took all imaginable care that the Roman Religion should not make any progress in Ireland yet it stole in by the negligence of other Bishops insomuch that that Party which maintain'd it did sensibly increase and grow strong It was this that oblig'd King Charles the first to write a Letter to the Primate of Ireland which is to be found in page 38. wherein he authorizes him to write Letters of Exhortation to all the Bishops of Ireland that they shou'd discharge their duty better than they had done About the latter end of the year 1631. Vsher makes a Voyage into England where he publish'd a small English Treatise concerning the Antient Religion of Ireland and of the People which inhabited the North of Scotland and of England he shews in this Treatise how it was in respect to the Essential parts of the same Religion which at present is establish'd in England and which is very forreign to that of the Roman Catholicks The year following our Arch-Bishop return'd into Ireland and publish'd a Collection intituled Veterum Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge whereof the first Pieces were written about the year 1590. and the last about 1180. there one may learn the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Ireland In 1639. which was seven years after he publish'd his Book intituled Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates wherein he inserted the History of Pelagius and his Sentiments There are to be found the Antiquities of the most distant Churches of Great Britain since Christianity was Preached there that is to say since about 20 years after the death of Jesus Christ. In 1640. Vsher makes a Voyage into England with his Family with design to return very soon into Ireland but the Civil Wars hinder'd him insomuch that he cou'd never return to his Country again T is said that in the year following he brought the King to sign the death of the Earl of Strafford but as to this Dr. Parr speaks very much in his Justification he afterwards shews us after what manner he lost all that he had in Ireland except his Library which he brought into England Strangers very much envyed this great man that his Compatriots shou'd offer him divers Places of Retreat The Heads of the University of Leiden soon gave him a considerable Pension and offered him the Title of Honourable Professor if he wou'd come into Holland The Cardinal Richelieu sent him his Medal and also proffer'd to him a great Pension with the liberty of professing his Religion in France if he wou'd come thither Our Arch-Bishop thank'd him and sent him a Present of Irish Grey-Hounds and other Rarities of that Country Three years after he publish'd a small Treatise intituled A Geographical and Historical Research touching Asia Minor properly so call'd to wit Lydia whereof frequent mention is made in the New Testament and which the Ecclesiastical Writers and other Authors call'd Proconsulary Asia or the Diocess of Asia In this Treatise there is a Geographical Description of Asia Minor and of its different Provinces as that of Caria and Lydia under which the Romans comprehend Ionia and Aeolia Vsher shews there 1. That Asia whereof mention is made in the New Testament and the Seven Churches which St. Iohn spoke of in the Apocalypse were included in Lydia that every one of these Cities were the Chief of a small Province and because of this Division they were chosen to be the principal Seats of the Bishops of Asia 2. That the Roman Provinces had not always the same extension but were often contracted or enlarg'd for reasons of State thus the Empire was otherwise divided under Augustus than it was under Constantine under whom Proconsulary Asia had more narrow bounds than formerly 't is remarkable that under this last Emperor Proconsulary Asia which was govern'd by a Proconsul of the Diocess of Asia from whence the Governor was call'd Vicarius or Comes Asiae or Dioceseos Asianae but this division was afterwards chang'd under his Successors and whereas every Province had but one Metropolis to satisfie the ambition of some Bishops 't was permitted to two of 'em at the same time to take the Title of Metropolitan 3. That under Constantine Ephesus was the place where the Governors of Asia met to form a kind of Council which decided affairs of importance and 't was for this that Ephesus was then the only Metropolis of Proconsulary Asia that the Proconsul which was Governor never submitted to the Authority of the Praetorian Prefect and that there was something so like this in the Ecclesiastical Government that the Bishop of Ephesus was not only Metropolitan of Consulary Asia but also the Primate and Head of the Diocess of Asia 4. That there was a great conformity between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Government in this that the Bishops of every Province were subject to their Metropolitans as the Magistrates of every City were to the Governors of the whole Provinces This was the time wherein Vsher published in Greek and Latin the Epistles of St. Ignatius with those of St. Barnabas and St. Polycarp seven years after he added his Appendix Ignatiana where he proves that all the Epistles of Ignatius are not suppositious and explains many ecclesiastick antiquities he published the same year his Syntagma de editione 70 Interpretum where he proposes a particular Sentiment which he had upon this version 't is this that It contained but the five Books of Moses and that it was lost in the burning of the Library of Ptolomaeus Philadelphus and that Doritheus a Heretick Jew made another version of the Pentateuch and also translated the rest of the Old Testament about 177 years before the birth of Jesus Christ under the Reign of Ptolomaeus Philometor and that the Greek Church preserves this last version instead of that which was made under the Reign of Ptolomeus Philadelphus he also treats in this same work of the different editions of this version which according to him are falsly styled the version of the 70 this Book was published a year after the death of our Prelate with another De Cainane altero or the second Canaan which is found in the version of the 70. and in St. Luke between Sala and Arphaxad This last work of Vsher was the Letter which he wrote to Mr. 〈…〉 the difference he had with Mr. a friend of the Archbishops we shaâ—â— speak of it hereafter Dr. Parr informs us that in the Civil Wars of England Vsher going from Cardisse to the Castle of St. Donates which belonged to Madam Stradling he was extreamly Ill treated by the Inhabitants of Glamorganshire in Wales they took his Books and Papers from him which he had much ado to regain and whereof he lost some which contained remarks upon the Vaudois and which shou'd have serv'd to carry on his Book de Ecclesiarum Christianarum Successione where there is wanting the History of more than 200. years viz from Gregory the 11th to Leo the 10th from the year 1371 to 1513 and
he durst not despise them he did believe it not necessary to make a party therein Our Author shews what pains St. Prosper and the Popes Xystus and Leo took to refute or to destroy Pelagianism and Semi-pelagianism It was in the same time that Vincent of Lerins made his Commonitory to wit three years after the Council of Ephesus He is suspected to be the Author of the objections that St. Prosper hath refuted under the Title of Objectiones Vincentianae this Commonitory was Printed lately in 12. at Cambridge with the Notes of Mr. Baluze and the Book of St. Augustine of Heresies Vsher in this same Chapter relates the Ravages that the Scotch and the Picts committed in England the arrival of the Saxons into this Island the manner how they became Masters on 't and the other events of that time Before that these disasters happened in England a Monk named Faustus retired from hence into the Narbonick Gaul where he became Abbot of Lerins and afterwards Bishop of Riez after Maximus whom he also succeeded in the Abbey of Lerins He assisted at a Council which was held at Rome towards the end of the year Cccclxii where it was concluded that every year there should be a Council held amongst the Gauls which should be convocated by the Archbishop of Arles There was assembled one in this City which ordered Faustus to express his Sentiments touching the matter of Grace and another at Lyons by the order of which he added something to what he had already writ because some new Errours had been discovered These Errours are those to which the Divines of Marseilles gave the Name of Predestinarian Heresie that some maintain to have been a real Heresie and others the opinions of St. Augustine We have no more of the Acts of these two Synods but the work of Faustus subsisteth yet It is intituled de Gratia libero arbitrio directed to Leontius Archbishop of Arles and very clearly containeth Semi-pelagianism Erasmus got it first printed at Basil in M.D.XXVIII and it hath been since inserted in the 8 th Tome of the Library of the Fathers Faustus sent the opinions of the second Council of Arles to a Predestinarian Priest named Lucidus to oblige him to retract his Errours and to subscribe this Doctrine of the Council His Letter to Lucidus is still to be â—ad and the answer of this Priest directed to the Bishops assembled at Arles where he declares that he condemns the Sentiments of those that believe that after the fall of the first man Free-will was entirely extinct That Jesus Christ died for all men that some are destined to death and others to life that from Adam to Jesus Christ no Pagan hath been saved by the first Grace of God to wit by the law of nature because they have lost the free Will in our first Father That the Patriarchs and Prophets and the greatest of Saints have remained in Paradice untill the time of Redemption This is almost a full Abridgment of the Book of Faustus Some learned men have maintained that Faustus had passed his Commission and that many of those that had assisted at the Councils of Arles and Lions had not subscribed his Book It is nevertheless difficult to believe that a Bishop that was very much esteem'd as Faustus was as it appears by the Letters of Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne who makes his Elogy in several places and by Gennadus who praiseth this work it is I say difficult enough to conceive how he could have the boldness to attribute to a Council opinions which were so odious to the greatest part of 'em and to think the Members of this Council could not shew their Resentment thereof Neither do those who say that Faustus exceeded his Commission give any reason only that they cannot persuade themselves that there were so many Semi-Pelagians amongst the Gauls In our Author are the different Judgments that divers learned men have made of Faustus and the greatest part of 'em are not very favourable to him Baronius too speaketh ill enough of him So that it happeneth now to the Semi-Pelagians what did in times past to the Pelagians which is that those who believ'd their principal Tenets condemned them only because those who have been more considerable than themselves have formerly condemned them The Book of Faustus is not unknown it being carried to Constantinople where mens minds were divided concerning the Doctrine it contained Some maintained it was Orthodox and others Heretical as it appeareth by a Letter of Possessar an African Bishop who was then at Constantinople and who writ of it to Pope Hormisda in the year DXX to know his thoughts thereupon Persons of the first quality amongst which were Vitalianus and Iustinian who hath been since Emperour desired to be instructed what Sentiments the Church of Rome had of it Hormisda disapproved the Book of Faustus and sent them to consult these of St. Augustin of Predestination and Perseverance There was then at Constantinople a Monk named Iohn Maxence who writ an answer to the Letter of Hormisda where he compareth the opinions of St. Augustin and those of Faustus and desperately censures Possessar and those that maintained that the Book of Faustus was Orthodox It appears by that that Possessar was a Semi-Pelagian and consequently that the Councils of Africk had not been able as yet to submit all the Bishops of this Church to their Decisions The Vandals were become Masters of Africk during the heat of the Pelagian Controversies and as they were Arians they drove away a great number of Bishops that followed the decisions of the Council of Nice Thrasamond King of the Vandals had sent 60 of them into exile from the Province of Byzacene into Sardinia They were consulted from the East upon the Controversies of Grace rather to have a publick Declaration of their opinions than to draw instructions from them seeing those that did write to them had already taken party and condemned in their Letters not only the Pelagians but also the Books of Faustus Fulgentius Bishop of Esfagues answered in the name of the others and exposed the sentiments of St. Augustin in a Letter and in a particular Book directed to one Paul a Deacon The same Fulgentius made also other works upon this matter whereof several places may be seen in our Author He had composed seven Books against the two of Faustus of Grace and Free-Will but they are lost These African Bishops returned to their Churches in the year DXXIII which was that of the Death of Thrasamond as Victor of Tonneins informeth us in his Chronicle But Fulgenius had refuted Faustus before he had left Sardinia whence it followeth as well as from the Letter of Possessar that Binius hath not well related the third Council of Arles whose opinions Faustus had expounded in the year DXXIV. But this is not the only fault he hath committed he hath corrected or rather corrupted as he thought
also that divers Bishops succeeded Polycarp in the Government of the Church of Smyrna which shews it was a long time after the Death of that Holy Man Irenaeus might be then about eighty Years of Age. This Work against Heresies was not all writ at the same time nor was it built upon the same Foundation on the contrary it appears by divers places that the two first Books entirely took up the Design of the Author It was after these were ended that he thought of making a third which soon followed the other two After that he made a fourth and fifth Book wherein he speaks of the Doctrin of our Lord. But though he writ these things at several different times all the work was ended in a short time As Irenaeus himself says in a Letter to a Friend that had desired to write upon this Subject Mr. Dodwell acknowledges that he does not know who this Friend was and makes no Scruple to refute those that thought it Turibius a Priest of Toledo whom the Author of this Fable Confounds with one Turibius of Asturia who lived not till the fifth Age whether there were two of this name or that they made two of one which was often done it was so that Anaclet was made two Popes in taking away from him the two first Syllables of his name However this Friend must be a Grecian because St. Irenaeus writes to him in Greek and makes an Apology for the Roughness of his Style It may be he lived in Cephalonia or in some place of the Continent that is near this Island according to the Author's Conjectures who pretends that the Heretick Ptolomy was of this Country He desired him to explain the Doctrins of the Valentinians and because they imbraced almost all the Opinions of the other Hereticks it makes Irenaeus speak of them all in his Work going back as far as Simon the Magician pretending that they derived their Birth from him as the Orthodox did theirs from Iesus Christ and his Apostles It is true the Valentinians and other Hereticks of St. Irenaeus's time did not acknowledge this for they maintained on the contrary that they received their Doctrin from Theodad Disciple of St. Paul as Basilides said he received his from Glaucias Interpreter to St. Peter But this Father proves that they descended by an uninterrupted Succession from the Heretick Menander Disciple to Simon the Magician The better to apprehend all this the Author observes that the new Hereticks used always to joyn themselves to the Ancient ones and to enter into a Society with them adding also some new Error to their Heresie whereby to distinguish themselves And as among Philosophers there was one Potamon that pick'd and chose what he liked in all the rest to form his own Principles by So it is very likely that the Valentinians formed their Heresie from what they found in the other Heresies that suited with their Design This is the reason that Irenaeus calls it a Recapitulation of all Heresies Ptolomeus was one of the chief Disciples of the Valentinian Heresie who according to the Maxim we just before spoke of added new Errors to those of his Masters It 's of him that this Father speaks of in the beginning of his Work Marcus was Disciple to Ptolomeus erected a new School and is more spoken of in what follows than his Master His Errors spread as far as Gaul and all along the Rhine But Mr. Dodwell proves that the Valentinian Heretick Colorbasus was more ancient than either Marcus or Ptolomeus because he was contemporary to Valentine of whom he learned his Doctrin after which he formed a new School All which is contrary to what Epiphanius writ These Hereticks like the Pythagorians did not explain their Opinions nor communicate their Books to any but them who were initiated into their Mysteries which was the reason that very few were well acquainted with them this caused St. Irenaeus's Friend to desire him to inform therein therefore this Father design'd as he himself declares to discover the Practices of the Valentinians and exclaim against their Manners Mr. Dodwell Remarks upon this that the Fathers used to represent the Ill Lives of Hereticks thence to draw Consequences against their Doctrins according to the Maxim of Jesus Christ You shall know them by their works Matth. 7.16 Though this Consequence is not always lawful for the Manners of one that is Orthodox in his Judgment and may be corrupt and on the contrary a Heretick may lead a pure and holy Life But it was just against the ancient Hereticks whereof the most part approved by their criminal Opinions their lewd Practices They affirm'd that one might deny our Saviour by word of Mouth if Persecuted That Magick was lawful and that simple Fornication was not a Crime .c. The Author employs the rest of this Fourth Dissertation to find out the time wherein St. Irenaeus writ this piece against the Hereticks to which purpose he runs over all the Valentinian Hereticks of whom we before have spoken and by the great many helps of Conjectures and Inquiries discovers the Times wherein they lived and Taught and concludes at last that Irenaeus writ this Work after the Death of Photinus his Predecessor about the Year CLXVII of the common Aera and the ninth or tenth of his Episcopacy and because this Father speaks of the Version of Theodotian which is thought to have been later he endeavours to shew that it is a Mistake and that there is nothing in the whole but what agrees with his Calculation The Reasons may be seen in the Author because they cannot be alledged here without being Tedious The Fifth Dissertation treats of the Interpreter of St. Irenaeus and a Passage of St. Ierom which joins St. Irenaeus with the Greek Authors that clear'd Erasmus from his doubt whether he writ in Greek or Latin Mr. Dodwell adds another that neither Erasmus nor Father Feuardant who published an Edition of St. Irenaeus took notice of which is that St. Ierom says that he 'll mention none of the Greeks but Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons He adds Arguments to these Testimonies This Author excuses the Roughness of his Stile because he lived along time among the Celtes and was obliged to make use of their barbarous Language but had he writ in Latin this excuse would not have taken for there was not only a Roman Colony at Lyons but also every fifth Year they celebrated the terrible Combat of Orators in Honour to Augustus of which Iuvenal speaks in these Verses Aut Lugdunensem Rhetor dicturus ad Aram. St. Ierom says also that St. Irenaeus writ learnedly and eloquently and without dispute this Father was too good a Judge to give this Praise to so rude Latin as that of St. Irenaeus was if it were that which is now extant it is not difficult to observe that the Author of this Version understood Greek very well but could not speak Latin so that if St. Irenaeus had writ in
the Gospel Preached unto 'em and Maximianus Herculius violently persecuted the Christians which he found here in the year CCCIII. It 's what Vsher tells us Chap. 7. Where beginneth what we have called the second part of his Work It may be that many things might be added to the precedent which he saith there upon the Faith of the Monks of the great number of Martyrs that Maximianus put to death and of the circumstances of their punishments Howbeit it 's certain that Dioclesian and Maximian having voluntarily quitted the Empire in the year CCCIV. and Constantius Chlorus being declared Augustus he put a period to all violences of what nature soever in the Provinces of his Jurisdiction and England was amongst the rest in which the Monks assure us that he built some Churches but dying two years after at York his Son Constantine who till then had been but Caesar was proclaimed Augustus by all the Roman Army which had lately got a signal victory over the Picts This gives occasion to our Archbishop to seek into the native Country of Constantine and of Helena his Mother in the eighth chapter The Country of this Princess is very doubtful although the Monks affirm she was of Treves yet is it not unlikely to be true that her Son was born in England as it may be seen in our Author who builds his opinion chiefly upon these words of Eumenius in his Panegyrick of Constantia O fortunata nunc omnibus terris beatior Britannia quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti Vsher afterwards sheweth that some Bishops of England assisted at the Council of Arles in CCCXIV and 11 years after at that of Nice likewise at the other Councils called upon the occasion of the antient controversies Notwithstanding that hindered not Arianism to pass into Great Britanny when Gratianus had granted liberty to all the sects of the Christians saving to the Manicheans to the Photinians and to the Eunomians But it seemeth that the Tyrant Maximius that favoured the Orthodox suffered not Arianism to take root in England where he began to Govern in CCCLXXIII some time after he sent hence a great number of Inhabitants which he established in Amorica that is to say Low Brittany which he remitted to one Conan Meriadoc who was the person according to the Monkish History that obtained of Dionot King of Cornwall his Daughter Vrsula in Marriage with 11000 Virgins of noble Birth besides 60000 other Virgins of meaner families All the World are acquainted with the Story of St. Vrsula and of the 11000 Virgins and those that would know who hath refuted it may consult Vsher who relateth it with many reasons to shew it is but an impertinent Fable altho' Baronius maintains the contrary In that time many people went to see the Holy places in Palestine which was the occasion of making known in the West the Books of Origen which were unknown there before Rufinus Amongst others a Priest of Aquila after having lived three years in the East and Studied under Evagrius an Origenist imbib'd not only the sentimeâ—ts of Origen but returning into Italy spread them every where by translating divers of his works It was of him that Pelagius and Celestius learned at Rome this Doctrine whereof we shall speak in the sequel They both were Monks and of Great Britain Celestius of Scotland and Pelagius of England the second was called Morgan in the Language of the Countrey that is to say born of the Sea or in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name given him out of his Countrey If St. Ierom may be believed Pelagius was an ignorant man who could not express himself that was more to be pittied than envied and Celestius a studier of solecisms but St. Augustine speaketh advantageously of their wit in divers places and indeed it is seen by the fragments that remain in his works that they expressed not themselves so ill as St. Ierom saith We have still two pieces of Pelagius amongst the supposed writings of this last whereof one is a Letter to Demetriades and the other is intituled the Symboli explanatio ad Damasum whereas it should have been called Professio fidei ad Innocentium for it was to Innocent that Pelagius sent it This last piece is also found in Baronius and in the first Tome of the Councils of the edition of Cologne in 1606. Pelagius sojourn'd long enough at Rome where he acquired much reputation by his works and his conduct whence it cometh that Augustin Bishop of Hippona spoke honourably of him and writ to him a very obliging Letter before he entered into a dispute with him He calleth him in his Book de peccatorum meritis vir ut audio sanctus nec parvo profectu Christianus bonus ac praedicandus vir He is saith he a man as I am told Holy and much advanced in Piety a man of Merit and Praise worthy Father Petau in his book De Pelagianorum Semi Pelagianorum Dogmatum Historia remarketh that St. Augustin composed the Book in which he speaketh so advantageously of Pelagius after the condemnation of Celestius in the Council of Carthage in CCCCXII Thence he concludeth that it is not of this Pelagius whereof St. Chrysostome speaketh in his fourth Letter wherein he deplores the fall of a Monk of the same name There is no more likelihood that the Pelagius a Hermit to whom St. Issiodorus de Diamette hath written great censures be him that we speak of here whose life was always irreproachable as appears by the Testimony of St. Augustin Rome being taken by the Gothes in the year CCCCX Pelagius who was there departed and Sailed to Africa yet he remained not there but immediately went into the East Notwithstanding his Disciplie Celestius stayed at Carthage and aspired to be Priest of that Church but as he made no difficulty to maintain the Sentiments of his Master he was accused by Paulinus Deacon of the same Church in a Council where Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the year which is already mention'd Celestius was there condemned and excommunicated as having maintain'd these seven Propositions I. That Adam was created mortal and that he should die whether he had sinned or not II. That the sin of Adam was only prejudicial to himself and not to all Mankind III. That the Law opened the entrance into Heaven as well as the Gospel IV. That before the coming of Iesus Christ men were without sin V. That Children newly born are in the same State as was Adam before his fall VI. That all Mankind dyeth not by the Death and Prevarication of Adam as all Mankind riseth not by the Resurrection of Iesus Christ. VII That man is without Sin and that he can easily obey the Commandments of God if he will Celestius answered to these Heads but we have only part of his Answers in the Books of St. Augustine that is to say that we have no other Testimonies of his Doctrine than
are some words for it is too long to be all inserted The Cardinal burthened with care unloads it on a Monk this Monk dischargeth it very slightly Boutiller the Son only runs about the Father defers every thing the Commissaries of the Treasury and the Generals of the Armies think they are all called to a Harvest of Gold The Cardinal is charged with the Sins of all the World and even fears his life It happened in 1637. that Grotius and the Earl of Leicester the English Ambassadour having sent their Coaches to meet an Ambassadour of Holland the Swedish Ambassadours Men took the Precedency in spight of the English which made the latter draw their Swords The Duke de la Force who went for the Ambassadour ran to the tumult and thought he could easily decide it but the Swedes made it appear they were prepared for this accident in giving the reasons they had to do so which may be seen in Let. 722. p. 1. I almost forgot to remark that in the 2. part which contains much fewer political Letters than the first that the Opinion of Grotius may be seen upon these two questions to wit if one is obliged to send a Prince such succour as hath been promised him when we are attacked our selves Letter 16. and after what manner the Republick of the United Provinces hold Democracy Let. 209. This is what was thought fit to relate of the Letters of Grotius concerning Politicks The subject of his Embassy may be seen in the new History of Swedland by M. Puffendorf lib. vii c. 4. In this great number of Letters one may well judge that there are some of all sorts but we were contented to mark the principal subjects The Letters of Consolation may be added whereof these are the most considerable the 133. to M. du Maurier upon the Death of his Wife The 334. to G. Vossius upon the Death of his Son Denis The 445. to M. de Thou The 1116. to a Prince of the House of the Palatinate What follows is a Continuation of Bishop Ushers Works Entituled The Antiquities of the British Churches c. And should have followed in pag. 37. after these Words Day of his Death but was there left out through the Printers mistake AFter the death of Innocent St. Augustine and Alypius writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola to exhort him to oppose Pelagianism in Italy provided he was in a Condition of making any progress In the mean time Celesâ—â—us that was return'd from Asia whither he was gone after having made some little abode in Sicily came to present himself of his own accord to Zozimus Born in Cappadocia and successor to Innocent He gave him a small Tractate wherein he had particularly expounded his Opinions He ran over therein all the Articles of Faith from that of the Holy Trinity to the Resurrection of the Dead and declared that he held all these Articles after the same manner the Catholick Church did He added likewise that if disputes were rais'd in things that were not matters of Faith as for his own part he had not attributed to himself the authority of forming an absolute Judgment thereof but offered to be examined by Zozimus what he had Written upon these subjects drawn from the authority of the Prophets and Apostles that it might be corrected if there was any errour In fine every sentiment he there explain'd that we have before spoken of and denyed manifestly Original Sin Zozimus cited â—elestius to appear before him in the Church of St. Clement where he caused this Writing to be read and asked of the Author if he verily believed what he said therein Celestius answered Yes after which Zozimus put divers questions to him the sense whereof may be contain'd in these two If he condemned the Doctrines that Paulinus Deacon of Carthage had accused him of maintaining He said to that that he could prove this Paulinus to be an Heretick and would not condemn the propositions whereof he had accused him The other question that Zozimus put to him was if he agreed not with Pope Innocent in what he had condemned and if he would not follow the sentiments of the Church of Rome Celestius answered yes After these formalities Zozimus Writ to the Bishops of Africk a long letter where he relates in what manner Celestius had appeared before him and how he had been examined After that he reproachech them with having acted in this affair with too much precipitation fervore fidei praefestinatum esse and that they had too lightly believed extravagant reports and saith the same to certain Letters of Eros and Lazarus not being well assur'd of their worth Lastly he citeth those that shall have any thing to say against Celestius to appear at Rome in two Months at farthest Notwithstanding he took not away the Excommunication that the Bishops of Africk had pronounced against him As in that time the judgment of a Synod or even of a Bishop and particularly that of the Bishop of Rome was of great weight in what manner soever they had proceeded and that afterward Zozimus was accused of having prevaricated in condemning Pelagius after having approved his Doctrine St. Augustine hath endeavoured to give the best turn he could to this conduct of Zozimus as if this Prelate had acted mildly on Celestius's account only for pitty and thinking to have an account of his Opinions only for the better instructing himself that seeing they could not not be attributed to him as obstinate Heresies it would not be so difficult even to bring him back to the truth Zozimus in a Word according to St. Augustin look'd upon Celestius as a Man of great wit and who being corrected might be very useful to others The will of rectifying but not the falsity of Opinion is commendable In homine acerrimi ingenii qui profecto si corrigeretur plurimis profuisset voluntas emendationis non falsitas dogmatis approbata est 'T is a long while ago saith our Author that the Learned Vossius hath shewn this great Bishop endeavour'd in vain to hide the broken back of Zozimus with his Purple It cannot be doubted after reading the Letters that he Writ to the Bishops of Africk that he not only favoured Celestius but also Pelagius as being Catholicks without dissenting much from the true Faith Zozimus having sent his Letter unto Africk received a Packet from Palestin directed to Innocent whose Death was not yet known There were Letters of Prayle Bishop of Ierusalem and an Apology of Pelagius with a small book wherein he expounded his Opinions very clearly as it may be seen by the reading of it Prayle openly took the part of â—elagius and Zozimus caused to be read publickly these Letters and Writings which were approved by all as appears by what Zozimus writ a little while after to the Bishops of Africa Would to God saith he to them my most beloved Brethren that some of you could have assisted
of wit It 's notwithstanding most true that nothing more useful could have been imagined nor more proper for the acquisition of the Knowledge of Plants One finds for example walking in a Garden a Plant never seen before and hath none to tell him the Name on 't and knoweth not whether it be a Forreign or Native one If he had the most exact and the most universal Herbal that can be imagined it may be he may look it all over without finding the Plant he seeks for unless he takes the pains to read all the Descriptions after one another and to compare this Plant with the Figures he may probably spend too much time unless by chance he meets it on a sudden On the contrary according to the method of Mr. Raius he only need take notice of the marks whereof we now speak and to seek for the Plant in Question in his Herbal amongst those that are of a like Character If it hath been described it will be infallibly found in the Rank and under the kind it ought to be Not but that there are Anomal Plants that one cannot tell where to range them but if any of this Nature be found it must be sought for in a particular book of the second Tome of Mr. Raius where he hath put those whose Character was ambiguous The Author having made a Collection of all those who have written before him whether of the Plants of Europe Asia of Africk or America it may be said that nothing will scape this Herbal when there are Figures That will undoubtedly render it a little dear but whatever it costs when all these Figures will be in it it will not cost the tenth part of what all the Herbals would which it comprehendeth There are divers which are no more to be found or which are extreamly dear as Fabius Columna which is but a small one in 4 to This is the Judgment of a Botanist which Mr. Raius knoweth not Nothing is to be added but 1. There will be found in this Volume the Abridgement of the History of Plants of Mexico by Francis Hernandez 2. The Reader ought moreover to remark in general the method of Mr. Raius that it hath been invented but to avoid Confusion and to help the Memory It would be ridiculous to imagine that by the means of some Divisions and Subdivisions drawn from the exteriour figure of Plants their nature is throughly known as the Philosophers of Schools imagined to know all by the means of the Vniversals and Categories into which they reduced well or ill all the Beings that they knew They did the same thing as a man would do who for to know the forces of an Army would carefully observe what colours the Cloaths of the Souldiers were that shou'd compose it and should believe he could judge thereby of the enterprizes of this Army The Truth is that we know but the outside of things and some of the Effects they produce whilst the inside remains in such Obscurity as all our Knowledge cannot dissipate so we cannot distinguish the Species but by some outward appearances which cannot be so much as described but very grosâ—â— A Body of Canon Law with the Notes of Peter and Francis Pitheas Brothers Sold at Paris 1687. in Folio 2. Volume and at Rotterdam By Reinier Leers THis new Edition of the Works of Peter and Francis Pitheas is added by the care of Mr. Pellatier Comptroller General of the Kings Exchequer to the Works of Peter Pitheas his great Grand-Father This Family was originally of Normandy and we find the Name of William Pitheas in the Catalogue of the Gentlemen of that Province who made the Voyage to the Holy Land in the year 1190. since they retired into the Countrey and Peter Pitheas who was Advocate in the Parliament of Paris rendered himself so famous by his profound Learning that they called him the Varro of his Age. He was afterwards Procurer General of the Chamber of Justice the King established in Guyenne and after having refused the same place in Catalonia he returned to Paris where he contributed much to the Resubmission of this great City under the Obedience of King Henry the fourth The most part of his and his Brother Francis's Works had been printed But there were some others upon which Francis wrought since the death of his Brother and not having time to print them he gave them to Anthony Alain his Friend who kept them a long time and at last they came into the hands of Mr. Pelletier who knowing how precious the Relicks of these great men of Letters are hath himself assisted in the Work and given the publick this mark of his Love to Sciences So we find in this Edition with another in Folio of Francis Pithou which is the Codex Canonum vetus Ecclesiae Romanae notis illustratus Parisiis ex Typographia Regia 1687. Many pieces that had not appear'd which are enlarged with many fine Notes Two Treatises with necessary Indexes of William Seldens of Utrecht about the use and abuse of Books Amsterdam at Booms 1688. p. 520 IF there be Plagiaries who attribute unto themselves the works of others whether it is in translating them into another Language or in publishing the same things in another order and under another Name the Publick may be assured that Mr. Selden is not of this number He attributes not his Works to the fertility of his imagination and suffers us not to doubt that they are fruits of his reading For almost at every Period he cites the Authors whence he hath taken what he saith We see therein passages of Scripture Fathers Scholastick Doctors Canonists Catholick and Protestant Divines Lawyers Physicians Philosophers Historians ancient and modern Poets Humanists Criticks c. And in case the Citations are as faithful as they appear exact this work may be very useful to find passages or Authorities which men want sometimes we shall briefly explain the Subject thereof It is divided into two parts the first whereof treats in nine Chapters of those who love Books 1. He begins by relating the Names of some persons who have Written or became famous by their Works and then passeth to the manner of describing how the Books of the Ancients were made the matter and form of their Volumes after which he sheweth that the fair sex is not destitute of learned Persons and that well ordered study cannot be displeasing to Women 2. The multitude of Books is the subject of the second Chapter He speaks herein of those Libraries which have made most noise and of the Invention of Printing He examines whether this prodigious quantity of Writings and great Reading spoils sound sense 3. He gives rules to prevent the falling upon bad Authors by marking 1. That we ought not to Write with haste 2. That we ought to propose general maxims and leave the application thereof to the Reader which is the Origin of Apologies and Fables 3. That the Style ought to
called it the Dauphine Island in 1665. The Description that is here made of it gives a very pleasing Idea of the same whereas the Orange-Trees and Trees covered with Flowers like the Jasmin of Spain by their mixture form natural Arbours which surpass all the Regularity of Art It produceth all sorts of Animals and particularly Chameleons whereof Naturalists have so variously spoken The Author assures us that they take by the eyes the colour of the Objects upon which they stay The Cloathing of the Inhabitants is Fantastick enough and their Past-times gross and barbarous He observeth nevertheless a singular Ceremony amongst them which is that the Master of the House offers the Fairest of his Women to the Pleasure of those that come to Visit him It is an Incivility and even a kind of Shame to make any Excuses The Woman on her part is grieved when her Beauty acquireth only Looks The People of the Country are of a Large Size they have a Proud Gate and can Dissemble as well as the most refined Nations Their Blackness is unalterable and proceedeth not from the heat of the Sun The Cause is chiefly in their Blood for the French there are Born as White as at Paris The Author shews that these Black Women have the advantage of having a constant Beauty because it hath not those inequalities and paleness of White Faces which renders our Beauties variable Marriage is there accompanied with no manner of Ceremonies The Virgins make none unhappy and each takes a certain number of Women according to his Fortune or his Quality There are no Temples seen in the Isle and Circumcision which is in use amongst them makes us judge that the Iews or Mahometans have left there some footsteps of their Religion They Adore an Oly which is a kind of a Cricket that they nourish with great care When one Reproches them that they prostrate themselves before a vile Animal they Answer very seriously That through it they respect the Author and it being necessary to have some Object to fix the Mind on the lowest best represents the Homage which they owe to the true and Soveraign Being The Beginnings of the Company was not Prosperous at Madagascar The Jealousie of Command divided the French and that which hasted their Ruin in the Island was that the Catholick Zeal came in for a share A Missioner willing to Convert Dian Manangue the most Valiant and full of Spirit of all the Princes of the Insulars without staying for the tediousness of Reasons and Persuasion made use of Force and Menaces Dian Manangue that had been drawn into the Dauphin-Fort under pretence of a Deliberation of War perceiving the violent designs that were formed against his Person very cunningly feign'd to yield himself and set a day apart to be Baptized He returned very full of Trouble and meditated the Cruel Tragedy that he Executed some days after For he Poysoned the Missioner who went to him to perform the Ceremony and Marching at the Head of a small Army being Clothed with the Surplis of the Missioner and wearing the Square Cap upon his Head in an Insulting manner routed the French and forc'd them to shut themselves up within the Walls of the Fort Dauphin Their Affairs were never since re-established On the contrary Dian Manangue having raised the Chief Men of Madagascar drove away almost all the French and those that were left were forced to abandon this Isle which might have served as the Center for the Commerce to the Indies The Company not being dismayed at these Ill successes went further into the Indies and took Measures how to establish themselves at Suratte This Puissant City is under the Obedience of the Great Mogul and there are Inhabitants of all the Countries of the World It is the Magazin of the Indies and Asia and perhaps the Chief City in the World for Traffick The Author makes some Remarks upon the Manners of the First Inhabitants of the Country and Affirms a thing that without doubt will find many Incredulous Readers That there are many Hermophrodites at Suratte who with Womens Cloaths wear Mens Turbants for distinctions and to shew all the World they have the advantage of both Sexes The Women for Decency and Honour are obliged to Burn themselves with the Body of their Husbands and give them after their Death this sad Mark of their Love Yet they ask permission of the Governor who Grants it only according as he thinks fit They seem to believe that Old Women Ask it with all their Hearts and they are permitted to Sacrifice their Sorrowful Remainder according to Custom As for the Young they are Commanded to be Comforted and are acquitted for some Extraordinary Shew of Grief In short the Company hath not made such progresses as answered what might be expected from a Puissant Kingdom and the Cares that had been taken to render it Flourishing Of Nature it self Or an Ingenuous Disquisition into the received Notions of Nature In a Letter to a Friend By the Honourable R. Boyle Esq Fellow of the Royal Society In Twelves at London ONE may see in the second Part of our Bibliotheque an extract of a Book taken from the English Journal All the Matters which are treated on in this Work are well digested but there is one thing wanting to render it conformable to our Method that is to make an Abridgment of one of the Matters and also to give an Idea of it and of the Author himself but Mr. Boyle having lately done us the Honour to send it to us we shall now supply the Defect and set apart the eighth Section for it After having explain'd by other Causes in the preceding Sections the greatest part of the effects which we attributed to Nature we shall here shew that though some of these Phaenomena's which some would have Nature to produce could not be explain'd by Mechanick Principles yet it follows not that we must have recourse to an Imaginary Cause which is express'd by that confus'd word Nature which gives us not to understand after what manner these effects are produced and to shew that this pretended Principle of all Motions and of all bodily Operations is a Chimera we demand of all Naturalists If it is a Substance or an Accident If they answer that it is an Accident we continue to demand What kind of Accident it is and how it is possible that an Accident by it self and separate can produce Effects so different and extraordinary If they say it is a Substance we ask of them What sort of Substance Created or Increated Corporal or Spiritual And as they shew which Side they incline so they lose themselves in such Absurdities as they cannot disengage themselves from Mr. Boyle has not contented himself to maintain this System with so many Reasons but he also ends this Section by shewing that 't is not less profitable than true 1. Because it seems to destroy the Opinion of those Heathen Philosophers who would
very People who make use of it are ashamed thereof when Superstition and Cruelty leave them any interval to think with a little more calmness on what they do This is so true that most of those which have abondoned themselves to the blind Zeal of Superstition have made use of the same artifices Our Age hath seen an illustrious Example of it and if we compare what Gregory saith hereof and the evil Crafts of Iulian with what hath been done not long since in a great Kingdom there will be a great Similitude found betwixt them We shall pass it by here fearing lest it should be thought that we have a mind to stop at a Parallel so Odious as this 6. Amongst the Reasons whereof Gregory makes use to shew that Iulian could not succeed in his Design he thus describes the power of the Saints which Christians honoured Have you not feared those to whom so great Honor is done and for whom solemn Feasts have been established by which Devils have been driven away and Diseases cured whose Apparitions and Predictions are known whose very Bodies have as much Virtue as their holy Souls whether they are touched or honoured of whom some drops of Blood only have the same Virtue as their Bodie We see by these Words and divers places of Gregory and other Fathers of his time that there was then a great deal of Respect had to the Relicks of Saints and that a great many Miracles were said to be done at their Graves It is astonishing that Gregory who loved inlarging hath not said even that the Bodies of Saints had more Virtue after their Death than during their Life for there is no comparison between the multitude of Miracles which were said to be done at the Graves of Martyrs and those which they did whilst alive Many People believe that the Falshood of some Christians and the Credulity of some others contributed much to hold up Paganism 7. Our Author makes a Panegyrick upon the Monks in the sequel after having despised Socrates and Plato and all the Pagan Philosophers Gregory reproacheth Iulian that he did not love Virtue in his Enemies but certainly Zeal made him commit here some such thing and it is very certain that he had infinitely learned more out of Plato and the Discourses of Socrates than in the Conversation of all the Monks that he had seen As to their Lives the endless Seditions of those Pious Hermits and their implacable Humor shew sufficiently that they were infinitely beneath these great Models of Pagan Antiquity 8. He remarketh very well that to be desirous to ruin the Christian Religion in a time wherein the Roman Empire was full of Christians was to undertake to ruin the very Empire When they were in a small number they could not be ill treated without Prejudice to the State but when they were numerous they could not be engaged without causing great Convulsions and too much disorder It were to be desired that the Imitators of Iulian had well weighed this Advertisement of Gregory who despiseth most justly all the good that could accrew from the Government of Iulian in comparison with the evil that so detestable a Design would have caused if he had been able to put it in Execution It were yet to be wished that our Age had been well instructed in the Horror which the Snares that Iulian by his Officers and Soldiers laid for Christians Gregory saith that some Christian Soldiers having one day when Iulian gave some Liberality to his Army cast Incense in his Presence into the fire according to an ancient Custom usually interpreted as if they had burned Incense to the Idols Nevertheless many others had done it without any Reflection and being admonished of their Fault as they invocated Iesus Christ making the sign of the Cross after their Meal by some one that told them they had renounced him they went immediately crying out in the Market-place and in the Ears of the Emperor that they had been surprized and that they were Christians Iulian provoked at the mistake banished them 9. Gregory describes some horrid Cruelties against the Christians which Iulian had authoris'd in Egypt and Syria He saith that the Inhabitants of Arethusa a City of Syria after having made Young-Women consecrated to God suffer a thousand Indignities killed them eat their Livers all raw and gave their Flesh to Swine to feed on covering it with Barly These People treated with an abominable Barbarity the Bishop of this City who notwithstanding appeared almost insensible in his Torments and Gregory marks that this Bishop in the time of Constantius exercis'd having liberty from the Emperor an Habitation of Devils to wit a Pagan Church This Action of Mark of Arethusa had drawn upon him the Hatred of the People as a Pagan would have been detested by the Christians if he had destroyed one of their Churches Notwithstanding Gregory a little lower saith not only that the Christians did not Treat the Pagans as they had been Treated by them But he asketh of them What Liberty Christians had taken from them As if it were nothing to pull down their Temples as was done since the Reign of Constantine They continued with the same Rigor under the following Emperors and that they might be Reproacht with nothing of Paganism it was Prohibited on pain of Death to Sacrifice to Idols with the Applause of all the Christians if St. Augustin can be believed We must not forget to Remark here another effect of the Rhetorick of Gregory It is that in speaking of the Christian Young Women of Aretâ—usa who had been so Abused he Accuses not only the Pagans but also makes an Apostrophe to our Lord thus O Iesus Christ how shall I suffer the pain which you had then 10. Iulian added Insults also to his ill Treatments and in taking away the Christians Goods he said he only assisted them to observe the Gospel which commanded 'em to despise the things of this Life This Railery is in the forty third Letter of Iulian where he saith that the Church of the Arians at Edessa having done some Violence to the Valentinians he had Confiscated all their Mony to distribute it to the Soldiers and kept their Goods to himself fearing lest the Arians being too Rich could not get into the Kingdom of Heaven Gregory Answers to this amongst other things that Iulian acting thus made as if he imagin'd that the Gods of the Heathens thought it necessary that People should be deprived of their Goods without deserving it and that they approved of Injustice He might have been satisfied with this Answer but he adds that there are things which Iesus Christ hath commanded as necessary and others which he hath simply proposed for those that would observe them without indispensibly obliging any one to do it Such is according to Gregory the Commandment of abandoning the Wealth of this World 11. One thing for which they abused
they writ their Epistles but that they only taught privately being not as yet separated from the Church He enquires into the time that all these Epistles had been written and shews according to his account that this agrees very well with the Epoche which he hath observed of the first Schism that happened in the Church Celsus a great Enemy to Christianity confesseth in Origen that the first Disciples of our Lord were all of the same Opinion and that they were not separated from one another until their number increased He reproaches them with these Divisions and had not omitted it if there had been any in the time of the first Disciples to have made a Demonstration of them in like manner The same Truth also appears by a place of Clemens of Alexandria This Author pretends to prove that the Heretical Churches were of a later date than the True To this purpose he divides the time which passed since the Birth of Iesus Christ into three Periods the first comprehends the time of our Saviour's Life from Augustus to the fifteenth Year of Tiberius according to the Calculation of Clement the second from the Death of Iesus Christ to the Martyrdom of St. Paul under Nero's Empire and the third from Nero to Adrian Clement shews that all Heresie began after these three Periods thus agreeing with Mr. Dodwell that they appeared not until Adrian so that some were in being until the Emperor Antoninus's time which is true of the Heretick Marcion and very likely of Valentinus Mr. Dodwell having proved in his first Dissertation that the Hereticks did not begin to disturb the Church until under the Emperor Trajan pursues this Subject in the Dissertation whereof we give the Extract and proves in particular that Marcion Basilides Valentinus and some other Hereticks made Polycarp say so often O God to what times am I reserv'd That all these Hereticks I say did not discover themselves until under the Empire of Adrian the reason hereof may be seen in the Author we will be satisfied to remark that he reprehends Tertullian by the bye of some very gross Faults as that he made but one Emperor of Tiberius and Claudius under the name of Tiberius Claudius but this of Tertullian will not seem so strange as in Eusebius one Emperor divided into three Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and that the Historian says they were Brothers After having spoke of the time of St. Irenaeus's Birth Mr. Dodwell search'd after that of his Death he rejects the pretended History of his Martyrdom by the Persecution of the Emperor Severus because it does not appear in any Author of the four first Ages that this Father was Martyred there being none that gives him this name To comprehend the strength of the Argument which is a Demonstration on this Subject you must know that the Honour of Martyrdom was so Glorious that this Praise was never forgot so that St. Irenaeus not having it from any Ancient Author though they gave him many Glorious Titles we ought to conclude that it was not due to him It 's true some of the following Ages honoured him with the Title of Martyr the first that gave it him was the Author of the Questions to the Orthodox which Mr. Dodwell supposes to be one Iustina Sicilian that is supposed to be writ about the end of the fifth Age at least he is sure he did not live until after the Emperors embraced Christianity and consequently his Testimony alone ought not to be taken for things that passed a long time before The second who calls S. Irenaeus Martyr is St. Ierom but because this Doctor has not given him this name in the places wherein he ought to have given it him if he had thought it his due Mr. Dodwell judges it is some Remark that might have passed out of the Margin into the Text so that nothing can be concluded in favour of St. Irenaeus's pretended Martyrdom neither from the Author of the Questions to the Orthodox nor from the Testimony of St. Ierom and Gregory of Tours may be looked upon as the first that spoke of it affirmatively but it is with so little Exactness and upon so false Supposition that one ought not to take notice of what he says He will have him dye in the same Persecution that crowned Photion Bishop of Lions whom nevertheless St. Irenaeus succeeded Besides it is certain that he lived when Victor was Pope as appears by the famous Dispute that happened about Easter which was undoubtedly in that Pope's time And it seems under the Empire of Commodus Eusebius and the Chronicle of Alexandria make mention of this Father in the third Year of this Emperor Mr. Dodwell believes that it was upon the occasion of his Works against the Schism of Blastus and Florinus that he put out under Commodus rather than Severus by reason of the Troubles of the Reign of this last during which it seems this Dispute was quieted The last Actions of St. Irenaeus which we have any knowledge of end in the Year CLXXXIX of our Saviour and the Tenth of the Emperor Commodus so that it may be concluded this Father died about Ninety but not full a Hundred Years of Age. This Author attributes this long Life to Providence that Tradition might be more compleat The same also was said of the Patriarchs before Moses because the Revelations were not writ but the Writings of the New Testament being received and known the like Necessity does not appear Nevertheless Mr. Dodwell carries this thought further and says That it was more difficult that the Churches planted by the Apostles should consent to an Error than to convey Books under the borrowed names of Apostles there would be nothing wanting to fall into this Unhappiness but the Perfidiousness of an Ill or the too great Credulity of a Good Man It 's to befriend Tradition extreamly to bring it from the Inconveniencies to which it seems a thousand times more subject than Scripture For after all how would it be possible to distinguish from the true Apostolick Tradition what might be added under pretext of Explication for some other end After having spoke of the Person of St. Irenaeus Mr. Dodwell passes to his Writings in the following Dissertations The design of his Work against Heresies and the time wherein it was written wholly takes up the fourth Dissertation If this Father excuses the Rudeness of his Style it is not that he was an Enemy to Eloquence or that he despised it but because his long abode in Gaul made him lose the Habit of speaking the Greek Tongue and because he was not accustomed to write whence it is concluded that his Work against Heresies was the first of his Writings nor did he write it until he was far in Years because he talks of having seen Polycarp in his Youth as a particular Advantage which seems to intimate that there were but few then in the World that could say the same thing He says
Chatechumenes consisted in shewing them what there was that was good in the Heathen Philosophy and so insensibly conducted them to Christianity which they were in a much better way of embracing after having received several of his Maxims drawn from Natural Light and distributed through the Writings of Philosophers for whom they saw all the World had a respect If they were immediately told that they must renounce all their Opinions and look upon all the rest of Mankind not only as Men who were in an Error but such a had said nothing that was true As Labourers cast Seed into the Earth but not 'till after they have water'd it So saith Clement We take from the writings of the Greeks that which is necessary to water what we final Earthy in those we Instruct that they may afterwards receive the Spiritual Seed and that they may be in a mâ—re likely way to make it spring up more easily In effect the light of the Gospel supposes that of Nature and destroys it not We do not see that Iesus Christ and his Apostles have undertaken to give us a compleat System of all the Doctrins that have any reference to Religion they supposed that we were already prevented with divers thoughts established amongst all Nations upon which they Reasoned otherwise it would have been requisite for example that they should have exactly defined all the Vertues which they have not done because in respect to this they found Idea's in the minds of Men which tho imperfect were yet very true so they were satisfied to add what was lâ—cking or to cut off what evil Customs might have injuriously established therein Besides the Office of Catechist Clement was raised to the Priesthood at the beginning as 't is believ'd of the Empire of Severus because Eusebius in his History of the Events of CXCV gives to Clement the title of Priest It was about that time that he undertook to defend the Christian Religion against Heathens and Hereticks by a Work which he Entituled Stromates which we shall afterwards speak something of because in this Work in making a Chronological Computation he descends not lower than the Death of Commodus whence Eusebius concludes that he compos'd it under the Empire of Severus who succeeded this Emperour Severus enraged against the Christians because perhaps of a Rebellion of the Iews with whom the Heathens confounded those that professed Christianity began to Persecute them violently This Persecution arising at Antioch reached unto Egypt and obliged several Christians to withdraw from their Habitations where they were too well known to escape the Violence of the Persecution This seems to have given occasion to Clement of proving it was lawful to fly in time of Persecution After having said that Martyrdom purified them from all Sins and exhorting them to suffer if they were called to it he says that Persons ought to testifie that they are perswaded of the Truth of the Christian Religion as much by their Manners as Words After that he Expounds this Passage of the Gospel When you are Persecuted in one City flee into another The Lord saith he commands us not to flee as if it were an Evil to be Persecuted and bids us not to shun Death by flight as if we should fear it He will have us neither ingage in or assist any one to do Evil c. Those who obey not are Rash and throw themselves without reason into manifest Dangers If he who kills a Man of God Sinneth he also is guilty of his own Death he who presents himself to the Tribunal of the Jugde c. he assists as much as is capable the Wickedness of him by whom he is Persecuted If he exasperates him he is effectually the cause of his own Death as much as if he endeavoured to vex a wild Beast who afterwards devoured him A little while after the Apostles Persons were observ'd to covet Martyrdom but some after desiring the Executioners scandalously falling from Christianity at the sight of the Torments this Conduct was thought dangerous and those were condemned for it who offered themselves freely to be Martyr'd as appears by divers Passages of the Ancients and by that of Clement which we have related As Men ought not to shun Martyrdom when it cannot be avoided except by renouncing Christianity or a good Conscience so they ought to preserve their Lives as much as they can whilst there is any likelihood of serving the Christians rather to prolong it by flight than lose it by staying in Places where the Persecution is so violent and whence they may get away without ceasing to make Profession of Truth Those who blame or make some difficulty of absolving some Protestant Pastors because they came from a Kingdom where they could not tarry without an eminent Danger should first prove that another Conduct would have been more advantageous to Christianity than their Retreat hath been Here depends the Solution of this Question which hath been disputed of late If they have done well in withdrawing Clement seems then to have quitted Alexandria seeing we find that he made some Abode at Ierusalem with Alexander who was soon after Bishop of this City and to whom he dedicated his Book Entituled The Ecclesiastical Rules against those who follow the Opinions of the Jews During his Abode there he was very useful to this Church as appears by a Letter to Alexander to the Church of Antioch whereof Clement was bearer where this Bishop saith that he was a Man of great Virtue as the Church of Anitoch knew and would still acknowledge him so and that he being at Ierusalem by an effect of Divine Providence had confirmed and encreased the Church of the Lord. From Antioch Clement returned to Alexandria where it is not known how long he lived All that can be said is that he survived at least some Years after Pantenus and that he was not old when he composed his Stromates seeing he saith himself that he did them to serve him for a Collection in his old Age when his Memory should fail him History teacheth us nothing concerning his Death but it may be believed his Memory was blessed at Alexandria if these words of the Bishop of Ierusalem be considered which we have spoken of who in another Letter to Origen saith That they both acknowledged for Fathers these blessed Men who had quitted this Life before them and with whom they would soon be to wit blessed Pantenus and pious Clement from whom they had drawn great Succours Amongst several Works which Clement compos'd we have but Three remaining which are considerable The First is An Exhortation to Pagans where he refutes their Religion and endeavours to induce them to imbrace Christianity The Second is Entituled The Paedagogue where he forms the Manners of Youth and gives them Rules to behave themselves Christianly where he mixeth Maxims very severe and far from the Customs of this day The Third are the Stromates that is to say Tapistries which he
5. n. 17. q. 5 ‖ ELliot of New-England his Life and Death 3 Suppl p. 32 Europeans from which of Noah's Sons did they proceed 5 Suppl q. 1. p. 7 †ESsay upon Criticks wherein is shewn in what the Poetry of the Hebrews consists p. 294 Examination of the Infallibility of the Roman Church p. 99 Enquiry into the Constitution of the Primitive Church p. 382 Education of Daughters by Mr. Treveton p. 398 Extract of a Letter concerning some Manuscripts of China p. 424 Essay upon all sorts of Learning by the Athenian Society contained in the four sheets that are prefixt to the Young Students Library F. * FIshes whether they breathe or no v. 1. n. 2. q. 13 Fish in salt-water why fresh v. 1. n. 3. q. 7 Fire extinguish'd where goes it v. 1. n. 7. q. 3 Friendship if there be any such thing what is it v. 1. n. 7. q. 4 Friendship between persons of different Sexes v. 1. n. 11. q. 1. Females if went a Courting more Marriages than now v. 1. n 13. q. 9 Friendship contracted before Marriage v. 1. n. 15. q. 1 Friendship its grounds being placed c. v. 1 n. 15. q. 8 Friends engaging to meet after death whether Lawful v. 1. n. 16. q. 1 Fleas whether they have Stings v. 1. n. 17. q. 1 Feme Covert whether oblig'd to appear v. 1. n. 18. q. 12 Fire emitted Tobacco-pipe Cane v. 1. n. 20. q. 12 French King's Father v. ◠n. 22. q. 6 Flowers their different colours v. 1. n. 23. q. 11 Females how Circumcis'd v. 2. n. 1. q. 9 Fools why ask they more questions v. 2. n. 1. q. 20 Flashes of Fire what natural cause v. 2. n. 5. q. 6 Fire whether visible v. 2. n. 5. q. 13 Fishes living longer with or without Scales v. 2. n. 5. q. 15 France a Descent on it by Sea or by Savoy v. 2. n. 6. q. ◠Fishes what instances may we expect v. 2. n. 6. q. 8 Figures how to make 20 out c. v. 2. n. 9. q. 10 Frenchman why Incensed with the Lie v. 2. n. 15. q. 8 France's King what is he doing now v. 2. n. 17. q. 1 Friendship when contracted whether best to Marry v. 2. n. 18. q. 1 Flie or the Late King which the greatest Heart v. 2. n. 18. q. 5. Faces why not two alike v. 2. n. 18. q. 10 Friendship contracted the one Rich the other Poor c. v. 2. n. 19. q. 7 Friend when in drink v. 2. n. 23. q. 14 France whether Psalms were sung in the Air there v. 2. n. 30. q. 10 Flood what was the greatest sin before it v. 2. n 30. q. 11 Fogs why some stink more than others v. 3. n. 2. q. 6 Fornication what sin v. 3. n. 4. q 3. Fondness or Coyness which most desirable v. 3. n. 4. q. 19 Fair the keeping it 3 Questions Ans. in one v. 3. n. 8. q. 7 Fly-blows their cause v. 3 n. 8. q. 10 French why love the English c. v. 3. n. 9. q. 2. Forms of Prayer whether Lawful v. 3. n. 9. q. 3 Fairies and Goblins their Circles and Customs v. 3. n. 10. q. 5 Figures how pattern'd out by one act v. 3. n. 12. q. 6. Friends falling in Love with the same Lady v. 3. n. 13. q 3 Friendship or Love which the Strongest v. 3. n. 13 q 7. Falshood in Love is it a Folly or Knavery v. 3. n 13. q. 10 Friends how far oblig'd to one another v. 3. n. 15. q. 4 Fornication or to eat Puddings which is the greatest Sin v. 3. n. 22. q. 9 Fornication whether it does not dissolve a Solemn Contract v. 3. n. 24. q. 3 Fear what is the best antidote against it v. 3. n. 24. q. 7 Fondness after Marriage worse in Man or Woman v. 3. n. 13. q. 6 Flux and reflux of the Sea v 5. n 6. q. 2 French here exempted from all Taxes Liberty to Trade v. 5. n. 10 q. 5 French if Naturaliz'd wou'd it not ease the Nation v. 5. n. 10. q 6 Fingers cut off and heal'd and now useful as before v. 5. n. 16 q. 3 Fame the meaning of the word and what it is v. 5. n. 18. q 2 Faith of the Parent will it serve the Child v. 5. n. 27. q. 3 ‖ FVneral Oration of the Dauphiness 1 Suppl p. 4 Fleetwood's Collection of Antient Inscriptions 2 Suppl p. 25 †FAsciculus Rerum Expetendarum or a Collection of things to be sought after and things to be avoided p 404 G. * GVardian Angel v. 1. n. 1. q. 3 Government what sort is best v. 1. n. 4 q. 11 Glass broke flying into dust v. 1. n 5. q 8 Gog and Magog whether yet destroyed v. 1. n. 8. q. 2 Goodness objective consists in the Agreement c. v. 1. n. 12. q. 7 Glass painting is it different from what was v 1. n. 14. q. 6 Gunpowder or Printing which done most mischief v. 1. n. 14 q. 7 Gout its original cause v. 1. n. 15. q. 5 Genus and Species their difference v. 1. n 16. q. 7 Game 's its production v. 1. n. 17. q. 7 Globe of the Earth a Mill-stone fall c. v. 1. n. 17. q. 10 Gentlewoman left to her own management v. 1. n. 18. q. 3 God's Prescience and Man's Agency v. 1. n. 28. q. 5 Glass its different representations v. 2. n. 1. q. 1 God when he reveals himself in a Dream v. 2. n. 17. q. 10 Golden age v. 2. n. 18. q. 12 God's Spirit how moved on the waters v. 3. n. 9. q 5 Good Conduct in a General v. 3. n. 15. q. 1 Girl of Seven years old whether capable of love v. 3. n. 15. q. 5 Gen. First v. First c. Confutation of Atheists v. 3. n. 26 q. 4 Gentleman Marrying a Lady may they separate for a time v. 4. n. 8. q. 3 God's Name not once mentioned in Esther v. 4. n. 9. q. 13 Government whether we are oblig'd to serve it v. 4. n. 19. q. 8 Gunpowder-Treason how a Plot v. 4. n. 25. q. 1 Grotius Buchanan or Barklay the best Latin Poets v. 5. n. 14 q. 5 ‖ 2. GEneral of an Army whether he should fight as others 1 Suppl p. 28 3. Gurtler's History of the Templars 2 Sup. p. 9 1. Gallant Discourses containing Questions and Answers Translated out of French 1 Sup. p. 22 Gallant Discourse being a Continuation of Questions and Answers 2 Suppl p. 27 Genealogical History of the Kings and Peers of Great Britain 3 Suppl p. 25 Generation in the Act is not Soul united to Matter 5 Suppl p. 15. q. 13 †GRotius Letters the Subject Criticks and Divinity p. 48 His Letters Part 2. Treating upon Law History and Politicks p. 55 Gregory Nazianzen his Works and Life p. 331 Grand Seignior's Spy and his Secret Relations sent to the Divan p. 414 Goa Inquisition a Relation of it p. 462 Gronovius's Exercitations upon the Death of Judas the Traitor