. The Iewes of Alexandria still distressed Flaccus the Jewes enemie at Alexandria they are thus happily rid of but a worse if worse may bee springeth as it were out of his corruption at Rome Helicon a Servant of Tiberius whilst hee lived and now of Caius a fit man for such a master the more to ingratiate himselfe into the Princes favour yet had hee it already in no ordinary measure bendeth himselfe with the utmost of his Rhetorick and eloquence skill and flattery to traduce the people and religion of the Jewes and to make them odious and himselfe the more acceptable to the Emperour The envious Alexandrians having by their Ambassadours espied this advantage do spur him forward who needed no incitation with great presents and greater promises they urge him on to prosecute that malitious accusation that hee had begun which he performed accordingly with a renewed impetuousnesse added to his present spleene by his future expectation and present fee. The miserable Jewes thus betrayed lie under distresse and under the Emperours displeasure for a season and could not learne from whence it proceeded But at last they addresse a number of petitioners to Rome to make their peace with Helicon if possible and to make an humble remonstrance to the Emperour of their state and grievances and a petition for some remedy and redresse Their Legation and Ambassy they indeed presented not to the Prince till the next yeere yet since Philo saith that they tooke their voyage in the very depth and middle of winter it was not unproper to mention their preparation and setting forth this yeer and you shall heare of their businesse and the successe of it when the next yeer comes in THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN FOR The Yeare of Christ 41. And of Caius Caligula 4. Being the Yeare of the World 3968. And of the City of Rome 793. Consuls Caius Caesar III. solus London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. ACTS Chap. XI Vers. 9. Now they which were scattered abroad c. IN this fourth yeare of Caius and forty first of our Saviour wee conjecture these occurrences to have been in the Church namely Antiochs receiving the Gospel Barnabas his being sent from Ierusalem and preaching there to the conversion of many his going to Tarsus to hearken out Saul and his bringing him thither and there did they two spend a whole year in preaching which whole year may very probably bee concluded to have been the next yeare after this that wee have in hand or in the first of Claudius in which yeare Agaâ—us prophecyed of the great famine which was to come which befell in the second of Claudius as wee observed and proved before So that wee may hence take up the time of these Ministers dispersion and preaching up and downe which were scattered at the death of Stephen namely that they had been in this employment and travail for the space of six whole yeares or thereabouts And in this time they had gone over Iudea Samaria and Galilee and were now got out of the Land of Canaan into Phaenicia Cyprus and Syria and yet preached the Gospel to none but Jews onely Ver. 20. Men of Cyprus and Cyreno Men of these places by Originall but of Ierusalem on some other part of Canaan by education and residence as Simon Alexander and Rufus were Marke 15.21 and Barnabaâ— Acts 4.36 Sect. They spake unto the Grecians Gr. To the Hellenists This word is not opposed to the word Iewes in
had been no raine of a long time before and no sign at all of any rain instantly before this fell God as hee would have it seconding this their request with this wonder and using this argument for the moving of Petronius to back theirs Sect. III. Petronius his Letter to the Emperour The gentle Governour failed not of his promise nor of the trust the Jews had reposed in him but though it may breed his owne smart hee addresseth a message to the Emperour in their behalfe and useth the utmost of his perswasive skill and faculty in it Hee layeth before him that the prosecution of his commanded and intended enterprise would be the destruction of a whole Nation the losse of a faire and goodly Tribute and Revenue the impairing of the Roman strength and honour the prejudice of his Majesties journey into Alexandria which he intended ere long to take That they were already grown desperate and began to neglect their harvest and occasions whereby a certain famine would follow upon the Land and a disadvantage to the Countreys round about with other Arguments of the same nature sensible strong and perswasive had not the Emperour been wedded to his owne senselesse will and bewitched and led away with destructive counsell Two caitives hee had about him that continually suggested evill to him against the Jewes as if for either eare one Helicon an Egyptian mentioned before and Apelles an Ascalonite such another as hee These were ever adding spurres to his malice against that nation which was in its full carreare already and blowing those coales which it was impossible to quench Wretched men that they were that sought to reare their fortunes upon others ruines and to cement estates with others men blood Such instruments it pleased God to use for the scourging of that ungracious and condemned nation and having done the worke by them that he had appointed he cast these rods into the fire Apelles being tortured by Caius whom hee had indoctrinated to cruelty and Helicon slain by Claudius the Emperour that succeeded in Caius his room Sect. IV. Agrippa his mediation for the Iewes King Agrippa the Jewes old friend and Advocate is now at Rome and ready in affection as well as in place upon these heavy tydings to intercede for his people and to doe them good if it bee possible for any good to bee done Iosephus and Philo doe againe differ about the relation of this his undertaking of a mediation as they doe almost in every thing that they relate jointly in one circumstance or other Iosesephus saith that Agrippa hearing of this misery of his people invited Caius to a most sumptuous and extraordinary banquet using to his cost such a preparative to his fairer and better aggresse and accoasting the Tyrant upon a matter of so great import That Caius at the banqu◠offered him a boone whatsoever hee should desire expecting hee would desire some great Revenue but that Agrippa requested nothing but the liberty of his people in their Religion and the removall of that feare that now lay upon them by the 〈◊〉 preparing That Caius overcome by so honest and unexpected a petition condescended to his desire and was well 〈◊〉 and pacified till Petronius his Letter came to him after this and then was hee all of a fury and ragednesse againe But 〈◊〉 thus That the intelligence from Petronius was come to him before Agrippa began to mediate That Agrippa comming as at other times to attend the Emperour was so cast down and daunted at the terror of his lookes and thunder of his words against the Jewes that hee fell downe in a swoone in which hee lay till the next day Then hee addresseth a Letter to him in his peoples behalfe so powerfull and pithy that Caius betwixt anger and calmenesse betwixt commending Agrippa and being displeased with him at the last granteth it to Agrippa as a speciall boone that the dedication of his Image should not goe forward and to such a purpose hee writeth to Petronius but withall mingling mischiefe with this his mitigation hee giveth order that if any one would set up his Image or dedicate his statue in any towne or City of Iudea Ierusalem excepted it should not bee opposed but the opposer should be suddainly and severely punished A politicke and a deadly plot to involve the Nation in an insurrection and rebellion For the enemies of the Jewes would bee ready to bee erecting such offences not so much for the honour of Cesar as for spite of the Iewes and the Iewes would bee as ready to oppose them to the hazard of their lives because they abhorred Idols for themselves and not for the place and the tyrant would bee as ready as either to take this opportunity of their insurrection to entangle them in a destructive Warre But the time of their finall desolation was not yet come and so it pleased God that none of their enemies were active at this time in this kinde nor when he set a worke a Colosse to bee made for him in Rome intending from thence to convey it secretly into the Temple at Ierusalem it tooke effect according to his impious designe and desire but came to nothing and the intention quashed either by his death which fell out the beginning of the next yeare or by some other stop and hinderance Sect. V. Flaccus Avilius in banishment and his end The last yeare wee brought Flaccus to the Isle of Andros and now let us land him there When he came within kenne of Land hee burst out into teares and lamentation comparing that place in his pensive thoughts with Italy and Egypt and his deplorable condition of life upon which he was now to enter with the pompe and prosperity in which hee had lived in those two places of his education and Authority Being landed his pensivenesse increased the more by how much hee was now nearer to that misery which his thoughts presaged His demeanor in this his banishment if Philo have not set it forth with more Rhetoricke then truth was full of horrour and amazednesse avoiding the society of men running up and downe the woods tearing his haire tormenting himselfe and sometimes rising out of his sleepe at midnight and running abroad and hee would looke up towards Heaven and cry out in a lamentable note 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O King of Gods and men thou art not therefore carelesse of the Nation of the Iewes Thus did hee spin out a miserable life for certaine moneths till Caesar cut his woefull thred in two For the tyrant lying awake one night and could not sleepe among other thoughts that came into his mischievous minde hee considered how happily retired those men lived that were banished they wanting nothing and enjoying all things in enjoying themselves The cruell caitife from these thoughts of their estate began to envy it and accounting their banishment rather a pleasure then a punishment hee gave charge the next morning that they should all bee slaine
weeks they feast together honoring much the number seven Old women are present at their feasts but they are such as are virgins upon devotion When they first meet together they first stand and pray that the feast may bee blessed to them then sit they downe the men on one side and the women on the other some of their young Schollers waite on them their diet is but as at other times bread and salt for their meat hyssop for sauce and water for drinke there is generall silence all the meale save that one or other asketh or resolveth questions the rest holding their peace and they shew by their severall gestures that they understand or approve or doubt Their interpretations of Scripture are all allegories when the president hath satisfied the things proposed they give a generall applause and then hee singeth a Psalme either of his own making or of some of the ancients And thus doe the rest in their course when all have done the young men take away the table and then they rise and fall to a daunce the men apart and the women apart for a while but at last they joyne and dance all together and this is in representation of the dance upon the shore of the red Sea Thus spend they the night when Sunne riseth they all turne their faces that way and pray for a happy day and for truth and understanding and so they depart every one to their Cells To this purpose doth Philo describe these Therapeutae of his times which howsoever they are taken for Christians by divers as was said before yet is it so plaine by divers passages in Philoes Charactering of them that they were no Christians but Jewish sectaries that it is even needlesse to determinate it let the reader but consider that it is a Jew that commends their devotion that hee himselfe imitates their manner of expounding the Scriptures by allegories that hee saith they had many commentaries of their predecessors to that tenour that they were superstitious about the number seven as hee himself is not a little and if there were no other arguments to prove that they were onely a sect of the Jewes these were enow Sact. II. The affaires of the Iewes in Alexandria and Babylonia The death of Caius was an allay to the troubles of the Jewes both in Iudea and Alexandria and the proclamation of Claudius which wee shall heare of the next yeer was their utter cessation for the present but so it was not in Babylonia The terrour and trouble that had seized Iudea about the statue of Caesar was removed and extinct with the removall and extinction of Caesar himselfe so were the pressures of them in Alexandria mitigated much from what they were before though their commotions and troubling continued still in an equall measure For whereas before the displeasure of the Emperour lay so heavy upon them that they neither could nor durst stand out in their owne defence when that burden is now removed they gather heart and mettall and now though the Greeks and they be continually at daggers drawn yet now it is upon equall tearmes and they dare strike as well as the other But in Babylonia and thereabouts their miseries is but now a brewing and an equall strait is preparing for them as had been to either of the other though it began with some smiling of a seeming happinesse and the sun-shine of present prosperitie The bloodhound of vengeance was to hunt this nation and not to bee taken off till it was destroyed and therefore when it giveth off the quest in one place it takes it in another and leaveth not their footing till it had left them no footing at all Those Jewes whose Tragedy wee have seene acted already found their owne misery though they sought it not and how much more shall they that wee are now to bring upon the scene that sought and wooed it with their utmost paines Sect. I. The rebellion of some Iewes There were in Neaâ—daa the residence and Universitie of the Jewes in Babylona two brethren named Asinaeus and Anilaeus or in their proper language Chasinai and Chanilai These two their mother their father being dead had put to a trade and to a master for the making of sailes or other tackle for ships The sturdy youths having one day given their master some offence and hee them some blowes did take the matter in such high scorne and disdaine that they resolve not onely to overrun their master but indeed to run over all mastership whatsoever They therefore getting away all the Armes their masters house would afford betake themselves to a strong place in an Iland of Euphrates and there publish and proclaime their rebellious resolution Young men flocke in to them apace men of the same desperate minds and fortunes and after building some Castles in the ayre of future expectations they begin to build a Fort in the I le for their present securitie and rendevouz They then command the neighbour townes to pay them tribute which the numerousnesse and resolution of the Commanders made them that they durst not disobey The governour of Babylonia thinking to quell this growing evill before it should bee too strong commeth secretly upon them on the Sabbath day thinking to involve them in their owne superstition into the trap that hee had prepared for them But the furious youths were not so over-religious as to bee kild in devotion nor did they prize the Sabbath above their owne lives but for all it was that day they are resolved to fight and they fight resolvedly and kill and rout and foile the forces that made no other account but of victory Artabanus King of Parthia hearing of the power of this newborne army and the resolution of those upstart Captaines and considering how advantagious it might bee for his owne affaires to have them sure and firme unto himselfe hee sendeth for the two brethren with assurance of their safetie whereupon they come to him and are royally and bravely intertained by him and when Abdagasis the Generall of his army would have slaine Asinaeus treacherously the King forbad him sent Asinaeus home with rich gifts and the government of Babylonia committed to him There hee grew greater and greater in power and honour and stood in high repute both with the Babylonians and the Parthians and had all Mesopotamia at his command And thus continued these brethren in pompe and height for 15. yeers together till a miscarriage of Anilaeus began to cloud and eclipse their prosperitie For Anilaeus having slaine a Parthian Peere that he might enjoy his Lady and shee when shee was now his wife using her ancient idolatry as in her first husbands dayes this became a double offence to his chiefest friends namely for that hee had married an heathen and for that shee continued still in her Idolatry They seriously admonish Anilaeus of the matter but hee slew one of the chiefest of them for his home-reproofe and admonition Therefore the rest
seeke to lay hold upon certaine of the Church to light upon Iames and to kill him and then to apprehend and Imprison Peter and all this betwixt Claudius his entry of his Consulship in January and Easter is a thing so incredible especially to him that considereth how slowly great bodies move as Kings and Emperours in their actions as that it seemeth next impossible For it cannot bee imagined that this decree for the Jews was the first thing that Claudius did after hee was made Consull or that hee fell upon that worke in the very beginning of Ianuary for matters of the City and of Italy one would think should take up the first thoughts of the Consuls when they entred into that Office and not of Ierusalem and Alexandria so many hundred of miles distant and matters of the Romans themselves and not of the Jewes a despised Nation But grant that on the very first day hee set pen to paper for that decree on the second disperst it and on the third dismissed Agrippa yet must so great a Prince have some preparation for so great a journey hee must have some time to part with so great acquaintance it was strange if hee waited not some time for a convenient wind and hee must take up some reasonable time after hee is shipped before hee land in Iudea After his landing some time was required for such a King in his owne Kingdome to prepare for his journey by Land to Ierusalem some for his setling there some for his Sacrifices and performance of the Rites of the Law mentioned and all these before the apprehension of Iames and that no man knowes how long before Easter Let indifferency judge whether all these things were possible to bee done in that space of time and then let it censure of the matter in hand To the eviction of this opinion that Peter went to Rome and there began his Episcopacy the second yeare of Claudius Romanists themselves may bee produced that doe gainsay it as Salmeron on the twelfth of the Acts who holds that hee went thither in Claudius his fourth and hee produceth Comestor Nuaclerus and Petrus de natalibus of the same opinion with him So likewise Simeon the Metaphrast though hee bring Peter from Ierusalem this yeare for feare of Herod and lead him through many places ordaining Churches and making Bishops yet in conclusion hee mentioneth not one word of Rome but bringeth him to Ierusalem again at Passeover next Hereupon Surius or at least his Marginist Baronius are ready to give him the lie and though they both alledge him and applaud him while he serveth their own humour yet here they fly in his face and tell him he is beside the cushion because hee is beside their opinion and saith not what they would have him say Upon consideration of what hath been said before we have put over the death of Iames to the yeare next following as not seeing it possible to have fallen out this yeare before Easter all circumstances being well considered and accordingly have we referred thither as the order requireth the imprisonment of Peter and his fleeing for his life or retiring for some other cause which the Romanists will have to have bin to Rome and there will we take it into some examination again Part III. The Roman History THE Moores rebelling are beaten by Suetonius Paulinus and after him by Câ— Sidius Geta who following them farre into the Sands fell into an extreame want of water for his Army But by the wicked advice and furtherance of a renegado Moore he obtaineth an extraordinary great raine by Magick to the sufficient refreshing of his Army and to the terror and subduing of the enemy And now did Claudius divide Mauritania into Tingitana and Caesariensis Claudius is exceedingly delighted with and given to the cruelty of the Sword-playes in which hee swept away a world of Servants and Freemen that had been accusers of their Masters in the time of Caius And which was most ridiculous he caused the statue of Augustus to bee removed out of the place because it should not behold such bloody work being inhumanely himself delighted in that butchery which hee thought too barbarous for a brâ—zen statue to look upon These bloody spectacles brought him to an habit of cruelty which was augmented and hardened in him by the damnable counsels of his Empresse Messalina a woman wicked above parallel or expression and by the spurrings on of other sycophants C. Appius Silanus is put to death because he refused to incestuate Messalina when she desired him for he had married her mother but because Claudius must not heare of this beastly cause of her displeasure Narcissus a freeman of the Emperour accused him for this that in a dreame hee had seen Appius slay the Emperour Upon his death the people began to expect no more goodnesse from Claudius at all but gave him up for a Tyrant like the two that had gone before him whereupon Annius Vinâ—ianus and Futius Camillus Scribonianus and â—thers conspired against him but being deserted of their souldiers in the enterprize they are glad to end their lives by their owne hands that they might escape the executioners Messalinae and Narcissus and others of their faction using the stupid folly of the Emperour to the compassing of their owne wills involve in false accusations and in miserable deaths an infinite multitude of men and women honourable and inferiour of all qualities and conditions according as the spleene of any of them moved or was provoked Among them that thus perished Arria the wife of Caecinna is upon record for her Roman valour for when her husband trembled and was afraid to slay himself she tooke the sword out of his hand and fell upon it and gave it him againe reeking with her blood with these words Behold boy how I feel no pain And now saith my Author were matters come to such a passe that nothing was reputed a greater vertue then to die valiantly and like a Roman To such a cruelty had custome and evill counsell brought him that of himselfe was of a reasonable gentle nature but wanted constancy and discretion to manage it THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE JEWISH and the ROMAN OF The Yeare of Christ 44. And of the Emperour Claudius 3. Being the Yeare of the World 3971. And of the City of Rome 796. Consuls Claudius Caesar III. L. Vitellius London Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke 1645. ACTS Chap. XII Vers. 2. And he killed Iames. Sect. I. The martyrdome of Iames the great WEE are now come to the time of Great James his death For Agrippa comming the last yeare into Iudea as we saw from Iosephus and it not being probable that hee should doe this exploit before Easter as the circumstances told us wee may justly take this yeare for its proper time and place Now about that time saith St. Luke Herod the King the Syriack addeth who is called Agrippa stretched forth his hands to vexe
Rhoda upon his knocking and speech averred constantly it was Peter the whole company there assembled conclude that it was his Angel Here is some ambiguitie about their thus concluding Some understand it of his tutelar Angel and from hence would strongly plead the opinion that every man hath his proper and allotted Angell to attend him But first wee sometimes read of one Angel attending many men Secondly sometimes of many Angels attending one man But thirdly if the matter may bee agitated by reason if a singular Angell bee destined to the attendance of every singular man what doth that Angell doe till his man bee borne especially what did all the Angels but Adams and Eves and a few more for many hundreds of yeers till the world was full Others therefore understand it of a messenger which the Disciples supposed Peter had sent to them upon some errand But this opinion is easily confuted by Rhoda's owning of Peters voyce There is yet a third opinion as much unwarrantable as either of these That the Disciples concluded that an Angell by this knocking and voyce came to give them notice of Peters death to bee neer at hand and that therefore they call him his Angell and that it was sometimes so used that one Saint should know of anothers death by such revelations The Jewes indeed in their writings make frequent mention of Samael the Angell of death but they call him so for inflicting it and not for foretelling it And wee have some examples indeed in the Ecclesiasticall history of one man knowing of anothers death by such revelations and apparitions as these but because those stories are very dubitable in themselves and that the Scripture is utterly without any such precedent this interpretation is but utterly groundlesse and unwarrantable The most proper and most easie meaning therefore of those words of the Disciples It is his Angel seemeth to bee that they tooke it for some Angell that had assumed Peters shape or stood at the gate in his resemblance Vers. 17. Hee departed and went to another place The place whither hee went is not to bee knowne because not revealed by Scripture As for his going to Rome which is the glosse that Papists see upon this place it is a thing senselesse and ridiculous as was touched before and might bee shewed at large were it worth the labour I should as soone nominate Antioch for the place whither hee went at this time as any other place at a far distance For I cannot imagine any time when hee and Paul should meet at Antioch and Paul reprove him Gal. 2.11 so likely as this time for it is most probable that Peter being put to flee for his life would get out of the territories of Herod for his safetie now there was no place more likely for his safetie then in Antioch where not onely the distance of place might preserve him but the new borne Church would seeke to secure him Vers. 21. And upon a day Herod arraied in royall apparell The acts of this Herod Agrippa after his comming from Rome to Ierusalem and the manner of his death are largely described by Iosephus and therefore wee will trace them in him in our Jewish Story PART II. The Roman Story Sect. I. Some Acts of Claudius this yeer THe Roman yeer was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy dayes even as it is at this day to the great hinderance of the people in their imployments and occasions therefore Claudius being now Consull abrogated abundance of these dayes and solemnities and contracted those that hee let remaine into as narrow compasse as was possible Many things that Caius had foolishly given away hee remanded and many againe that hee had wickedly wronged hee repaired Hee brought Lycia under servitude because in a tumult they had slaine some Romans and hee joyned it to Pamphylia and disfranchised a Lyciam Ambassadour that came to treat about the businesse because hee could not speake Latine saying that it was not fit that hee should bee a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue and many others hee disfranchased for other causes yet on the contrary was hee most lavish he Messallina and his and her favorites in conferring the Roman freedome and other offices for money insomuch that hee was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius Hee exhibited some sword playes this yeer in the Campe. Sect. II. The abominable whoredomes and actions of Messallina the Empresse Shee lived in continuall lust and uncleannesse and was not content to doe so her selfe but shee forced divers other women to the same course Nay shee caused some women to commit adultery even in the very sight of their owne husbands And those that consented to her villany shee honored and rewarded and those that did not shee hated and sought to destroy These her detestable carriages shee kept long unknown from Claudius providing him lasses for his bed while shee tooke whom shee thought good to hers and killing and taking out of the way whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius So slew shee Catonius Iustus to prevent his telling of tales and the two Iulia's upon other occasions A Roman Knight was also this yeere executed as for some conspiracy against the Emperour Sect. III. An expedition into England This yeer did Aulus Plautius with much adoe lead an Army into Britaine For one Bericus who had been expelled thence for sedition had perswaded Claudius to send an Army over But hardly would the Souldiers bee gotten out of Gaul over thither they being incensed and taking it ill that they should goe fight even out of the world Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army made a speech to them which exasperated them the more in so much that they made the outcry of Io Saturnalia or All masters and were ready to make head but at last they willingly followed Plautius Hee parted his army into three parts because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place they might land in another They had some trouble in their passage through crosse winds but they tooke heart and bare it out and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the east toward the west even that way that they were to goe they entred the Iland without opposition for the Britains suspected not their comming but when they were now entred and they not ready to withstand them they ran into the woods and bogs hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them and so to cause them to returne without doing any more It cost Plautius a great deale of toile accordingly to find them out which at last hee did and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus who himselfe was but lately dead These fleeing hee tooke into homage part of the Boduni who were subject to the Catuellani for the Britains were now subject to divers Kings Hee leaving a Garrison theâ—e
marched on till hee came to a river which the Britains thought hee could not have passed without a bridge and therefore they incamped carelessely on the other side But Plautius sent over some Germane Souldiers who were accustomed to swim over Rivers and they suddenly assault the enemy but wounded not the men but onely their horses that should have drawne their Chariots and so spoyled and undid the Riders Then sent hee over Flavius Vespasian who was afterwards Emperour and Sabinus his brother who passing the River slew many of the enemies on a suddaine yet did not the rest flee but gave battell the next day and the fortune of the fight was doubtfull till C. Sidius Geta being in danger to bee taken did so stoutly behave himselfe that hee got the victory and triumphall honours though hee were not Consull Then did the Britaines betake themselves to the Thames towards the place where it falls into the Sea and flowes high and they easily get over knowing the convenientest places but the Romans following them were in danger when the Germanes had againe swum the River and others had passed at a bridge above they fell upon the Britains on all parts and made a great slaughter but in pursuit of them they fell into some marishes and so lost many of their men Upon this mishap and because the Britains were exceedingly exasperated for the death of Togodumnus and made still greater preparations for warre Plautius proceeded no further but garrisoning those places that hee had gotten hee sends for Claudius for so hee had been commanded to doe if he came to a pinch Claudius receiving the tidings prepares for the expedition and among many other things bring divers Elephants along with him and comming to his army at the Thames and passing the River hee fights a pitcht battle and obtaines the victory and takes in Camalodunum the chiefe Citie of Cynobellinus disarmes the Britaines leaves them that were conquered to be governed and the rest to bee conquered by Plautius and so goes for Rome where the Senate gives him the title of Britannicus appoints triumphs and Statues for him and honourâ— for Messallina Sect. III. A Whorish tricke of Messallina Little did shee deserve either honour or respect but feare and flattery regard not desert Among her various and continuall adulteries shee cast her eyes of lust upon one Mnester an Actor or Player a man that had been very intimate with Caius and never the better to bee thought of for that This man she sollicites to her bed with words promises gifts but prevailes not with him not for any honesty that was in the man but for feare of the displeasure of Claudius When the shamelesse strumpet could not prevaile with all her sollicitations shee goeth to Claudius and desires him to command Mnester to doe what shee would have him which Claudius did not knowing what he commanded And then did Mnester adulterate the Empresse so freely from feare of Claudius that he thought it had been the Emperours expresse mind hee should so doe And by divers other men did Messallina practise the very same project And to that impudency did shee grow in her whoredome with this Mnester that when the Senate had commanded that all the brasse coine that bare Caius his Image should be melted and this in detestation of Caius shee caused pictures of Mnester to be made of it Part III. The Jewish Story Sect. I. Agippa his actions at Ierusalem after his returne from Rome Agrippa returned the last yeere to Ierusalem where as wee observed and saw before hee performed much ceremoniousnesse and changed the High priest slew Iames and imprisoned Peter Besides these things hee remitted a tribute to the men of Ierusalem for their kindnesse in entertaining of him he obtained the letters of Petronius to the men of Dor for the removall of Caesars statue which some seditious men had set up in their Synagogue Hee removed Cantharas from the high-priesthood againe and placed Matthias in his stead Hee imprisoned Silas the master of his horse for his free discourse concerning his service done to him in the time of his calamity and poverty but on his birth day festivall hee inlarged him againe where he continuing still in the same freedome of speech he imprisoned him againe He began to fortifie Ierusalem and to make it exceeding strong but Marsus the present governour of Syria in stead of Petronius got letters from Claudius to stop his worke as suspitious towards innovation Hee was exceedingly observant of his Countries Lawes and much care and cost hee bestowed on sacrifices yet was he challenged by one Simon that tooke on him to bee a teacher for an unholy man and one unfit to come into the Temple which Simon hee sent for to Caesarea where hee questioned with him about the words and disswaded him without punishment but with a reward Hee built sumptuous things in Berytus as a Theater Amphitheater baths porches and such like magnificences and set 700. and 700. condemned men to fight togâ—ther for pastime and so destroyed them From thence hee went to Tibâ—rius of Galilee whither divers Kings came to him to visit And so did Marsus also the Governour of Syria but hee seeing so many Kings together with him for they were five hee suspected the matter as tending to innovation and therefore hee commanded them home Herod after this went downe to Caesarea and there hee made sports and showes in honour of Caesar and on the second day being most gorgeously apparelled and the Sunne shining very bright upon his bright cloathing his flatterers saluted him for a god and cried out to him Bee mercifull unto us hitherto have wee feared thee as a man hiâ— henceforward wee will acknowledge thee to bee of a nature more excellent then mortall frailâ—ie can attaine unto The wretched King reproved not this abominable flattery but did digest it And not long after hee espied his Owle which the Germane had foretold to bee the Omen of his death And suddainly hee was seized with miserable gripings in his belly which came upon him with vehement extremity whereupon turning himselfe towards his friends Lo saith he he whom yee esteeme for a God is doomed to die and destiny shall evidently confute you in those flattering false speeches which you lately used concerning mee For I who have been adored by you as one immortall am now under the hands of death And so his griefes and torments increasing his death drew on a pace whereupon hee was removed into the palace and all the people put on sackcloth and lay on the ground praying for him which hee beholding could not refraine from teares And so after five dayes hee gave up the Ghost being now 54. yeers old and having raigned 7. yeers 4. yeers in the time of Caius and 3. under Claudius He left a son behind him of 17. yeers old named also Agrippa and three daughters Bernice Mariamme and Drusilla Before his death was