were wrested to a wrong sense And this he did not out of bare Curiosity but to confute the Arrogance of those men who will still appeal though with ill success to Antiquity and the Writings of the Fathers But these learned Collections of his being a large Volume and designed by him as the foundation of a more large and elaborate Work which might have been of great use to the Church were never finished but remain still in Manuscript though he fully intended had God afforded him life to have fallen upon this as the only considerable work he had left to do and which perhaps he had performed many years before his death had it not been for that unhappy Irish Rebellion which bereft him not only of that but of all his other Books for some time except those he brought over with him or furnished himself with here so that when at last this Manuscript together with the rest of his Library was brought over from Droghedah they found him engaged in that long and laborious Work of his Annals and when that was done he had as an Appendix thereunto his Chronologia Sacra to perfect though he never lived to make an end of it so that it is no wonder if he wanted opportunity and leisure to finish this great Task But that he intended to give his last hand to this Work will appear from this passage in his Epistle to the Reader before his answer to the Jesuite's Challenge in these words The exact discussion as well of the Authors Times as of the Censures of their Works I refer to my Theological Bibliothcque if God hereafter shall lend me life and leisure to make up that Work for the use of those that mean to give themselves to that Noble Study of the Doctrine and Rites of the Ancient Church And how much he desired it might be done may farther appear that being askt upon his Death-bed What his Will was concerning those Collections He answered to this effect That he desired they might be committed to his dear friend Dr. Langbaine Provost of Queens Colledge the only man on whose Learning as well as Friendship he could rely to cast them into such a Form as might render them fit for the Press According to which bequest they were put into the hands of that learned Dr. who in order thereunto had them transcribed and then set himself to fill up the breaches in the Original the quotations in the Margine being much defaced with Rats about which laborious Task that learned and good man studying in the publick Library at Oxford in a very severe Season got such an extreme cold as quickly to the great grief of all good men brought him to his end Feb. An. 1657. So that though that excellent Person Dr. Fell now Lord Bishop of Oxford who has deserved so well of Learning has endeavoured to get those Lacunae filled up yet these Collections still remain unfit to be published though the transcript from the Original with the Marginal quotations and additions are now in the Bodleyan Library as a lasting Monument of the Lord Primate's Learning and Industry and may be like wise useful to those learned Persons for whom they were designed and who will take the pains to consult them But the Original of the Authors hand writing is or was lately in the possession of the Reverend and Learned Anno 1612 Dr. Edward Stillingfleet Dean of St. Pauls He was now in the 32 d. year of his age in which he took the Degree of Dr. of Divinity in that University wherein he was bred and to which he was admitted by Dr. Hampton then Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Vice-Chancellor after he had performed the usual Exercises part of which was to read two Solemn Lectures on some places of Scripture which he then did on Dan. 9. 24. Of the Seventy Weeks And on Rev. 20. 4. Explaining those Texts so mis-applied Anno 1613 by the Millenaries both in Elder and Latter times The next year being at London he published his first Treatise De Ecclesiarum Christianarum Successione Statu being much magnified by Casaubon and Scultetus in their Greek and Latin Verses before it was solemnly presented by Arch-Bishop Abbot to King James as the eminent First-fruits of that Colledge of Dublin It is imperfect for about 300 years from Gregory XI to Leo X. i. e. from 1371. to 1513. and from thence to this last Century which he intended to have added had God afforded him longer life though he had lost very considerable assistances towards that design as you will find hereafter in the Series of this Relation This he wrote to answer that great Objection of the Papists when they ask us Where our Religion was before Luther And therefore the design of this Book was to prove from Authors of unquestionable Credit and Antiquity that Christ has always had a Visible Church of true Christians who had not been tainted with the Errours and Corruptions of the Romish Church and that even in the midst of the darkest and most ignorant times and that these Islands owe not their first Christianity to Rome About this time also he altered his condition changing a single for a married life marrying Phoebe only Daughter of Luke Challoner Doctor of Divinity of the Ancient Family of the Challoners in Yorkshire who had been a great Assister and Benefactor to the late Erected Colledge at Dublin having been appointed Overseer of the Building and Treasurer for the money raised to that purpose He was a Learned and Pious man and had such a friendship for Dr. Usher that he courted his Alliance and intended had he lived to have given him this his only Daughter with a considerable Estate in Land and Money but dying before he could see it concluded he charged her upon his Death-bed that if Dr. Usher would marry her she should think of no other person for a Husband which command of her dying Father she punctually obeyed and was married to him soon after and was his Wife for about forty years and was always treated by him with great kindness and conjugal affection until her death which preceded his about one year and a half He had by her one only Child the Lady Tyrrel yet living Thus he lived for several years in great reputation pursuing his Studies and following his Calling and whilst he sat at home endeavouring the advancement of Vertue and Learning his fame flew abroad almost all over Europe and divers learned men not only in England but foreign Countries made their applications to him by Letters as well to express the honour and respect they had for him as also for satisfaction in several doubtful points either in humane Learning or Divinity as the Reader may see in this ensuing Collection Anno 1615 There was now a Parliament at Dublin and so a Convocation of the Clergy when the Articles of Ireland were composed and published and he being a Member of the Synod was appointed to
of May we loosed from the Bril and arrived at Gravesend the thirteenth of May And visited his Majesty at Greenwich as we came by who graciously did receive us And thus I thank God we are safely returned to our homes And here with my hearty salutations I commend you to the gracious Protection of the highest Majesty Your assured ever-loving Friend Samuel Ward Sidney Colledge May 26. 1619. LETTER XXXVIII A Letter from Dr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydyat Salutem à Salutis fonte D. N. Jesu Christo. Dear Sir I Do acknowledge my self much bound unto you for the Loan of your Geminus and Albategnius the Reading whereof hath given me a great deal of Contentment but most of all for your kind Letter delivered unto me by Robert Allen the 3d. of July last wherein you so gently pass over my great Error in detaining your Books so long from you I will not make any long Apology for my self and excuse my Negligence by want of Opportunity of a fit Messenger your love having covered my Offence already I may spare my Labour in covering any further Now at length therefore I return your Books unto you again with a thousand Thanks and heartily do wish that I may have some Occasion offered on my part to gratify you in the same kind In the mean time I send you Ptolomy's Canon Regum so often cited by Dr. Rainolds in his Lectures a Copy whereof I received from Bishop Overal lately deceased transcribed by Mr. Rich. Mountague out of Sir Henry Savils Manuscript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the same Volume is Theon also upon those Canons whence Sir Henry Savil himself hath sent me certain Notes de Ratione anni Alexandrini touching which also within these three daies I received from Meursius a Greek Discourse of the Scholiasts against Paulus Alexandrinus who wrote in the Year of the World according the Account of the Grecians 6659 Dioclesiani 867 hoc est Aerae nostrae 1151. This latter doth contain but ordinary Stuff in Theon the Principal thing that I observe is the time of the Concurrence of the beginning of the Aegyptian and the Alexandrian year hoc est anni vagi et fixi noted by him in these Words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as he otherwise expresseth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For ab initio aerae Philippicae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he reckoneth with Ptolomy annos 294 but 299 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That from this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must deduce Caput aerae Alkept apud Albategnium which by him is placed annis 287. 587 387. your Book hath the first Figure being set down inconstantly and falsly the other two constantly and truly post aeram Dhilcarnain I make little question howsoever I be not yet fully resolved whether I should referr the same to the beginning or the ending of the fifth year of Augustus that is whether I should begin it à Thoth anni 299. or 300. oerae Philippicoe for in both of them the first of Thoth fell upon the same day tam in anno vago quam in fixo in the former upon August 30 feria 5 a which is the Character oerae Alkept in Albategnius if the number be not depraved in the latter upon August 29 feria 6 a unto which I rather incline because by this means we shall keep straight the beginning of Dhilkarnain which by Albategnius his Account certainly doth incurr in annum periodi Julianoe 4402 twelve years after the Death of Alexander as himself setteth down fol. 43. lin 4. and you do acknowledge to be true whereas by the former Hypothesis it must be referred to the Year 4401 contrary to the meaning of Albategnius eleven Years after Alexander's Death That the Aegyptians received the use of their annus aequabilis from Nabonasar or that the Babylonians did ever use that Form of Year I think will hardly be proved If that be true which Eratosthenes writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Geminum pag. 127. that the Aegyptians sometime celebrated their Isia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 using this manner of year it must needs be that they used this Form of year before the time of Nabonasar For the 17th day of Athyr to which you rightly refer the beginning of that I could never concurr with the Summer Solstice betwixt the time of Nabonasar and Eratosthenes The Authority of Geminus also moveth me to yield that in Metonis Enneadecaëteride the years were not alternatim pleni and cavi as you imagine although in Calippus his Period the Disposition seemeth to have been such to which as to that which was received into civil use in his time I referr that place of Geminus pag. 115 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You have rightly observ'd that in my Discourse de Christianarum Ecclesiarum Successione Statu there is wanting for the Accomplishment of the second Part an hundred years Story which defect in the Continuation of the Work is by me supplied I purpose to publish the whole Work together much augmented but do first expect the Publication of my Uncle Stanihurst's Answer to the former which I hear since his death is sent to Paris to be there Printed I am advertised also that even now there is come out at Antwerp a Treatise of my Country-man Christopher de Sacro-Bosco De verae Ecclesiae Investigatione wherein he hath some dealing with me Both these I would willingly see before I set out my Book anew that if they have justly found fault with any thing I may amend it if unjustly I may defend it I am very glad to hear of your Pains taken in the unfolding of the Revelation and hope that e'er long it will come abroad among us To help you therein touching the Fratricelli Beguini c. my Opinion is this That as under the name of the Albigenses were comprehended not only the Manichees which swarmed in those parts of France but also the Waldenses which dwelt among them so likewise under the Name of the Fratricelli and Beguini unto whom as monstrous Opinions and Practices are ascribed as unto the other those also were contained who made Profession of the Truth For to omit the Testimony of a certain Writing in quo S. Bernardini Errores recensentur alledged by Illyricus affirming Fratricellos qui potissimum in Italiâ fuerunt communiter esse Hussitas the Witness of Conradus de Monte Puellarum or of Maydenburg a Canon of Ratisbon who wrote about the year 1340. De Erroribus Begehardorum is plain to this purpose Sub illorum habitu saith he quarumlibet Hoeresum species utpote pauperum de Lugduno aliarum iniquitatis Sectarum partitiones per Ovile Christi suos Apostolos satagunt seminare Add hereunto that the Waldenses Merindoll and Cabriers are known to have been a Colony deduced from the Alpes the chief Receptacle of the Fratricelli This appeareth by the Inquisition returned unto Francis the first anno 1540. by William Bellay then Governor of those
of the Psalms and the second of Esdras I have also a small Tract of Ephraems in the Syriack I have used the best means I could to procure the New Testament in the Abyssins Language and Character but to this day have not been able Fourteen days past I sent again to Jerusalem to try if it or any other of the Books your Lordship would have in the Samaritan Tongue may be had For obtaining whereof I have made use of the favour of a Gentleman of Veniee that is Consul for that Nation in this Place who I presume will endeavour to satisfy my great desire in this Particular and if he fail me I have no farther hopes of prevailing I am sorry that I can do no better service in a business that may be so beneficial as your Grace hath intimated to the Church of God and so acceptable to your self Such Papers as I have or can procure shall God willing with a Note of their Cost and Charges be sent by our Ships aforesaid News this place affords not worth your knowledg By our last Letters from Constantinople they write of great preparation for the Wars and that they will this Spring go against the Rebel Abbassa that holds the City of Assaraune In their last Years Siege of that place they lost many Men and much Honour The Common Adversary the Persian in the mean while hath time to provide himself to welcome the Turks when they shall think good to visit him They write also from Constantinople that a Greek Patriarch or Bishop that spent three Years in England was resolved to print being furnished out of Christondom with all things necessary having leave of the Caymo-cham some of the Greek Fathers whose Writings it should seem the Papists have abused Which when the Jesuits that live in Constantinople understood they went to the Bashaw and told him That the Greek under pretence of Printing would coin and stamp false Mony Whereupon without examination of the Business order was given to apprehend and instantly to hang the old Man his House and Goods to be seised upon for the King's use The latter was effected but God so provided that the Man was at that instant of time in our Ambassador's House where the Officers came to take him and execute that tyrannical Sentence But the Ambassador examining the Business undertook his Protection and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his Person yea so far prâ—seâ—uted the Business against the Jesâ—its that they were cast into Prison their House Library and all their Goods taken for the King's use and liberty given to the old Greek to go on with his intended Work And for the Jesuits the best they could expect was to be banished Constantinople and never to come into any part of the Grand Signior's Dominions But I fear their Mony will produce too good an issue of so foul a Business Their Malice is inveterate God deliver all good Men out of their Power Thus I humbly take leave and ever rest Your Grace's in all Duty to be commanded Thomas Davis Aleppo the 14th of March 1627. Of the Turks Account the 18th day of the 7th Month called Raged and the 1037 Year of Mahomet LETTER CXXI A Letter from the Right Reverend Dr. John Hanmer Bishop of St. Asaph to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh May it please your Grace I Have received the Chronicle of Ireland penn'd by my Uncle and perfected by Mr. Molineux together with the History of Ireland compiled by Edmund Campian I have cursorily ran them both over and do find some defects in both not only in Orthography by reason of the unskilfulness of the Transcriber but also in the Sense by reason of dissonancy in the coherence and the very Context it self But as it is I do purpose God willing to send it this week to London unto some Friends of mine to give the Printers there a view of the Volume as also to deal with them touching the Profit that may be raised to the advancement of the Widow my Aunt I will not fail to prefix in the Epigraphe and Title to Mr. Campian's History that direction which your Lordship very kindly affordeth in your loving Letter And I am sensible enough that Campian's Name honoured with your Grace's Publication to the Work will be a Countenance unto it and much further the sale And for Mr. Daniel Molineux not only my self but the whole Realm of Ireland together with this of great Britain shall owe a large beholdenness unto him If it please God that the Work take success for the Press I will take care that his Name for his care and pains-taking therein shall live and have a being in the memory of Posterity so long as the Books shall live When the Copies shall be returned from London and the Printer agreed withal I and my Friends here will review them again and again and to our Capacities make them fit for the Press for I find by perusing that such a Work must be framed by such Men as be skilful both in the Irish and Welsh Tongues and reasonably versed in their Stories Between this and Michaelmass I hope to bring all Passages to perfection and agreement with the Printer and then I will not fail to certify your Grace of the Proceedings Till when and ever I commit you and yours to the Grace of the Almighty Resting Your Lordships most assured loving Brother and Servant in Christ Jesus Joh. Asaph Peâ—re Paâ—t May 28. 1627. LETTER CXXII A Letter from the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh to Mr. John Selden Worthy Sir YOur Letter of the 9th of September came not unto my hands before the 13th of November And to give you full satisfaction in that which you desired out of my Samaritan Text I caused the whole fifth Chapter of Genesis to be taken out of it as you see and so much of the 11th as concerneth the Chronology you have to deal with The Letters in the second and third Leaf are more perfectly expressed than those in the first and therefore you were best take them for the Pattern of those which you intend to follow in your Print there being but 22 of them in number without any difference of Initials and Finals and without any distinction of Points and Accents Matrices may be easily cast for them all without any great Charge which if you can perswade your Printer to undertake I will freely communicate to him the Collection of all the Differences betwixt the Text of the Jews and the Samaritans throughout the whole Pentateuch a Work which would very greedily be sought for by the Learned Abroad howsoever such things are not much regarded by ours at Home The Original it self after the Collation is perfected I have dedicated to the Library of our Noble Friend Sir Robert Cotton In the Samaritan Chronology published by Scaliger Lib. 7. de Emend temp pag. 618. there are reckoned 130 Years from Adam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his Death
of Christ are inabled to govern well to speak and exhort and rebuke with all Authority to loose such as are Penitent to commit others unto the Lord's Prison until their amendment or to bind them over unto the Judgment of the Great Day if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacy By the other Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them for the defence of such as do well and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil whether by death or banishment or confiscation of goods or imprisonment according to the quality of the offence When St. Peter that had the Keys committed unto him made bold to draw the Sword he was commanded to put it up as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withal And on the other side when Uzziah the King would venture upon the execution of the Priest's Office it was said unto him It pertaineth not unto thee Uzziah to burn incense unto the Lord but to the Priests the Sons of Aaron that are Consecrated to burn incense Let this therefore be our second Conclusion That the power of the Sword and of the Keys are two distinct Ordinances of God and that the Prince hath no more Authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priest's Function than the Priest hath to intrude upon any part of the Office of the Prince In the third place we are to observe That the power of the Civil Sword the supreme managing whereof belongeth to the King alone is not to be restrained unto Temporal Causes only but is by Gods Ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things and Causes That as the spiritual Rulers of the Church do exercise their kind of Government in bringing men unto obedience not of the duties of the first Table alone which concerneth Piety and the Religious Service which man is bound to perform unto his Creator but also of the second which respecteth moral honesty and the Offices that man doth owe unto man so the Civil Magistrate is to use his Authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table as well as against the second that is to say as well in punishing of an Heretick or an Idolater or a Blasphemer as of a Thief or a Murtherer or a Traytor and in providing by all good means that such as live under his Government may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all piety and honesty And howsoever by this means we make both Prince and Priest to be in their several places Custodes utriusque Tabulae Keepers of both God's Tables yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their Offices together For though the matter wherein their Government is exercised may be the same yet is the form and manner of governing therein always different the one reaching to the outward man only the other to the inward the one binding or loosing the Soul the other laying hold on the Body and the things belonging thereunto the one having special reference to the Judgment of the World to come the other respecting the present retaining or losing of some of the comforts of this life That there is such a Civil Government as this in Causes Spiritual or Ecclesiastical no man of judgment can deny For must not Heresie for example be acknowledged to be a cause meerly Spiritual or Ecclesiastical And yet by what power is an Heretick put to death The Officers of the Church have no Authority to take away the life of any man it must be done therefore per brachium saeculare and consequently it must be yielded without contradiction that the temporal Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his Civil Government in punishing a Crime that is of its own nature Spiritual or Ecclesiastical But here it will be said the words of the Oath being general That the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Highness's Dominions and Countries How may it appear that the power of the Civil Sword only is meant by that Government and that the power of the Keys is not comprehended therein I answer First That where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be the Governor of his own Dominions and Countries by common intendment this must needs be understood of a Civil Government and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind Secondly I say That where an ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an Oath it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministred Now in this case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick Authority That no other thing is meant by the Government here mentioned but that of the Civil Sword only For in the Book of Articles agreed upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562. thus we read Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended we give not to our Princes the ministring either of God's Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injuctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie but that only Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is That they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil doers If it be here objected that the Authority of the Convocation is not a sufficient ground for the exposition of that which was enacted in Parliament I answer That these Articles stand confirmed not only by the Royal assent of the Prince for the establishing of whose Supremacy the Oath was framed but also by a special Act of Parliament which is to be found among the Statutes in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth chap. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the Law have full Authority to expound the Law and they have sufficiently manifested That by the supreme Government given to the Prince they understand that kind of Government only which is exercised with the Civil Sword I conclude that nothing can be more plain than this That without all scruple of Conscience the King's Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only Supreme Governor of all his Highness's Dominions and Countries as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal And so have I cleared the first main branch of the Oath I come now unto the Second which is propounded Negatively That no foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm The foreigner that challengeth this Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction over us
After his coming over again he was for some time engaged in answering the bold challenge of Malone an Irish Jesuite of the Anno 1624 Colledge of Lovain which Treatise he finished and published this year in Ireland which he so solidly and learnedly performed that those that shall peruse it may be abundantly satisfied that those very Judges the Challenger appealed to viz. the Fathers of the Primitive Church did never hold or believe Transubstantiation Auricular Confession Purgatory or a Limbus Patrum Prayer for the Dead or to Saints the Use of Images in Divine Worship Absolute Free-Will with Merits annexed with those other points by him maintained And though about three years after the publishing of this Treatise when the Colledge of Lovain had been long studying how to answer it the said Malone did at last publish a long and tedious reply stuffed with Scurrillous and Virulent Expressions against the Lord Primate his Relations and Calling and full of quotations either falsly cited out of the Fathers or else out of divers supposititious Authors as also forged Miracles and lying Legends made use of meerly to blind the Eyes of ordinary Readers who are not able to distinguish Gold from Dross all which together gave the Bishop so great a disgust that he disdained to answer a fool according to his folly and made no reply unto him though some of his worthy friends would not let it pass so But the learned Dr. Hoyl and Dr. Sing and Mr. Puttock did take him to task and so fully and clearly lay open the falshood and disingenuity of those his Arguments and Quotations from the Ancient Records and Fathers of the Church which had been cited by this Author that he had very little reason to brag of his Victory After the Bishop had published this Treatise he returned again into England to give his last hand to his said Work De Primordiis and being now busied about it the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh became vacant by the death of Dr. Hampton the late Arch-Bishop not long after which the King was pleased to nominate the Bishop of Meath though there were divers competitors as the fittest Person for that great charge and high dignity in the Church in respect of his own great Merits and Services done unto it and not long after he was Elected Arch-Bishop by the Dean and Chapter there After which the next Testimony that he received of His Majesties favour was his Letter to a Person of Quality in Ireland who had newly obtained the Custodium of the Temporalties of that See Forbidding him to meddle with or receive any of the Rents or Profits of the same but immediately to deliver what he had already received unto the Receivers of the present Arch-Bishop since he was here imployed in His Majesties special Service c. Not long after which favour it pleased God to take King James of Pious Memory out of this World Nor was his Son and Successor our late Gracious Sovereign less kind unto him than his Father had been which he signified not long after his coming to the Crown by a Letter under his Privy Signet to the Lord Deputy and Treasurer of the Realm of Ireland That Whereas the present Arch-Bishop of Armagh had for many years together on several occasions performed many painful and acceptable Services to his Dear Father deceased and upon his special directions That therefore he was pleased as a gracious acceptation thereof and in consideration of his said Services done or to be done hereafter to bestow upon the said Primate out of his Princely bounty 400 pound English out of the Revenues of that Kingdom But before the return of the said Arch-Bishop into Ireland I shall here mention an accident that happened about this time to let you see that he neglected no opportunity of bringing men from the darkness of Popery into the clearer light of the Reformed Religion I shall give you his own relation of it from a Note which though imperfect I find of his own hand writing Viz. That in November 1625. he was invited by the Lord Mordant and his Lady to my Lord's House at Drayton in Northampton-shire to confer with a Priest he then kept by the name of Beaumont upon the points in dispute between the Church of Rome and Ours And particularly That the Religion maintained by Publick Authority in the Church of England was no new Religion but the same that was taught by our Saviour and his Apostles and ever continued in the Primitive Church during the purest times So far my Lord's Note What was the issue of this Dispute we must take from the report of my Lord and Lady and other Persons of Quality there present that this Conference held for some days and at last ended with that satisfaction to them both and confusion of his Adversary that as it confirmed the Lady in her Religion whom her Lord by the means of this Priest endeavoured to pervert so it made his Lordship so firm a Convert to the Protestant Religion that he lived and died in it When the Lord Primate had dispatcht his Affairs in England he year 1626 then returned to be Enthroned in Ireland having before his going over received many Congratulatory Letters from the Lord Viscount Falkland then Lord Deputy the Lord Loftus then Lord Chancellor the Lord Arch-Bishop of Dublin and divers others of the most considerable of the Bishops and Nobility of that Kingdom expressing their high satisfaction for his promotion to the Primacy many of which I have now by me no way needful to be inserted here Being now returned into his native Country and setled in this Anno 1626 great charge having not only many Churches but Diocesses under his care he began carefully to inspect his own Diocess first and the manners and abilities of those of the Clergy by frequent personal Visitations admonishing those he found faulty and giving excellent advice and directions to the rest charging them to use the Liturgy of the Church in all Publick Administrations and to Preach and Catechise diligently in their respective Cures and to make the Holy Scripture the rule as well as the subject of their Doctrine and Sermons Nor did he only endeavour to reform the Clergy among whom in so large a Diocess and where there was so small Encouragements there could not but be many things amiss but also the Proctors Apparitors and other Officers of his Ecclesiastical Courts against whom there were many great complaints of abuses and exactions in his Predecessor's time nor did he find that Popery and Prophaneness had increased in that Kingdom by any thing more than the neglect of due Catechising and Preaching for want of which instruction the poor People that were outwardly Protestants were very ignorant of the Principles of Religion and the Papists continued still in a blind obedience to their Leaders therefore he set himself with all his power to redress these neglects as well by his own example as by his Ecclesiastical
into too great a bulk and only serve to prove that which I think no body questions I shall only refer you to the Learned Works of Mr. Cambden Mr. Selden Sir Roger Twisden Bishop Davenant Bishop Hall Bishop Prideaux and divers others of our own Country And of Foreigners to the Learned Vossius Spanhemius Testardus Morus Lud. de Dieu Bochartus and many more divers of whose Letters you will find in this ensuing Collection so that you can scarce read farther than the Preface or Epistle Dedicatory of several of their Works without finding his name mentioned with peculiar honour but I cannot here omit that Elogy given him by the Suffrages of the University of Oxford in a publick Convocation Anno 1644. since the Authors are not commonly known Jacobus Usserius Archiepiscopus Armachanus Totius Hiberniae Primas Antiquitatis primaevae peritissimus Orthodoxae Religionis vindex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Errorum malleus In Concionando frequens facundus praepotens Vitae inculpatae Exemplar Spectabile Rob. Pink Vicecancellarius Oxoniensis posuit This was then ordered to be placed under his Effigies cut in Brass at the charges of the University in order to be prefixed before his Works And unto what hath been already said concerning his great Learning we may add his great activity as occasion served to advance the Restauration of our old Northern Antiquities which lay buried in the Gothick Anglo-Saxonick and other the like obsolate Languages And for this we have the Testimony of two late learned and most industrious retrievers of those decayed Dialects namely Mr. Abraham Whelock late Professor of Arabick and Saxon in the University of Cambridge and Mr. Francis Junius The first of these in an Epistle before the Saxon Translation of Bede's History acknowledgeth the solemn direction and encouragement he received in Cambridge from the Lord Primate of Ireland in order to the prosecuting his publick Saxon Lectures in that place And in his Notes upon the Persian Gospels the same Author shews what information he received from that Reverend Person concerning the Doxology in the Lord's Prayer which is found in the very Ancient Translation of the Gospels into Gothick Mr. Junius published a very old Paraphrastical Poem in Saxon which upon strict enquiry was found to be written by one Caedmon a Monk of whom Bede makes mention The Manuscript Copy of which Poem the said Publisher lets his Reader know more than once he received from the hands of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh And when the same Author published the now mentioned Gothick Translation of the four Evangelists and carefully transcribed out of the most venerable Monument known by the name of Codex Argenteus he therewith printed in his Gothick Glossary a very learned Epistle upon that Subject written to him by the same Lord Primate of Armagh which you will find in this ensuing Collection But whilst we now speak of his Learning I had almost omitted to give you some account of that out of which he gained great part of it his excellent Library consisting of near 10000 Volumes Prints and Manuscripts all which he in the time of his prosperity intended to bestow at his death on the Colledge of Dublin in gratitude to the place where he received his Education But when it pleased God to lay that great Affliction upon him in the loss of all he had except his Books it is not to be wondered if he left those as a portion to his only Daughter who had been the Mother of a numerous Off-spring and hitherto had nothing from him and which besides some parcels of Gold he had by him that had been before presented to him by Mr. Selden's Executors and other Persons of Quality was all he had to leave her This Library which cost the Lord Primate many Thousand pounds was after his decease much sought for by the King of Denmark and Cardinal Mazarine and a good price offered for it by their Agents here But the Lord Primate's Administrators being prohibited by an Order from the Usurper and his Council to sell it to any without his consent it was at last bought by the Souldiers and Officers of the then Army in Ireland who out of Emulation to the former Noble Action of Queen Elizabeth's Army were incited by some men of Publick Spirits to the like performance and they had it for much less than what it was really worth or what had been offered for it before by the Agents above mentioned They had also with it all his Manuscripts which were not of his own hand-writing as also a choice though not numerous Collection of Ancient Coins But when this Library was brought over into Ireland the Usurper and his Son who then Commanded in chief there would not bestow it upon the Colledge of Dublin least perhaps the gift should not appear so considerable there as it would do by it self and therefore they gave out That they would reserve it for a new Colledge or Hall which they said they intended to Build and Endow But it proved that as those were not Times so were they not Persons capable of any such noble or pious work so that this Library lay in the Castle of Dublin unbestowed and unimployed all the remaining time of Cromwell's Usurpation but after his death and during that Anarchy and confusion that followed it the rooms where this Treasure was kept being left open many of the Books and most of the best Manuscripts were stolen away or else imbezeled by those who were intrusted with them but after his late Majesty's Restauration when they fell to his disposal he generously bestowed them on the Colledge for which they were intended by their owner where they now remain and as they are make up the greater part of that Library Thus having dispatch'd as well as I am able this account of the Life and Writings of this rare and admirable Prelate though infinitely short of his incomparable worth and perfections being so eminently Pious so prodigiously Learned and every way so richly accomplished I can only conclude humbly beseeching the God of all Grace the Father of Light the Giver of every good and perfect Gift That he would appoint and continue in his Church a constant Succession of such Lights and that particularly within his Majesty's Dominions these Churches may still flourish under the like Pious Watchful Laborious and Exemplary Ministers and Bishops who may adorn the Gospel and their own profession for the Confutation of the Adversaries of our Religion and the Conviction of all those who clamour against the Doctrine Government and Godly Worship now Established in the Church of England Amen M. S. JACOBUS USSERIUS Archiepiscopus Armachanus Hic situs est Ob Praeclaram Prosapiam Raram Eruditionem Ingenii Acumen Dicendi scribendi faeundiam Morum gravitatem suavitate conditam Vitae candorem integritatem Aequabilem in utrâque fortunâ animi constantiam Orbi Christiano Piis omnibus Charus Omniumque
to Sir Francis Bacon 19 XV. A Letter from Sir Henry Sydney to his Son Sir Phillip Sydney 23 XVI A Letter from Sir Henry Sydney to his Son Sir Phillip Sydney 24 XVII A Letter from Sir William Boswell to the Most Reverend William Laud Arch-Bishop of 〈…〉 LETTERS LETTER I. A Letter from Mr. James Usher afterward Arch-Bishop of Armagh to Mr. Richard Stanihurst at the English Colledge in Lovain Dear Uncle HAving the opportunity of this Messenger so fitly offered unto me I make bold to desire your furtherance in some matters that concern my Studies The principal part of my study at this time is imployed in perusing the Writings of the Fathers and observing out of them the Doctrine of the Ancient Church wherein I find it very necessary that the Reader should be thoroughly informed touching his Authors what Time they lived and what Works are truly what falsely attributed to them either of which being mistaken must of force bring great confusion in this kind of study To help Students wherein Johannes Molanus sometime Divinity Professor in the University of Lovain wrote a Book which he intituled Bibliotheca Theologica giving charge at his death to his Heirs That they should see the Work published as witnesseth Possevinus in Apparatu Sacro but they being negligent in discharging that Trust committed unto them the Book is at last fallen into the hands of Aubertus Miroeus a Canon of Antwerp as himself acknowledgeth in his Edition of Sigebert's Chronicle If you could procure from him the Copy thereof which I suppose will be no hard matter for you to effect and with some convenient speed impart it unto me I should take it for a very great argument of your love and hold my self exceedingly obliged unto you thereby Besides my main studies I have always used as a kind of Recreation to spend some time in gathering together the scattered Antiquities of our Nation whereof I doubt not but many Relicks are come into your hands which I would very willingly hear of But especially I would intreat you to let me have a Copy of Philip Flatsebury's Chronicle for hitherto I could never get a sight of it as neither of Cornelius Hibernicus his History cited by Hector Boethius Sentleger's Collections alledged by Mr. Campian Richard Creagh of the Saints of Ireland Christopher Pembridg his Abstract of the Irish Chronicles c. There is also among the Manuscript Books of the Jesuites Colledge at Lovain the Life of St. Patrick a Manuscript c. A Manuscript whereof I have much desired both because the Author seemeth to be of some Antiquity and likewise alledgeth certain Sentences out of St. Patrick's own Writings If any of our Country men studious of such matters will be pleased to communicate either that or any other Antiquities of like nature I do promise that I will take as much pains for him and make full recompence of courtesie in the same kind Your own Treatise of St. Patrick's Life I have as also your Hebdomada Mariana Your Margarita Mariana and other writings if there be any I have much sought for but could not as yet get Thus presuming upon that natural bond of love which is knit betwixt us that I shall receive such satisfaction from you as I expect with my Mother your Sister 's most kind remembrance I remain Your most loving Nephew James Usher LETTER II. Jac. Usseri ad Guil. Eyrium Epistola Guilielmo Eyrio in Collegio Emmanuelis Cantabrigiae Socio QUas ad me dedisti literas Eyri ornatissime eas reddidit mihi jampridem huc ex Angliâ reversus Frater Ad quas quòd seriùs jam respondeam partim illud in causa fuit quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partim etiam quòd Livelaeanam de authentica Scripturarum editione commentationem priùs expectaverim quo amplior mihi tribueretur occasio gratias agendi amplius de quaestione gravissimâ inquirendi quo unâ fideliâ duos dealbarem parietes profectò me negligentiam insuper commemorare necesse sit quam diffiteri non possum Sanè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum Livelaeo tuo conferre cum aliis de rebus tum praecipuè de versione LXX Interpretibus adscriptâ ubi mihi in multis aquam haerere non diffiteor Promisit de his nuper rara quaedam inaudita doctissimus Scaliger cujus ego hominis multiplicem eruditionem admirari soleo ut de Masoritarum observationibus à quibus post Hieronymi tempora puncta Hebraeorum accentus inventos confirmatur Sed ludet ibi profectò operam si quid ego augurari possum Ludat Scaligeri Critica in Virgiliano Culice ludat inquam nam lusisse ostendunt crebrae illae trajectiones quas ille nulli opinor hominum unquam probaverit Et ludente autore ludat etiam Interpres Lusit Virgilius Culice Lusimus Octavi lusit etiam in emendando Culice Scaliger Et hujusmodi nugis ludat ille quantum volet Non in eo positae sunt fortunae Graeciae Sed in seriis maximi momenti rebus pium modestum pectus desideraverim Tuum erit doctiss Eyri tui simillium quibus ad arcana literaturae Hebraicae datus est aditus succrescenti huic malo ire obviam curare ne quid inde detrimenti Resp. Christiana capiat Haec in nostros fabricata est machina muros aut aliquis latet error Ad nos quod attinet qui sacris illis vix dum initiati sumus congessimus et nos ex Hieronymo Scriptis Hebraeorum observationes sed Talmudicorum librorum ope destituti quod voluimus perficere nondum potuimus Illud certè mihi persuasissimum ipsum Masoreth longè antè Hieronymi tempora extitisse Illud velim scire quomodo in Baba Bothra in Historia de Joabo magistrum suum occidente distinguunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an per puncta vocalia an aliter Et in Massecheth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et quid intelligit Arias Montanus cum dicit Josephum punctorum meminisse Lasciviunt critici quorum petulantia comprimenda nisi non sit verisimile non ego credulus illis Cur dextrae jungere dextram Non datur ac veras audire reddere voces Aen. 1. Nec vidisse semel satis est juvatusque morari Et conferre gradum veniendi discere causas Aen. 6. Nequeunt expleri corda tuendo Aen. 8. Spondeo digna tuis ingentibus omnia coeptis Nec partum gratia talem Parva manet Aen. 9. Omnia magna de te spem nobis conciliasti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jac. Usserius Dublin 12 Kal. Januar. 1607. LETTER III. Guiliel Eyrii ad Usserium Epistola Spectatissimo Viro ac Amico suo singulari M. Jacobo Usserio Theologiae Professori apud Dublinienses in Hyberniâ S. QUOD Hieronymus in Epistolâ quâdam ad Paulinum Presbyterum scripsit nempè literas ejus à principio probatae jam fidei fidem
though in substance they agree yet in many circumstances they disagree as for example in many particulars in the said Prefaces also in the distinction of Canons and sometimes in Titles So it should seem also for number of Decretal Epistles if that which Eckius saw were the same with that H. Canisius had for it should seem that Eckius's Book had the Decrees of 15 Popes whereas Codex Moguntinus hath but 13 and not 11 only as you seem to say out of Pithoeus And now since I mention Pithoeus if his copy of Ferrandus's Breviary of the Canons were true there were other Canons amongst the Sardican Canons than those we have as may appear in Ferrandus his Breviary num 92 93 and 214 for the 1. and 13. Tit. there alledged are not to be found in the Canons of Sardica now extant Another thing also touching Pithoeus He saith in the Preface of Ferrandus's Breviary that that Version which is in Codice Moguntino is not that of Dionysius Exiguus but I assure you Baronius Ant. Augustinus and the Recognisers of Gratian in their Annotations and Binius in the late Cologne Edition take that which is in Codice Moguntino to be that of Dionysius Exiguus You alledge Hincmarus Rhemens in lib. de variis capitul Eccles. I would know whether you have the Book or you have it from some others who do alledge him I would desire your help for such Books as were pertinent to this business Hincmarus was an excellent man and a stout Champion against Innovations and all such as prejudged ancient Canonical Liberties As for the Decretal Epistles I am of opinion with you That first they were brewed in Spain and broached by Riculfus and afterward by Otgarius or Autcarius as Bened. Levit. proefat in 5. lib. capitular termeth him And so much doth Hincmarus lib. contra Hincman Laudunens insinuate alledged inter testimonia proefixa capitularibus and in Fr. Pithoeus his Glossary lit R. and by Baron ad an 865. n. 5. But in one thing I cannot accord to Fr. Pithaeus in the forenamed place That Isidorus Mercator was the Collector of the Decretal Epistles from Clement to Gregorius Magnus It seemeth tho that the Decretal Epistles began chiefly to be in request about the time that Isidore lived according to your account for in the XIV Council of Toledo Can. 11. there is somewhat which may argue so much But I do not think that Cresconius followed Isidore his Collection considering it may be doubted whether ever he saw it and therefore though Isidore gathered the Decretals to Gregory the Great as he intimateth in his Preface yet Cresconius as it should seem followed some former My Error in Concil Cellensi was in that I presupposed that all the Councils mentioned by Ferrandus excepting those which are in Codice Tiliano were in Africk whereas Tela is in Spain as Antoninus's Itinerarium witnesseth I have not that Edition of Isidore printed by Merlinus 1530. but by those your directions I shall acknowledge it when I meet with it I have included here a note by which you may know how to find the whole Codex Moguntinus in Crab's Edition I had verily thought you had had it As for the Acts of the Councils in Greek which are promised to be set out at Rome and have been a long time I do fear me there will be jugling in that work It is much to be lamented that Ant. Augustinus who had gotten Manuscript Copies out of the chief Libraries of Asia and Europe of the IV General Councils and had them almost in a readiness for the Press was prevented in this Work by untimely death I have been at Bennet Colledge but could not get into the Library the Master who had one of the Keys being from home I will remember sometime for to look the places out of Burchardus As for that other place of your Irish Synod alledged Dist. 82. Can. 5. But of that Canon thus writeth Ant. August emendat Gratian. lib. 1. Dialog XIV Post Concilium Carthaginens III. quaedam fragmenta sunt incerta quibus proeponitur illud quod Gangrensi Concilio falsò Gratianus poenitentiale Romanum tit 8. c. 6. ascribunt cujus initium est Presbyter si fornicatione Concilio Hiberniensi vindicatur in lib. Anselmi Lucensis Romano lib. 8. cap. ult Et ut audio ita inscribitur à Gregorio Presbytero in Polycarpi lib. 4. titulo De Incontinentia Clericorum Poenitentiali Theodori in veteri lib. Mich. Thomasii certè illud Hiberniense Concilium sub eodem Theodoro Cantuariensi habitum est Since the time in which I writ the former part of this Letter which was in the beginning of Lent upon the receipt of yours I have been occasioned to be going and coming from and to Cambridge to have some settled place of abode being limited in my time for the keeping of my place in our Colledge which if I could have enjoyed I should hardly have removed hither where I am now with the Bishop of Bath Wells or any where else But the Bishop sending for me and offering me a Competency in that kind I requested of him then when I was unprovided I could not neglect God's Providence and was advised hereunto by my best Friends This unsettled Abode of mine was the Cause why I finished not this Letter so long since begun and sent it not before this I have since got Jacob Merlin's Edition of Isidore's Collection and before that at my being in the North I borrowed out of Durham Library the Manuscript of it which is all one with Corpus Canonum in Bennet Colledge Library and in Trinity Colledge Library newly erected there is another Copy of the same I got also in the North a fair Transcript of the Greek Canons which as I understand Erasmus caused to be copied out of an ancient Copy which was brought to Basil at what time the Council of Basil was held This Copy Erasmus sent to Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of Durham where it hath been since Bishop Barnes who was Bishop there since gave it to his Son and his Son to me It is the same with that which is translated by Gentian Harvett and which Balsamon commenteth upon The other day my Lord shewed me a Letter which came from one of his Chaplains at Windsor who signified unto him that Sir Henry Savil had an intendment to set out the Greek Councils I fear me he will hardly get Copies I will inquire further into it and will further it what lyeth in me Antonius Augustinus had gathered all the Acts of the 4 first General Councils out of all the Libraries of Italy and had purposed to have set them forth as Andreas Schottus reporteth in a funeral Oration upon him Nay he saith further he had writ a Book thus entituled Concilia Graeca Latina cum Historia Scholiis Variae Lectiones But surely they will be suppressed for ever As for the Title of Volusianus ad Nicholaum in
where it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his Son Seth and to Noah are attributed 600 Years for which Scaliger setteth down 700 thinking that to be signified by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which rather should have been noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas there is meant thereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 600. Likewise to Mahalaleel there are attributed there 75 Years and to Methusalach 77 for which Eusebius in his Greek Chronicle pag. 4. hath 65 67. Which Scaliger in his Notes upon the place pag. 243. a would have reformed according to his Samaritan Chronography But that Eusebius was in the right and his Chronography wrong appeareth now plainly by the Samaritan's own Text of the Bible Only one fault there is in Eusebius or in the corrupt Copy of Georgius Syncellus rather which Scaliger used in annis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patrum ante Diluvium Namely in the 60 Years attributed to Exoch Which to have been miswritten for 65 appeareth not only by the consent of the Samaritan both Chronicle and Text but also by the total sum of the Years from Adam to the Flood which as well in Ensebius pag. 9. Graeci Chronici lin 10. pag. 19. lin 36. as in Georgius Syncellus is noted to be annorum 1307 which Scaliger in his Notes pag. 248 b. and 249 b doth wrongfully mend 1327. and pag. 243 a with a greater Error terminate with the time of Noah's Birth blaming George the Monk for extending them as the truth was to the Year of the Flood From the Creation to the Flood according to the Hebrew Verity are 1656 Years according to the Samaritan Text 1307 according to Eusebius his reckoning out of the Septuagint 2242 and according to Africanus 2262. George followeth Eusebius his Account which he noteth to be 20 Years less than that of Africanus 186 greater than the Hebrew and 935 greater than the Samaritan for that he meant so and not as it is written pag. 243 a. Scaligeri 930 is evident even to this that in the self-same place he maketh the difference betwixt the Hebrew Account which every one knoweth to be 1656 and the Samaritan to be annorum 349. Now for the Years that these Fathers lived post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is an exact agreement between the Samaritan Text and the Chronicle of Eusebius save that herein the application of them to the Years of Noah there is a manifest Error of the Scribe Pag. 4. lin 1 and 2 putting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adhuc tamen restat te vindice dignus nodus St. Hierom in his Hebrew Questions upon Genesis affirmeth that he found the Year of Mathusalah and Lamech to be alike in Hebraeis Samaritanorum Libris And indeed the Hebrew hath as he setteth it down that Mathusalah lived 187 Years before he begat Noah But in the Samaritan Text it is far otherwise that Mathusalah lived 67 Years before he begat Lamech 653 after 720 in all and Lamech 53 Years before the birth of Noah And these numbers are in the self-same sort related by Eusebius who lived before St. Hierom lest any Man should imagine that since his Time the Samaritan Text which we have might be altered Now it is to be noted that by both these Accounts it falleth out that the Death of Mathusalah doth concur with the Year of the Flood And it is the principal intent of St. Hierom in this place to solve the Difficulty moved out of the Greek Edition that Mathusalah lived 14 Years after the Flood by appealing unto the Books of the Hebrews and the Samaritans wherein Mathusalah is made to die Eo Anno as he speaketh quo caepit esse diluvium This general peradventure might run in St. Hierom's memory when he wrote this which well might make him think that the particular Numbers of both Texts did not differ especially if as it is likely he had not the Samaritan Text then lying by him to consult withal But howsoever his slip of memory derogateth nothing from the Credit of that which we are sure was in the Samaritan Text before he committed this to writing I come now to the Years of the Fathers which lived after the Flood Wherein for the Time ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereupon the course of the Chronology doth depend there is an exact agreement betwixt the Samaritan Text and Chronicle From whom also Eusebius doth not dissent if the Error be amended which hath crept into pag. 10. lin 12. Graeci Chronici where 130 Years are assigned to Arphaxad instead of 135. For that this was the Error not of Eusebius but of the Transcriber appeareth evidently both by the Line next going before where Sem after the begetting of Arphacsad is said to have lived 500 Years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas there would be but 495 Years to the 111th of Phaleg if 130 Years only had been assigned to Arphacsad and not 135 and by the total Sum thus laid down in the 20th line of the same page 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And indeed in the Years ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 post diluvium there is a full agreement both in the total Sum and in all the Particulars betwixt the Samaritan Account and that of the LXX as it is related by Eusebius Gainan in both being omitted which sum of 942 being added to the former of 1307 maketh up the full number of 2249 from the first of Adam to the 70th Year of Terah the very same Sum which is laid down by Eusebius pag. 19. lin 37. Graeci Chronici and answereth precisely to the Collection of the Particulars that are found in my Samaritan Bible In Scaliger's Samaritan Chronicle pag. 618. Emend the particulars being summed up amount to 2267 2365 it is in Scaliger pag. 625. which number so laid down in the Chronicle and partly misreckoned partly miswritten in the Commentary is by the same Scaliger in his Notes upon Eusebius pag. 249. b. amended 2269 nimirum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque dubium est ita esse saith he of which yet I do very much doubt or rather do not doubt at all because I know the Error was not in the Transcriber but in the Chronologer himself who accounteth from the Birth of Noah to the Birth of Arphacsad as did also Africanus and others before him 600 only and not as Eusebius and others more rightly 602 from whence unto the 70th of Terah by the joint consent as well of Eusebius as of the Samaritan Text and Chronicle there are 940 Years For Scaliger's 937 pag. 249. b. Eusebian is but an Error of that noble Wit who intending higher Matters did not heed so much his ordinary Arithmetick In the numbering of the Years of these Fathers post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is not the like consent betwixt the LXX and the Samaritan as was before Our Greek Copies differing very much herein