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A61579 Origines Britannicæ, or, The antiquities of the British churches with a preface concerning some pretended antiquities relating to Britain : in vindication of the Bishop of St. Asaph / by Ed. Stillingfleet ... Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. 1685 (1685) Wing S5615; ESTC R20016 367,487 459

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himself without the assistance of his Disciples Coelestius and Annianus But why should this be so hard a thing for a Man whom he confesses to have had a great deal of Natural Wit and St. Augustine saith He lived long yea very long in Rome and kept the best Company there Could a Britain never attain to so much Purity of the Roman Language as to write an Epistle to the Envy of those meliore solo prognatorum as he speaks who were born in more happy soils What mean such unbecoming reflexions on the Countrey of Pelagius when himself confesses he had so much Mother Wit And one would think of the two that is the better soil which produceth more Wit than Words Our Monkish Historians make Pelagius not onely a Monk at Bangor but the Abbat there So the Authour of the Polychronicon and John of Tinmouth Leland takes it from them To whom Bale adds That he was made Bishop in the East But without any Authority Leland saith That he went over into Aremorica to visit his Countreymen who were newly settled there being carried over by Maximus Gildas seems to imply That Maximus was originally a Britain when he calls him Germen plantationis suae But Bede takes no notice at all of his Countrey The Saxon Annals Fabius Ethelwerd Huntingdon and others say he was born in Britain But Zosimus affirms That he was a Spaniard and took it ill that he was no more prefer'd when his Countreyman Theodosius was made Emperour However this were it is certain that he was declared Emperour in Britain and that he went out of Britain with the Forces here And that Gratian's Legions revolted to him upon which he fled and was killed And that Maximus being unsatisfied with Gratian's share of the Empire went into Italy against Valentinian and was after four years destroyed at Aquileia But in all the Proceedings of Maximus I see no ground for the settling the Colonies of Britains in Aremorica For he landed at the Mouth of the Rhine saith Zosimus and was well received by the Roman Legions there abouts What occasion then was there for his coming against the Aremorici Or if he had driven them out had he nothing to doe with his Souldiers but to people Countries with them But we find the Aremorici in quiet possession of their Countrey after this time So that we see no reason at all for Pelagius to go to his Countreymen in Aremorica From thence Leland carries him to all the Places of Learning in Gaul As there were many at that time And while he was thus passing up and down he met with Julianus of Campania whose Wit and Learning recommended him to Pelagius But this cannot hold For Pelagius lived a long time in Rome before his Heresie was discovered After the Discovery of it many years passed before Julian appeared in it And in the last Work of St. Augustine just before his death He calls Julian a young man Although he had been a Bishop in Campania at a Place called Aeculanum thence his Title was Episcopus Eclanensis The Town stood faith Holstenius near Mirabella But since its Destruction the See was removed to Frigento and the Bishop called Episcopus Frequentinus If Pelagius passing through Gaul made so long a Stay in Rome as St. Augustine saith before he was suspected of Heresie there is no probability at all in the Monkish Tradition of his being Abbat of Bangor And there is not much more of Bangor's being so famous a Monastery at that time or of Pelagius his being a Monk therein For the British Monasteries were no elder than St. Patrick's time as I may have occasion to shew afterwards And even at Rome it self the Monastick state had not been long known there being brought out of the East by Athanasius and Eusebius of Vercelles And in Pelagius his time those were called Monks at Rome who had no Office in the Church but yet retired from the common Emploiments of the World for Sacred Studies and Devotion and where any Number of these lived together that was called a Monastery Such was the Monasterium Pinneti mention'd by Ruffinus not far from Rome Probably a House of Melania whither they were wont to retire in times of greater Devotion Garnerius confesses that Pelagius was no otherwise a Monk than as those were then called so who led stricter Lives than others within their own Houses of which Number he reckons Pammachius Paulinus Melania Demetrias and others at that time to whom Pelagius was well known and much esteemed by them before his Heresie was discover'd The chief Emploiment of these Persons next to their Devotions was the Study of the Scriptures as appears by St. Jerome's Epistles And some grave Person made it his business to instruct his Disciples therein So St. Jerome did at Bethlehem So Ruffinus did Pammachius Melania and her Family And so Pelagius did at Rome where he had Scholars whom he brought up as appears both by Coelestius and Julianus whom he instructed very young and by Timasius and Jacobus From this Emploiment it was that he wrote his short Commentaries on St. Paul's Epistles and his Epistles to Melania and Demetrias But after he was accused of Heresie his time was spent in Vindication of himself in Africa Asia and Rome and after many Bandyings to and fro from want of understanding the meaning of Pelagius he was besides the Councils in Africa at last condemned in a Council at Antioch under Theodotus as Marius Mercator shews And from thence forward he spent the Remainder of his Life in Obscurity dying somewhere in the East From whence it appears that there is no probability that Pelagius and Coelestius should come back to Britain to spread their Heresie here For he complain'd of his Age when he set forth his Commentaries at Rome about Anno Domini 404. And he was certainly in the East at the Council of Diospolis Anno Domini 415. from whence he sent Coelestius to Rome but abode there himself with Albina Pinianus and Melania And wrote Letters to clear himself first to Innocentius and then to Zosimus who was so well satisfied therewith that he wrote a sharp Letter to the African Bishops who had condemned him in his Vindication severely taxing his Accusers Although there were Heresie in that Confession which Coelestius tendred to Zosimus and which he esteemed Orthodox And St. Augustine is fain to make use of all his Wit to bring the Pope off from approving of Heresie Henr. de Noris confesseth that he was circumvented by the Pelagians But it was in a matter of Fact saith Jansenius What when he denied Original Sin in that very Paper he delivered in to Zosimus Cappellus thinks it better to deny Zosimus his Letter but therein he is condemned by Petavius and others who have lately written about this matter and say that Cappellus his Opinion is singular and false being contradicted by the Testimonies of Marius Mercator
first settling of the Scots in Britain to be that under Reuda But he mentions their Annals for Fergus the Son of Ferchard before Reuda and Rether and Ryddesdale as it is in Fordon But he makes the Kingdoms of the Picts Scots and Britains to be distinct in Caesar's time And that they all joined against him And so relates Fordon's Story to the time of Fergus II. But between the two Fergusses he makes but 15 Kings and 700 Years Hector Boethius before he begins the Tradition of Gathelus very ingenuously confesses that their Nation follow'd the Custome of other Nations therein making themselves the Offspring of the Greeks and Egyptians And so he tells all the Story from Gathelus as Fordon has done onely here and there making Additions and Embellishments of his own As when he derives the Brigantes from Brigantia in Spain When he sets down the Deliberation about the Form of Government upon Fergus his coming to Scotland And the Speeches of Fergus and the King of the Picts The Death of Coilus King of the Britains The entring the fundamental Contract of the Scots with the Posterity of Fergus in Marble Tables in the way of Hieroglyphicks The Agrarian Law and Partition made by Seven and the Division of the Tribes The bringing the Silures Ordovices Camelodunum as well as the Brigantes within the Compass of Scotland These are the proper Inventions of Hector unless he had them from his Spaniard Veremundus which no one could tell but himself Thence Leland and Lluyd charge him with innumerable Falshoods Dempster confesses that Buchanan frequently chastises him But he would have it rather on the Account of Religion than Learning But it is plain that he owns his Mistakes and Vanity onely he charges Lluyd with as great on behalf of the Britains In the Second Book Hector inlarges more For Fordon passeth on from Fergus to Rether or Bede's Reuda having nothing to say But Hector acquaints us with the Contest about the Regency upon Fergus his Death and the Law then made concerning it the attempt of Resignation of Feritharis to Ferlegus the Son of Fergus and his Imprisonment upon it The Death of Feritharis after fifteen years Reign The Flight of Ferlegus into Britain with the Choice of Main his younger Brother to be King His good Government and Annual Progress for Justice through all Places of his Dominions His appointing Circles of great Stones for Temples and one in the middle for the Altar And the Monthly Worship of the New Moon And several Egyptian Sacrifices which one would have thought had been more proper for Gathelus himself with the Succession of his Son Dornadil his making the Laws of Hunting which were still observed there And of his Brother Nothatus his Son Reuther being an Infant Who came in by the Law of Regency saith Hector By the Power of the People saith Buchanan but in truth by neither For all this Succession seems to have been the product of Hector's fruitfull Invention which Buchanan follows without Authority as he doth in all the rest of the Succession of that Race of Kings from Reuther to Fergus II. To make way for Bede's Account of Reuda's coming into those Parts of Britain This Reuther is forced back into Ireland from whence he is said to return with new Supplies after twelve years From whom the Scots were then called Dalreudini But this return of Reuther Hector places in the year before Christ 204. And after him Reutha his Kinsman In whose time Hector relates an Embassy from Ptolemy Philadelphus to him And the Account of Scotland which he began in a large Volume for his satisfaction which was after finished by Ptolemy the Cosmographer This Buchanan had the Wit to leave out and even Dempster himself though he mentions him for a Writer of their History and so he doth the Voyage of the two Spanish Philosophers in the time of Josina and their Preaching against the Egyptian Worship in Scotland but Lesly hath it And if Buchanan had believed it he would have set it down as well as Josina's bringing Physick and Chirurgery into so much request That there was not a Noble Man that could not practise the latter And yet Hector declares immediately after the Story of the Philosophers that hitherto he had followed Veremundus John Campbell and Cornelius Hibernitus the most approved Authours of their History It would have been some satisfaction to the World if any other Person had seen these Authours besides Fordon never mentions them And yet he used great diligence to search their Antiquities And if Dempster may be believed had the Sight of their most ancient MSS. Buchanan passes them over Dempster names them on the authority of Hector What became of these great Authours afte● Hector's time Did he destroy them as some say Polydore Virgil did some of ours after he had used them But this were Madness to quote their Authority and destroy the Authours For these were his Vouchers which ought most carefully to have been preserved And in truth Hector himself gives no very consistent Account of his Authours For in his Epistle to James 5. he mentions Veremundus Archdeacon of St. Andrew's who deduced the Scotish History from the Original to Malcolm III. And Turgott Bishop of St. Andrew's and John Campbell which were brought from the Island Iona To whom he adds an Anonymous Authour and the imperfect History of William Elphinston Bishop of Aberdeen But saith he if any ask such a material Question How came these Authours to be seen no where else He answers That Edw. I. destroy'd all their Monuments of Antiquity So that had not those been preserved in the Island Iona with the Chest of Books which Fergus II. brought from the sacking of Rome in the time of Alaric They had been able to give no account of their Antiquities From whence it is evident that Hector never saw or heard of any ancient Authours of their History but such as were conveyed to him from the Island Iona. But in his Seventh Book where he gives a more particular account of those Books which were brought to him from thence he onely mentions some broken Fragments of Latin Authours But whose they were where Written whence they came he knew not And as to their own Histories he names indeed Veremundus and Elphinston and no more The latter he said before was imperfect and lately done So that the whole Credit of Hector's Antiquities rests entirely upon Veremundus For here he never takes notice of Campbell or Cornelius Hibernicus But he saith Edw. I. had destroy'd all their Antiquities but such as were preserved in the Island Iona or Hy. And is this now a good Foundation to build a History upon For is it not very strange that no one Copy of Veremundus should be heard of since that time When there were several of Fordon not onely there but in our Libraries some with the Inlargements and some without But if our King