AN ABRIDGMENT OF Sir Walter Raleigh's HISTORY of the WORLD In Five BOOKS 1. From the Creation to Abraham 2. From Abraham to the Destruction of the Temple of Solomon 3. From the Destruction of Ierusalem to Philip of Macedon 4. From Philip of Macedon to the Race of Antigonus 5. From the Establishment of Alexander until the Conquest of Asia and Macedon by the Romans Wherein the particular Chapters and Paragraphs are suâ—cinctly Abridg'd according to his own Method in the larger Volume To which is Added His Premonition to Princes LONDON Printed for Matthew Gellisflower at the Black Spread Eagle in Westminister-Hall 1698. Times Witness Herald of Antiquity The Light of Truth Life of Memory London Printed for Mat Gillyflower at the Spread Eagle in Westminster Hall THE PUBLISHER's Advertisement TO THE READER I Need not give any Account of the Excellency of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World of which this is an Abridgment The great Knowledge and Learning the accurate Skill and Penetration the sublime Wisdom and Piety together with the curious Remarks and Observations which so signally appear in that History have sufficiently recommended it to the Judicious part of the World Yet notwithstanding these Excellencies Sir Walter has not been without some considerable Imperfections in respect to History which he has shewn in his too frequent and long Digressions and Observations and tho' several of them are very fine and Ingenious yet too many of them are wholly Foreign to his Subject But his Moral and Religious Reflections tho sometimes long are generally too Excellent to need a Vindication The abovâ—-mention'd Faults of this Great Man which were the general Faults of the Age in which he liv'd have made many Curious Persons wish for an Epitomy of that large Volume wherein his Excellencies might in a great measure be retain'd and his Errors be wholly expung'd This was attempted near Fifty Years since by Alexander Ross but with small Skill and Success for he has injudiciously fill'd his Epitomy with the most trifling and trashy parts of the Original and omitted too much of what was most material and substantial For which Reason I have ventur'd to Publish this Abridgment of which I shall give the Reader this Brief Account Above a Year and an half since it was given me by an Ingenious and Judicious Friend who knew nothing of the Author but finding it to be done with singular Care and Judgment he desir'd me to View it and Publish it Upon Examination I found my Friend's Character to be rather short of the Author's Deserts both as to his Skill and Accuracy in Extracting the Essence of the Original so that I could do no less than expose so choice a Piece to the view of the Publick All that I have done besides the Expunging and shortning some Passages is the Correcting and Altering of the Style which in most places was too obsolete But in that I have still preserv'd its first Resemblance to the Original which was almost as remarkable for the Style as the Matter so that the Reader is not to expect all the Purity of a New Written History for that would have been too unlike Sir Walter Besides the Reader may here find an Excellent Abridgment of Sir Walter 's Preface which is a most sublime Piece of Morality and Divinity and a most Noble Lesson and Instruction to all Princes and great Persons being by many esteem'd of more Worth than all his History besides Laurence Echard Louth in Lincolnshire Octob. 25. 1697. Sir Walter Raleigh's Premonition to PRINCES MY own weak Reason convinc'd me how unfit a choice I made of my Self to undertake a Work of this mixture For had it been generated in my younger Years before any Wound received either by Fortune or Time yet I might well have feared that the Darkness of Age and Death would have covered both me and it long before its performance It had better suited with my Disability to have confined my Discourse within our renowned Island of Britain and to have set together the disjointed Frame of our English Affairs than in the Evening of a Tempestuous Life thus to begin with an History of the World from the Creation But the deep piercing Wounds which while uncured are ever aking with the desire to satisfy those few Friends tryed by the Fire of Adversity the former inforcing the latter persuading have caused me to make my Thoughts legible and my self the Subject of every Man's Opinion wise or weak To the World I present them to which I am nothing indebted neither have others that succeeded me sped much better in the change of Fortune Prosperity and Adversity ever tying and untying vulgar Affections And as Dogs bark at those they know not and accompany one another in their Clamours so is it with the unthinking Multitude which led by uncertain Reports condemn without hearing and wound without Offence given contrary to the Counsel of Syracides Against this vanity of Vulgar Opinion Seneca giveth a good Rule Let us satisfie our own Consciences and not trouble our selves about the Censures of others be it never so ill as long as we deserve well Touching my self if in any thing I have preferred the service of my Country the general acceptation can yield me now no other profit than a fair Day does after Ship-wrack and the contrary no other harm than as a Tempest in the Port. I know I lost the love of many for my Fidelity to Her whom I must still honour in the Dust though farther than the defence of her excellent Person I never persecuted any To labour other satisfaction were the effects of Frenzy not of Hope seeing it is Truth not Opinion which can travel the World without a Passport Equity alone might persuade if there were not as many Forms of the Mind as there are external Figures of Men and that as every Man hath received a several Picture as to Face so hath he a diverse Picture as to Mind Every one a Form by himself every one a Fancy and Cogitation differing there being nothing in which Nature so much triumpheth as in Dissimilitude From hence it cometh that there is found so great a diversity of Opinions so strong a contrariety of Inclinations so many natural and unnatural natural wise and foolish manly and childish Affections and Passions in mortal Men. For it is not the visible fashion or shape of Plants or reasonable Creatures that makes the difference of working in the one or of Condition in the other but the internal Form And though God has reserved the reading of mens Thoughts to himself yet as the Fruit tells the name of the Tree so do the outward Works of men so far as their Cogitations are acted give us a Light to guess at the rest Nay it were not hard to express the one by the other very near the Life did not the Craft of many Fear in most and the Worlds Love in all teach every Capacity according to
strange God's as Terah himself Ios. 24. Yet after Abraham's being called their willing departure with him from their Country and ordinary reverend Speeches of Iehova prove they were no Infidels and without Faith Gen. 24.31 50. I dare not therefore pronounce them out of the Church who I am sure were in the Faith § 6. Abraham's being first named proveth him not the Eldest § If in Scripture it appear not that God made especial choice of the First-born as it is in Seth Isaac Iacob Iuda David c. the being first named can prove no Birth-right Shem is first named among the Sons of Noah whereof said Augustine Order of Nativity is not here respected but signification of future Dignities in Gen. 25. And he rather judged Abraham the Youngest of the Three Piety saith he or rather Divine Election which draweth with it Piety and the Fear of God gave precedence to Shem among the Sons of Noah and to Abraham among the Sons of Terah Again Moses testifies Abraham was 75 Years old when he left Charran Stephen saith it was after Terah's death at 83 he rescued Lot at 86 Ismael was born and Isaac at 100 and all in Canaan But if he begat Abraham at 70 Abraham must be 135 Years old when he entred Canaan c. Moreover by this Accompt Isaac must be 35 years Old and Ismael 49. at Terah's death and Born in Mesopotamia contrary to Scripture Thirdly by this reckoning Terah should be but 145 Years Old at his Death when Abraham was 75. Fourthly Sarah being within Ten Years of Abraham her Unkle Haran her Father being his younger Brother must beget her at Nine Years Old which Reason Lyra useth The like Reason is taken from the Age of Lot the Son of Haran called an Old Man at Abrahams's Eighty third year § 7. The Conclusion noting the Authors on both sides § It agreeth with Scripture Nature Time and Reason that Haran was Terah's Eldest Son Augustin was herein uncertain and what he saith in his City of God lib. 16.15 is answered in his 52d Question on Gen. And as he follow'd Iosephus so Isidore and Beda follow him The Hebrews and generally the Romanists following the first Opinion allow but 292 Years from the Flood to Abraham But Theodoret and divers later Beroald Codornan Beucer Calvin Beza Iunius c. hold Abraham begotten in the 130 th Year of Terah Scaliger Seth Calvisius c. to the contrary call it Heresy in Chronology Bucholcreus Chitreus Functius and others follow them yet Torniellus in his Annals confutes them But if we advisedly consider the state of the World in Abraham's days we shall rather increase the time from the Flood to Abraham as the Septuagint did to 1072 than shorten it to 292 For such paring of Time to the quick draws the Blood of the Story if Scripture's Testimony were not supreme Seeing then we know the World was so peopled and Kingdoms so furnished with Cities of State and Strength more time is required for it than many imagine c. § 8. The Assyrians Times order'd by Abraham 's History § Thus Abraham's Birth being 352 Years after the Flood and so the 2009 th Year of the World bringeth Ninus's 43 to the same date of the 352 Years we must consider what probably was spent before the coming to Shinar admitting Chus were born the Year after the Flood His youngest Son Nimrod Founder of the Empire born after Dedan Son of Raamah the fourth Son of Chus could not according to the ordinary course of those Times be esteemed Born 'till 65 Years after Chus allowing 30 Years to Chus before his first Son and 30 Years to Raama Father of Dedan born before Nimrod and 5 Years for his five Elder Brethren Allow 60 Years after for two Generations before their setting forth before Shinar and six Years for their Travail with Wives Children and Cattel out of the East through over-grown Countries and Mountains Thus 131 Years are spent before Babel is taken in hand the 221 Years which remain of 352 are divided to Ninus 42 before Abraham's Birth 65 to Belus and 114 to Nimrod yet this maketh Nimrod in all not above 180 Years old which was not much for that Generation Gen. 11.3 in which they lived yea 400 Years Ninus lived 9 Years after and Semiramis suceeded 42 Years when Abraham was 52 Years old Ninias or Zameis succeeded 38 in whose 23 d Year Abraham at 75 years old came to Canaan and 10 years after Abraham over-threw Amraphel King of Shinar which may seem to have been Ninias in whose 33 d year it happen'd though the Reasons to the contrary are not easily answer'd § 9. Amraphel King of Shinar probably was Ninias § Ninias was King of Babylon at that time in the 85th year of Abraham It is objected that Chedorlaomer was greater now than Amraphel who therefore was not like to be Ninias To this it may be answered under Ninias the Babylonian Command was fallen and the Persian his Neighbour King of Elam was enlarged § 10. Arioch King of Ellassar § This Country can neither be Pontus nor Hellespontus as some think being so far out of the way to be drawn by the Persian who little needed to seek such aid against such petty Kings which had not in all so much ground as Middlesex of which sort Canaan had 33 destroyed by Ioshua And the whole Country these four Kings subdued was no more than the two little Provinces of Traconitis or Basan and the Region of the Moabites Stephanus a Grecian Cosmographer de Vrbibus findeth Ellas in the Border of Coelosyria and Hierom calls it the City of Arioch This City was also in the Borders of Arabia of which Arioch indeed was King and Confederate with the Assyrian Kings as in Ninus's Life c. § 11. Tidal King of Nations § There were divers petty Kingdoms adjoining to Phoenicia and Palestine as Palmirenia Batanea Laodicene Apamena Chalcidice Cassiotis Chalibonitis having Mesopotamia on the North and Arabia on the East It is probable these were joined together under Tidal § 12. Chedorlaomer the chief of the Four § He was not King of Assur and the other three Vice-Roys as Pererius judgeth for Moses never useth Elam for Assyria or Babylon Neither do I believe the Assyrian or Babylonian Kingdoms were very large at this time 1. From Example Things hastily set up with violence last not as Alexander's Conquests and Tamberlain's whose Empires dyed with them neither had they time to review what they had done God adjoining short life to asswage Fury and Nature cares least for what she doth in hast Ninus persued boundless Dominion with Violence Semiramis exceeded him c. 2. Ninias having changed Nature and Condition with his Mother preferring Pleasure and Ease before Honour and Greatness as he indured his Mother's Reign so wanted he Spirit to maintain what she left him against Neighbouring Princes whose Wounds and Wrongs from his Parents put them in mind to cure the one
a Moment is enough to overthrow what seemeth founded in Adamant Henry VI. overwhelmed with the Storm of his Grandfathers grievous Crimes generally esteemed an innocent Prince yet refused the Daughter of Armaignac of the House of Navarre to whom he was Ally'd and Married a Daughter of Anjou and so lost all that he had in France He also condescended to the unworthy Death of his Vnkle of Glocester the main Pillar of the House of Lancaster Buckingham and Suffolk contrived the Duke's death by the Queen's procurement but the Fruit was answerable to the Plantation and they and their Adherents were destroy'd by York whose Son Edward depriv'd Henry the Father and Edward the Son of Life and Kingdom The Politick Lady the Queen lived to see the miserable End of her Husband Son and all her Adherents her self plunder'd and Father beggar'd to Ransom her Edward IV. hath his turn to Triumph when all the Plants of Lancaster except the Earl of Richmond were extirpated whom he had also bought of the D. of Britain but could not keep him But what stability can Edward's Plantation promise when he had seen and approved Prince Edward's Murder by Glocester Dorset Hastings c. which escaped not the Iudgment of God in the same kind He instructed Glocester to Murder Henry VI. and taught him the Art to kill his own Sons and to Vsurp the Crown Richard III. The greatest Master in Villany of all that went before him who by necessity of his Tragedy being to play more Parts in his own Person than all the rest yet so well fitted every Mans Humour that join'd with him as if each had acted his own Interest Buckingham and Hastings Enemies to the Queen and her Kindred are easily allured to condescend that Rivers and Grey the King 's maternal Vnkle and half Brother should first be separated from him then imprisoned and for avoiding future Inconveniences to lose their Heads Having brought them to the practice of that common Precept which the Devil has written on every Post To depress whom they have injur'd and to destroy whom they have depress'd Then Buckingham has it form'd in his Head That when the King and his Brother shall be of sufficient Age they will take severe Revenge of the Wrong to Rivers and Gray and therefore of necessity the King and his Brother must be made away Hastings being sounded by Catesby and found not fordable by reason of his Fidelity to his Masters Sons after an attempt to kill him sitting in the Council the Hangman must get the Tyrant an Appetite to his Dinner by striking off his Head a greater Iudgment of God than this upon Hastings I never observ'd For the same Hour and in the same lawless manner by his Advice the Execution of Rivers and Gray was performed Buckingham has yet a part to play for Richard in persuading the Londoners to Elect him King and to be rewarded with the Earldom of Hereford But after much vexation of Mind and unfortunate attempts being betrayed by his trustiest Servant he lost his Head at Salisbury without troubling his Peers Richard after other Murders and Mischievous Policies having destroy'd his Nephews and Natural Lords by the great Out-cry of innocent Blood became an infamous spectacle of Shame and Dishonour both to his Friends and Foes Henry VII the Instrument of Gods Iustice in cutting off the Cruel King Succeeded a Politick Prince if ever there was any who by the Engine of his Wisdom beat down as many strong Oppositions both before and after he wore the Crown as ever any King of England did For as his Profits held the Reins of his Affections so he wayed his Vnderstanding by his Abilities leaving no more to hazard than what cannot be denyed in all Human Actions This King never indured Mediation in rewarding Servants and was therein exceeding wise for what himself gave himself received both Thanks and Love Knowing that the Affections of Men purchased no way so ready as by Benefits were Trains which better became Great Kings than Great Subjects On the contrary in whatsoever he grieved his Subjects he wisely put it off to those that he found fit Ministers of such Actions He used not to begin their Processes whom he hated or feared by the Execution as Lewis XI did Yet he somewhat follow'd the Errors of his Ancestors as the Head of Stanley who set the Crown on his and the Death of the young E. of Warwick Son to George D. of Clarence do shew and likewise the Success of his Grand-children of the first Line c. Henry VIII the Pattern of a merciless Prince Succeeded One who precipitately advanced many but for what Virtue no Man could imagine and with change of his Fancy ruined them no Man knowing for what Offence To how many others gave he abundant Flowers from whence to gather Hony and in the end of Harvest burnt them in the Hive How many Wives did he cut off or cast off as his Fancy or Affection changed How many Princes of the Blood with many others of all Degrees did he Execute What causeless cruel Wars did he make upon his own Nephew King James V What Laws and Wills did he invent to establish the Kingdom in his own Family using his sharpest Weapons to cut off the Branches which sprang from the same Root that himself did Yet God took away all his own without increase though for themselves in their several Kinds all Princes of eminent Virtues And that Blood which King Henry affirmed that the cold Air of Scotland froze up in the North God hath diffused by the Sun-shine of his Grace from whence his Majesty now living and long may is Descended Of whom I may say truly that Malice her self cannot charge him justly with any of those foul Spots by which the Consciences of all the forenamed Princes were defiled or the Sword of his Iustice stained with any Drops of that innocent Blood which had stained their Hands and Fame And for the Crown of England it may truly be avowed He received it from the Hand of God neither hastning the Time upon any provocation nor taking Revenge upon any that sought to put him by it And refused Assistance of her Enemies that wore it long with as great Glory as ever Princess did He entred neither by Breach nor Blood but by the ordinary Gate which his own Right had set open and was received in at it by an universal Love and Obedience Thus the Northern parts of Britany infinitely severed from the South in Affection for a long time whereof grew deadly Wars with much Cruelty were at length happily united For which Blessing of God never to be forgotten as we are bound to much Thankfulness so the Fruit of this Concord maketh all petty Grievances to appear but as a Mole-Hill to a Mountain And if the uniting of the Red Rose with the White were the greatest Happiness next Christian Religion that ever the Kingdom received from God to that Day certainly the
in largeness This number may be thought strange in so small a Territory being far greater than any Muster ever taken of that Country Ioab had found 500000 Rehoboam 180000 Abia 408000 Asa 580000 Amazia found 300000 Uzziah 307000 and surely if Iehosophat had 1160000 Men he would not have feared Moab and Ammon c. I am therefore of Opinion submitting to better Judgments that the numbers spoken of 2 Chron. 17. were not all at one time but that the two first numbers under Adnah and Iehobanan were after Mustred and Commanded by Amasia Eliada and Iehosabad yet this Mighty Prince made a League with Ahab and matched his Son Ioram with his Daughter and assisted him at Ramoth-Gilead for which he was reproved by Iehu the Prophet as he was a second time by the Prophet Eliezer for joyning with Ahab's Son in preparing a Fleet. So he joyned with Iehoram against Moab and had perished by Famine if Elisha had not relieved them from God whose Goodness was ever prone to save the Evil for the sake of the Good but never destroyed the Good for the Evil. Ophratenes now Reigned in Assyria Capetas and Tiberinus at Alba in Italy Atazedes in Athens Agesilaus in Corinth Archilochus in Lacedemon Badesorus in Tyrus Achab Ochozias and Iehoram in Israel CHAP. XVI Of Jehoram and Ahazia JEhoram the Son of Iehosaphat being thirty two Years old began to Reign and Reigned 8 Year of which 4 was in his Father's Life who at his two Journeys with Ahab and Iehoram Kings of Israel left him Viceroy 'till his return The first was in Iehosaphat's 17th Year when also Ahazia Son of Ahab began to Reign whose Brother Iehoram the 2 d year after succeeded K. of Israel in the 2 d year of Iehoram King of Iuda that is of his Reign when his Father Iehosaphat took the sole Government again upon him 'till the Fifth year after when he reassumed his Son Ioram into the Government 2 Kings 8. two years before his death in the fifth year of Iehoram King of Israel So that Iehosaphat Reigning Twenty five years 2 King 22.42 it is evident his Son Iehoram could not be King of Iuda 'till the Eighth year of Iehoram King of Israel The like regard is to be had in accounting the Reigns of other Kings of Iuda and Israel whose years are sometime to be taken compleat current or confounded with other Kings preceding or succeeding as the comparing of their Times together shall require In this History consider that Iehosaphat a Religious King is the first of Rehoboam's Issue that entred a League both Offensive and Defensive with the Kings of Israel with whom his Predecessors had tyred themselves in vain with continual Wars This Confederacy with one which hated the Lord could not long prosper not issuing from the true Root and Fountain of all Wisdom yet as a piece of sound Policy it wanted not fair Pretences of much common good as mutual Fortification of both Kingdoms against Uncircumcised Ancient Enemies For confirmation of such an apparent Good unto Posterity therefore the Bond of Affinity was knit by Marriage of Iehoram with Athalia a Lady of a Masculine Spirit who had learned so much of Iezabel her Brother's Wife that she durst undertake more in Ierusalem than the other in Samaria as a Fire-brand ordained by God to Consume many Nobles in Iuda and perhaps some whose Worldly Wisdom regardless of God's pleasure had brought her in The Syrian Wars at Ramoth-Gilead were the first Fruits of this League undertaken upon equal Adventure but upon the hope of Benefit only to Ahab As godly Princes seldom thrive by matching with Idolaters but rather serve the Turns of those false Friends who being ill-affected towards God cannot be well affected to his Servants At this time also as Ahaziah was designed King by Ahab his Father so was Ioram by Iehosaphat after the others Example without Example in any of their Predecessors § 2. Iehoram's Reign so diversly dated in Scripture argueth that Iehosaphat having taken him into the Government as Ahab had given Example found cause after to recall that Power Probable it is that his Insolent Idolatrous Wife having corrupted him was the cause that the Government both for Religion and Justice grew so far out of order that Iehosaphat was forced to the Reformation we read of and sequestred his Son from the Government 'till it were setled again and so after five years called him to it the second time which bred a new Date as did his Father's death two years after breed a third Many things might move Iehosaphat to Iehoram's second calling to Govern him as to try what Wisdom his restraint had wrought or to prevent his Brethrens Insolency against him if Iehosaphat had at his Death left him in disgrace which might be the cause of great Tumults it may be also Iehoram by dissimulation had won the good Opinion on of his â—ather and Brethren formerly offended it being usual in violent fierce Natures to be as abject and servile in their Adversity as insolent and bloody upon Advantage Howsoever it was this is manifest that his Father at his death doubting his Affection to his Brethren for their better Security besides great Riches gave them the custody of strong Cities and unusual means against unusual Perils § 3. Jehoram 's Reign alone in which Edom and Libna Rebel § Iehosaphat's providence for his younger Sons availed nothing against the determination of an higher Providence for these strong Cities were a weak defence for the young Princes against his Power to whom the Citizens were obedient If they came in upon the King's Summons he had them without difficulty if they refused they were Traytors yet could not hold out when all would fail them for fear of a Potent King However it was all were slain and many great Men with them who had any way offended the Tyrant either formerly or in behalf of his Brethren Iehoram after this made innovation in Religion not only incouraging the People prone to Idolatry of all other sins detested of God but using Compulsion also and was the first we read of that inforced Irreligion Edom in the mean time revolted and made themselves a King having from David's days been Tributaries and govern'd by Vice-Roys Now Isaac's Prophecy began to take effect that Esau should break the Yoke of Iacob for after this Edom was never subject to the Kings of Iuda Yea in process of time Antipater and Herod Elumeans Reigned as Kings in Ierusalem Lybna also a City of the Levites in Iuda rebelled against him because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers In defence of whose Worship these Levites thought themselves bound especially against his inforcement to the contrary Wherein also they might take Incouragement for Iehosaphat's Charge 2 Chron. 29.8 But as Iehoram had left Edom in their defection so he attempted nothing against Libna which seemeth to proceed from a doubtful Mind whether to put Weapons into the Hands of his
Condition should run the Fortune of the Common-wealth which if once ruin'd in vain could any particulur Man hope to injoy the benefit of his proper substance Upon this Marcellus was sent against Hannibal and Livinus into Sicily where he finished what Marcellus left Hannibal by long hard Service and wanting Supplies from Carthage grew unable to keep the Field and sufficiently to Garrison his Towns this made him Demolish the places he could not Defend which aleniated many so that Salapia yielded to Marcellus and betrayed a Regiment of Hannibal's best Numidian Horse Hannibal in this strait hears of Masanissa with five Thousand Numidians sent to Spain and Asdrubal's coming to Italy which News made Hannibal then keep what he could and the Romans to recover â—hat they can Hannibal by great Marches came unlook'd for to Fulvius a Roman Praetor at Hardonia slew him Twelve Tribunes or Colonels and seven Thousand more others say thirteen Thousand burnt the Town and removed the Inhabitants Afterwards Marcellus who thought himself the only Roman fit to Incounter Hannibal met with him and lost six Ensigns and three Thousand Men but the next day Marcellus slew eight Thousand Carthaginians lost three Thousand and had so many wounded that he could follow Hannibal no further Quintus Fabius Maximus now Consul besieged Tarentum Garrisoned with Brutians whose Captain in Love with a Woman in the Town was drawn by a Brother of the Woman 's to betray it so all were put to the Sword even the Brutians contrary to his word that it might be thought he won the Town by Assault not by Treason But it saved not his Reputation Claudius Marcellus and C. Crispinus Consuls the next Year whom Hannibal entertained with many Skirmishes declined a set Battle till he might join with his Brother Asdrubal but watching all advantage he took them in his Ambuscade as they came to view a place with small Forces where they intended to Incamp Here Hannibal had placed in Covert some Companies of Numidians who incompassed them slew Marcellus wounded Crispine to Death and giving honourable Funerals to Marcellus sent his Ashes in a Silver Pot to young Marcellus Crispine considering that Hannibal had Marcellus's Ring with which he might deceive some Cities sent warning all about thereof even as a Letter in Marcellus's Name came to Salapia to prepare for his coming thither which Hannibal followed with Romen Fugitives which spake Latin to the Watch and bad them open to the Consul The Gate was opened and when six Hundred Men were entred the Port-Cullis were let down and Hannibal out-witted in his own Stratagem After Crispinus death Claudius Nero and M. Livius succeeded Consuls Of which two Livius had been many Years before condemned and expelled by the People for which indignity he refused the place till with much imporunity he was overcome Thus as Men in fair Weather break the Branches of the Palm Tree under which they shelter themselves in Storms so do the ungrateful with Men of Merit as Themistocles reprov'd the Athenians The two Consuls take their way Livius to meet Asdrubal Nero to follow Hannibal to hinder their Marches knowing the mischievous effects of a Conjunction of two Malevolent Planets It seemed that Livius was too weak to oppose Asdrubal and therefore Nero took six Hundred Foot and one Thousand Horse and in six Days long Marches came to him But Asdrubal perceiving the increase thought to decline a Battle by removing over the River Metaneus had not Nero followed and forced him to it in which Asdrubal was slain and fifty six Thousand with him saith Livy but Polybius numbers but ten Thousand After this Victory Nero hasted to his Camp with Asdrubal's Head which he threw before the Carthaginians and freed some Prisoners which might make Report of the Victory in Hannibal's Camp so to strike a terrour into it Here the Tide began to turn on the Romans side and so increased that no Bounds could contain it and Hannibal's hopes decayed daily From this thirteenth Year of the second Punick War unto the eighteenth in which it ended little is delivered worthy of Memory § 17. Publius Cornelius Scipio after Asdrubal's departure into Italy had to do with Hanno lately sent to succeed Asdrubal whom M. Syllanus shortly after took Prisoner Asdrubal Son of Gesco and Mago left by Asdrubal Son of Amilcar remained to make head who prepared seventy Thousand Foot four Thousand Horse and thirty two Elephants to keep the Field Scipio makes up his Legions with some Auxiliary Spaniards and seeks out the Enemy with forty five Thousand Foot and three Thousand Horse whom he fed well the day before and early next Morn provoked the empty Carthaginians to Battle as Hannibal had served his Father at Trebia Asdrubal wholly depended upon this Battle in which he was worsted whereupon Artanes with his Turdetans fell to the Romans and the other Spaniards being confirmed in the Report of the Carthaginians ill success at Metaurus in Italy never did them good service after Asdrubal perceiving this hasteth toward the Sea but is overtaken by Scipio and charged so furiously that he with seven Thousand took themselves to a strong piece of Ground from whence himself stole by Night to the Gades whither Mago and Masanissa followed and their Army dispersed So all the Towns except three submitted to Scipio who the Year after took them only Astapa was burnt with all the Riches therein by the Inhabitants who slew themselves except such as desperately broke out upon the Romans Camp and so were slain Asdrubal leaves Mago at Gades and Saileth to Syphax King of the Masaesili a People of the Numidians hoping to perswade him to be a Friend to Carthage but Scipio meeting him there drew him to the Roman side which he soon forsook Scipio returns to Spain and having taken Revenge of the three Cities which held out he celebrated Funeral Games at New Carthage for his Father and Unkle which was performed by Duels of Slaves as also such as had Quarrels for Title of Land which Friends could not compose Scipio being dangerously sick is reported Dead whereupon Mandonius and Indibilis two Spanish petty Kings rebel hoping to make themselves great and part of the Roman Army discontented with the little benefit they had got by the Roman Conquest fell to spoil drive away their Colonels choosing two base Leaders Scipio sent new Colonels which with fair words and promise of Pay brought them to Carthagenia where exemplary Justice is done upon the two Leaders and their Accomplices the rest having sworn Obedient receive Pay Mandonius and Indibilis pursued by Scipio submit and are pardoned but their former Power lessened Masanissa promiseth to serve the Romans and Mago by direction from Carthage leaveth Gades when he had Robbed it to go to Hannibal in Italy having Treasure sent to raise an Army So Gades presently yielded to the Romans and Scipio gives up the Province to a Successour and is chosen Consul § 18. Publius Cornelius Scipio
unprosperous than that of Generals besides the Rapes Slaughters Devastations c. which are so hateful to God That were not the Mercies of God infinite as Monluc Marshal of France confessed it were in vain for those of his profession to hope for any portion thereof such Cruelties being permitted or committed by them And true it is that as the Victories obtained by so many of the greatest Commanders are commonly ascribed either to Fortune or to their Followers or Cowardize of the vanquished so the most whose Virtues have raised them above all Envy have in the end been rewarded either with Disgrace Banishment or Death as Examples both of the Romans and Grecians Witness § 3. Philip well perceiving the Romans aimed at his Kingdom repented himself of his Obsequiousness to them Yet was in ill Condition to help himself having been beaten by them his People unwilling to deal with them and no Friends to assist him Yeâ— Necessity the Mother of Invention made him resolved to remove the Inhabitants of his Maritime Towns to Emathia and people them with Thracians that feared not the Romans He also designed to draw the Bacternae an hardy Nation beyond Danubius into Dardania and to root out the Dardanians always troublesome to Macedon But this device took slow effect and was hindred divers ways His Subjects removed against their Will broke into words which his cruel Nature seeking to repress by putting many unto Death increased to exclamation which inflamed him barbarously to Massacre their Children After this the Furies enter his own House and Vengeance was poured upon him from Heaven in his own Children as was thought by the jealousie he had of Demetrius his Younger Son and the fear Prusius had of him for his Interest in the Romans Affections Wicked Instruments are not wanting who counterfeit a Letter from Quintius to Philip intreating for Demetrius with an intimation of his ambitious Desire against his Brother Prusius One Didas also to whom he was committed by Philip pretending Friendship to him sounded him and told the King that he meant to flye to the Romans who would not fail him So the Father without any examination commanded his unhappy Son to be Murdered and after upon his Cousin Antigonus his searching found out the Contrivance too late Hereupon he intended to confer the Kingdom upon Antigonus but Death prevented it § 4. Perseus succeeded his Father who had Reigned Forty two Years he thought it not expedient to imbroil himself so soon with the Roman War but to settle his Dominions and therefore to prevent danger slew Antigonus Then to get his Subjects Affections he sate in Judgment and made them many publick Shows and to win the Romans he sent and renewed the League Masanissa had heretofore taken the Country of Emporia from Carthage and about this time he took other Land from them by force about Seventy Towns and Castles of which when the Carthaginians complained by their Embassadours prostrate with Tears before the Senate desiring Right or Liberty to defend themselves against him or at least to know how far Masanissa should be allowed to proceed And if none of these would be granted that then the Senate it self would inflict upon them what they thought meet rather than to keep them in continual fear of this Numidian Hangman See the fruits of their Envy against that valiant Family of the Barchines and of the Roman Peace desired by Hanno which hath made them Slaves to the Servants of the Numidian whose Fathers they had used to sell over Africk and Greece Their Answer was gentle but without effect and Masanissa hath a mild rebuke Perseus is not yet brought into such a Yoke but must be for he is questioned for taking up Arms without their leave though to subdue his own Rebels After the same manner they dealt with Greece And of all others with the Achaeans who presumed most on their Favour So that all saw that the Roman Patronage tended to nothing but the bondage of Greece This gave Perseus hopes to find a Party there as indeed he did though it little availed him § 5. Eumenes King of Pergamus hated Perseus exceedingly not only for an Hereditary quarrel with Macedon but for that he perceived the Greeks began to favour him more than himself whom they seemed to neglect for being over serviceable to Rome For Redress hereof he thought it not hard to induce the Romans utterly to overthrow the Macedonian Kingdom which the Greeks now adored to which end he took a second Journey to Rome where he laboured to provoke the Fathers against Perseus which needed not though yet they heard him willingly that their Pretence of War might have the fairer shew as proceeding from the information of such a King come on purpose so far as out of Asia The Rhodians also were there with the Macedonian Embassadours to answer with matter of recrimination that Eumenes had provoked the Lycians to Rebel against the Rhodians Careless Audience was given to the Rhodians for their Friendly Office in conveying Laodice the Daughter of Antiochus to Perseus and their Answer is that the Lycians were assigned to Rhodes not as Vassals but Associates Thus their Subjects are become their Fellows Masanissa and the Aetolians whose Subjects were not increased by the Romans or by the Cities and Peo +ple bestowed upon them after Antiochus's Overthrow but their Friends had cause to resent this Decree The Macedonian Embassadours were heard not so carelesly as angerly being glad that Harpatus the chief Embassadour had by violent Speeches given them cause of anger And though Perseus his faint Heart was not sit to threaten Yet now he might think to get more by a little Bravery than submission seeing the Eyes of all Greece were set upon him for a Delivery from the Roman Servitude And it seems Perseus was not very cautious of offending them when he hired three or four Ruâ—â—ians to Murder Eumenes in his return from Worshiping at Delphos whom they had left for Dead though he recovered The Report of his Death made Attalus his Brother to take upon him as King and would have taken Stratonica his Wife as a matter of State had not Eumenes's coming home put a stop to it All which Eumenes only checked with wishing him not to Marry with the Queen till he was sure the King was Dead who then bequeathed her to him The Senate upon these occasions Decree War and send Embassadours to require satisfaction or to denounce it which Perseus slights calling the Romans greedy and insolent commanding them to depart This present heat was too much he wanting constant resolution which he neglected in hope of Peace § 6. Rome had now fair occasion of War with Macedon which though it had been long sought yet the preparation for War was to seek and the want of it helped to sound the disposition of Greece which they solicite by Embassadours with better terms than Threatnings though they durst not but promise aid to them
incens'd him he designing they should destroy one another So he entred Egypt though the Young King intreated the contrary by Embassadours of whom he demanded Cyprus and Pelusium and took Memphis and other places The Egyptians seek help from Rome but in vain they being now deep in with the Macedonian War the like they desire of the Greeks especially the Achaeans whose forwardness was hindred by the Roman Faction yet at length the Senate being moved with compassion of the Embassadours lamentable behaviour and supplication sent C. Popilius and others with Command that Antiochus should leave Egypt to which he submitted according to the Prophet Daniel or rather the History of Daniel § 12. Rome we see is grown terrible When the greatest Kings must how to her Majesty how shall inferiour Kings and States carry themselves to be assured of Favour Eumenes had been very officious and help'd to kindle the Fire which has burnt up the Kingdom of Macedon He therefore sends Attalus his Brother to Congratulate the Victory and crave Aid against the Gallo-Greeks But Attalus had succeeded better if he had requested his Brothers Kingdom which because he did not as they expected the Fathers went from what they had promised of his having Enus and Maronia as for the Gallo-Greeks they have a Message sent them rather to incourage than dissuade them The displeasure of the Senate being so manifest Eumenes will again visit them but the Fathers will not receive him it being decreed that no King shall come within Rome Yet Prusius King of Bythinia a little before had been welcomed after a better manner as he who gave these Mortal Gods the Title and Worship done to them kissing the Threshold and calling them his Gods and Saviours commending his Son Nicomedes to their Tuition Cotys the Thracian excused his helping Perseus and intreats the discharge of his Son taken with Perseus's Children which is granted with admonition of his good behaviour to Rome Masanissa only kept his Reputation with these great Masters who stand by him in all Quarrels with Carthage whose Ruin he must help forward before his own turn be served His Congratulations are well accepted Perseus and Gentius the unhappy Kings have the last Act to play at Rome in the Triumphs of Aemilius and Anicius being led in Chains before their Chariot Perseus made application to Aemilius not to be put to the disgrace and was scornfully answered that he might prevent it meaning he might kill himself his end is uncertain whether starved or by over-watching Alexander his Youngest Son became a Turner in Rome what conceit soever his Father had of him when he gave him that Name in wantonness of Sovereignity in which he commanded poor Men to be slain for getting up his Treasure out of the Sea by Diving He considered not that the greatest Oppressours and the most abject Wretches are all subject to one high Power governing all alike with absolute Command But such is our Unhappiness that instead of that blessed Counsel to do as we would be done to which teacheth Moderation wâ—â—â—tertain that arrogant Thought I will be like the 〈◊〉 that is I will do what pleaseth my self The very desire of ability to do Evil without controul is a dangerous Temptation to the performance God hath granted it to few and very few they are which use it not to their own damage as Princes who rack their Sovereignity to the uttermost extent teach others by the like strain to root out their own Progeny Nay excellent Princes are often forced to flatter some base Minion or Harlot which Governs some unworthy Fellow that Governs all of which there are too many Examples Aemilius's Triumph so glorious by reason of a Kings Person brought also such Riches into the Roman Treasury that till Iulius Caesar's Death the State never needed to burden it self with Tribute The joy of this Triumph God abated with the loss of his Two Sons one Five days before another Five days after it We have seen the beginning and end of the three First Monarchies of the World whose Founders thought they should never end And the Fourth of the Romans is already at the highest where we left it in the Field wherein nothing is left to shadow it from the Eyes of the World But after some time the Storms of Ambition shall tear her Branches her Leaves shall fall her Limbs wither and a Rabble of barbarous Nations shall cut her down These great Conquerours have been the Subject of our Ancient Histories and Tragical Poets shewing us their great undertakings not so much desiring Rule over others which is so full of Care as hunting after Fame which Ploweth up the 〈◊〉 and Soweth in the Wind. And certainly as Faâ—â— has often been dangerous to the Living so is it of no use to the Dead who if they did understand what is Reported of them they would wish they had stolen out of the World without â—oise rather than to hear the Report of their Treacheries Murders Rapines giving the spoil of Innocent labouring Souls to the idle and insolent Since the Fall of the Roman Empire omitting the Germans neither great nor of long continuance there hath been no State formidable in the East but the Turk nor in the West except the Spaniard who by so many Attempts hath sought to make himself Master of all Europe As one who is powerful both by his Indian Treasure and many Kingdoms he possessed in Europe But as the Turk is now Counterpoised by the Persian So if for so many Millions spent by English French and Netherlands in defensive War and diversions against them Two Hundred Sixty Thousand Pound were imployed for Two or Three Years it is easie to demonstrate how they may be brought to live in Peace and their swelling Streams be brought within the Banks These are the only Nations of Eminency to be regarded of us the one seeking to root out the Christian Religion the other the sincere Profession of it If farther Reason be required of the continuance of this boundless Ambition of Mortal Men than desire of Fame we may say That the Kings and Princes of the World have always laid before them the Actions not the Ends of those great ones the Glory of the one Transporting them never minding the Misery of the other till it seized upon him They neglect the Advice of God while they hope to live but when Death comes then they believe what it tells them Death without speaking a word persuades what God with promises and threats cannot do though the one hates and destroys Man whereas the other made and loves him I have considered saith Soloâ—â—n all Works that are under the Sun and behold all is Vanity and vexation of Spirit Who believes this till Death beats it into us It was Death which forced the Conscience of Charles 5th and made him enjoyn Philip his Son to restore Navarre and Francis the First King of France to command justice to be done upon the Murderers of the Protestants in Merindol and Calabries till then neglected Death alone can make Man know himself the proud and insolent that he is but abject and can make him hate his forepast Happiness The rich Man he proves a naked Beggar which hath interest in nothing but in the Gravel that fills his Mouth and when he holds the Glass before the Eyes of the most Beautiful they see and acknowledge their Deformity and Rotteness O eloquent just and mighty Death whom none could advise thou hast persuaded what none hath presumed thou hast done whom all the World have flattered thou hast cast out of the World and despised Thou hast drawn together all the extravagant Greatness all the Pride Cruelty and Ambition of Man and covered it all over with two narrow Words Hic jacet Lastly Whereas this Book bearing this Title The First Part of the general c. implying a Second and a Third which I intended and have hewn out besides many other Discouragements persuading my Silence it hath pleased God to take that glorious Prince out of the World for whom they were designed Whose unspeakable and never enough lamented loss hath taught me to say with Iob Versa est in luctum cithara mea organum meum in vocem flentium FINIS Ecclesiasticus 11.7 From the Creation to Abraham 2009 Years In Pomanâ—ro Orpheus de summo Jove Gen. 1.1 Ver. 2. Gen. 1.3 Gen. 1.6 De opâ—r Dei De Ment. Idiot * See Aug. de Civ D. * Stralo lib. 17. Gen. 6.11 Strabo De Civ Pliny Sybilla Plin. l. 14.12 Sect. 1. Sect. 3. Pagus P. Belonius See cap. 8. Sect. 3. See cap. 8. Sect. 3. Augustine Augustine Natalis Comes â— Iudg. N. Damascenus Numb 12. in success See cap. 1.4 Sect. 2. * See Junius De Civ li 13.14 Ant. lâ— 7.12 See Siracides 47. â—3 14. c. * Lib. 1. Sect. 3 14. and c. 10. * Diodorous Siculus out of Câ—esias Strabo Plutarch * So Functius * Apries in Herodotus * Her lib. 3. * Iust. l. 9. * De Civ Lib. 19. * See Cap. 4. §. 8.