which he was upon to the Studious in sacred matters About the same time Eusebius comprized a Description of the Jerusalem-Church and of the sacred Gifts which had been consecrated there in a small Book and Dedicated it to the Emperour Constantine Which Book together with his Tricennalian Oration he had plac'd at the close of his Books concerning the Life of Constantine But this Book is not now extant At the same time also Five Books were written by Eusebius against Marcellus the last three whereof De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ he Dedicated to Flaccillus Bishop of Antioch Now Flaccillus entred upon that Bishoprick a little before the Synod of Tyre which was conven'd in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus on the year of Our Lord's Nativity 335. 'T is certain Eusebius in his First Book against Marcellus De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ Chap. 14 writes in express words that Marcellus had been deservedly condemned by the Church Now Marcellus was first condemned in the Constantinopolitan Synod by those very Bishops who had consecrated Constantine ' s Church at Jerusalem that is on the year of Christ 335 or else 336 as Baronius will have it Indeed Socrates acknowledges but Three Books of Eusebius ' s against Marcellus those namely which are entituled De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ whereas nevertheless the whole Work against Marcellus was by Eusebius comprized in Five Books Farther of all Eusebius's Books the last seem to be those Four concerning the Life of Constantine For they were written after the death of that Emperour whom Eusebius did not long survive For he dyed about the beginning of Constantius Augustus ' s Reign a little before the death of Constantine Junior which hapned when Acindynus and Proculus were Consuls on the year of Christ 340 as may be gathered from Socrates's Second Book Now what Scaliger says in his Animadversions upon Eusebius pag. 250 of the last Edition that Eusebius's Books against Prophyrius were written under Constantius Son to Constantine the Great can't so easily be admitted of by us in regard 't is confirmed by the Testimony of no ancient Writer But what the same Scaliger adds in that very place that the three last Books of The Evangelick Demonstration the eighteenth namely ninteenth and twentieth were written by Eusebius against Prophyrius therein he does manifestly blunder Saint Jerome writes indeed that Eusebius answered Porphyrius in three Volumes that is in the eighteenth nineteenth and twentieth who in the twelfth and thirteenth of those Books which he published against the Christians had attempted to confute the Book of the Prophet Daniel But Saint Jerome does not mean Eusebius's Books concerning Evangelick Demonstration as Scaliger thought but the Books he wrote against Porphyrius which had this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Books of Confutation and Apology as may be gathered from Photius's Bibliotheca Farther I am of Opinion that these Books were written by Eusebius after his Ecclesiastick History And this I conjecture from hence because Our Eusebius in the Sixth Book of his Ecclesiastick History where he produces a famous passage out of Porphyrius's Third Book against the Christians makes no mention of those Books wherein he had answered Porphyrius whenas nevertheless he is wont to be a diligent Quoter of his own works and does frequently referre the Studious to the reading of them But because a fit opportunity presents it self I have a mind to make some few Remarks here concerning his Books of Ecclesiastick History For on their account chiefly all this Labour hath been undertaken by us Indeed much hath been written by Our Eusebius for the profit and advantage of the Catholick Church and in confirmation of the truth of the Christian faith partly against the Jews and partly against the Heathens Nevertheless amongst all his Books his Ecclesiastick History does deservedly bear away the Bell. For before Eusebius many persons had written Books in defence of the Christian Faith and by most cogent Reasons had confuted the Jews Contumacy and the Errour of the Heathens But there was no person before Eusebius who would deliver to posterity an History of Ecclesiastick Affairs On which account Our Eusebius is the more to be commended who was both the first that found out this Subject and also after he had attempted it left it entire and perfect in every respect 'T is certain although many have been found after him who incited by his example have undertaken to commit to writing Ecclesiastick matters yet they have all begun their History from those times wherein Our Eusebius had closed his Work but the History of the foregoing times which he had set forth in Ten Books they have left to him entire and untoucht Wherefore should any one have a mind to term him the Father and Founder of Ecclesiastick History truly that person would seem to give him this surname not absurdly nor without cause Now what way Eusebius applied himself to this Subject 't is not hard to conjecture For whereas in the last part of his Chronical Canons he had accurately noted the Time of Our Lords Coming and of his passion the names also of the Bishops who had sate in the four chief Churches and of the famous men who had flourished in the Church and lastly in their own time and order had digested the Heresies and Persecutions wherewith the Church had been disquieted He was led by the hand as 't were by little and little to the writing an Ecclesiastick History that he might handle those matters more largely and copiously in his Ecclesiastick History which in his Chronical Canons he had comprized in a Summary as ' t were Indeed he himself in the Preface to his Ecclesiastick History does plainly shew that which I have said Where also he requests that Pardon may be granted him by candid Readers if peradventure he shall not so largely and copiously pursue and finish this Subject for he says that he was the first person who applied himself to this sort of writing and first began to walk in a way which had not before been worn by any one's footsteps But this may seem to some persons not so much an excuse and desire of Pardon as an endeavour to procure praise and glory Farther notwithstanding it appears evident from Eusebius ' s own Testimony that he wrote his Ecclesiastick History after his Chronological Canons yet 't is strange that Both those Works proceed to one and the same Limit namely to Constantine's twentieth year which was the year of Christ 325. That moreover may deservedly be wondred at that although the Nicene Synod was celebrated on Constantine's Vicennalia yet no mention is made of it either in his Chronicon or Ecclesiastick History For whereas in his Latine Chronicon at the Fifteenth year of Constantine these words occur Alexandrinae Ecclesiae 19. ordinatur Episcopus Alexander c Alexander is ordained the nineteenth Bishop of the Alexandrian Church by whom Arius the Presbyter being ejected out of that
the same Writer relates saying that a Prophecy was found in the holy Scriptures comprehending thus much to wit that about that time one was to come out of their Country who should rule over the whole world which this Writer understood to have been fulfilled in Vespasian But he did not rule over the whole world onely obtained the Roman Empire This therefore may more justly be referred to Christ to whom it was said by the father Desire of me and I shall give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession And the sound of whose Holy Apostles at the very same time went out into all Lands and their words unto the ends of the world CHAP. IX Of Josephus and the Writings he left AFter all this it is fit that we should not be ignorant of this same Josephus who has given us so great assistance in the History we now have in hand from whence and of what stock he came And he himself does manifest even this also saying after this manner Josephus the son of Mattathias a Priest of Jerusalem who my self also at first fought against the Romans and was by necessity forced to be present at what was done afterwards This man was esteemed the most eminent person of all the Jews of those times not onely by his own country men but also by the Romans insomuch that he was honoured with a Statue dedicated to him in the City of Rome and the Books compiled by him were accounted worthy to be placed in the publick Library He wrote all the Jewish Antiquities in twenty entire Books and the History of the Jewish war in his own time in seven Books which History he himself testifies he put forth not onely in Greek but also in his own Country language and He is worthy to be credited both in this and in other things There are also two other Books of his extant very worthy to be read which are about the Ancientness of the Jews in which he answers Apion Grammaticus who at that time wrote a Volume against the Jews and some others who had attempted to calumniate the Antiquity and Laws of the Jewish Nation In the former of these he sets forth the number of the Canonical Books of that called the Old Testament which of them are among the Hebrews unquestionable and undoubted as being received from antient tradition discoursing of them in these words CHAP. X. How Josephus makes mention of the Holy Bible THere are not therefore amongst us an innumerable company of Books disagreeing and contradicting one another but onely two and twenty containing an Historical account of all times which are worthily believed to be divine And five of these are the works of Moses which comprehend both the Laws and also a continued Series of the generations of men and what was done by them from their first creation untill his own death This space of time wants little of three thousand years And from the death of Moses untill the Reign of Artaxerxes King of the Persians successour to Xerxes the Prophets who succeeded Moses wrote what was done in their Ages in thirteen Books The remaining four contain Hymnes to God and precepts and admonitions for the well ordering of mens lives Also from Artaxerxes untill our own times every thing is indeed recorded but these Books have not been accounted worthy of the like authority with the former in that the succession of the Prophets was not so accurately known But it is manifestly apparent how highly we revere our own Writings For in so many ages now passed over no one has dared either to adde or to diminish from them or to change any thing therein but it is implanted upon all us Jews immediately from our very birth to think that these are the Precepts of God and to persevere in them and if need so require willingly to die for them And let these words of this Writer be profitably here inserted He compiled also another elaborate work not unworthy of himself about the Empire of Reason which some have entitled Maccabees because it contains the conflicts of those Hebrews in the writings called the Maccabees so termed from them who valiantly fought for the worship of God And at the end of his twentieth Book of Antiquities he intimates as if he purposed to write in four Books according to the opinion of the Jews which they had received from their Ancestours of God and of his essence also of Laws why according to them some things are lawfull to be done and others forbidden Himself also in his own Books mentions other works compiled by his diligence Moreover it is also consonant to reason to adjoyn those words of his which he has inserted at the conclusion of his Antiquities for the confirmation of the quotations and Authorities we have taken out of him He therefore blaming Justus Tiberiensis who had taken in hand as well as he to write an History of those very times as having not related the truth and accusing the man of many other faults at last adds thus much in these words But I was not in that manner as you were timorous concerning my Writings but gave my Books to the Emperours themselves when the deeds done were fresh and almost yet to be seen for I was conscious to my self that I had all along faithfully observed the delivery of the truth upon account whereof hoping for their evidence I was not disappointed of my expectation and moreover I communicated my History to many others some of whom were actually present in the war as was King Agrippa and several of his Relations Also Titus the Emperour was so willing that the knowledge of what was done should be delivered to men solely out of them that he subscribed my Books with his own hand and gave command they should be publickly read And King Agrippa wrote Sixty two Epistles testifying therein that the truth was delivered by me Two whereof Josephus there adjoyns But let thus much be thus far manifested concerning him We will now proceed to what follows CHAP. XI How after James Simeon Governed the Church at Jerusalem AFter the Martyrdom of James and the taking of Jerusalem which immediately followed thereupon report goes that the Apostles and disciples of our Lord who were yet alive met together from all parts in the same place together also with the kinsmen of our Lord according to the flesh for many of them hitherto survived and that all these held a consultation in common who should be adjudged worthy to succeed James and moreover that all with one consent approved of Simeon the son of Cleophas of whom the History of the Gospel makes mention to be worthy of the Episcopal seat there which Simeon as they say was Cousin German by the Mothers side to our Saviour for Hegesippus relates that Cleophas was the brother of Joseph CHAP. XII How
those who had been instructed by him became Martyrs THe first of them was the aforementioned Plutarchus whom when he was led to Execution he of whom the discourse is accompanied to the last hour of his life and again wanted little of being kill'd by the men of his own City as seeming the cause of Plutarchus's death But then also the providence of God preserv'd him Next to Plutarch the second of Origen's disciples that was a Martyr was Serenus Who by fire gave a triall of the faith which he had receiv'd Heraclides was made the third Martyr of the same School The fourth after him was Heron. Both which persons were beheaded the former of them while he was yet learning the Principles of Christianity the latter when he was newly Baptiz'd Besides these another Serenus different from the former is declared the fifth Champion of Piety who came out of this School Who 't is reported was punish'd with the loss of his head after a most patient sufferance of many Torments And of women Heraïs who as yet was learning the Principles of Christianity did as he himself somewhere says depart this life having received Baptism by fire CHAP. V. Concerning Potamiaena LEt Basilides be reckoned the seventh among these who lead the most renown'd Potamiaena to Execution concerning which woman even yet there is a famous report amongst the inhabitants of those Countries for that she combated many times with her lovers in defence of the chastity and virginity of her body for which she was famous for besides the vigour of her mind there flourisht in her a comliness of body who having suffer'd many things for her faith in Christ at last after grievous Torments and horrible to be related was together with her mother Marcella consumed by fire Moreover they say that the Judge whose name was Aquila after he had inflicted grievous stripes upon every part of her body threatned at last he would deliver her to the Gladiatours to abuse her body But she having considered of the matter some short time being asked what her determination was return'd they say such an answer as thereby she seem'd to speak some thing which was accounted impious amongst them Forthwith therefore she receiv'd the definitive sentence of the Judge and Basilides one of the Military Apparitors took and lead her to Execution but when the multitude endeavour'd to molest and reproach her with obscene words he prohibited them thrusting away them who reproach'd her shewing much commiseration and humanity towards her She taking in good part the mans commiseration shown towards her exhorts him to be of good courage for when she was gone hence she would entreat her Lord for him and within a little while she would make him a requital for what he had done for her When she had spoken these things they say she valiantly underwent death hot scalding pitch being leisurely and by little and little poured upon all the several members of her body from the sole of the foot to the crown of the head such was the combat fought by this famous virgin But not long after Basilides upon some occasion being desir'd by his fellow-soldiers to swear avouch'd t was not lawfull for him to swear at all for he was a Christian and he openly confess'd it at first they thought he onely spake in jest but when he constantly maintain'd it he is brought before the Judge and after he had made profession of his stedfastness before him he was put into bonds And when some of the brethren in the Lord came to him asking him what was the cause of this sudden and unexpected change he is reported to have said that Potamiaena three days after her Martyrdom stood by him in the night put a crown about his head and said she had entreated the Lord for him and had obtain'd her request And within a little while the Lord would take him upto himself After these things the brethren imparted to him the Seal of the Lord and the day after being famous for his testimony of the Lord he was beheaded they relate that many more throughout Alexandria came thick at that time to the doctrine of Christ to wit such as Potamiaena had appear'd to in their sleep and invited them to be converted to the Gospel But for these things let thus much suffice CHAP. VI. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus CLemens who succeeded Pantaenus was Master of the Catechetick School at Alexandria till this time So that Origen when he was a boy was one of his Scholars Moreover this Clemens committing to writing the subject of that work of his entitled Stromateis in his first Volume explains the series of times and determines his computation at the death of Commodus So that it is plain those books were elaborated by him in the Reign of Severus the History of whose times this book of ours contains CHAP. VII Concerning Judas the Writer AT this time also liv'd Judas another Writer who commented upon the Seventy Weeks in Daniel and puts an end to his computation of the times at the tenth year of Severus's Reign His Opinion was that even at that time the coming of Antichrist which was so much talk'd of drew nigh So great a disturbance did the raising of the Persecution then against us cause in many mens minds CHAP. VIII Concerning the bold Act of Origen AT this time while Origen perform'd the Office of Chatechizing at Alexandria an act of an unripe and youthfull mind was committed by him but which withall contain'd a most manifest token of Continence and true faith for he taking these words some Eunuchs there are which have made themselves Eumuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake in the more simple meaning unadvisedly like one of his juvenile years thinking it both his duty to fulfill our Saviours words and also considering that during his youthfull years he was to converse not onely with men but women about the things which appertain to God that he might exclude the Infidels from all suspition of obscene slanders his mind was full bent to perform really our Saviour's words taking great care that it might escape the knowledge of many of his familiars but 't was impossible for him although he was desirous to conceal such a fact But when Demetrius understood it as being then Governour of the Church there he both greatly admires him for his boldness and also having commended his alacrity of mind and sincerity of faith forthwith encourages and excites him to a more diligent imployment about the duty of Catechizing for such at this time was Demetrius's opinion of this act but no long time after when he saw Origen doe well and that he was famous and well reported of by all men being affected with the frailties of Mankind he endeavoured by letters sent to all the Bishops in the world to describe what was done as a most absurd action For the Bishops of Caesarea
more certainly of the death of King Agrippa than he who dedicated his work to him Which I indeed wish had not dropt from so acute a man For how can an Historian testifie of the death of him to whom he dedicates his History unless we say that Justus dedicated his Chronicle to Agrippa when he was dead which is absurd But as Scaliger without all ground asserted that Justus Tiberiandensis dedicated his Chronicle to K. Agrippa so what he inferrs therefrom is also absurd But from Photius his testimonie it is manifest that that work was put forth by Justus after the death of King Agrippa Josephus relates that the History of the Jewish wars was published by Justus also after the death of Agrippa although it was written twenty years before A book of this same Justus his whose title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Laërtius in the life of Socrates which Photius says was the same with his Chronicle Vales. d He means Julius Archelaus and Herod as Josephus himself declares in his first book against Apion Julius Archelaus was brother in law to King Agrippa for he had married his Sister Mariamne so says Josephus at the end of his 19 and 20 books of Antiquit. Vales. e Nicephorus in his 3 book chap. 11. interpreting these words of Josephus says that Titus with his own hand copied out the books of Josephus his History of the Jewish wars See what Johannes Langus has noted at that place of Nicephorus But all interpreters who have translated this place of Josephus into Latine understand thereby that Titus onely subscribed the books of Josephus with his own hand and did not copy them out himself But I would rather follow the opinion of Nicephorus Neither do these words of Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to sound any thing less to me Thus this place is pointed in all Copies as well M. S. as Printed But if this place of Josephus were to be understood onely of Titus his Subscribing Josephus his books with his hand then the distinction or comma ought to be put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here you see it put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f In the most excellent M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk. and in S r Hen. Savills M. S. it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading all interpreters seem to have followed but I like Rufinus his Version best who translates it To be publickly read in which sense the same word is used by Eusebius in chap. 22. of his second book where he speaks of the General Epistles of James and Jade and in chap. 3. of his 3 book But from these words of Josephus we may gather that the History of the Jewish wars was put out by him in the Reign of Vespasian but his Antiquities were published by him in the thirteenth year of Domitian as he himself testifies at the end of his 20 book and at the close of his book of his own life But that which Scaliger affirms in Animad Euseb. p. 187. to wit that the book of Josephus his own life was by him put out seven years after his Antiquities seems not probable to me for that book is as we made it out before onely the conclusion of his twentieth Book of Antiquities and at the end of it Josephus reckoning up the Roman Emperours concludes with Domitian Vales. a This account of Eusebius his here agrees not with what he has written in that work of his called his Chronicon for there he writes that presently after the death of James Simcon was elected to wit in the seventh year of Nero. But here he makes it evident that after the murder of James the Episcopal See was vacant for the space of about eight or nine years Which intervall of time that the Authour Chronici Alexandrini might fill up he places the death of James on the first year of Vespasian Vales. b That is because as we conjecture he married Mary which was Sister to the B. Virgin upon which account Simeon the son of this Cleophas is here called Cousin-German by the mothers side to our Saviour for so we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not patruelem i. e. Cousin-German by the fathers side as it is in the version of Valesius but consobrinum i. e. Sisters son For Mary the wife of Cleophas and the B. Virgin were Sisters see Jo. 19. 25. and so Simeon the son of the former Mary and our Saviour the son of the latter were Sisters children See the Learned B◠Pearson on the Creed p. 175 176. Edit Lond. 1669. And Petavius in hares 78. Epiphan cap. 7 14. and also St Jerom in Catalog a I know not why R. Stephens read Anacletus seeing that all our books have it written Anencletus And so Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus and his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Chronolog Tripartit reads it So also Nicephorus Calistus in Libr. 3. cap. 2. and Georgius Syncellus and the M. SS copies of Rufinus So likewise Irenaeus in Lib. 3 where he reckons up the Roman Bishops in order names him Anencletus and omits the name of Cletus which to me seems to be made of a piece of the word Anencletus Neither does Optatus nor S. Augustine in his 165 Epistle where he counts up the Romish Bishops acknowledge Cletus But on the contrary in two very antient Catalogues of the Roman Bishops one whereof is in the Monastery of S. German and the other in the Jesuits Colledge at Clermont there is no mention of Anencletus but onely of Cletus who succeeded Linus and sat eleven years one month and two daies From whence its evident that Cletus and Anencletus was the same man See more of this in P. Halloixius in notat ad cap. 7. vitae Irenaei Vales. a That is the First after Mark So Eusebius said before concerning Linus Bishop of Rome at the 2 chap. of this book For Mark was the Apostle of the Alexandrians as we before have said But the Apostles were not reckoned amongst the number of the Bishops There was therefore no need of putting in here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nicephorus did See Seldens notes ad Eutychium patriarcham Alexandr Vales. b Rufinus and the other Translatours call this man Abilius and also Jerom himself in Chronico not so rightly as I judge For he ought to be called Avilius which is a Roman name as well as Annianus who was Bishop before Avilius Besides the order of the chapters is here disturbed in the common Editions this chap. of the succession of Avilius being put before that of the succession of Anencletus but we by the direction of the M. SS copies Maz. and Fuk. have placed them in their true order This was a very antient mistake for in the Index of the chapters prefixed before the 3 B. of Rufinus his translation and in all the Greek copies except in that of Fuk. the same errour is committed But in the
verses manifesting our Lord and his Passiant The Acrostick is this JESUS CHRIST SON OF GOD SAVIOUR CROSS Page 652 Chap. 19. That this Prophesie concerning our Saviour was not forged by any of the Christians but was written by Sibylla Erythraea whose books Cicero rendred into Latine Verse before the coming of Christ. And that Virgil makes mention of this Sibyll as also of a Virgin delivered of a Child but He sang of this Mystery obscurely out of a fear of those then in power Page 654 Chap. 20. Other Verses of Virgilius Maro's concerning Christ and the interpretation of them in which 't is shown but obscurely as the usage of Poets is that The Mystery is disclosed Page 655 Chap. 21. That 't is impossible for these things to be spoken concerning a meer Man and that unbelievers by reason of their ignorance of the Divine worship know not even whence they have their being Page 657 Chap. 22. The Emperour's Thanksgiving wherein He ascribes his Victories and all his other Blessings to Christ also a Reproof of Maximinus the Tyrant of those times who by the severity of his Persecution had increased the Glory of the Christian Religion Page 658 Chap. 23. Concerning the Polity of the Christians and that the Deity rejoyces in those who lead Virtuous lives and that we ought to expect a Judgement and a Retribution Page 659 Chap. 24. Concerning Decius Valerianus and Aurelianus who ended their lives miserably because of their Persecution of the Church Page 660 Chap. 25. Concerning Diocletian who with infamy resigned the Empire and by reason of his Persecuting the Church was stricken with Thunder ibid. Chap. 26. That God is the cause of the Emperour's Piety and that we ought to seek prosperous events from God and to impute them to him but must ascribe faults to our own sloth and negligence Page 661 Eusebius Pamphilus's Oration in praise of the Emperour Constantine spoken at his Tricennalia is divided into XVIII Chapters without Contents ANcient Writers were wont before their Books to set an Index or Contents of the Chapters to the end the Readers might know at first sight as 't were what was treated of in each Book Now this was usually done by them two ways For they either prefixt the Contents of all the Books together before their whole work as Plinius Secundus has done in his Books of Natural History Or else their usage was to set the Contents of the Chapters before each Book as Our Eusebius has done in His Ecclesiastick History For 't is not to be doubted but Eusebius did Himself make these Contents or Titles of the Chapters and set them before His Books of History as they now occur We may indeed observe that in these Contents Eusebius does always Speak of Himself in the first person For instance after the Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Note that this Book was collected by us out of the Writings of Clemens Tertullian Josephus and Philo. Besides in His Seventh Book these are the Contents of the last Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That is Concerning those Ecclesiastick persons who were famous in Our Own age c. Whence it may plainly be gathered that Eusebius the Compiler of this History was the Authour of The Contents of the Chapters also Besides Rufinus who rendred the Books of Ecclesiastick History into Latine about Six hundred years after Eusebius's death found the same Contents in His Greek Copy which now occur in Our Copies And this is apparent from Rufinus's Manuscript Copies one of which written out above Seven hundred years since I have in my Custody For in them the Contents of the Chapters are always set before every Book in the same order wherein they are now placed in Our Greek Manuscript Copies And Rufinus calls them Capitula But Cassiodorus in His Preface to the Tripartite History terms them righter Titulos as does likewise S t Cyprian in His Exhortation to Martyrdom written to Fortunatus Compendium feci says He ut propositis titulis quos quis noscere debeat tenere Capitula Dominica Subnecterem Where you see that Tituli are distinguished from Capitula Moreover Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remarks that Tituli differ from Capitula For instance S t Matthew He says contains Sixty eight Tituli but Three hundred fifty five Capitula and so concerning the other Gospels Capitulum is properly a part of a Book which contains the entire Narrative of some one thing But Titulus is an Index set above the Capitulum and sometimes One Titulus or Title contains many Capita or Chapters as may be seen in The Pandects of the Civil Law The same thing was heretofore visible in S t Matthew's Gospel which had more Chapters than Titles as Suidas does attest So also in the other Gospels For that passage which occurs in Suidas namely that S t Mark had fourty eight Tituli and but thirty six Capita is faulty and instead of thirty six it must be mended thus two hundred thirty three as may be plainly gathered from The Canons of the Gospels which Our Eusebius composed But sometimes each Titulus does answer each Capitulum as t is in these Books of Ecclesiastick History And in the Mazarine and Medicaean Copies The Titali or Contents of each Book are prefixed together with the Numeral Notes or Figures But in The Fuketian Manuscript after the Titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added together with the Numeral Note But this term never occurs in those Excellent Copies which I have mentioned Yea instead thereof I found the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed in the Beginning of the Fourth Book over the very Contents of the Chapters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is The Contents of the Fourth Book Vales. THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF Eusebius Pamphilus IN TEN BOOKS Made English from that Edition set forth by VALESIUS and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1659. Together with VALESIUS's Annotations on the said Historian which are done into ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereto also is annexed an account of the Life and Writings of the foresaid Historian Collected by VALESIUS and Rendred into ENGLISH HINC LUCEM ET PUCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1683. VALESIUS'S PREFACE To HIS EDITION of EUSEBIUS'S HISTORY HAving performed the Office of a Solemn Dedication 't is now time Most Illustrious Prelates That I should give You a particular Account of my Work For whereas this Labour was undertaken by me on Your account chiefly and by Your Command I do both wish and also hope that before all others You will be the Readers and Judges of my Work There are three things therefore which I have endeavoured to perform in this Edition The first is an Amendment of the Greek Text The second a Latine Version of it The third
CHAP. IV. Of the first Succession of the Apostles THat Paul therefore Preaching to the Gentiles laid the foundations of those Churches from Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum is manifest both from his own words and also from what Luke has related in the Acts. Likewise in what Provinces Peter Preaching the Gospel of Christ to those of the Circumcision delivered the doctrine of the New Covenant is sufficiently apparent from his own words out of that Epistle of his which we have said is universally acknowledged as genuine which he wrote to the Jews that were dispersed throughout Pontus and Galatia Cappadocia and Asia and Bithynia Now how many and what sincere followers of them have been approved as sufficient to take the charge of those Churches by them founded it is not easie to say except such and so many as may be collected from the words of Paul For he had very many fellow labourers and as he termed them fellow souldiers many of which were by him vouchsafed an indeleble remembrance he having in his own Epistles ascribed to them an everlasting commendation But Luke enumerating in the Acts the disciples of Paul makes mention of them by name Moreover Timothy is reported to have been the first that was chosen to the Bishoprick of the Ephesian Church as also Titus of the Churches in Orâ—â—t Luke by original extract an Antiochian by profession a Physitian for the most part accompanied Paul and being diligently conversant with the rest of the Apostles has left us in two Books written by divine inspiration Lessons that are medicinable for our souls which he prâ—â—ured of them The one is the Gospel which he professes he wrote even as they delivered it unto him who from the beginning were eye witnesses and Ministers of the Word in all which things he says he had perfect understanding from the very first The other is the Acts of the Apostles which Treatise he composed now not of such passages as he had received by report but of what he had seen with his own eyes They say also that Paul was wont to mean the Gospel according to Luke when speaking as it were of his own Gospel he says According to my Gospel Of the rest of the followers of Paul Crescens is by the Apostle himself declared to be one who was sent by him into Gallia Linus also whom in his second Epistle to Timothy he mentions to be at Rome with him who was before manifested to have been the first that was chosen to the Bishoprick of Rome after Peter Clemens also who was likewise constituted the third Bishop of Rome is attested by Paul himself to have been his fellow labourer and companion in sufferings Furthermore that Areopagite by name Dionysius whom Luke in the Acts records to have been the first that believed after the Sermon made by Paul to the Athenians in Areopagus another Dionysius one of the Antients a Pastour of the Corinthian Church relates to have been the first Bishop of the Athenian Church But as we goe on with this work of ours we will in due place declare the successions of the Apostles in their several times Now we will proceed to that part of our History which follows in order CHAP. V. Of the last Siege of the Jews after Christs death AFter Nero who held the Government thirteen years Galba and Otho having reigned a year and six months Vespasian grown famous in the wars against the Jews was made Emperour in Judea being proclaimed by the Army there He therefore going immediately to Rome committed the management of the war against the Jews to his son Titus Moreover after the Ascension of our Saviour when the Jews besides the audacious wickedness committed against him had now contrived and executed very many cruel designs against his Apostles first Stephen being stoned to death by them then after him James the son of Zebedee and brother of John beheaded and last of all that James who was first chosen into the Episcopal seat there after our Saviours Ascension Murthered according to the fore mentioned manner when the rest of the Apostles were by innumerable wiles laid wait for to be put to death and being driven out of Judea were gone to Preach the doctrine of the Gospel to all nations assisted by the power of Christ who had said unto them Goe and teach all Nations in my Name And furthermore when the whole congregation of the Church in Jerusalem according to an Oracle given by revelation to the approved persons amongst them before the war were commanded to depart out of the City and inhabit a certain City they call it Pella beyond Jordan into which when those that believed in Christ had removed from Jerusalem and when the holy men had as it were totally relinquished the Princely Metropolis of the Jews and the whole Country of Judea then at length divine vengeance seized them who had dealt so unjustly with Christ and his Apostles and utterly destroyed that wicked and abominable generation from among men But how great calamities then befell the whole nation in every place and how they especially who were inhabitants of Judea were driven to the extremity of misery and how many Myriads of men together with women and children were destroyed by Sword and Famine and by infinite other kinds of death and how many and what Sieges there were of the Jewish Cities and how great miseries and more than miseries they beheld who fled into Jerusalem it self as into the best fortified Metropolis and also the manner and order of the whole war and every particular action therein and how at length the abomination of desolation predicted by the Prophets was set up in the very Temple of God heretofore famous but now about to suffer all manner of pollution and to undergoe its last destruction by fire He that is desirous to know it may accurately read all this in the History written by Josephus But how the same Writer relates that a multitude of about thirty hundred thousand persons assembled together from all parts of Judea at the time of the passeover feast were shut up in Jerusalem as it were says he in a prison I think it requisite to shew in those his own words For it was fit that at that very time wherein they had killed the Saviour and Benefactour of all Christ the Son of God that in the same days I say they should be shut up as it were in a Prison to receive that destruction from divine vengeance which awaited them But I will omit the particular relation of those miseries which befell them and their great sufferings by the Sword and otherwaies and doe think it necessary to propose onely the Calamities of the Famine that so they who shall read this our work may from that part of their sufferings understand that the divine punishment for their enormous impieties committed against the Christ of God did not long after
of ill-gotten money was in a short time mightily enriched For that Law was put in execution not only where the Emperour was present but in those places also to which he came not At the same time also the Pagans made incursions upon the professours of Christianity and there was a great conflux of such as termed themselves Philosophers Moreover they constituted certain detestable Rites in so much that they sacrificed young children as well males as females inspected their entrails and tasted of their flesh And these were their practises both in other Cities and also at Athens and Alexandria At which City likewise they framed a calumnious accusation against Athanasius the Bishop acquainting the Emperour that he would destroy that City and all Egypt and therefore that it was requisite he should be driven from that City The Prefect also of Alexandria according to the Emperours command made an attempt against him CHAP. XIV Concerning Athanasius's Flight BUt he Fled again saying these words to his intimate acquaintance Friends let us recede a little while for 't is a small cloud which will soon vanish Having spoken these words with all possible celerity he went aboard of a ship and passing over the Nile fled into Egypt They who endeavoured to apprehend him made a close pursuit after him When he understood that his pursuers were not far behind those that accompanied him perswaded him to fly into the wilderness again But by making use of prudent advice he escaped those that pursued him For he perswaded his followers to turn back and meet the pursuers which was done with all possible speed When therefore they who a little before fled approacht the pursuers the persons who sought for Athanasius ask't his followers nothing but this whether they had seen Athanasius They gave them notice that he was not far off and said that if they made hast they would soon apprehend him Being after this manner imposed upon they pursued him very hotly but in vain Athanasius having made his escape came privately to Alexandria and absconded there till such time as the Persecution ceased Such were the miseries which befell the Bishop of Alexandria after his frequent persecutions and troubles occasioned partly by the Christians and partly by the Heathens Moreover the Presidents of Provinces supposing the Emperours superstition to be a fair opportunity of increasing their private gain treated the Christians very ill beyond what the Imperial Order commissioned them to do one while exacting greater sums of money from them than they ought to have done at other times inflicting on them corporal punishments These things the Emperour was sensible of but connived at them And to the Christians making their addresses to him upon this account his answer was 'T is your duty when you are afflicted to bear it patiently for this is the command of your God CHAP. XV. Concerning those who in the Reign of Julianus suffered Martyrdom at Merus a City of Phrygia AT the City Merus Amachius President of the Province of Phrygia gave order for the opening of the Temple there and commanded it should be cleansed from the filth heapt up therein by length of time and that the images in it should be polished and trim'd up This fact did sorely trouble the Christians One Macedonius Thcodulus and Tatianus out of their zeal to the Christian Religion were unable to bear that indignity But having acquired a warmth and fervency of affection towards Vertue they rushed into the Temple by night and brake the images in pieces The Governour highly incensed at what was done resolved to destroy many in that City who were guiltless whereupon the authours of this Fact rendred themselves on their own accord And chose rather to die themselves in defence of the Truth than to see others put to death in their stead The Governour having seized these persons ordered them to expiate the crime they had committed by sacrificing Upon their refusal to do that he threatned them with punishment But being persons endowed with a great courage of mind they disregarded his menaces and shewed themselves prepared to undergoe any sufferings whatever And chose to die rather than be polluted by sacrificing When therefore he had made these men undergoe all manner of tortures at last he gave order they should be laid on Grid-irons under which he commanded fire to be put and so destroyed them At which time they gave the highest and most Heroick demonstration of their sortitude by these words of theirs to the President Amachius if you desire to eat broyled flesh turn us on the other side least we should seem half broyled to your tast After this manner these persons ended their lives CHAP. XVI How when the Emperour prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature the two Apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of Books BUt that Imperial Law which prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature made the two above mentioned Apollinaris's far more eminent than they had been before For whereas both of them were persons well skilled in humane Learning the father in Grammar the son in Rhetorick they shewed themselves very usefull to the Christians at that juncture of time For the father being an exquisite Grammarian composed a Grammar agreeable to the form of the Christian Religion he also turned the Books of Moses into that termed Heroick verse And likewise paraphrased upon all the Historical Books of the Old Testament putting them partly into Dactylick Verse and partly reducing them into the form of Dramatick Tragedy He designedly made use of all sorts of Verse that no mode of expression peculiar to the Grecian Language might be unknown or un-heard-of amongst the Christians But the Younger Apollinaris a person provided with a good stock of Eloquence explained the Gospels and Apostolick writings by way of Dialogue as Plato amongst the Grecians had done Having rendred themselves usefull after this manner to the Christian Religion by their own Labours they vanquished the Emperours subtlety But Divine Providence was more prevalent and powerfull than either these persons industry or the Emperours attempt For that Law quickly became extinct together with the Emperour who made it as we will manifest in the procedure of our History And these mens Works are reputed no otherwise than if they had never been written But some one will perhaps make this formidable objection against us How can you affirm these things to have been effected by Divine Providence For it is indeed evident that the Emperours sudden death proved very advantagious to the Christian Religion But certainly the rejecting of the Christian writings composed by the two Apollinaris's and the Christians beginning again to be cultivated with an education in the Grecian Literature can in no wise be of advantage to Christianity For the Grecian Literature in regard it asserts Polytheism is very pernicious To this objection we will according to our ability make such
Dionysius Bishop of Corinth flourisht in the Reign of M. Antoninus Vales. b He means the persecution in Diocletians Reign Vales. c Dionysius means those brethren who usually came from remote Countreys to Rome to procure some relief for such as in their own Countrey were in distress and necessity Vales. d To this fragment of Dionysius's Epistle to the Roman Clergy is to be joyned that other passage of the same Epist. quoted by our Eusebius chap. 25. B. 2. Vales. a Concerning this Hermogenes and his Heresie see Baronius ad annum Christi 170. But I cannot give my assent to him as to what he affirms viz. that Hermogenes taught in Asia Vales. The Heresie of this Hermogenes is related by Theodoret Heret fab L. 1. cap. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This Hermogenes asserted that the body of the Lord was deposited in the Sun and that the devil and the civil spirits should be turned into matter The Seleuciani and Hermiani taught the same to wit that the body of Christ ascended no farther than the sun the occasion of which assertion they took from those words of the Psalmist Psal. 19. 5. which in S. Jeroms translation is thus rendred in sole posuit tabernaculum suum but in the Psalms used in our Liturgy 't is thus worded In them hath he set a tabernacle for the sun See D r Hammond on that Text. The same opinion Gregory Nazianzen attributeth to the Maâ—icheans Epist. 1. ad Cledonium and S. August Tract 34. in Joh. This opinion is more largely and clearly set down but without a name in the Catena patrum on Psal. 18. where 't is said that these Hereticks assert that after his resurrection our Saviour deposited his body in the sphere of the sun to be preserved there till his second coming a In all ouâ— M. SS copies this title concerning the true way of converse and of the Prophets evidently appears to be the title but of one book Jerom in his book de Eccles. Scriptor which is almost wholly taken out of Eusebius entitles this piece of Melito's thus de vitâ Propbetarum i. e. concerning the life of the Prophets Vales. b Melito wrote a book upon this subject because there were some Hereticks who asserted that such men as were carnal believed by the help of their senses but those who were spiritual believed by reason So Heraclio expounded that Text in S. Johns Gospel c. 4. 48. Except ye see signs and wonders ye will not believe Which words Heraclio said were properly directed to those who by works and their senses had the nature of obeying but not of believing through reason Origen Tome 13. Enarrat on S. John's Gospel mentions and confutes this opinion where he declares that neither spiritual nor carnal men can believe unless it be by sense Vales. c In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS and in Nicephorus this book of Melito's is intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. concerning the Origination c. which reading we doubt not but is true Rufinus as appears by his Version and Robert Stephens as may be seen in his Edit read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. concerning Faith c. The ancient Fathers who lived before the Nicene Council meant by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not onely such a creation as is made out of nothing but also all sort of production whatsoever and therefore the divine origination of the Word Those words of the Apostle Colos 1. 15. The first born of every creature they asserted were to be understood of the eternal generation of the Son Vales. But as D r Hammond observes in his notes on that Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. first born is used some times for a Lord or person in power who hath the priviledge of the first born dominion over all his brethren and according to this notion continues he 't is used commonly in scripture for a Prince or principal person See Psal. 68. 27. Job 18. 13. Or it may peculiarly refer to his resurrection in which he was the first born from the dead See Hammond on Colos. 1. 15. d These words are to be understood of the Christians which appears from what follows For Melito desires of the Emperour that he would first look into and examine the cause of the Christians and then determine whether they deserved to be punished or rather preserved in safety Vales. e So he terms the Jews amongst whom the Christian Religion first sprang up Upon this account Porphyrius whose words Eusebius quotes book 6. chap. 19. of this work termed the Christian Religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an audacious Sect that had its beginning amongst Barbarians Vales. f From this place it is evident that Melito the Bishop presented his Apology to M. Antoninus after the death of Aurelius Verus For if Verus had been then living when Melito wrote this Apology he would doubtless have mentioned him here and in stead of these words together with your son would certainly have said together with your brother For L. Verus was the adopted brother of M. Aurelius Seeing therefore Melito does here mention onely the son of M. Antoninus to wit Commodus t is manifest as I said that this Apology was presented to Marcus after the death of L. Verus And therefore Eusebius in his Chronicon places it on the 10 th year of M. Aurelius to wit the year after Verâ—â—'s death Vales. g The same is asserted by Tertullian Apologet cap. 5. whose words our Eusebius quotes partly at chap. 25. B. 2. and partly at chap. 20. B. 3. h The Rescript of Antoninus Pius who is here meant in savour of the Christians is not now extant 'T is mentioned in the Restript of M. Aurelius Antoninus to the Cities of Asia which Eusebius has set down in chap. 13. of this book Vales. a In our M. SS Maz. Med. and Fuk. there is in this place no beginning of a new chapter but this 27 chapt which treats concerning Apollinaris and the following chapt concerning Musanus are both annext to chap. 26. the title whereof in our said M. SS is this concerning Melito and what he has made mention of Apollinaris and Musanus which division Robert Stephenâ— followed in the body of this fourth book For in the Contents prefixt before this 4 th book he follows the Kings M. S. and makes three chap. here to wit one of Melito another concerning Apollinaris and a third concerning Musanus but in the body of that book he follows the Med. M. S. as he always does in this particular and has put no distinction of a new chap. here but hath made all the three chapters into one We following the autority of the Kings M. S. have divided them into three chap. and the same was done before in the Geneva impression of Eusebius's History Vales. b These words His two books against the Jews are not in the
Apollinaris as Rufinus and Christophorson supposed Vales. p This was a great man amongst the Montanists who boasted himself to be a Confessour and a Martyr and was so audacious as like an Apostle to write a general Epistle to the Churches in recommendation of this New Prophecy Apollonius speaks much concerning this man in the following chapter Vales. a In the foregoing chapter we observed that the name Miltiades was put for Alcibiades On the contrary here Alcibiades is crept into the Text of Eusebius instead of Miltiades In Nicephorus t is Miltiades but neither he nor Christophorson understood this place Vales. b Rufinus and Baronius were mistaken in that they supposed these following words were taken out of Miltiades's book For this nameless Authour quotes nothing out of Miltiades's book but onely out of the Cataphrygians answer to Miltiades's book which thing translatours understood not Now the meaning of this place is this there is a great difference between the true Prophets and the false For the true Prophets who were filled with the spirit of God did foretell things future in a quiet and serene temper of mind But the false Prophets as was Montanus uttered what they said in a raging and mad temper of mind Indeed this was the chief objection of the Ecclesiasticks against the Montanists who boasted they were inspired with a Prophetick spirit because they Prophecied in an extasie But we read that no Prophet either under the Old or New Testament did ever Prophecy in an extasie Therefore Miltiades wrote a book against them which was thus entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind See Epiphanius advers Haeres Montanist chap. 2. 4 and Chrysostom Homil. 29. on the 1 Epist. Corinth Vales. c Jerom Refinus and other Translatours thought Miltiades dedicated his Apology to the Roman Emperours called here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But because at that time there was onely one Roman Emperour to wit Commodus I judge the Governours of Provinces are here rather meant For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does commonly signifie the Presidents of Provinces To these therefore Miltiades dedicated his Apology as did Tertullian afterwards who calls this Miltiades the Rhetorician of the Churches Vales. a Montanus instituted three â—ents every year and besides them two weeks of abstinence wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten So Tertullian in his book de jejuniis and Jerom in his Epistle to Mercella Apollonius objects here against Montanus his instituting fasts by a Law not that 't is a fault to observe fasts or as if 't were not lawfull for some in the Church to proclaim fasts for the Apostle S t John appointed a three days fast â—t Ephesus before he betook himself to the writing his Gospel But Montanus had no power to proclaim a fast being an Heretick an excommunicated person and no Presbyter Apollonius therefore does deservedly blame him because of his own head not by Apostolick tradition he instituted fasts Vales. b In the Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS and in Nicephorus this woman is called Prisca which is confirmed by Rufinus Tertullian and Firmilianus Robert Stephens calls her Priscilla Vales. c The Montanists covered their avarice under the pretext of Religion and specious term of Oblations as Apollonius says a little before in this chapter Vales. d Christophorson thought the Cross was meant here but doubtless Apollonius means bonds which Themison could not endure for Christs sake For that which he calls the sign of confession here in the next words he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bonds Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original At Athens there was an house so called behind the Temple of Minerva Polias wherein the publick treasury was laid So says Harpocration on that word In all the Temples there was such a place as Varro asserts B. 4. But here this term must mean the publick Registry where the publick Records are kept Vales. * Mat. 10. 9 10. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term which Rufinus translates an Apostate Vales. * He means Montanus g The Greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latines term crines tingere seu rutilare to die or make the hair red To doe which they made use of ashes which had been put into lye as Varro says See Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is a kind of colouring stuff which is used to make the eye-brows black h I perceive now why Eusebius places Apollonius after the Authour without a name of whom he spake in the foregoing Chapter For because that anonymous authour says he wrote his books fourteen years after the death of Montanus and Maximilla and in regard Apollonius does here say Montanus broacht his new Prophecy 40 years before he wrote therefore Eusebius supposed Apollonius to be a later writer than that anonymous Authour In which as I judge he is much out For Apollonius wrote his book whilest Montanus and his mad Prophetesses Priscilla and Maximilla were yet alive which appears from these passages Let the Prophetess answer us concerning Alexander who terms himself a Martyr with whom she feasts c and again And yet the Prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years Eusebius quotes in this Chapter Apollonius therefore does not say 40 years were past from the death of Montanus when he wrote this book but onely that Montanus had set a broach his false Prophecy 40 years before he went about to write this book against him Let us suppose therefore Montanus to be thirty years old when he set up to be a Prophet he could not be above 70 years old when Apollonius wrote his book against him Neither had he Maximilla and Priscilla for his companions as soon as ever he began his heresie but as I judge they were ensnared by him a long while after Vales. a Eusebius in his 6 th B. cha 12. calls these men Pontius and Caricus Jerom in Catalogo calls them Carinus and Pontius Vales. b So the Ancients termed the prophesie of Montanus and his associates as may be seen from Tertullian de Jejuniis Jerom in Catalogo Firmilian in his Epistle to Cyprian and the old Authour quoted by our Eusebius chap. 16. of this B. Vales. c The reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS agrees with our translation to wit by all the Brotherhood in the world The Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens read it thus by all the Brotherhood in Christ over the whole world Vales. d Debeltum or Develtum a Colony in Thracia is mentioned by Geographers and in the old Coyns which John Tristan put forth Anchialus also hereafter named is a City of Thracia sufficiently known But why should the subscriptions of the Bishops of Thracia be put to the Epistle of Serapion Bishop of Antioch If I may make a conjecture I
3 d book chap. 6. neer the end Vales. b Athanasius in his book de Synodis set forth the time of this Council by these notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Those Bishops that met at the dedication were ninety in number they were convened in the Consulate of Marcellinus and Probinus in the tenth Indiction the most impious Constantius being there present Vales. c In the Consulate of Marcellinus and Probinus on the eleventh of the Calends of June was compleated the fourth year from Constantines death The Synod of Antioch therefore was convened after this day if it be true which Socrates here says to wit that it was convened in the fifth year after Constantines death Vales. d In Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version this persons name is truer written thus Flaccillus Nor is he otherwise called in Pope Julius's Epistle to the Bishops convened in this Synod of Antioch This person had been present before at the Council of Tyre and had with the Arians conspired against Athanasius as the Epistle of the Egyptian Bishops to Dionysius the Comes doth inform us which Epistle Athanasius has recorded in his second defence against the Arians Eusebius of Caesarea dedicated the books he wrote against Marcellus to this same Flaccillus But instead of Flaccillus he is almost every where called Placitus only in the following chapter the Allatian M. S. terms him Flaccillus Vales. e These calumnies of the Eusebians are incomparably well refuted by the Egyptian Bishops in their Synodick Epistle which Athanasius records in his second defence against the Arians Vales. a Sozomen in his third book chap. 6. explains this passage in Socrates where he speaks thus concerning Eusebius Emisenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. from his childhood according to the custom of his own Country he learned the sacred Scriptures by heart Therefore the boys of Edessa got by heart the books of sacred Scripture according to the usage of their Ancestours Indeed Ecclesiastick Writers do attest that the Edessens were most ardent lovers of the Christian Religion Vales. * Or Restauration or Election * Or the Faith a Instead of these words but in reality their design was to subvert the Allat M. S. has these but giving the beginning to a pretext by their continual c. and so Epiphan Schol. read it as from his Version appears Vales. b In the Allat M. S. the reading is fall into Vales. c How these words are to be understood I have advertized the Reader in the second book of my Ecclesiastick Observations chap. 2. for we must not suppose that the Arch-Heretick Arius himself was admitted and entertained in the Jerusalem Synod but his followers only For Arius himself was dead long before Should any one maintain that these words of the Bishops of the Antiochian-Council are to be understood of Arius himself then I will answer that the Jerusalem Synod is not meant here but some other more ancient Synod which admitted Arius to communion for the Eusebian party had done that before the Synod of Jerusalem as Athanasius attests in his book de Synodis not far from the beginning Vales. * Essence †John 1. 1. Joh. 6. 38. †Matt. 28. 19. * Placed d After these words we therefore holding this faith in Athanasius's book de Synodis where this form of faith occurs these are added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and holding it from the beginning to the end which ought not to have been omitted Hilarius in his book de Synodis has translated this form of the Creed into Latine in which Version of his these words occur Vales. e I corrected this place by the assistance of the Florentine M. S. wherein it is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the Son of God The Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was begotten which preceded is to be understood here In Athanasius's book de Synodis the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before he was begotten But our reading pleases us better because it comes neerer the sense of the Arians who asserted that the Son of God was made Vales. * Or an Off-spring or a Foeâ—us f In the Allat M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and with fear 'T is so also in Athanasius and in Hilarius's Version Vales. g No Antioch was by a special priviledge free from this earth-quake For so 't is recorded in those incomparable Fasti Consulares which Sirmondus has published under the name of Idatius in these words Marcellino Probino Coss. His consulibus pugna facta est â—um gente Francorum à Constante Augusto in Galliis Et ipso anno terrae motus fuit ad orientem per totum annum praeter Antiochiam i. e. in the consulate of Marcellinus and Probinus there was a fight between the nation of the Franci and Constans Augustus in the Gallia's And in the same year there was an earthquake in the East throughout the whole year except at Antioch Vales. a In this place Socrates mistakes who confounds what was done at Georgius's installation with those things transacted at Gregorius's arival Indeed Syrianus brought Georgius to Alexandria as Athanasius attests in his Epistle ad Solitar and in his Apologetick to Constantius the Emperour and in his Apology concerning his own Escape when Syrianus pursued him But these things hapned a long while after this to wit in the year of Christ 356. Gregorius concerning whom Socrates speaks here was brought to Alexandria by Balacius the Captain and Philagrius Prefect of Egypt as Athanasius relates in his Epistle Ad Solitar But Athanasius departed from Alexandria before their arival and went to Rome whither he had been invited by Pope Julius's Letters Vales. b Socrates borrowed this out of Athanasius's Apology concerning his own escape about the close of it Where Athanasius's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. it was now night and some of the people lay in the Church all night a communion being expected But in his Apologetick to the Emperour Constantinus he shews manifestly that Syrianus made this irruption in the night and not in the evening as Socrates here says Vales. c Our Socrates does mistake here also For Eusebius of Nicomedia did not send Embassadours to Pope Julius to incite him against Athanasius after the Council at Antioch but a long time before But when the Presbyters sent by Athanasius had confuted Eusebius's Embassadours in all points before Julius at length Eusebius's Messengers referred the decision of the whole matter to Julius Julius therefore according to the request of the Embassadours wrote Letters both to Athanasius and also to Eusebius and the rest of Athanasius's adversaries by which he invited them to an Ecclesiastick judicature at Rome But this was done before the Council at Antioch as Athanasius informs us in his second Apologetick against the Arians and Julius Bishop of Rome in his Epistle to the Bishops convened in the Council of Antioch This Epistle of Julius's Athanasius has
wrote under me Or Filled ‖ Or Guarded * Or Above mention * Or Were to him a Baronius does indeed place the death of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Restauration of Anastasius Sinaâ—ta on the year of Christ 594. But Baronius doubts at the same place whether it ought not to be placed on the year following especially in regard Gregorius Magnus in the Register of the Letters of the thirteenth Indiction congratulates Anastafius because he had been restored to the See of Antioch But the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle who lived almost in the same times with Gregorius places Gregorius's death in the tenth year of the Empire of Mauricius on the tenth Indiction his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the tenth Indiction on this year Anastasius Patriarch of Antioch returned to Antioch after the death of Gregorius who had been Patriarch who had also before succeeded the same Anastasius Where you may note that Anastasius is called Patriarch even before his Restoration because having been deposed illegally and by force he had always retained the title of Patriarch 'T is certain Pope Gregorius in the three Letters he wrote to him at the beginning of his Episcopate does always acknowledge Anastasius to be a Patriarch But he is never found to have accounted Gregorius who had illegally taken possession of Anastasius's Chair whilst he was yet alive amongst the number of Patrlarchs Vales. b Hermodactylus was a plant unknown to the Ancients 'T is certain neither Dioscorides nor Galen have made any mention of it But the Arabians after Serapion confounded it with Colchicum and Ephemeron Whom our Apothecaries have followed and in their Shops substitute Colchicum instead of Hermodactylus But Andreds Matthiolus in his comments on the fourth book of Dioscorides hath long since taken notice of this mistake and after him others who have written concerning plants When Matthiolus published the Former Edition of his Comments he himself did not then fully know what Hermodactylus was But afterwards when he had procured that plant from the Illustrious personage Augerius Busbequius who had brought it him at his return from an Embassy at Constantinopole he gave us the Type or Cut of that plant at pag. 1109 of his Latter Edition The Roots of this plant represent the likeness of fingers with the addition of nails also Whence the plant had its name For Hermodactylus signifies the finger of Mercury Further the root hereof was heretofore given to those that were troubled with the Gout in the joynts or fingers at such time as the humours issued out for of it self and by a decoction of it it has a purgative quality as Paulus Aegineta relates in his seventh book But now a days Hermodactylus is given to those troubled with the Gout in their feet not at that time when the humours issue forth but rather when the disease is grown strong and come to its height For when Modern Physitians had found by the use of this medicine that it was noxious in the approach or augmentation of the disease they corrected the practise of the Ancient Physitians in this particular as the most famous and most Learned Tossanus de Fontaine Doctor of Physick and Regius Professor in the University of Paris informed me a person to whom I profess my self highly obliged for his singular kindness towards me and for his care and diligence in curing my distemper Vales. * Or The Junior Rome c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From these words 't is evidently concluded that Anastasius was restored to the See of Antioch a little before Gregorius's death For Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed after Anastasius had been restored to his own Chair Yet Nicephorus thought that nothing else was meant by these words but that Anastasius had been restored to his own See after Gregorius's death Vales. d Anastasius had been deposed on the year of Christ 570 as I have observed above in my notes on book 5. chap. 5. From this year to the tenth of Mauricius's Empire whereon he was restored to his See as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us that is to the year of Christ 592 there are three and twenty years Vales. e From these words some one might prehaps conjecture that which Baronius has also supposed that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed on the twelfth year of the Emperour Mauricius For why should Evagrius say that he had closed his History on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire unless he had related some thing before which had been done on the twelfth year of the same Mauricius Notwithstanding after a more diligent inspection into the thing Evagrius seems not in my judgment to have designed to mean that by these words for Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch had ended his life at such time as Gregorius Governed the Roman and Eulogius the Alexandrian Church and whilst Johannes presided over the Church at Jerusalem Which Johannes having ended his life not long after Evagrius saith no body was as yet put into his place Evagrius therefore closed not his History with the death of Gregorius in regard he relates that after Gregorius's death Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem dyed and that after his death no person was yet put into his See at that time when he wrote these things Wherefore Evagrius by these words means only this that he wrote these things on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire Vales. * Or A wandring History †Or Sustained f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the Rendition of Christophorson and Musculus who think that the honour of the Quaesture was conferred upon our Evagrius by Tiberius But Evagrius does not say that he had the dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestor given him but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestorius Now there is a great difference between Quaestor and Quaestorius For he is Quaestor who bears the Office of Quaestor But Quaestorius is he who has already born that Office In regard therefore Evagrius says that he had the honour Ex-Quaestore given him he means that the Codicills Ex-Quaestore were conferred on him by the Emperour altogether in the same manner wherein as he adds immediately the Codicills Ex-Prafectis Praetorio were bestowed on him by the Emperour Mauricius Further such persons as by their deserts had procured these Codicills enjoyed all those priviledges which belonged to the Honorati who had born those dignities to wit of the Quaesture and of the Praefecture But in my opinion the reading at this place ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood the dignity of Quaestorius Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours understood not this place For Musculus renders it thus unde ista composuimus cum ille imperii ignominiam ablaturus Theodosium in lucem produxit whence we composed those things when he about to take away the ignominie of the Empire brought Theodosius into the light
the memory by statley c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some thing seems to be wanting here or at least the words are transposed Therefore I would have the place restored thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erecting a sacred c. But Christophorson understood these words so as if Eusebius should say that Helena built two Churches in the Mount of Olives one on the top the other in the Cave which nevertheless I do not think to be true For the Authour of the Jerusalem Itinerarie tells us that one Church was built there by Constantine And Eusebius in his Panegyrick chap. 9. towards the end speaking of that Martyrium which Constantine built at Jerusalem expresses himself in the same manner as he does here viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Where you see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are joyned and used concerning one and the same Church And he terms the Basilica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because people came thither to pray but the whole Sacred House which being inclosed within one circuit contains within it self the Atrium Porticus's Secrelaric Baptistcrie and the Church it self he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Eusebius does most plainly declare below at chap. 50 of this book where he speaks concerning the Dominicum Aureum which Constantine built at Antioch And thus the passage of Eusebius in the close of his Panegyrick concerning Constantine's Tricennaliae is to be explained as likewise a passage in his tenth book and another in chap. 45. of this book where he joyns together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is something otherwise in the fifth Law Cod. Theod. de his qui ad Ecclesias consugiunt For there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called the Basilica or Oratory where the Altar is But the Church is termed that whole Building within the circumference whereof are contained the Atrium Porticus's Cells Baths and lastly the Oratory it self Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Author of the Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum has these words Inde ascendis in montem Oliveti ubi dominus discipulos docuit ante passionem Thence you go up to Mount Olivet where our Lord taught his Disciples before his Passion Bede in his book de Locis Sanctis chap. 7. has this passage Tertia quoque ejusdem montis ad australem Bethaniae partem Ecclesia est There is a third Church aâ—so of the same Mount at the South part of Bethanie where the Lord before his Passion spoke to his Disciples concerning the day of Judgment He means the place in Saint Mathew chap. 24. This Sermon therefore Eusebius here terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secret Mysteries because the Lord then spake concerning secret things viz. about the end of the world concerning Christ's coming and the last judgment For even the Apostles came then to the Lord secretly as Saint Matthew says in regard they were desirous to know Mysteries and the Revelation of things future as Jerome on Mathew writes But that which Eusebius says viz. that our Loâ—d delivered these Mysteries to the Apostles in the Cave is not expresly recorded in the Gospel Yea the contrary seems possible to be made out from the Gospel For 't is related therein that the City Jerusalem was in sight to the Disciples when our Lord Preach't these things They were not therefore in the Cave but in an open place Yet it may be answered that that Cave had several holes of which sort there were many Caves in Palestine as the Itineraries inform us Indeed whereas Saint Matthew affirms that the Disciples came to our Lord secretly 't is probable that that discourse in the Cave was made by Our Lord whilst he stayed there Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first word is to be expunged as being superfluous Eusebius seems to allude to the usage of the Gentiles who performed their Mithriaca Sacra Sacrisices in honour of the Sun in a Cave as Porphyry in his book de Abstinentia Jerome and others inform us The Fuketian Manuscript confirms our conjecture in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 companions †Or The fruit * Or Magnificence of Imperial power †Or Right hand * Or She gave her self to be seen coming c. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it Sacella Chappell 's ‖ Or Grave and mean or frugal * Or Emperour Monarch and Lord c. †Or So Great ‖ Or Cherishing her with all c. * Or Undergoe a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Her soul therefore was reformed or new-framed These words seem to favour of Origen's doctrine to which our Eusebius was too much addicted For the souls of the Blessed are not reformed into an Angelick substance Indeed Origen believed that in the Resurrection Bodies would be turned into souls and Souls would be changed into Angels as Saint Jerome says some where Vales. a He means Rome For thither the dead Body of Helena Augusta was carried and after two years was conveyed to Constantinople as Nicephorus tells us book 8. chap. 30. But Socrates book 1. chap. 17. transcribing Eusebius's words interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 New-Rome Which errour of Socrates Baronius does deservedly reprove in regard by the name of the Imperial City Eusebius is always wont to mean Rome Besides Constantinople was not yet dedicated and therefore could not be called the Imperial City whenas then it was only old Byzantium Nevertheless Cedrenus has followed Socrates who also adds this that Helena died twelve years before Constantine By this computation Helena must have died on the year of Christ 325 or 326. On which year nevertheless she is said by Eusebius and Rufinus to have gone to Jerusalem Besides after the death of Crispus Caesar and Fausta Augusta Helena was for some time alive as Zosimus attests book 2. Further Crispus was slain in the seventh Consulate of Constantinus Augustus which he bore with Constantius Caesar on the year of Christ 326 as 't is recorded in Idatius's Fasti. The death of Helena therefore may rightly be assigned to the year of our Lord 327 as Sigonius thinks book 3. de Imperio Occidentali Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 't is referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we have rendred it And so I found it mended in Moraeus's Book at the margin Nor is it otherwise written in the Fuk. and Savil. Copies and in the Kings Sheets Vales. * Or These things †Or Worthy of Emulation * Churches a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is far more elegant So indeed it occurs written in the Fuketian Copy and in the Kings Sheets Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the gore of bloud * Image †Or Fountains †Or Symbols a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy 't is written
may not without reason wonder why Eusebius should say it was a thing unheard-of by all ages that a City addicted to the superstitious worship of Daemons should receive a Church and a Bishop For that had hapned to other Cities also at that time But perhaps Eusebius means that this was a thing new and unheard-of that a Church of God had been built in that City wherein as yet there was no Christians but all persons equally adored Idols This Church therefore was built by Constantine at Heliopolis in hope rather than for necessity to wit that he might invite all the Citizens to the profession of the Christian Religion A little after the reading in the Fuketian Manuscripts is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truer than in the ordinary Editions where 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Philip. 1. 18. †Or Wearied out with ‖ Or Encompassed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Socrates book 1. chap. 24. But this whole place is thus to be restored from the Fuketian Savil. and Turnebian Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the people c as we have rendred it Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it ill Milites praesidiarios the Souldiers in Garrison For the Milites Praesidiarii were in Castles not in Cities I suppose therefore that those Souldiers are meant who had performed their service in the wars as likewise the Officials of the Comes of the East and of the Consularis of Syria Vales. c He means Eustathius Bishop of Antioch as 't is apparent from the Contents of this chapter Whom when the Eusebians that is the party of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia had by fraud and calumny ejected out of his own See a great tumult was raised at Antioch This hapned on the year of Christ 329 as may apparently be gathered from Philostorgius's second Book or on the year 330 as Theodoret seems to assert book 2. chap. 31. For he writes that Meletius was translated to the See of Antioch thirty years after Eustathius's Deposition Now 't is manifest that Meletius was translated to Antioch on the year of Christ 360. Wherefore I can't assent to the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius who being always angry with our Eusebius whilst he refuses to follow his account hath confounded all things For he says that this Tumult hapned at Antioch on the year of Christ 324 that is on the very year before the Nicene Synod then when Eustathius was created Bishop of Antioch whereas Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret do attest that this Tumult had hapned at the deposition of this Eustathius But Baronius proves by most evident arguments as he himself supposes that Eustathius was ejected out of the See of Antioch not under the Reign of the Emperour Constantine but in that of Constantius Let us see therefore with what arguments he endeavours to make this out In the first place he cites a passage out of Athanasius's Epistle ad solitarios about the beginning Fuit says he quidam Eustathius Episcopus Antiochiae c. There was one Eustathius Bishop of Antioch a person famous for consession c. whom the men of the Arian Opinion had accused to Constantius by a forged calumny in such a manner as if he had been contumelious towards the Emperours Mother But I affirm that in this passage of Athanasius instead of Constantius Constantine is to be written Which emendation is confirmed by those words immediately added concerning the Emperour's Mother For he means Helena who about this time had come into the East For these words can't in any wise be meant of Fausia who had been put to death above twenty years before if we follow Baronius's computation But the passage of Saint Jerom out of his book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis makes little for Baronius in regard in the Old Editions as also in that of Lyons which I have 't is plainly written sub Constantino Principe missus est in exilium was sent into Exile under the Emperour Constantine Wherefore I had rather follow Eusebius here than Baronius Nor do I see how so great stirs could have been made at the Creation of Eustathius of which stirs there is mention in the Emperour Constantine's Letter that to appease them a Comes was to be sent and so many Letters written by the Emperour Besides Constantine says in his Letter that he had publickly heard him who had been the Authour of that whole Sedition to wit Eustathius whom he had ordered to come to Court and had banisht him into Thracia And this Athanasius in his before-mentioned Letter accounts as the first Exploit of the Arians which thing is to be remarked For this was done before the Synod of Tyre which was convened against Athanasius that is before the year of Christ 334. Athanasius therefore does right in beginning the History of the War which the Arians brought upon the Catholick Church from Eustathius's deposition as from the first Exploit of the Arians which having succeeded according to their wish they thought that all other matters would in future be ready and easie Further Baronius's Opinion is refuted as well from what we have said above as from this because Flaccillus who after Paulinus and Eulalius succeeded Eustatbius is mentioned amongst those Bishops present at the Synod at Tyre by Athanasius in his Apology to the Emperour Constantius as Jacobus Gothofredus has well observed in his Dissertation◠on the second book of Philostorgius Vales. †Or Accused d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Christophorson seems to have read and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * Or To the prudence and wisedom of the world †Or By the Law ‖ Or Have made use of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This place is corrupted the meaning of it I have pick't out as well as I could And in the first place I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wonder not therefore Then a little after write thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom one as the reading is in the excellent Fuketian Copy whereto S r Henry Savil's and Turnebus's book do in part agree Vales. * Or An occasion of salvation b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words Scaliger and others have inserted these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I found written also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 's book But I can't approve of this their conjecture For what should the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be I had much rather read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than with a joy c. For Constantine says that it does not become Christians to grieve at the Blessings of others and to draw away the Bishops of neighbouring Cities from their own Churches because they may be eminent for knowledge and virtue For the Antiochians would have done that who after they had deposed Eustatbius requested that Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea might be made their Prelate In the Fuketian
THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH From Our LORD's Incarnation to the Twelfth Year of the Emperour MAURICIUS TIBERIUS or the Year of CHRIST 594. As it was written in Greek by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS Native of Constantinople and EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS born at Epiphania in Syria Secunda Made English from that Edition of these Historians which VALESIUS published at Paris in the Years 1659 1668 and 1673. Also The LIFE of CONSTANTINE in Four Books Written by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS with CONSTANTINE'S ORATION to the CONVENTION OF THE SAINTS and EUSEBIUS's Speech in Praise of CONSTANTINE Spoken at His TRICENNALIA VALESIUS's Annotations on these Authours are done into English and set at their proper places in the Margin as likewise a Translation of His Account of their Lives and Writings With Two Index's the one of the Principal Matters that occur in the Text the other of those contained in the Notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrat. Eccles. Histor. Lib. 1. Cap. 18. HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University For Han. Sawbridge at the Sign of the Bible on Ludgate Hill London 1683. The Publisher of this ENGLISH Translation to the READER VALESIUS has spoken so fully and satisfactorily concerning what He has done in His Edition of these following Ecclesiastick Historians as to His Amendments of the Greek Text as to His Latine Version of them and as to His Explanation of the obscurer passages that occur in them and besides has added such compleat Accounts concerning the Lives and Histories of these Authours all which particulars because they were judged necessary to be made known to the English Reader are done into His own language and prefixed before each Writer whom they concern that 't is needless to give the Reader any farther trouble here than barely to acquaint Him for what reason this English-Translation was at first attempted and by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished It can't be supposed a thing unknown to any person though He may have been but meanly conversant amongst Books that this is not the first time wherein these Church-Historians have appeared in English For 't is now almost a Compleat Century since Meredith Hanmer Doctour of Divinity first published His Translation of them all excepting onely Eusebius's Four Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine and the Two Orations subjoyned thereto which by a Dedication to S r John Lambe Knight Doctour of Laws and Dean of the Arches of Canterbury seem to have been made English several years after Doctour Hanmer's death by one M r Wye Saltonstall After Four Editions of Doctour Hanmer's Translation a fifth whereto was added M r Saltonstall's Version of the Life of Constantine and the Two Orations was published in the Year 1650. Which Impression being sold off and the Book become Scarce the person whose propriety D r Hanmer's Translation was some few years since resolved to reprint it This resolution He communicated to some friends whom He knew to be able Advisers and Directers in an affair of that Nature From them He received answer to this effect that in Doctour Hanmer's Translation they saw many things that wanted Correction which they supposed were not so much to be attributed to the Doctour as to the imperfection and mistakes of the Greek Text and those Latine Translatours which the Doctour had made use of that now there was a fair way opened whereby the errours in the Doctour's Translation might be Corrected in regard the Original Text of these Historians after it had been compared with several Ancient Manuscripts of the best Note whereby the imperfections in it were supplied and the faults committed in other Editions amended was together with an excellent Latine Version thereof published at Paris by Henricus Valesius a person of such eminent Learning that by the unanimous consent of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of the Gallican Church He had been pitcht upon and employed as the fittest man to undertake a work of this Nature and therefore their advise was that the Doctour's Translation should be compared with that Edition of these Historians which Valesius had published and that whereever it differed it should be made to agree with the Greek Text thereof After receipt of this advise 't was resolved it should be followed And accordingly a Reverend and Learned Divine was prevailed with to undertake this Work Who after He had done some few Chapters onely of the First Book of Eusebius's History for reasons best known to Himself desisted But by this Tryal of His it plainly appeared that besides its being an invidious attempt to go about to interpolate what another person had long since put his last hand to it was a work of far greater labour to bring Doctor Hanmer's Translation to an agreement with the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition than to make a New One. On which account this latter was resolv'd upon and by Divine assistance being now finished is here presented to the Reader 's view The Reader having been acquainted with the Reason why this New Translation was at first attempted 't is fit He should know farther by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished This Version as has been intimated was taken immediately from the Greek according to that Edition which Henricus Valesius set forth at Paris whence this advantage will accrue that whatever errours are found in it will be errours but of one descent Besides Valesius's Edition That which Robert Stephens Printed at Paris in the year 1544 was likewise all along consulted Nor were the Latine Translatours of these Historians refused or neglected namely these four Musculus's Version Dedicated to Edward the Sixth King of England and Printed at Basil in the year 1549 the Translation of John Christophorson heretofore Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge afterwards Bishop of Chichester Printed at Coloigne in the year 1570 John Curterius's Version or rather his Emendation of Christophorson's Printed at Paris in the year 1571 and lastly Grinaeus's Translation set forth at Basil in the year 1591. All which Versions were all along inspected and in all places that required it their Disagreements or Consents are as the Reader will find taken notice of unless the Learned Valesius's diligence had made those Remarks needless As for the Notes they are in a manner all Valesius's nor is any Remark of his left untranslated though perhaps some times made shorter that was judg'd of use to an English Reader and becoming an English Translation If the Reader does as now and then He will meet with a Note that has not Valesius's name set at the bottome He may conclude that not to be Valesius's however He generally meets with some intimation or other whereby notice is given him on what authority such a remark is grounded But whereas in Valesius's Edition His Notes on all these Historians are placed together in a Body by themselves at
and â—led from the City ibid. Chap. 18. Concerning Eudoxia's Silver Statue and how Johannes was ejected out of his Church again on account of that and conveyed into banishment Page 365 Chap. 19 Concerning Arsacius who was Ordained Johannes's successour and concerning Cyrinus Bishop of Chalcedon Page 366 Chap. 20. How after Arsacius Atticus obtained the Constantinopolitan See Page 367 Chap. 21. Concerning Johannes's departure to the Lord in Exile ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning Sisinnius Bishop of the Novatianists what expressions he is said to have used in his discourses with Johannes ibid. Chap. 23. Concerning the death of the Emperour Arcadius Page 368 Book VII Chap. 1. THat after the Emperour Arcadius's death who left his Son Theodosius then eight years old Anthemius the Praefect had the chief management of affaires in the Empire pag. 369 Chap. 2. Concerning Atticus Bishop of Constantinople what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition Page 370 Chap. 3. Concerning Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synnada ibid. Chap. 4. Concerning the Paralyticall Jew who was cured by Atticus the Bishop in Divine Baptism Page 371 Chap. 5. How Sabbatius from being a Jew had been made a Presbyter of the Novatianists deserted those of his own opinion ibid. Chap. 6. Concerning those who at that time were the Ring-leaders of the Arian Opinion Page 372 Chap. 7. How Cyrillus succeeded Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria ibid. Chap. 8. Concerning Maruthas Bishop of Mesopotamia and how the Christian Religion was by him propagated in Persia. ibid. Chap. 9. Who were Bishops of Antioch and Rome at this time Page 373 Chap. 10. That Rome became subject to the Barbarians at that time and was destroyed by Alarichus ibid. Chap. 11. Concerning the Bishops of Rome Page 374 Chap. 12. Concerning Chrysanthus Bishop of the Novatianists at Constantinople ibid. Chap. 13. Concerning the Fight which hapned at Alexandria between the Christians and Jews and concerning Cyrillus the Bishop's difference with Orestes the Praefect ibid. Chap. 14. That the Monks of Nitria came down to Alexandria in defence of Cyrillus and raised a Sedition against Orestes the Praefect Page 375 Chap. 15. Concerning Hypatia the Philosopheress Page 376 Chap. 16. That the Jews entring upon another War against the Christians were punished Page 377 Chap. 17. Concerning Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists and concerning the Miracle done by him when he was about to have baptized a Jewish Impostour ibid. Chap. 18. How after the death of Isdigerdes the Persian King the League between the Romans and Persians was broken and a bloudy War hapned wherein the Persians were worsted ibâ—d Chap. 19. Concerning Palladius the Courier pag. 378 Chap. 20. How the Persians had another severe overthrow given them by the Romans Page 379 Chap. 21. After what manner Acacius Bishop of Amida behaved himself toward the Persian Captives ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning the excellencies wherewith the Emperour Theodosius Junior was endowed Page 380 Chap. 23. Concerâ—ing Johannes who Tyrannized at Rome after Honorius the Emperour's death And how God mollified by Theodosius's prayers delivered him into the hands of the Roman Army Page 381 Chap. 24. That after the slaughter of Johannes the Tyrant Theodosius the Emperour proclaimed Valentinianus the Son of Constantius and of his Aunt Placidia Emperour of Rome Page 382 Chap. 25. Concerning Atticus's Government of the Churches and that he ordered Johannes's name to be written into the Dypticks of the Church and that he foreknew his own death ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning Sisinnius Atticus's successour in the Constantinopolitane Bishoprick Page 383 Chap. 27. Concerning Philippus the Presbyter who was born at Side Page 384 Chap. 28. That Sisindius Ordained Proclus Bishop of Cyzicum but the Inhabitants of that City would not admit him to be their Bishop ibid. Chap. 29. That after Siâ—innius's death the Emperours sent for Nestorius from Antioch and made him Bishop of Constantinople who quickly discovered his own temper and disposition ibid. Chap. 30. After what manner the Burgundions embraced the Christian Religion in the Reign of Theodosius Junior Page 385 Chap. 31. With what miseriâ—s the Macedonians were afflicted by Nestorius ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Presbyter Anastasius by whom Nestorius was perverted to Impiety Page 386 Chap. 33. Concerning the horrid wickedness committed upon the Altar of the Great Church by the â—ugitiâ—e servants pag. 387 Chap. 34. Concerning the former Synod at Ephesus convened against Nestorius ibid. Chap. 35. How after Nestorius's Deposition when some were desirous of placing Proclus in the Episcopal Chair other Bishops elected Maximianus Bishop of Constantinople Page 388 Chap. 36. Instances whereby this Writer does as he supposes evince that a Translation from one See to another is not prohibited ibid. Chap. 37. Concerning Silvanus who was translated from Philippopolis to Troas Page 389 Chap. 38. Concerning the Jews in Creet how many of them turned Christians at that time Page 390 Chap. 39. Concerning the Fire which hapned in the Church of the Novatianists ibid. Chap. 40. That Proclus succeeded Maximianus the Bishop Page 391 Chap. 41. Concerning Proclus the Bishop what manner of man he was ibid. Chap. 42. That this Writer spends many words in praise of the Emperour Theodosius Junior's probity Page 392 Chap. 43. How great calamities those Barbarians underwent who had been the Tyrant Johannes's Auxiliaries ibid. Chap. 44. That the Emperour Valentinianus Junior married Eudoxia the daughter of Theodosius ibid. Chap. 45. That Proclus the Bishop perswaded the Emperour to translate the body of Johannes from the place of his Exile where it had been buried to Constantinople and to deposite it in the Church of The Apostles Page 393 Chap. 46. Concerning the death of Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists and concerning Marcianus who was his successour ibid. Chap. 47. That the Emperour Theodosius sent his Wife Eudoxia to Jerusalem Page 394 Chap. 48. Concerning Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia ibid. The Contents of the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus Epiphaniensis in VI. Books Book I. THE Preface Pag. 401 Chap. 1. That after the destruction of the impious Julian when the Heresieâ— had been a little quieted the devil afterwards disturbed the Faith again ibid. Chap. 2. How Nestorius was detected by his disciple Anastasius who in his Sermon termed the Holy Mother of God not Theotocos but Christotocos for which reason Nestorius was pronounced an Heretick Page 402 Chap. 3. What Cyrillus the Great wrote to Nestorius and how the third Synod at Ephesus was convened to which Johannes Bishop of Antioch and Theodoret came late Page 403 Chap. 4. How Nestorius was deposed by the Synod before the arrival of the Bishop of Antioch Page 404 Chap. 5. That Johannes Bishop of Antioch coming to Ephesus after five days deposes Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria and Memnon Bishop of Ephesus whom the Synod pronounced innocent soon after and deposed Johannes and his party And how by the interposition of the Emperour Theodosius Cyrillus and Johannes were reconciled and confirmed
our Lord to be incorruptible Page 497 Chap. 40. Concerning Anastasius Arch-Bishop of Antioch Page 498 Chap. 41. Concerning the death of Justinian ibid. Book V. Chap. 1. COncerning the Election of the Emperour Justinus and concerning his Morals pag. 499 Chap. 2. Concerning the Murder of Justinus Kinsman to the Emperour Justinus Page 500 Chap. 3. Concerning those Miscreants Addaeus and Aetherius ibid. Chap. 4. Concerning the Edict of our Faith which Justinus wrote to the Christians in all places Page 501 Chap. 5. Concerning the ejection of Anastasius Bishop of Theopolis Page 502 Chap. 6. That after Anastasius Gregorius was made Bishop and concerning his deposition Page 503 Chap. 7. How those termed the Persarmenii Surrendred themselves to the Romans on which account a War broke out between the Romans and Persians Page 504 Chap. 8. Concerning Marcianus the Magister Militum and concerning the Siege of Nisibis ibid. Chap. 9. How Chosroes after he had sent his General Adaarmanes against the Romans who afflicted them with many and those severe losses went himself in person to Nisibis Page 505 Chap. 10. Concerning the taking of Apamia and Daras ibid. Chap. 11. That the Emperour Justinus was seized with a Frensie but Tiberius took the care of the Republick Page 506 Chap. 12. That Trajanus having been sent Embassadour to Chosroes repaired the affairs of the Romans ibid. Chap. 13. Concerning the Election of Tiberius to the Empire and concerning his deposition Page 507 Chap. 14. That the Emperour Tiberius raised a vast Army to be imployed against Chosroes at the head whereof he sent Justinianus the Dux and drove Chosroes out of the Roman Pale Page 508 Chap. 15. That Chosroes being heavily disquieted at his own overthrow ended his life but his Son Hormisda undertook the Government of the Persians Page 509 Chap. 16. Who at that time were Bishops of the Greater Churches ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the Earthquake which hapned at Antioch in the times of Tiberius ibid. Chap. 18. Concerning the Insurrection against the execrable Anatolius Page 510 Chap. 19. Concerning Mauricius's Generalship and concerning his Vertues Page 511 Chap. 20. How Mauricius vanquished Tamchosroes and Adaarmanes Generals of the Persians Page 512 Chap. 21. Concerning those signes which presignified Mauritius's being made Emperour ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning the Proclaiming of Mauricius and Augusta ibid. Chap. 23. A Computation of the Times from Justinus Junior to Mauricius Page 513 Chap. 24. Concerning the Series of History which is preserved till our Times ibid. Book VI. Chap. 1. COncerning the Marriage of Mauricius and Augusta Pag. 515 Chap. 2. Concerning Alamundarus the Saracen and his Son Naamanes Page 516 Chap. 3. Concerning Johannes and Philippicus Master of the Milice and the actions done by them ibid. Chap. 4. Concerning Priscus's Mastership of the Milice and what he suffered from the Army who raised a Muâ—iny against him ibid. Chap. 5. Concerning Germanus's being forced against his will to undertake the Imperial dignity ibid. Chap. 6. How the Emperour sent Philippicus again but the Army refused to receive him Page 517 Chap. 7. Concerning Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Calumny framed against him and in what manner he evinced it to be false ibid. Chap. 8. That Antioch suffered again by Earthquakes Page 518 Chap. 9. That the Barbarians taking courage from the Defection of the Army from the Emperour set upon them and were worsted by Germanus Page 519 Chap. 10. Concerning the Emperour's clemency towards the Mutineers ibid. Chap. 11. That Gregorius Bishop of Antioch was sent to pacifie the Army ibid. Chap. 12. Gregorius's Speech to the Army Page 520 Chap. 13. That after Gregorius's Speech the Souldiers changed their minds and received their General Philippicus again Page 521 Chap. 14. Concerning the taking of Martyroplis ibid. Chap. 15. Concerning Comentiolus's Mastership of the Milice and the taking the Castle Ocbas Page 522 Chap. 16. Concerning the Murder of Hormisda ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the Flight of Chosroes Junior to us ibid. Chap. 18. How the Emperour sent Gregorius and Dometianus to meet Chosroes Page 523 Chap. 19. That Chosroes recovered the Empire of the Persians by that assistance given him by the Romans pag. 523 Chap. 20. That the holy Mother Golanduch lived in those Times ibid. Chap. 21. Concerning those Sacred Presents which Chosroes sent to the holy Martyr Sergius ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning Naamanes the Saracen Page 524 Chap. 23. Concerning the death of Saint Symeon Junior the Stylite Page 525 Chap. 24. Concerning the death of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Restauration of Anastasius ibid. The Contents of Eusebius Pamphilus's Four Books concerning the Life of the blessed Emperour Constantine Book I. THE Preface Concerning the Death of Constantine pag. 529 Chap. 2. The Preface yet Page 530 Chap. 3. Concerning God who honoured the Pious Emperours and destroyed the Tyrants ibid. Chap. 4. That God honoured Constantine Page 531 Chap. 5. That he Reigned upwards of Thirty years and lived above sixty ibid. Chap. 6. That he was the Servant of God and a Vanquisher of Nations Page 532 Chap. 7. Constantine compared with Cyrus King of the Persians and with Alexander the Macedonian ibid. Chap. 8. That he subdued almost the whole world ibid. Chap. 9. That he was the Son of a pious Emperour and left his Empire to his Sons who were Emperours Page 533 Chap. 10. That this History is necessary and advantagious to the Souls and minds of men ibid. Chap. 11. That he will at present relate only the Pious Actions of Constantine ibid. Chap. 12. That Constantine like Moses was educated in the Houses of Tyrants Page 534. Chap. 13. Concerning his Father Constantius who refused to persecute the Christians in such manner as Diocletianus Maximianus and Maxentius did Page 535 Chap. 14. How Constantius Father to Constantine being reproacht with poverty by Diocletian filled his Treasuries and afterwards restored the money to the owners thereof who had brought it in ibid. Chap. 15. Concerning the Persecution raised by the other Emperours Page 536 Chap. 16. How Constantius Father to Constantine pretending himself a worshipper of Idols turned out those who were willing to offer sacrifice but retained within his own Palace such as chose to profess themselves Christians ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the same Constantius's love and affection towards Christ. ibid. Chap. 18. That after the Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian Constantius was the first Augustus and was Adorned with a numerous Issue Page 537 Chap. 19. Concerning his Son Constantine who when a young man came into Palestine together with Diocletian ibid. Chap. 20. The departure of Constantine to his Father because of Diocletian's treacherous designs against him Page 538 Chap. 21. The death of Constantius who left his son Constantine Emperour ibid. Chap. 22. How after the Death of Constantius the Army saluted Constantine Augustus ibid. Chap. 23. A brief Rehearsal of the death of the Tyrants pag. 539 Chap. 24. That Constantine obtained the Empire by the Will of
is the Glory of Good Servants to speak truth concerning the Lord and 't is the honour of those Fathers who have taught well if their Doctrines be repeated And again in the same Book pag. 37. Haec audiebamus semper a beato illo viro c. These words we always heard from that Blessed man For they were often spoken in this manner by him although some suspected that he uttered these words with his mouth but that in his heart he thought otherwise And indeed I remember with you that I have heard from him that he hath satisfied us with an holy oath that there was not one thing in his tongue and another in his heart And a little after Sed 〈◊〉 quidem paucis c. But now Let thus much be said by us in short in memory and honour of that Our Father so Good so Laborious and every where vigilant for the Churches For we have not made mention of his Stock nor of his Education or Learning or of the rest of his Life and Resolution Which passages in Eusebius that I may not defraud any one of his commendation were shown me by the Most Learned Franciscus Ogerius Now from what I have said it may be evidently enough gathered that Eusebius was joyned to Pamphilus by no Tye of kindred but by the Bond of friendship onely 'T is certain Euseb us although he names Pamphilus in so many places and boasts so highly of his friendship yet never terms him his Kinsman or Relation Tea from Eusebius ' s own Testimony 't is plainly made out that Pamphilus the Martyr was not Eusebius ' s Kinsman For in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastick History where he makes mention of Agapius Bishop of the Church of Caesarea his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this man's time we knew Pamphilus a most eloquent man and a true Philosopher in the practises of his Life honoured with a Presbytership of that Church Whereas therefore Eusebius himself does attest that Pamphilus was first known by him then it is sufficiently apparent that they were not joyned together by any kindred or affinity In these times hapned that most severe Persecution of the Christians which being first begun by Diocletian was by the following Emperours continued to the tenth year In the time of this Persecution Eusebius in regard he was then a Presbyter of the Church of Caesarea resided almost constantly in that City and by continual Exhortations instructed many persons in order to Martyrdom Amongst whom was Apphianus a noble Youth whose illustrious Combat Our Eusebius does relate in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine In the same Persecution Pamphilus was taken and cast into Prison where he spent two whole years in Bonds During which time Eusebius in no wise deserted his Friend and Companion but visited him continually and in the Prison wrote together with him Five Books in defence of Origen the Sixth and last Book of that Work he at length finished after Pamphilus was dead That whole work was by Eusebius and Pamphilus dedicated to the Confessours living in the Mines of Palestine as Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Chapter 118. In the time of the same Persecution on account of some urgent Business of the Church as 't is probable Eusebius went to Tyre During his residence in that City he attests Book 8. Chap 7. that he himself was eye-witness of the Glorious Combats of five Egyptian Martyrs And in the Ninth Chapter of the same Book he writes that he came into Egypt and Thebais whilst the fury of the Persecution as yet rag'd and that there he beheld with his own eyes the admirable constancy of many Martyrs of both Sexes There are those who relate that Eusebius in this Persecution to free himself from the Troubles of a Prison sacrificed to Idols and that that was objected against him by the Egyptian Bishops and Confessours in the Synod at Tyre as we will hereafter relate But I doubt not but this is false and a caluâ—â—y forged by the Enemies of Eusebius For had so great a Crime been really committed by Eusebius how could he have been afterwards made Bishop of the Church of Caesarea How is it likely that he should have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the Episcopate of that City And yet Cardinal Baronius has catcht up that as certain and undoubted which was objected against Eusebius by the way of contention and wrangling by his Enemies nor was ever confirm'd by any one's Testimony At the same time a Book was written by Eusebius against Hierocles The occasion of writing it was given by Hierocles of Nicomedia who about the beginning of this Persecution when the Churches of the Christians were every where demolished insulting as 't were over the disquieted Religion in the City Nicomedia published two Books against the faith of Christ which he entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which Books amongst other things he asserted this that Apollonius Tyaneus performed far more and greater Miracles than Christ as Lactantius does attest in his Seventh Book But Eusebius contemning the Man rested satisfied in confuting him in a very short Book Agapius Bishop of Caesarea being dead during this interval and the Persecution being now abated and peace restored to the Church by the general consent of all persons Eusebius is put into his place Others make Agricola who was present at and subscribed to the Synod of Ancyra on the year of Christ 314 Successour to Agapius So Baronius in his Annals at the year of Christ 314 and Blondellus in his Apology pro sententiá B. Hieronymi Chap. 19. Where he writes that Eusebius undertook the Administration of the Church of Caesarea after Agricola ' s death about the year of Christ 315. But those Subscriptions of the Bishops which are extant in the Latine Collections of the Canons in my judgment seem to have little of certainty and validity in them For they occur not either in the Greek Copies or in the Latine Version of Dionysius Exiguus Besides Eusebius reckoning up in the Seventh Book of his Ecclesiastick History the Bishops of the chief Sees under whom the Persecution began and rag'd ends in Agapius Bishop of Caesarea who says he took a great deal of pains in that Persecution for the good of his own Church He therefore must of necessity have sate Bishop untill the end of the Persecution But Eusebius was made Bishop immediately after the Persecution was ended For when Paulinus Bishop of Tyre dedicated a Cathedral sometime after Peace and repose was restored to the Church He together with other Bishops was invited by Paulinus to its Dedication and made a most Elegâ—nt Oration before him as we are informed from the Tenth Book of his Ecclesiastick History Now this hapned before Licinius rebell'd against Constantine which fell out on the year of Our Lord 315. About these times Eusebius wrote those famous Books concerning Evangelick
mountains were firmly set and before all hills begat he me When he spread and prepared the Heavens I was present with him and when he bound in due order the depths under Heaven I was by composing all things I was she in whom he daily delighted rejoycing continually before his face when he rejoyced at the perfect finishing of the World That therefore the Word of God subsisted before all things and that to some he appeared though not to all men let thus much suffice at this time to have been by us briefly delivered Now for what cause he was not Preached of old unto all men and unto all Nations as now he is thus it shall evidently appear That antient generation of men was not able to receive the most wise and most excellent doctrine of Christ. For immediately in the very beginning after that primitive happy state of life the first man being careless of the commandment of God fell into this mortal and frail life and changed this cursed earth for those heavenly delights and pleasures of old And his posterity when they had replenished this world appeared fâ—r worse one or two excepted they gave admission to certain savage and bruitish manners and led a life not worthy to be called life And moreover they busied not their minds to erect either City or Common-wealth nor to profit in Arts or Sciences They had not amongst them so much as the name either of Laws or Statutes or moreover of Virtue or Philosophy But wandring in deserts they lived like wild and fierce Savages They corrupted their natural understanding and the seeds of Reason and gentleness sown in mans mind with their excessive willfull malice yielding up themselves wholly to all abominable wickednesses sometimes they defiled one anothers bodies sometimes they shed one anothers bloud and sometimes they spared not to devour one anothers flesh yea they audaciously undertook to wage war with God and attempted those Gigantiâ—k-combats so much talk't of determining in their minds to pile up the earth in manner of a Bulwark and so to Scale Heaven and such was their outragious madness they prepared to give Battel to God himself who is over all Wherefore they behaving themselves on this manner God the Overseer of all things came upon them with Floods and fiery destructions as if they had been a wild Thicket overspreading the whole earth also he cut them off with continual Famines and Pestilences with Wars and Thunderbolts from Heaven Repressing with most sharp Punishments that grievous and most pernicious malady as it were of their souls Moreover when this fullness of wickedness was now come to its height and had in a manner spread it self over all shadowing and darkning the minds almost of all men as it were a certain grievous and dead fit of drunkenness then that First begotten and Preexistent Wisedom of God and the same Word that was in the beginning with God out of his superabundant loving kindness unto Man appeared sometimes by Vision of Angels unto the inhabiters on earth sometimes by himself as the saving power of God unto some one or two of the Antients that were beloved of God in no other form or figure than that of Man for otherwise it could not have been After that by them the seeds of Gods Worship were now sown and scattered amidst the multitude of men and that whole Nation which originally descended from the Hebrews had now addicted themselves to the worship of God He by the Prophet Moses delivered unto them as unto a multitude yet corrupted and tainted with old Customs Figures and Signes of a kind of Mystical Sabbath and Circumcision and introductions unto other intelligible contemplations but not the perfect and plain initiation into the sacred Doctrines But when the Law famous among them was published abroad and diffused like a most sweet Odour amongst all men and thereby many of the Gentiles then had their mindes and manners civilized by Law-makers and Philosophers every where and their rude and bruitish savageness changed into a meek and mild temper and behaviour so that there ensued perfect Peace and friendship and mutual commerce amongst them then at the last to all men and to the Gentiles throughout all the world as it were now prepared and fitted to receive the knowledge of the Father the same Person again the School-master of Virtue his Fathers Minister in all goodness the Divine and Celestial Word of God manifested himself about the beginning of the Roman Empire in Humane shape for bodily substance nothing differing from our Nature and therein wrought and suffered such things as were consonant with the Oracles of the Prophets who foreshewed there should come into the world such a one as should be both Man and God a mighty worker of Miracles an Instructer of the Gentiles in the worship of his Father and withall they foretold his Miraculous Birth his New Doctrine his wonderfull Works moreover the manner also of his Death his Resurrection from the Dead and last of all his Glorious and Divine Return into Heaven The Prophet Daniel therefore by the Divine Spirit beholding his Kingdom that shall be in the latter Age of the World having been moved by the power of that Divine Spirit hath thus more after the manner of Man and to Mans capacity described the Vision of God For I beheld saith he untill the Thrones were placed and the Antient of days sat thereon his garments were as the white snow the hairs of his Head as pure wooll his Throne a flame of fire his wheels burning fire A fiery stream slided before his face Thousand thousands ministred unto him and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him the judgment was set and the Books were opened And afterwards I beheld saith he and beheld one coming in the clouds like the Son of Man and he came unto the Antient of days and he was brought before him and to him was given Principality and Honour and Rule and all People Tribes and Tongues shall serve him His Power is an everlasting Power which shall not pass and his Kingdom shall never be destroyed These things can manifestly be referred to none other than to our Saviour the Word that was in the Beginning with God God the Word termed the Son of Man by reason of his Incarnation in the latter times But because we have in proper and peculiar Commentaries collected the Oracles of the Prophets touching our Saviour Jesus Christ and have elsewhere confirmed by evident demonstrations those things which have been delivered concerning him at this present we will be content with the premisses CHAP. III. That the very Name of Jesus and also that of Christ was from the Beginning both known and honoured among the Divine Prophets NOw that the Name both of Jesus and also of Christ was of old honoured among the Prophets beloved of God it is now an opportune time to declare First of all Moses knowing the
a troublesome flux of Rheum which caused a perpetual difficulty of breathing And the patient having not strength to resist these things there followed a convulsion of all the parts It was said therefore by the Divine s and those who made it their business to give judgement of such things that the hand of God was upon the King to punish him for his so oft repeated horrible offences Thus much therefore the foresaid Writer relates in the fore-mentioned Book And in the Second Book of his History he speaks of him after the same manner in these words After that he was taken with a disease which seising upon the whole state and habit of his body tormented him exceedingly with several pains He had a feaver but not of any acute kind an insufferable itching over all his body with continual tortures of the Colon by the humours about his feet you would judge him to have been Hydropical besides this a strange inflammation of the lower belly and such a putrefaction of the Genitalls as bred worms moreover a shortness and difficulty of breathing with a convulsion of all the parts This moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of God to term these diseases a punishment inflicted on him from heaven But although he strugled with so many distempers yet he hoped to live and recover and sought for remedy Passing therefore over Jordan he made use of the hot-waters that are neer Callâ—rhoe They fall into the lake Asphaltites but are so sweet that they are potable There when his Physitians thought it good to bathe his whole body in warm oil being set into a bathing-vessel filled with oil he was so weakened all over his body that he turned up his eyes as if he had been dead But at the noise of his attendants outcries he came to himself again After this despairing of recovery he gave order for the distribution of fifty Drachms to every one of his common Souldiers but to his Commanders and friends he gave great sums of money From thence he returned to Jericho and being now grown very melancholy he did as it were threaten death it self and resolved upon the commission of a most horrible and villanous fact For he commanded all the eminent personages that were in every town of Judaea to be summoned together and imprisoned in the Hippodrome Then calling for his sister Salome and her husband Alexander I know said he the Jews will rejoyce mightily at my death but if you will obey my commands I can make my self to be lameâ—â—ted by many and obtain an honourable Funeral as soon as breath is out of my body doe you being guarded with Souldiers kill all these men whom I have imprisoned so all Judaea yea every family shall though against their wills mourn at my death And a little after he says and again when he was tortured partly by want of sustenance and partly by the Convulsions of his violent Cough being overcome with continual torments he resolved to hasten his own death And having taken an apple he asked for a knife for his manner was to cut them himself when ever he eat them then looking round least there should be any one that might hinder him he lifted up his right hand as about to doe violence to himself Moreover the same writer relates farther how that a little before his death he most wickedly commanded another of his own sons having slain two of them before to be put to death and then soon after died in most exquisite torture And such was the end Herod made suffering a due punishment for his cruelty towards the infants of Bethlehem which he contrived on purpose to destroy our Saviour After his death an Angel appeared to Joseph then in Egypt and commanded him to take the young Child and his Mother and return into Judea telling him they were dead who sought the young Childs Life To which the Evangelist farther adds saying when he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the room of his father Herod he was afraid to go thither not withstanding being warned of God in a dream he turned aside into the parts of Galilee CHAP. IX Of the Times of Pilate THe said Historian agrees also concerning the Reign of Archelaus after the death of Herod declaring the manner of it how both by his fathers Testament and also by the decree of Augustus Caesar he obtained the Kingdom of Judea And how when after ten years he was deposed from his Government his brethren Philip and Herod juniour and Lysanias governed their Tetrarchies The same Authour in the eighteenth Book of his Antiquities makes it plainly appear that Pontius Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea in the twelfth year of the Reign of Tiberius who then was Emperour succeeding Augustus who had Reigned fifty seven years and continued so full ten years almost as long as Tiberius lived From whence their fiction is manifestly confuted who of late have published Acts against our Saviour In which chiefly the title or note of time inscribed upon the said Acts does evidently show the Authours thereof to be liars For those things which these men have impudently feigned concerning the salutary passion of our Lord are said to have been done when Tiberius was Consul the fourth time which fell out to be the seventh year of his Reign At which time it is certain Pilate was not come as Governour into Judea if we may believe Josephus who in his foresaid Book does expresly shew that Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea by Tiberius in the twelfth year of his Reign CHAP. X. Of the High-Priests among the Jews in whose time Christ Preached the Gospel AT this time therefore namely in the fifteenth year of the Reign of Tiberius according to the Evangelist and the fourth of Pilate's Procurator-ship of Judea Herod Lysanias and Phillip being Tetrarchs over the rest of Judea our Lord and Saviour Jesus the Christ of God being about thirty years of Age was Baptized by John and then first began to Preach the Gospel And the Sacred Scripture says that he finisht the whole time of his Preaching under Annas and Caiphas being High-priests meaning thereby that all his Preaching was terminated within that space of time wherein they executed the High-priests Office Although therefore he began when Annas was High-priest and continued till Caiphas came on yet there are scarce full four years contained within this space of time For since from the time now mentioned the Laws and sanctions about Holy matters were almost abolished the High-preisthood also ceased to be for life and hereditary neither was the worship of God rightly performed But the Roman Governours made sometimes one sometimes another High-priest none bearing that Office above a year Josephus indeed in his Book of Antiquities does relate that from Annas to Caiphas there were in one continued Order four High-priests his words are these Valerius Gratus having put out
heard concerning Jesus by his disciple and Apostle Thaddaeus who without the help of Herbs or Medicines restored him to his former soundness And not onely him but one Abdus also the son of Abdus who had the Gout he coming and falling down at Thaddaeus's feet received a blessing by prayer and the laying on of his hands and was healed Many others also of the same City with them were cured by the Apostle who wrought wonderfull Miracles and Preached the Word of God After all this Agbarus spake thus We believe Thaddaeus whatever thou dost thou performest by the power of God and therefore we greatly admire thee But We pray thee moreover give us some farther account of the Advent of Jesus How and after what manner it was of his power also and by what virtue he wrought those mighty Works we have heard I shall now be silent replied Thaddaeus because I am sent to publish the Word of God But assemble all the men of thy City together to me to morrow and I will Preach the Word of God to them and will disperse the Word of life among them and expound the Advent of Jesus after what manner it was his Commission and for what reason his Father sent him the power of his Works the Mysteries he declared to the world by what power he wrought so great Miracles his new Preaching the slender and mean reputation he made himself of the despicableness of his outward man how he humbled himself even unto death how he lessened his Divinity how many and great things he suffered of the Jews how he was Crucified how he descended into Hell and rent asunder that Inclosure never before severed how he rose again and together with himself raised those from the dead who had layn buried many ages how he descended from heaven alone but ascended to his Father accompanied with a great multitude how with glory he is set down at the right hand of God his Father in Heaven and how he will come again with power and glory to judge both quick and dead Agbarus therefore commanded the men of his City to come together very early and hear Thaddaeus Preach After this he commanded that Gold and Silver should be given to Thaddaeus But he refused it saying how shall we who have left all that was our own take any thing that is anothers These things were done in the Three hundredth and fortieth year All this being translated word for word out of the Syriack Tongue and not unprofitable to be read we have thought good to set down opportunely in this place THE SECOND BOOK Of the Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS The PREFACE WHatsoever was necessary to be premised by way of Preface to Our Ecclesiastical History both concerning the Divinity of the comfortable Word the Antiquity of the points of our doctrine and Evangelical Politie and also moreover concerning the Manifestation our Saviour lately made of himself his Passion and the Election of the Apostles we have Treated of in the foregoing Book and briefly summed up the proofs thereof Now therefore in this we will diligently look into what followed upon his Ascension partly from what we find noted in Holy Writt and partly from other Records which we will mention in due place CHAP. I. Of those things which were instituted by the Apostles after the Ascension of Christ. FIRST of all therefore Matthias who as before hath been manifested was one of the Lords disciples by lot was elected into the Apostleship of the Traitour Judas Then seven approved men were by prayer and imposition of the Apostles hands Ordained Deacons for the publick Administration of the Churches affairs of which number Stephen was one who immediately after his Ordination as if he had been made Deacon onely for this was the first that after the Lord was slain by those very Jews that had been the Lords murtherers who stoned him to death And thus he being the first of the worthily victorious Martyrs of Christ gained a Crown answerable to his Name Then James also who was termed the brother of the Lord because he also was called the Son of Joseph for Joseph was the father of Christ to whom Mary being Espoused before they came together she was found with child of the Holy Ghost as the Sacred History of the Gospel doth declare This same James I say who for his eminent virtue the Antients surnamed the Just was as they relate the first that had the Episcopal seat of the Church at Jerusalem delivered to him So Clemens affirms in the sixth Book of his Institutions For he says That after our Saviours Ascension Peter James and John although our Lord had preferred them before the rest did not contend for the Dignity but chose James the Just Bishop of Jerusalem The same Author in the seventh Book of the same work says this farther of him The Lord after his Resurrection conferred the gift of Knowledge upon James the Just John and Peter which they delivered to the rest of the Apostles and those to the Seventy Disciples one of whom was Barnabas But there were two James's the one surnamed the Just who was cast head-long from the Battlement of the Temple and beaten to death with a Fullers Club the other was beheaded Paul makes mention of this James the Just writing thus Other of the Apostles saw I none save James the Lords brother At this time also all that our Saviour had promised to the King of the Osdroënians was fulfilled For Thomas moved thereto by Divine impulse sent Thaddaeus to Edessa to be a Preacher and Evangelist of the Doctrine of Christ as from a Record there found we have a little before manifested He when he was come thither did in the Name of Christ both cure Agbarus and also astonished all the Inhabitants of the country with the wonderfulness of his Miracles And when he had sufficiently prepared them with such Works and brought them to an adoration of Christs power he made them disciples of his wholesome Doctrine From that very time untill now the whole City of the Edessens has continued to be Consecrated to Christs Name enjoying no trivial evidences of our Saviour's graciousness towards them And these things are said as from the History of the old Records We will now return again to Holy Writ After the Martyrdom of Stephen when the first and sorest persecution of the Church at Jerusalem by the Jews arose all the disciples of Christ except the Twelve onely being scattered throughout Judea and Samaria some of them travelling as far as Phoenice and Cyprus and Antioch as Holy Scripture testifieth were not able to be so bold as to communicate the Word of Faith to the Gentiles but Preach't to the Jews onely At that time Paul also untill then made havock of the Church entring into every house of the faithfull haling men and women and committing them to prison Moreover Philip one of those who was ordained
CHAP. IV. How after the death of Tiberius Caius made Agrippa King over the Jews and punished Herod with perpetual Banishment BUt Tiberius having Reigned about two and twenty years died Caius succeeding him in the Empire presently gave Agrippa the Kingdom of Judea and made him King over the Tetrarchies both of Phillip and Lysanias Besides not long after he gave him Herods Tetrarchy also having condemned Herod to perpetual banishment being together with Herodias his Wife deservedly punished for divers enormities This was the Herod that was present at our Saviours Passion Josephus is a witness of these things also Moreover in this Emperours time Philo flourished a man highly esteemed of for his Learning by many not onely among us but also among forreigners He was indeed by Original extract an Hebrew inferiour to none of those that were illustrious in dignitie at Alexandria Moreover what and how great pains he bestowed about divine matters and in the learning of his own Nation it is to all evidently manifest Besides how excellent he was at Philosophy and Humane Learning it is needless to relate for he is said to have excelled all of his own time in the Platonick and Pythagorean Philosophy which he much affected CHAP. V. How Philo went on an Embassage to Caius upon the Jews Account MOreover this man comprized in five Books the calamities that befell the Jews in Caius his Reign wherein he sets forth both the madness of Caius Proclaiming himself to be god and also his insolent carriage in his Government in innumerable instances likewise the distresses the Jews underwent in his Reign and declares how himself went Embassadour to Rome upon the account of his Countrey-men that dwelt at Alexandria and how that reasoning before Caius for the Laws and customes of his own nation he obtained nothing besides laughter and reproaches and narrowly escaped the danger of being put to death Josephus mentions all this in his eighteenth Book of Antiquities writing thus much word for word Moreover there happening a sedition at Alexandria among the Jews that dwelt there and the Greeks three of each faction were sent Embassadours to Caius Now Apion was one of the Alexandrian's Embassadours who railed bitterly against the Jews laying many things to their charge and amongst the rest that they neglected to worship Caesar For when all the subjects of the Roman Empire built Temples and Altars to Caius and at all points worshipped him as they did their gods the Jews onely said he accounted it a vile thing to errect Statues to him and to swear by his name When Apion had urged these and many other vehement accusations against them whereby he hoped as it was likely to incense Caius Philo chief of the Jewish Embassy a man every way famous brother to Alexander Alabarchus and not unskilfull in Philosophie was able and ready with an Apologie to answer his Accusations But Caius forbad him commanding him to depart immediately from his presence And the Emperour was so highly incensed that none doubted but he would most severely punish the Jews But Philo being much reviled went out and as they say spake to the Jews that were about him to be of good courage for although Caius was angry with them yet he had now really rendred God his Adversarie Thus much Josephus relates And Philo himself in the account which he wrote of this his Embassy does exactly relate every particular thing that was then done Whereof omitting most part I will hereunto annex onely so much as shall make it evidently plain to the Readers that these miseries straightway without any delay befell the Jews upon account of their enormous impieties committed against Christ. First of all therefore he relates that in the Reign of Tiberius one Sejanus of the City of Rome a person who then could doe much with the Emperour did use his utmost indeavour to destroy that whole Nation and that in Judea Pilate in whose time that horrible wickedness was most audaciously committed against our Saviour attempting something about the Temple at Jerusalem which yet stood contrary to the customes and ordinances of the Jews raised vehement commotions among them CHAP. VI. How great miseries befell the Jews after their audacious wickedness committed against Christ. HE relates further how after the death of Tiberius Caius assuming the Government was every way sorely injurious towards many but above all he most heavily annoyed the whole Jewish Nation which in short we may understand from Philo's own words writing thus word for word So great therefore was the extravagancy and pride of Caius's carriage towards all but more especially towards the Jewish Nation which he bitterly hated and appropriated to himself all their Proseucha's in the rest of the Cities beginning with those at Alexandria filling them with his own Images and Statues For in that he suffered others to consecrate Statues to him he seemed in a manner to dedicate them to himself And he changed and transformed the Temple at Jerusalem which hitherto had remained undefiled and dignified with all the priviledges of a Sanctuary and made it into a Temple dedicated to himself causing it thence forward to be called the Temple of CAIUS JUNIOR JUPITER CONSPICUOUS Moreover the same Authour in his second Book which he intitled of Virtues relates innumerable other calamities such as are grievous beyond all expression that befell the Jews dwelling at Alexandriaâ— during the Government of the foresaid Caius To whom Josephus agrees who notes that those troubles with which the whole Jewish Nation was molested began even from the times of Pilate and from those enormous facts committed against our Saviour Let us therefore hear what he also declares in his second Book of the Jewish wars in these words saying Pilate being by Tiberius sent Procurator into Judea brought into Jerusalem by night the veiled Images of Caesar which are called his Statues As soon as it was day this raised a great commotion among the Jews For those who were near were astonished at the â—ight in that their Laws were violated and trampled on For they account it a detestable thing to place any graven image in the City These things if thou comparest with the Evangelical writing thou shalt understand that that voice they uttered before Pilate crying out they had no other King but Caesar was soon after revenged upon them The same Writer relates another following calamity inflicted on them by Divine vengeance in these words After this Pilate raised another commotion amongst them exhausting the stock of the sacred Treasury it is call'd the Corban in making a Conduit wherein the water that was to be brought was at three hundred furlongs distance For which there was great indignation amongst the populace And when Pilate was at Jerusalem they flockt about the judgment Seat and began to exclaim But he for he foresaw there would be a tumult amongst them mingled armed Souldiers clad like
stretching forth his hands called God to witness that it was not his fact To all this after the interposition of some words he adds saying I will not be afraid to declare what grief commands me to speak I think had the Romans been slack to destroy those flagitious wretches that either they would have been swallowed by the earth opening under them or that the City would have been drowned by an inundation or that like Sodom it would have been destroyed by lightning For it had brought forth a generation of men by far more abominably impious than those who had suffered such things By reason therefore of the desperate outragiousness of those men the whole body of the people was together with them destroyed And in his sixth Book he writes thus Of those who perished being destroyed by the famine throughout the City the multitude was innumerable the afflictions that befell them cannot be uttered For in every house where there appeared but the least shadow of provision there was fighting and such as were dearest friends strove one with the other snatching from one another the miserable provisions of their life Neither were those that dyed believed to expire for want of sustenance But the theeves searched those that gave up the ghost least any one having meat in his bosome should feign himself to die The theeves themselves empty and hollow for want of sustenance wandred and hunted up and down like mad dogs striking against the doors like drunken men and by reason of their stupified condition breaking into the very same houses twice or thrice in one hour Necessity made all things to be eaten and what was unfitting to be given to the most sordid irrational creatures they gathered up and endured to eat Therefore at the last they did not forbear to eat girdles and shooes and pluck't the leather from off their Bucklers and eat it The stumps of old hay were made food by some and others gathered the very stalks or small fibers of plants and sold the least weight of them for four Attick drachms But what need I speak of the sharpness and extremity of the famine as to the eating things without life For I will declare such a fact the like whereof is no where recorded either amongst the Grecians or Barbarians which may seem both horrid to be related and also incredible to be heard And indeed least I might seem to posterity to feign monstrous stories I could very willingly leave this sad accident unmentioned but that I have innumerable witnesses thereof to wit men that are cotemporary with me And besides I should doe my Country a very frigid and inconsiderable kindness should I goe about to conceal the rehearsal of what it really suffered A woman of the Region beyond Jordan by name Mary the daughter of Eleazar of the village Bathezar which word signifies The house of Hyssop for descent and wealth eminent flying with the rest of the multitude into Jerusalem was there together with them besieged All her goods which she had taken with her out of the region beyond Jordan and brought into the City the tyrants robbed her of The remains of what she had which was of greatest value and price and what ever provision of food she could any way procure the spearmen breaking in daily took from her A most vehement indignation moved the woman and oftentimes she reviled and cursed those ravenous pillagers and provoked them against her self But when none of them could be either instigated by anger or moved by compassion to kill her and she being grown weary of finding victuals for others and provision being now no where to be found the famine also having entred her very bowels and marrow and her anger being more exceedingly hot than the famine was sharp she took fury and necessity as her advisers and in a hostile manner invaded Nature it self And having snatched up her son for she had a sucking child Miserable Babe said she amidst these Wars Famine and Sedition for whom shall I preserve thee Amongst the Romans if they let us live we shall be slaves and the famine must precede that servitude but the Seditious are more mischievous than both those evils Be thou therefore my food a fiend to take revenge upon the Seditious and a story for men to talk of which is onely yet wanting to compleat the calamities of the Jews Having said this she kills her son then roasting him she eat half of him the remainder she kept covered The Seditious came immediately and having smelt the horrible savour threatned to kill her forthwith if she would not bring out to them what she had provided But she answering that she had reserved a good part for them uncovered the remains of her son Horrour and astonishment of mind suddenly seized them and they stood benummed as it were with amazement at the spectacle This said the woman is the son of mine own womb and this mine own fact Eat for I have eaten of him already be not you more effeminate than a woman or more compassionate than a mother But if you are religious and abhor this my sacrifice I have eaten the one half already and let the rest also remain with me After this they went out trembling abashed at this very one thing and with much adoe yielding to leave this food with the mother Immediately the whole City was filled with the noyse of this detestable fact and every one setting before his eyes this unnatural deed was horribly afraid and trembled as if it had been audaciously perpetrated in his own house And now all who were sorely pressed with the famine earnestly hastned to die and happy were they accounted who were taken away by death before they heard and saw so great calamities Such was the punishment the Jews underwent for their iniquity and impiety against the Christ of God CHAP. VII Of Christs predictions BUt it is worth while to adjoyn hereunto the most true prediction of our Saviour wherein he manifestly foretells these very things after this manner And â—o unto them that are with child and to them that give suck in those days But pray ye that your flight be not in the winter neither on the sabbath-day for then shall be great tribulation such as was not since the beginning of the world to this time no nor ever shall be But the same writer adding together the whole number of those that were destroyed says that by the famine and by the sword an hundred and ten Myriads perished And that the Seditious and the Theeves that were left discovering one another after the City was taken were put to death that the tallest and comeliest of the young men were reserved to adorn the Triumph that of the rest of the multitude such as were above seventeen years of age were sent bound to the Mines in Egypt and that very many were distributed through the Provinces to be destroyed in the publick Shews by the sword
Germanicus was most signally couragious who being corroborated by divine grace overcame that fear of bodily death implanted by nature on the mind of man For when the Proconsul desirous by perswasion to prevail upon him proposed to him his youthfullness and earnestly entreated him that being young and in the prime of his years he would have some compassion on himself he made no delay but readily and couragiously enticed the wild beast to devour himself and almost forced and stimulated it that he might the sooner be dismist out of this unrighteous and wicked life Immediately upon his glorious death the whole multitude greatly admiring the couragiousness of the divine Martyr and the fortitude of all the other Christians on a sudden began to cry out destroy the impious Let Polycarp be sought after Moreover there following a great tumult upon these clamours a man by name Quintus by extract a Phrygian lately come out thence seeing the wild beasts and the other tortures they threatned to make use of was daunted and disspirited and at length gave way to a desire of saving his life The contents of the foresaid Epistle doe manifest that this Quintus together with some others ran with too much rashness and without any religious consideration to the place of judicature but being forthwith apprehended he gave all men a signal example that none should be so audacious as to precipitate themselves into such dangers without a considerate and pious circumspection But thus far concerning these men Now the most admirable Polycarp when he first heard these things was not at all disturbed but continued to keep himself in a steadfast serene and unmoved temper of mind and resolved with himself to continue in the City But his friends and those who were about him beseeching and entreating him that he would withdraw himself he was prevailed with and went out of the City to a countrey-house not far distant therefrom where he abode with a small company spending the time day and night being intent upon nothing else in continued prayers to the Lord wherein he craved and made humble supplications and requests for the peace of all the Churches throughout the world For that was his constant and continual usage Moreover three days before his apprehension being at prayer in the night time and falling into a sleep he thought he saw the pillow whereon his head lay on a sudden consumed by a flame of fire Whereupon being awaked out of his sleep he forthwith expounded the vision to those who were then present and having little less than predicted what was in future to be he expresly declared to those that were about him that he should be burnt to death for the testimony of Christ. Further when those that sought for him used their utmost care and diligence to find him out he was again constrained through the love and affection of the brethren to remove as they say to another countrey house Whither his pursuers soon after came and catcht up two boys that were there by the one of which after they had scourged him they were conducted to the house where Polycarp lodged and coming in the evening they found him reposing himself in an upper room Whence he might easily have removed into another house but he would not saying The will of the Lord be done Moreover when he understood they were come as that Epistle relates he went down and with a very chearfull and most milde countenance talked with the men insomuch that they to whom Polycarp was before unknown thought they saw a wonder when they beheld his exceeding great age and his venerable and grave behaviour and they admired so much diligence should be used to apprehend such an old man But he making no delay presently ordered the table to be spread for them then he invites them to a sumptuous feast and requested of them one hours space which he might without disturbance spend in prayer when they permitted him that he arose and prayed being so full of the grace of the Lord that those who were present and heard him pray were struck with admiration and many of them altered their minds and were now very sorry that so venerable and divine an old man was forthwith to be put to death Afterwards the foresaid Epistle contains word for word this subsequent relation concerning him But after he had ended his prayer wherein he made mention of all persons who at any time had been conversant with him both small and great noble and obscure and also of the whole Catholick Church throughout the world the hour of his departure being now come they set him upon an Asse and brought him to the â—ity on the day of the great Sabbath Herod the Eirenarch and his father Nicetes met him who taking him up into their Chariot as they sate together endeavoured to perswade him and said For what harm is it to say these words Lord Caesar and to sacrifice and so to evade punishment He at first made them no answer but they continuing to be importunate with him he said I will never doe what you endeavour to induce me to They despairing of perswading him gave him opprobrious language and thrust him out of their Chariot so hastily that in his going down be very much bruised the fore part of his leg But he no more concerned than if he had suffered no harm went on chearfully and made hast being brought by a guard to the Stadium but there being so great a noise made in the Stadium that few could perfectly hear this voice came from heaven to Polycarp as he entred the Stadium Be couragious Polycarp and behave thy self valiantly no person indeed saw him that spoke but many of us Christians heard the voice When therefore he was brought before the Tribunal a great shout was made because the multitude heard Polycarp whas apprehended After that when he was come near him the Proconsul asked him whether he were Polycarp and when he had confessed he was the Proconsul endeavoured to perswade him to renounce Christ saying have a reverent regard to thine age and some other words agreeable hereto which 't is usual for them to speak swear by the fortune of Caesar change thy mind say destroy the impious But Polycarp beholding with a grave and severe countenance the multitude that was in the Stadium stretched forth his hand towards them and sighed and looking up towards heaven said destroy the impious When the Governour was urgent with him and said swear and I will release thee speak reproachfully of Christ Polycarp made answer I have served him these eighty and six years during all which time he never did me injury how then can I blaspheme my King who is my Saviour But when the Proconsul was again instant with him and said swear by the fortune of Caesar Polycarp said because you are so vain glorious as to be urgent with me to swear by the fortune of Caesar as
after this manner This their stubborn contention therefore against the Church and this New Heretical separation from it had this original There is said to be a certain Village in that Mysia which borders upon Phrygia called by the name of Ardaba There they say one of those who had newly embraced the Faith by name Montanus when Gratus was Proconsul of Asia by reason of his immoderate desire after and love for the chief place gave the adversary an entrance into himself and was filled with the devil and being on a suddain possest with a â—urious and frantick temper of mind became perfectly mad and began to utter strange and barbarous expressions foretelling what was to come a thing which is contrary to the order and institution of the Church received from antient tradition and propagated by a continued succession Now of those who at that time were at the hearing of his counterfeited expressions some with indignation rebuked him as being moved by and possest with a devil and a spirit of errour and as being a disturber of the multitude they prohibited him also to speak for they were mindfull of the Lords premonition and his menaces whereby we are commanded with vigilancy to beware of the coming of false Prophets But others as if they had been inspired by the Holy Ghost and with the gift of Prophecy conceiving also very high thoughts of themselves and being unmindfull of the Lords premonition provoked that infatuating flattering and seducing spirit to speak and being enticed and deceived by it forbad it should any more be silenâ—'t By this art or rather by this method of subtilty and mischief the devil plotted destruction against those who were disobedient to the Lords premonition and being undeservedly honoured by them he excited and enkindled their minds which had forsaken the true Faith For he stirred up two other women and filled them with a counterfeit spirit so that they like the fore-mentioned person uttered extravagant foolish and strange expressions and those who delighted in and boasted of that matter that spirit pronounced blessed and puft them up with the greatness of the promises Sometimes also making use of conjecturall and credible arguments he condemned them publickly that so he might also seem a reproving Spirit Those few who were deceived were Phrygians But this insolent spirit taught them to revile the whole Church under heaven because this spirit of false Prophecy received neither honour from nor found any way of entrance into it For when the faithfull throughout Asia had met often and in many places of Asia upon this account and had inquired into this new doctrine and determined it to be prophane and rejected this Heresie they were expelled out of the Church and interdicted communion with the Faithfull Having related thus much in the beginning of his work and subjoyned throughout that whole book a confutation of their errour in his second book he says these words concerning the death of the forementioned persons Whereas therefore they have termed us the Murderers of the Prophets because we have not admitted of their prattling and lying Prophets for these they say are those whom the Lord promised to send his people let them answer us for God's sake is there any one of those most excellent who even from Montanus and his women began to speak that hath been persecuted by the Jews or slain by the impious not one Is there any one of them who has been apprehended and crucified for the name of Christ None at all Neither hath any of their women been scourged in the Synagogues of the Jews or stoned not one of them any where or in any wise yea Montanus and Maximilla are said to have dyed another manner of death For t is famed both these persons incited thereto by that furious spirit hanged themselves not together but each of them at the time of their death as t is strongly reported And so they dyed and put an end to their lives after the same manner that the traitour Judas did In like manner also common â—ame says that that admirable fellow Theodotus who was as it were the first Procuratour of that they stiled their Prophecie was possest with a false ecâ—tasie of mind as if at some time or other he should be lifted up and assumed â—nto heaven and that having given himself wholly up into the power of that spirit of errour he was thrown into the air by him and dyed miserably 'T is said indeed that this thing was thus done but in as much as we saw it not we doe not suppose O Macarius that we certainly know any thing hereof For peradventure Montanus Theodotus and the foresaid woman dyed after this manner perhaps they did not so die Again in the same book he says the holy Bishops of that time did attempt to confute the spirit which was in Maximilla but were prohibited by others to wit those that were favourers of that spirit He writes thus And let not the spirit in Maximilla say to me as 't is related in the same book of Asterius Urbanus I am driven as a wolf from the sheep I am not a wolf I am the Word the Spirit and the Power but let him evidently manifest and prove that Power in the Spirit and let him by that Spirit compell those that were then present to confess that they tried and conferred with that babling spirit I mean those approved men and Bishops Zoticus of the Town Comanes and Julianus of Apamea whose mouths Themison and those of his party having stopped would not suffer that lying spirit to be reproved by them Again in the same book having interposed some words to confute the false Prophecies of Maximilla he evidences both the time when he wrote these things and also mentions her predictions wherein she had foretold there should be Wars and Commotions the falsehood of which predictions he reprehends in these words And has not this lie been already made apparently manifest For to this day 't is more than thirteen years since this woman died and yet there has not been either a particular or an universal war in the world Yea rather by the mercy of God the Christians have had a firm and lasting peace And thus much out of his second book Out of the third I will also add some few words where he says thus to those who boasted that many even of their party had suffered as Martyrs When therefore they can return no answer having been confuted in all passages we have mentioned they endeavour to flee to the Martyrs saying they have many Martyrs and that is a certain and undoubted evidence of that power by them called the Prophetick spirit But this in my judgment is much more untrue For some followers of other Heresies doe boast they have many Martyrs and yet we shall not I think upon this account embrace their opinion nor confess they have the truth amongst them Those also
Crosses CHAP. IX Concerning those who suffered at Thebais BUT the pains and tortures which the Martyrs underwent at Thebais surmount all relation who were torn all over their bodies untill they expired with sharp shells instead of torturing irons Women were tied by one of their feet and drawn up on high into the air with their heads downwards by certain machines and their bodies being naked and wholly uncovered were made a most detestable most cruel and inhumane spectacle to all that lookt upon them Again others being bound to trees and boughs were killed For by certain engines they drew together the two strongest boughs and having fastned the Martyrs legs to each of them they suffered the boughs to return into their natural site designing thereby to pull asunder their members against whom they had invented these ways of death And all these things were performed not for a few days or during some short time but continued for the space of whole years sometimes no more than ten at other times above twenty in number were destroyed sometimes not less then thirty at others neer sixty and again at another time an hundred men together with very small children and women were killed in one day being condemned to various and interchangeable sorts of punishments We also our selves being conversant in those places saw very many destroyed together in one day whereof some were beheaded and others underwent the punishment of fire Insomuch that the Executioners sword became blunt and being rendred unfit for use was broken and the Executioners themselves being tired succeeded one another by turns At which time also we beheld a most admirable ardour of mind and a truly divine strength and alacrity in those who believed in the Christ of God For no sooner was sentence pronounced against the first but others ran hastily from some other place before the Judges tribunal and confest themselves to be Christians They regarded not dangers nor those various sorts of tortures but with an undisturbed fearlesness made a bold confession of the worship of the supream God and with joy laughter and delight received their last sentence of death in such sort that they sang and to the very time of their expiration shouted forth hymns and thanksgivings in praise of God the maker of all things such admirable persons were these But these in a most especial manner deserved the greatest admiration who although eminent for riches nobility glory eloquence and Philosophy yet preferred the true Religion and the faith in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ before all these Of this sort was Philoromus a person that bore no ordinary office was the Emperours Rationalist at Alexandria who together with his dignity and Roman honour being attended with a guard of Souldiers did daily exercise a judiciary power Phileas also Bishop of the Church of the Thmuitae a person eminent for his discharge of the publick Offices and places of Magistracy in his own country and famous for his Philosophick studies These two persons although they were intreated by very many of their relations and friends and moreover by personages of honour yea notwithstanding the Judge himself besought them to take pitty on themselves and have compassion on their wives and children yet could in no wise be induced by such persons as these that out of a desire to preserve their own lives they should contemn the laws made concerning the confession and renunciation of our Saviour But having stoutly bore up against all the menaces and contumelies of the Judge with a manly and Philosophick mind or rather with a pious and religious heart they were both beheaded CHAP. X. The written informations of Phileas the Martyr concerning what was done at Alexandria BUT because we have said that Phileas was a person worthy of great esteem for his Graecian literature let him be produced as a witness for himself both to demonstrate what a person he was and also to relate the Martyrdoms which in his time happened at Alexandria which he will declare more accurately than we can in these words OUT OF PHILEAS'S EPISTLE TO THE THMUITAE All these Examples Prescripts and good Documents being deposited for us in the divine and sacred Scriptures the blessed Martyrs who were conversant amongst us without any delay manifestly fixed the eye of their mind upon the supream God and willingly embracing death upon account of piety they steadfastly adhered to their calling for they found that our Lord Jesus Christ had been incarnate for us that he might abolish all manner of sin and provide us with assistances for our entrance into life eternal For he thought it not robbery to be equal with God but made himself of no reputation and took the form of a servant And being found in fashion as a man he humbled himself unto death even the death of the Cross. Wherefore the Martyrs who were full of Christ zealously affecting the best gifts endured all manner of sorrow and all sorts of tortures that could be invented not onely once but some of them a second time also And when the Souldiers that were of the guard endeavoured with much earnestness to strike a terrour into them not onely by all manner of menaces in words but by deeds they were in no wise discouraged in mind because perfect love casteth out fear Whose fortitude and courage under each torture what words would be sufficient to relate For free leave being granted to all persons that would be injurious towards them some beat them with clubs others with rods othersome with scourges again some scourged them with thongs of leather others with ropes And the spectacle of these tortures was variously enterchanged and full of malicious cruelty For some of the Martyrs having their hands bound behind them were hung at an Engin of wood and every member of their bodies was distended by certain machines After that the Tormentours by command of the Judge made use of iron-nailes to torture them with all over their bodies which were applied not onely to their sides as Murtherers are usually tormented but also to their bellies their legs and to their cheeks Others being lifted up were hung by one hand at a Gallery the stretching of whose joynts and members was a sharper pain to them than all sorts of tortures Others were bound face to face to Pillars their feet not touching the ground that so their bonds being strained by the heaviness of their bodies might with stretching be the closer drawn together and this they endured not only as long as the Governour talked with them and was at leisure to hear them but almost a whole day together for when he went away to hear others he left Officers that were impowred by him to be watchfull over the former Martyrs whether any one of them being overcome by the sharpness of his tortures would seem to abandon his resolution He also commanded they should be strained with bonds
published in every City and in all other places CHAP. VI. Concerning them that suffered Martyrdom in those Times BUt not long after this Captain was his own Executioner suffering a condign punishment for his malicious wickedness And now banishments and most horrid Persecutions were a fresh raised against us the Presidents in every Province renewing their cruel insurrections against us in so much that some of the most eminent asserters of the divine faith were apprehended and without any commiseration had the sentence of death pronounc't against them Three of them having professed themselves Christians were cast to the wild beasts and devoured by them at Emesa a City of Phoenicia amongst them there was a Bishop one Silvanus a very old man who had born that Office forty years compleat At the same time also Peter that most eminent Prelate of the Alexandrian Church the chiefest ornament and glory of the Bishops both for his virtuous life and his study and knowledge in the sacred Scriptures being apprehended for no crime at all was beheaded contrary to every bodies expectation by Maximins order on a sudden and without any specious pretence Likewise many other Aegyptian Bishops suffered the same death that he did Lucianus also Presbyter of the Church at Antioch a very pious man much famed for his continency and his knowledge in the sacred Scriptures was brought to the City of Nicomedia where the Emperour then kept his Court and after he had made his Apology in defence of that Doctrine which he asserted before the President he was committed to prison and murthered In fine Maximin that professed Enemy of all virtue did in a short time load us with such burthens of afflictions that this latter storm of Persecution raised by him seemed to us far more grievous then the former CHAP. VII Concerning the Edict against us which was ingraven on Brazen plates and hung up on the Pillars MOreover in the midst of every City which was never seen before the Decrees of Cities and also the Imperial Edicts against us were ingraven on Brazen plates and proposed to open view And the boyes in the Schooles had nothing in their mouths all day long but Jesus and Pilate and the Acts which were forged to disgrace us I judge it pertinent to insert here this very Rescript of Maximin's which was ingraven on plates of Brass both that the proud and arrogant insolency of this mans hatred towards God may be manifested and also that it may hence be made apparent that divine justice which hates the impious and keeps a continual watch against them did within a very short time pursue and overtake him by which Divine justice he was inforced to alter his sentiments soon after concerning us and to confirm them by his Edicts in writing But these are the Contents of his Rescript A COPY OF THE TRANSLATION OF MAXIMIN'S RESCRIPT IN ANSWER TO THE DECREES OF THE CITIES AGAINST US TRANSCRIBED FROM A BRAZEN PLATE AT TYRE Now at length the infirm Confidence of mans mind having shaken off and dispersed the cloud and mist of errour which heretofore invested the senses of men not so much wicked as wretched being involved in the fatal night of ignorance may discern that it is undoubtedly governed and strengthened by the indulgent providence of the immortal Gods It is incredible to express how gratefull how pleasing and acceptable a thing it was to us that you gave such a proof of your Pious resolution towards the Gods Indeed before this time no person was insensible of the observancy and religious worship you shewed towards the immortal Gods for your faith is made known to them not in bare and empty words but by uninterrupted and miraculous eminent Acts upon which account your City may deservedly be stiled the Seat and Mansion of the immortal Gods For it is manifestly evident by many instances that She flourisheth by the Arrival and presence of the celestial Deities in Her But lo Now your City careless of all its own particular concerns and having no regard to the Petitions which in times past it did usually make to us for the welfare of its affairs when it was sensible that the Promoters of that accursed vanity did begin to creep again and perceived that like fire which is carelessely left and raked up it brake forth into violent flames the brands thereof being rekindled immediately without the least delay made its address to our piety as to the Metropolis of all Religion petitioning for a redress and an assistance 'T is evident that the Gods have instilled into your minds this wholesome advice upon account of your constant and faithful perseverance in your Religion For the most High and Mighty Jupiter who presides over your most famous City and preserveth your Country Gods your wives and children your families and houses from all manner of destruction and ruine hath breathed into your minds this salutary resolution whence he hath evidenced and plainly demonstrated what an excellent noble and comfortable thing it is to adore him and to approach the sacred Ceremonies of the immortal Gods with a due observancy and veneration For what man can there be found so foolish and so void of all reason who perceives not that it comes to pass by the favourable care of the Gods towards us that neither the Earth does deny to restore the seeds committed to it frustrating the hopes of the husbandmen with vain expectations or that the aspect of impious War is not immoveably fixed on the earth or that mens bodies are not hurried away to the grave being tainted by an infection in the temperature of the Air or that the Sea tossed with the blasts of tempestuous winds does not swell and overflow or that storms breaking forth on a sudden and unexpectedly do not raise a destructive tempest or lastly that the Earth the nurse and mother of all things shaken by an horrid trembling arising from its own internal caverns does not raise vast hills out of its own bowels or that the mountains which lie upon it are not swallowed up by its unexpected scissures and rents There is no man but knowes that all these calamities yea far more horrid than these have happened heretofore And all these evills fell upon us because of that pernitious errour and most vain folly of those wicked men at such time as it abounded in their souls and burthened the whole earth almost with shame and confusion After the interposition of some words he continues Let men now look into the open fields and see the flourishing corn waving its weighty ears let them view the Medows gloriously bedecked with flowers and grass caused by the seasonable springing showers Let them consider the constitution of the aire how temperate and calm it is again become In future let all men rejoyce for that by your Piety by your sacrifices and Religious worship the fury of that most Potent and strong God Mars
of blessed memory had determined to restore this Bishop to his own See and return him to your most amiable piety yet in regard being prevented by humane chance he died before the accomplishment of his desire We being his successour thought it agreeable to fulfill the mind of that Emperour of sacred memory Moreover how great a reverence and respect he has procured from us you shall know from himself as soon as he shall come into your presence Nor is it a wonder that We have done any thing in favour to him for both the representation of your love and also the aspect of so great a personage moved and exited Our mind hereto May the Divine Providence preserve you dearest brethren Upon the confidence of this Letter Athanasius comes to Alexandria and the people of Alexandria most willingly received him But as many as were followers of Arius's opinion entred into a combination and conspired against him hereupon continual Seditions arose which gave an occasion to the Eusebian faction of accusing him before the Emperour because upon his own inclination and award without the determination of a general Council of Bishops he had returned and taken possession of the Alexandrian Church And they made so great a proficiency in their calumnies that the Emperour being incensed expelled him out of Alexandria But how that was effected I will a little after this relate CHAP. IV. That upon Eusebius Pamphilus's death Acacius succeeded in the Bishoprick of Caesarea DUring this interval of time Eusebius who was Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine and had the sirname of Pamphilus departed this life and Acacius his Scholar succeeded him in that Bishoprick This Acacius published many other books and also wrote particularly concerning the Life of his Master Eusebius CHAP. V. Concerning the death of Constantine the Younger NOt long after this the Emperour Constantius's brother who bore the same name with his Father Constantine the younger invading those parts of the Empire that belonged to his younger brother Constans and ingaging with his Souldiers is slain by them in the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus CHAP. VI. How Alexander Bishop of Constantinople at his death proposed Paulus and Macedonius to be elected into his Bishoprick AT the very same time the City Constantinople was involved in another tumult which followed on the neck of those disturbances we have before related raised upon this account Alexander who presided over the Churches in that City a Prelate that had couragiously opposed Arius departed out of this life after he had spent twenty three years in that Bishoprick and had lived ninety eight years compleat having ordained no body to succeed in his place But he commanded those to whom the power of electing belonged to make choice of one of those two whom he should name And if they were desirous of having one that should be both skillfull in teaching and also of an approved piety and uprightness of life he advised them to make choise of Paulus one that he had ordained Presbyter a person that was a young man indeed in respect of his age but old in understanding and prudence But if they would rather have one commendable for an external shew of piety only they might elect Macedonius who had long since been made a Deacon of that Church and was now grown aged Hereupon there hapned a great contest concerning the Ordination of a Bishop which very much disturbed that Church For the people were divided into two factions the one side adhered to the Arian opinion the other embraced the determinations made at the Nicene Synod And as long as Alexander continued alive the Homoöusian party prevailed the Arians disagreeing and contending daily amongst themselves concerning their own opinion But after Alexanders death the success of the peoples contest was dubious Therefore the Homoöusian party proposed Paulus to be ordained Bishop but those that embraced Arianism were very earnest to have Macedonius elected And in the Church called Irene which is near that Church now named The Great Church and the Church of Sophia Paulus is ordained Bishop in which election the suffrage of Alexander then dead seemed to have prevailed CHAP. VII How the Emperour Constantius ejected Paulus who had been Ordained Bishop and having sent for Eusebius from Nicomedia entrusted him with the Bishoprick of Constantinople BUt the Emperour arriving not long after at Constantinople was highly incensed at this Ordination of Paulus And having convened a Council of Bishops that embraced Arius's opinion he vacated Paulus's Bishoprick And he translated Eusebius from Nicomedia and constituted him Bishop of Constantinople When the Emperour had performed these things he went to Antioch CHAP. VIII How Eusebius assembled another Synod at Antioch of Syria and caused another form of Faith to be published BUt Eusebius could by no means be at quiet but as the common saying is moved every stone that he might effect what he had designed Therefore he procures a Synod to be assembled at Antioch in Syria under a pretence of dedicating a Church which Constantine the father of the Augusti had begun to build after whose death Constantius his son finished it in the tenth year after its foundation was laid but in reality that he might subvert and destroy the Homoöusian Faith At this Synod there met ninety Bishops who came out of divers Cities But Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem who had succeeded Macarius was not present at that Synod having considered with himself that he had been before induced by fraud to subscribe Athanasius's deposition Neither was Julius Bishop of Rome the Great present there nor did he send any body to supply his place Although the Ecclesiastick Canon doth order that the Churches ought not to make Sanctions contrary to the Bishop of Romes opinion This Synod therefore is convened at Antioch the Emperour Constantius himself being there present in the Consulate of Marcellus and Probinus This was the fifth year from the death of Constantine the father of the Augusti At that time Placitus successour to Euphronius presided over the Churches in Antioch The Eusebians therefore made it their principal business to calumniate Athanasius saying in the first place that he had done contrary to that Canon which they had then constituted because he had recovered his Episcopal dignity without the consent of a general Synod of Bishops For returning from his exile he had upon his own arbitrement and award rushed into the Church secondly that a tumult being raised at his entrance many had lost their lives in that Sedition and that some persons had been scourged by Athanasius and others brought before the seats of Judicature Moreover they produced what had been done against Athanasius in the City of Tyre CHAP. IX Concerning Eusebius Emisenus AFter the framing of these calumnies they proposed one to be made Bishop of Alexandria and in the first place they named Eusebius Emisenus Who this person was Georgius of
following therefore wherein Taurus and Florentius were Consuls they met at Antioch in Syria over which Church Euzöius presided in which City the Emperour also resided at that time when some few of them resumed a debate of those points which they had determined before saying that the term Homoïos ought to be expunged out of the Creed which had been published both at Ariminum and at Constantinople Nor did they any longer keep their Vizours on but affirmed bare fac'd that the Son was in all respects unlike the Father not only as to his Essence but in relation to his Will also And they openly asserted according as Arius had affirmed that he was made of nothing To this opinion those who at that time were followers of Aëtius's Heresie at Antioch gave their assent Wherefore besides their having the appellation of Arians they were also called Anomoei and Exucontii by those at Antioch who embraced the Homoöusian opinion who notwithstanding were at that time divided amongst themselves upon Meletius's account as has been said before When therefore they were asked by the Homoöusians why they were so audacious as to term the Son to be unlike the Father and to affirm that he exists of nothing whenas in the Creed published by them they had said he was God of God they attempted to elude this objection by such fallacious artifices as these the phrase God of God said they has the same import with those words of the Apostle but all things of God Wherefore the Son is of God he being one of those all things And upon this account in the Editions of the Creed these words According to the Scriptures are added Georgius Bishop of Laodicea was the Authour of this Sophism Who being a person unskilled in such expressions was ignorant after what manner Origen had in former times discussed and interpreted such peculiar phrases of the Apostle But notwithstanding their attempt to cavil after this manner yet in regard of their inability to bear the reproaches and contempt thrown upon them they recited the same Creed which they had before published at Constantinople and so departed every one to his own City Georgius therefore returning to Alexandria continued his Presidency over the Churches there Athanasius as yet absconding and persecuted those in Alexandria who embraced not his Sentiments He was also cruel and severe towards the Populace of that City to most of whom he was very odious At Jerusalem Harrenius was Ordained in Cyrillus his room You must also know that after him Heraclius was Constituted Bishop there who was succeeded by Hilarius But at length Cyrillus returned to Jerusalem and recovered the Presidency over the Church there Moreover at the same time there sprang up another Heresie upon this account CHAP. XLVI Concerning the Apollinaristae and their Heresie AT Laodicea in Syria there were two men of the same name the Father and the Son For each of their names was Apollinaris The father was dignified with a Presbyterate in that Church the son had a Readers place They were both Teachers of Grecian Literature the father taught Grammar the son Rhetorick The father was by birth an Alexandrian and having at first taught at Beryâ—us he removed afterwards to Laodioea where he married and begaâ— his son Apollinaris They both flourished at the same time with Epiphanius the Sophista and being very intimate friends they conversed together with him But Theodotus Bishop of Laodicea fearing that by their continual converse with that person they should be perverted to Gentilism forbad their going to him They regarding the Bishops prohibition very little continued their intimacy with Epiphanius After this Georgius successour to Theodotus endeavoured to reform and wean them from conversing with Epiphanius but being unable to perswade them by any means he punished them both with Excommunication Apollinaris the son lookt upon what was done to be an injury and confiding in the fluentness of his Sophistick faculty of speaking he also framed a new Heresie which flourisheth at this present and bears the name of its Inventour But some do report that they dissented from Georgius not so much upon account of the forementioned reason but because they saw he maintained absurdities sometimes professing the son to be like the father according as it had been determined in the Synod at Seleucia at others inclining to the Arian opinion Laying hold therefore of this specious pretext they made a separation from him But when they saw no body adhered to them they introduce a new Scheme of Religion And at first asserted that humanity was assumed by God the Word in the Oeconomy of his incarnation without the soul. But afterward rectifying their former errour by repentance as it were they added that the soul was indeed assumed but that it had not a mind but that God the Word was in the place of a mind in his assumption of Humanity As to this point only these Hereticks do affirm that they dissent from Catholicks who from them are now called Apollinaristae For they assert that the Trinity is Consubstantial But we shall mention the two Appollinaris's again in due place CHAP. XLVII Concerning the death of the Emperour Constantius MOreover whilst the Emperour Constantius resided at Antioch Julianus Caesar engages with a numerous army of Barbarians in the Gallia's And having obtained a Victory was for that reason greatly beloved by all the Souldiers by whom he is proclaimed Emperour This being told to the Emperour Constantius put him into an agony He was therefore baptized by Euzoïus and undertakes an expedition against Julianus But arriving between Cappadocia and Cilicia he ended his life at Mopsucrenae being seized with an Apoplexy by reason of his too great solicitude in the Consulate of Taurus and Florentius on the third of November This was the first year of the two hundred eighty fifth Olympiad Constantius lived fourty five years and reigned thirty eight He was his Fathers Colleague in the Empire thirteen years after whose death he Governed twenty five which space of years this Book doth contain THE THIRD BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. Concerning Julianus his Extract and Education And how upon his being made Emperour he revolted to Gentilism THE Emperour Constantius ended his life on the confines of Cilicia about the third of November in the Consulate of Taurus and Florentius During the same persons Consulate Julianus arriving from the Western parts about the eleventh of December next ensuing made his entry into Constantinople where he was proclaimed Emperour Now whereas 't is our design to say something concerning the Emperour Julianus a person fam'd for his eloquence let none of those who were his Intimado's expect we should do it in a pompous and majestick stile as if it were necessary that a caracter of so eminent a person should in every particular correspond with his greatness of whom 't is given But the composure of
go directly from thence to Constantinople he arrived at a place the name whereof is Dadastana it is Situate in the Frontiers of Galatia and Bithynia There Themistius the Philosopher with others of the Senatorian Order met him and recited his Consular Oration before him which he afterwards spoke in the presence of the people at Constantinople Indeed as well the Civill as Ecclesiastick affairs of the Roman Empire being blest with so good an Emperour would have been managed fortunately and successfully had not a sudden death ravish't so eminent a personage from the publick For being seized with a distemper termed an Obstruction in Winter time he ended his life at the fore mentioned place in his own and his Son Varronianus's Consulate upon the seventeenth of February Having Reigned seaven months and lived thirty three years This Book contains the transactions of affairs during the space of two years and five months THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. That after Jovianus's death Valentinianus is Proclaimed Emperour who made his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire And that Valentinianus was a Catholick but Valens an Arian THE Emperour Jovianus having ended his life as we have declared at Dadastana in his own and his Son Varronianus's Consulate on the seventeenth of February the Souldiers departing from Galatia on the seventh day after came to Nicaa in Bythinia where by a general suffrage they proclaim Valentinianus Emperour on the five and twentieth of February in the same Consulate By original extract he was a Pannonian born at the City Cibalis Having been entrusted with the leading of an Army he had given a demonstration of his great skill in Tacticks He was a personage of a large soul and always appeared superiour to that degree of honour he had arrived at When therefore they had created him Emperour He went immediately to Constantinople and thirty days after his being proclaimed he makes his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire They were both Christians but they disagreed about the Faith of the Christian Religion For Valentinianus had a veneration for the Creed of the Nicene Synod but Valens by reason of a prepossession adhered rather to the Arian opinion The reason of this his prepossession was because he had been baptized by Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople a Prelate of the Arian Religion Both of them entertained a warmth and ardency for that Religion which each adhered to and yet after they came to the Empire they differed one from the other very much in their dispositions For formerly in the Reign of Julianus when Valentinianus was Tribune of the Souldiers and Valens had a Military employ in the Emperours Guards each of them gave a demonstration of the zeal they had for their Religion For being compelled to sacrifice they chose to leave their Military employments rather than relinquish Christianity But at that time the Emperour Julianus knowing them to be persons usefull to the Publick removed neither of them from their Military preferment nor yet Jovianus who was his Successour in the Empire But being afterwards promoted to the Empire they were at first like to one another as to their care about the management of the publick affairs but they differed as I have said about the Christian Religion and behaved themselves after a disagreeable manner towards the Christians For Valentinianus did indeed favour such persons as embraced his own sentiments but he was not in the least troublesome to the Arians But Valens desirous to promote the Arians did most grievously disquiet and disturb those who differed in opinion from them as the procedure of our History will evidence At that very time Liberius presided over the Roman Church at Alexandria Athanasius was Bishop of the Homoöusians and Lucius of the Arians whom the Arians had constituted Georgius's successour Euzoïus presided over the Arians at Antioch Those of the Homoöusian opinion in that City were divided into two parties Paulinus headed the one party and Melitius the other Cyrillus was again put into possession of the Church at Jerusalem The Government of the Churches at Constantinople was in the hands of Eudoxius an assertour of the Arian opinion the Homoöusians kept their assemblies in a little Oratory within that City Those of the Macedonian Heresie who had dissented from the Acacians at Seleucia at that time retained their Churches in every City In this posture were the affairs of the Church at that time CHAP. II. That Valentinianus went into the Western parts of the Empire and Valens resided at Constantinople who upon the Macedonians address to him that a Synod might be convened granted their request And that he persecuted the Homoousians BUt the one of the Emperours to wit Valentinianus went forthwith into the Western parts of the Empire For the care of the publick affairs necessarily required his presence there But Valens after he had resided a little while at Constantinople had an address made to him by most of the Bishops of the Macedonian Heresie who requested another Synod might be convened in order to the amendment of the Greed. The Emperour supposing they embraced the same sentiments with Acacius and Eudoxius permitted it to be done And so these persons made it their business to assemble a Synod in the City Lampsacus But Valens went with all speed possible towards Antioch in Syria fearing least the Persians should break the League they had entred into for thirty years in the Reign of Jovianus and invade the Roman Territories But the Persians were quiet Which calm Valens made an ill use of and raised an irreconcileable War against those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion He did indeed no harm to Paulinus the Bishop by reason of that persons exemplary and eminent Piety But he punished Melitius with Exile He drove all others who refused to communicate with Euzoïus from the Churches in Antioch and subjected them to losses and various punishments 'T is said that he drowned many persons in the River Orontes which runs by that City CHAP. III. That whilst Valens Persecuted those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion in the East there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople by name Procopius And that at the same time an Earthquake hapned and an inundation of the Sea which ruined many Cities WHilst Valens did these things in Syria there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople by name Procopius He got together a great force in a short time and made preparations for an expedition against the Emperour This being told to the Emperour put him into a very great Agony which for a little while represt the fury of his Persecution against the Catholicks In the interim that the disquietude of a Civil War was with pangs expected an Earthquake hapning ruined many Cities The Sea also altered its own boundaries For in some places it overflowed so much that Vessells might Sail where there was a foot passage before And it departed from other places
in such a manner that they were found to be dry ground And this hapned in the first Consulate of the two Emperours CHAP. IV. That there being a disturbance in the Secular as well as the Ecclesiastick State of affairs the Macedonians having convened a Synod at Lampsacus did again confirm the Antiochian Creed and Anathematized that published at Ariminum and did again ratifie the deposition of Acacius and Eudoxius THese things hapning to be thus neither the Civil nor the Ecclesiastick State of affairs was in a sedate posture Those therefore who had requested of the Emperour a power of convening a Synod met at Lampsacus in the same Consulate which I have even now mentioned This was the seventh year from the Synod which had been assembled at Seleucia Having again confirmed the Antiochian Creed there to which they had subscribed at Seleucia they Anathematize that Creed published at Ariminum by those Bishops with whom they had heretofore agreed in opinion and again condemned Acacius's and Eudoxius's party as having been justly deposed Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople could not in any wise contradict these determinations for the Civil War which was imminent permitted him not to revenge himself of them Wherefore Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum and his Adherents were at that time for some little while the stronger party in regard they asserted that termed Macedonius's opinion which before had a very mean repute but was then rendred more conspicuous and better known in the Synod at Lampsacus I suppose this Synod to have been the reason why those termed the Macedoniani are so numerous in the Hellespont For Lampsacus is Scituate in a narrow Bay of the Hellespont This was the conclusion of the Synod of Lampsacus CHAP. V. That an engagement hapning about a City of Phrygia between the Emperour Valens and the Tyrant Procopius the Emperour took the Tyrant by the treachery of his Commanders and put him and them to death by insticting new and unusual punishments upon them ON the year following wherein Gâ—dâ—ianus and Dagalaïfus were Consulâ— the War was in good earnest begun For when the Tyrant Procopius having removed from Constantinople was upon the March with his Army towards the Emperour Valens informed thereof hastens from Antioch and engages Procopius â—eer a City of Phrygia the name whereof is Nacolia In the first encounter he was worsted But not long after he took Procopius alive Agiloâ— and Gomoarius his Commanders having betrayed him upon all whom Valens inflicted new and unusual punishments For disregarding the Oathes he had bound himself in to the Traitours he put them to death by cutting them in sunder with Saws And having bound each of the Tyrants legs to two trees standing neer one another which were bowed down he afterwards permitted the bended trees to erect themselves By the rise whereof Procopius was torn in sunder And thus the Tyrant rent into two pieces ended his Life CHAP. VI. That after the death of the Tyrant the Emperour forced those who had been present at the Synod and all the Christians to embrace Arius's Opinion THe Emperour having at that time been fortunate and successfull in that action began immediately to disquiet the Christians being desirous to bring over all persons to Arianism But he was in a more especial manner incensed against the Synod which had been convened at Lampsacus not only because it had deposed the Arian Bishops but in regard that Draught of the Creed published at Ariminum had been Anathematized there Being therefore come to Nicomedia in Bithynia he sent for Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum to him This Prelate had more closely adhered to Macedonius's opinion as I have said before Wherefore the Emperour having convened a Synod of Arian Bishops compelled Eleusius to give his assent to their Faith At first he denied to do it But when he was threatned with Banishment and Proscription of his Goods being terrified he gave his assent to the Arian opinion He repented immediately that he had consented And returning to Cyzicum in the presence of all the people he complained of his being forc't saying that he had given his assent by compulsion not voluntarily he also advised them to seek out for another Bishop because he had been compelled to renounce his own opinion But the inhabitants of Cyzicum by reason of that great love and affection they had for him refused to be subject to another Bishop nor would they permit any other to govern their Church They continued therefore under his presidency and would in no wise recede from their own Heresie CHAP. VII That Eunomius having ejected Eleusius the Macedonian was made Bishop of Cyzicum And concerning Eunomius's original and that having been Amanuensis to Aëtius sirnamed Atheus he imitated him WHen the Bishop of Constantinople heard this he prefers Eunomius to the Bishoprick of Cyzicum in regard he was a person able by his eloquence to draw the minds of the multitude to his own Lure Upon his arrival at Cyzicum an Imperial Edict was published by which order was given that Eleusius should be ejected and Eunomius installed This being done those of Eleusius's party having erected an Oratory without the City celebrated their assemblies therein Let thus much be said concerning Eleusius We must now give an account of Eunomius Eunomius had been Amanitensis to Aëtius surnamed Atheus of whom we have made mention before Conversing with him he imitated his Sophistick way of discoursing addicting himself to the use of certain insignificant and impertinent terms and was insensible of his framing fallacious arguments in order to the deceiving of himself Upon this account he was puf't up with pride and fell into Blasphemy being indeed a follower of Arius's opinion but was various ways an adversary to the doctrines of truth He had but a very mean skill in the sacred Scriptures and was unable to understand their meaning But he was very full of words always making a repetition of the same things over and over but could not arrive at the design he had proposed to himself His seven books which with a great deal of vain labour he wrote upon the Apostles Epistle to the Romans are a demonstration hereof For although he has spent a great many words in the explanation thereof yet he could in no wise apprehend the scope and design of that Epistle Of the same sort are those other Books of his that be extant Of which he that should be desirous to make tryal would find a great scarcity of sense amidst a multitude of words This Eunomius therefore was by Eudoxius preferred to the Bishoprick of Cyzicum When he was come thither by making use of his usual Dialectical art he amazed his Auditours by his unusual expressions whereupon there arose a disturbance at Cyzicum At length the inhabitants of Cyzicum not able to endure his arrogant and haughty manner of expressing himself drove him from their City He went to Constantinople where
a pious woman BUt we must relate what was done at Edessa a City of Mesopotamia In that City there is a stately and splendid Church which bears the name of Thomas the Apostle wherein assemblies in order to the performance of the publick duties of Religion are without intermission convened by reason of that places sanctity The Emperour Valens desirous to view this Church and being informed that the whole congregation met therein were followers of that Heresie which he detested struck the Praefect with his own hand as 't is said because he had not taken care to have them driven from that place When the Praefect after this manner abused made preparations though unwillingly to obey the Emperours rage for he was not willing to be the instrument of the murder of so many persons he gave them notice secretly to the intent that no person might be found within that Church But no body heeded either his advice or his menaces For on the day following all persons flock't to the Church And when the Praefect with a great company of Souldiers hastened to the Oratory in order to his fulfilling the Emperours rage a poor woman leading her own little son by the hand went with great speed towards the Church and broke through the ranks of Souldiers which Guarded the Praefect At which the Praefect being highly displeased orders the woman to be brought to him And speaks to her after this manner Miserable woman Whither runnest thou in this undecent manner She replied To the same place that others run too Have you not heard said he That the Praefect is going to put to death all persons that shall be found there I have heard so answered she and do therefore make hast that I may be found there And whither draggest thou that little child said the Praefect the woman replied that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Martyrdom Upon hearing hereof the Praefect made a conjecture of the constancy aâ—d resolution of the persons assembled in the Church And he went back immediately to the Emperour and informed him that all of them were ready to die for their own faith And declaring withall that it would be absurd to destroy so many persons in so short a time he thereby perswaded the Emperour to desist from being enraged After this manner the Edessens escaped their being destroyed by their own Emperour CHAP. XIX That the Emperour Valens slew many persons the first letter of whose name was Theta upon account of a certain Necromantick divination whereby that was foretold AT the same time a certain destructive Daemon abused the Emperours cruelty For he perswaded some persons to make a strict and over-busie enquiry by a Necromantick divination who should succeed Valens in the Empire To which persons having made use of a certain Magicall inchantment the Daemon gave responses not plain and manifest but as he usually does oblique and ambiguous by shewing only four Letters Theta and Epsilon and Omicron and Delta saying that his name who should Reign after Valens did begin with these Letters and that his name was compounded The report of what had been done came to the Emperours ears But he permitted noâ— God who manages all things in a due and orderly manner to have the knowledge of things future and to do what seemed good to him but slighting the sanctions of Christianity for which he supposed himself to have a zeal and ardency he put many to death of whom he had a suspicion that they would seize upon the Empire Therefore the Theodorus's the Theodotus's the Theodosius's and the Theodulus's and as many as had such like names as these were deprived of their lives Amongst whom one Theodosiolus a person of great Valour and Courage a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain was also put to death And out of a fear of the imminent danger many persons at that time changed their names denying those names their Parents had given them when they were young in regard they were liable to danger But let thus much be said concerning this CHAP. XX. Concerning Athanasius's death and the promotion of Peter to his See FUrther you are to know that as long as Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria lived the Emperour upon account of some over-ruling dispensation of Gods providence forbore disquieting Alexandria and Egypt knowing for certain that there was a numerous multitude of persons there who favoured Athanasius and for this reason he was afraid least a sedition being raised at Alexandria the populace who are naturally hot and violent should endammage the publick state of affairs Moreover Athanasius after those many Conflicts He had undergone upon the Church's account departed this life in the second Consulate of Gratianus which he bore with Probus he governed that Bishoprick amidst many dangers fourty and six years and left Peter a pious and eloquent person to succeed him in his See CHAP. XXI That after Athanasius's death the Arians by the Emperour Valens's Order delivered up the Churches in Alexandria to Lucius who had been Ordained by them before and committed Peter to Prison THe Arians therefore took courage immediately being rendred insolent by the Emperour's Religion and without delay they give an account hereof to the Emperour who then resided at Antioch At the same time also Euzoius who presided over the professours of Arianism at Antioch with greediness catches that opportunity so seasonably offered and makes it his design to procure himself to be sent to Alexandria to the intent that he might deliver possession of the Churches there to Lucius the Arian Which was also approved of by the Emperour And forthwith he went to Alexandria accompanied with the Imperial Forces For Magnus Lord Treasurer to the Emperour went along with him The Imperial Order was directed to Palladius Praefect of Egypt and a command was issued forth that the Military Forces there should give their assistance Wherefore they apprehended Peter and confined him to Prison After they had dispersed the other Ecclesiasticks some into one place some into another they seated Lucius in the Episcopal Chair CHAP. XXII That Sabinus the Macedonian Heretick has made no mention of those many mischiefs which happened at Lucius's installment But they are recorded in a Letter written by Peter who made his escape and fled to Damasus Bishop of Rome But the Arians and Lucius were the Authours of many mischievous practises and cruelties against those holy persons who led a Monastick life in the Solitudes MOreover what mischiefs hapned at Lucius's induction into the Sea of Alexandria or what was done against those persons that were ejected as well in as without the Courts of Judicature and how some were subjected to various Tortures and others were banished even after they had been tortured of any of these particulars there is not the least mention made by Sabinus For in regard he was a Semi-Arian he concealed the enormous villanies of his friends But
these sorts of Life and discontinuing their studies of eloquence embraced a Monastick life Having therefore had a taste of the precepts of Philosophy from him who at that time taught Philosophy at Antioch not long after they procured Origen's Works and from them got an insight into the interpretation of the sacred Scriptures For the great fame of Origen did at that time fill the whole world When they had with great studiousness exercised themselves in the perusal of those Books they powerfully opposed the Assertours of Arianism And although the Arians cited Origen's Books in confirmation as they supposed of their own opinion yet these two persons confuted them and evidently demonstrated that they understood not the meaning of Origen Indeed the Arians and their then Abettor Eunomius although they were at that time accounted persons of great eloquence yet as often as they engaged in a discourse with Gregorius and Basilius 't was made evidently apparent that they were men altogether ignorant and unlearned Basilius was first promoted to a Diaconate by Meletius Bishop of Antioch after that he was preferred to the Bishoprick of his own Country I mean Caesarea in Cappadocia and undertook the care of the Churches For being afraid least the novelty of the Arian opinion should prey upon and devour the Provinces of Pontus he went with great hast into those parts Where he constituted Monasteries instructed the inhabitants in his own doctrines and confirmed the minds of those that wavered Gregorius being constituted Bishop of Nazianzum a small City in Cappadocia over which Church his own father had before presided took the same course that Basilius did For he also went up and down to the Cities and corroborated those that were feeble and dispirited as to the faith But more especially he made frequent journeys to Constantinople and confirmed the Orthodox in that City by his Preaching and Discourses Upon which account he was soon after constituted Bishop over the people at Constantinople by the suffrage of many Bishops When therefore what both these persons did came to the Emperour Valens's ears he forthwith ordered Basilius to be brought from Caesarea to Antioch Immediately therefore he was conveyed thither and by the Emperours order was set before the Tribunal of the Praefects when the Praefect put this question to him why he would not embrace the Emperours Faith Basilius with a great deal of confidence found fault with the Emperours Religion and commended the Homoöusian Faith But when the Praefect threatned him with death would to God said Basilius it might happen to me to be delivered from the bonds of the body upon account of the truth Then upon the Praefects admonishing him to inspect and consider the matter more seriously with himself 't is reported that Basilius said I am the same this day that I shall be to morrow I wish that you would not have changed your self After this Basilius continued that day in custody Not long after it hapned that Valens's son a young child whose name was Galates was seized with a sore distemper in so much that his recovery was despaired of by the Physitians The Empress Dominica his mother did positively affirm to the Emperour that she had been sorely disquieted with fearfull and horrid visions in her dreams and that the child was visited with sickness because of the Bishops injurious usage The Emperour taking these things into consideration sends for Basilius And to make tryal of him expresses himself to him after this manner If your Opinion be true pray that my son may not dye If you will believe O Emperour replied Basilius as I doe and if you will assent that the Church shall be united the child shall live When the Emperour would not consent to that the will of God therefore be done said Basilius concerning the child After Basilius had spoken these words the Emperour ordered he should be dismist But the child died not long after Let thus much be compendiously said concerning these persons Moreover each of them wrote and published many and those incomparable Books Some of which Rufinus says were by him translated into Latine Basilius had two brothers Petrus and Gregorius Petrus imitated Basilius's monastick course of life but Gregorius followed his eloquent way of teaching He also finished that Book concerning the Six days-days-work which Basilius had taken pains about and left imperfect after his Brother's death And recited a Funeral Oration in praise of Meletius Bishop of Antioch at Constantinople There are also several other Orations of his extant CHAP. XXVII Concerning Gregorius Thaumaturgus BUt in regard some are apt to mistake because of the likeness of the name and by reason of the Books which in their title are ascribed to Gregorius you are to know that there was another Gregorius of Pontus who had his original extract at Neocaesarea in Pontus and was ancienter than these Gregorius's For he was Origen's Scholar This Gregorius's fame is very great at Athens at Berytus over the whole Pontick Dioecesis and I had almost said over the whole world For having left the Schools at Athens he went to Berytus and studied the Civill Law Where being informed that Origen did interpret the sacred Scriptures at Caesarea he went in great hast to that City And having been an hearer of the Magnifick exposition of the sacred Scriptures he bad far-well to his study of the Roman Laws and in future became wholly addicted to Origen By whom he was instructed in the true Philosophy and after that his Parents recalling him he returned into his own country Where first of all whilst he was a Laïck He did many miracles sometimes healing the diseased at others driving away devills by Letters in fine he brought over the professours of Gentilism to the faith not only by his words but much more by the works he did He is mentioned also by Pamphilus the Martyr in the Books he wrote concerning Origen Whereto is annexed Gregorius's Oration wherein he returned thanks to Origen at his departure from him There were therefore that I may speak briefly many Gregorius's The first is this ancient Origens Scholar the second Nazianzenus the third Basilius's Brother There was also another Gregorius at Alexandria whom the Arians constituted Bishop of that City during the time of Athanasius's exile Thus much concerning these persons CHAP. XXVIII Concerning Novatus and those from him termed Novatians And that those Novatians who inhabited Phrygia altered the time of celebrating the Festival of Easter and kept it on the same day the Jews did ABout this very time the Novatians who inhabited Phrygia altered the day of celebrating the Feast of Easter How this was done I will declare having first of all told you upon what account the accurate and exact Canon of their Church does at this present flourish in the Provinces of Phrygia and Paphlagonia Novatus a Presbyter of the Roman Church
Johannes reproved Sisinnius and said to him a City cannot have two Bishops Sisinnius's answer was Nor has it Johannes being angry hereat and saying you seem desirous of being the only Bishop Sisinnius replyed I do not say that but that I am not a Bishop in your account only when as notwithstanding other persons look upon me to be such Johannes incensed at that answer I said he will make you leave Preaching for you are an Heretick To which Sisinnius made this pleasant return But I will give you a reward if you will free me from so great pains Johannes being mollified with this answer replied I will not make you leave off Preaching if that Office be troublesome to you So facetious was Sisinnius and so ready at answering It would be tedious to write and record all his sayings Wherefore I have accounted it sufficient by these few to shew what manner of person he was I will only add this that he was very eminent for his Learning on which account all the Bishops that were his successours loved and honoured him Moreover all the eminent personages of the Senatorian order had a great affection for and admired him He wrote many Books but he is too studious about words in them and intermixes Poetick terms He was more admired for his speaking than his writing For in his face and voice in his garb and aspect and in the whole motion of his body there was a gracefullness By reason of which accomplishments He was beloved both by all Sects and chiefly by Atticus the Bishop But I think thus much sufficient to have been said concerning Sisinnius CHAP. XXIII Concerning the death of the Emperour Arcadius NOt long after the death of Johannes the Emperour Arcadius died a man of a mild and quiet temper and who at the close of his life got the repute of a person beloved by God for this reason There is at Constantinople a very spacious house which is termed Carya For in the Court of this house there is a Nutt-tree on which 't is reported the Martyr Acacius was hanged and compleated his Martyrdom On this account a small Church was built near that tree The Emperour Arcadius desirous to see this Church went into it one day and when he had said his prayers came out again All those persons who dwelt near that Church ran together to see the Emperour Some went out of the house and made it their business to take their standings before hand in the streets from whence they supposed they might have a plainer view of the Emperour's countenance and of the Guards that were about him Others followed untill all persons together with the women and children were got out of the Church After which all that great house the buildings whereof enclosed the Church on every side fell down immediately Hereupon followed an out-cry together with an admiration because the Emperours prayer had delivered so great a multitude of persons from destruction This hapned thus Moreover Arcadius leaving his Son Theodosius then but eight years old ended his life in the Consulate of Bassus and Philippus on the first of May this was the second year of the two hundredth ninety seventh Olympiad He reigned with his Father Theodosius thirteen years after his Fathers death he reigned fourteen he lived one and thirty years This book contains the History of twelve years and six months In other Copies this following passage occurs not as if it were omitted but worded in a different manner We judged it therefore meet to annex it On which account we have added it at this place BUt in regard the Bishop of Ephesus hapned to die in the interim Johannes was necessitated to go to Ephesus to ordain a Bishop Being arrived in that City and some endeavouring to promote one person others another he preferred one Heraclides his own Deacon by Country a Cypriot to the Bishoprick Whereupon a disturbance being raised in Ephesus because Heraclides was reputed unworthy of the Episcopate Johannes was forced to stay at Ephesus for some time During his residence there Severianus grew more beloved and esteemed by his Auditors at Constantinople Nor was this unknown to Johannes For he was speedily acquainted with what hapned by Serapion whom he had a singular affection for and to whom he committed the whole care of his Episcopate in regard of his piety his fidelity in all concerns his prudence in the management of all matters and his studiousness about defending the Bishops Rights After some time Johannes returns to Constantinople and personally undertook again a becoming care of the Churches But between Serapion the Deacon and Severianus the Bishop there arose a great dissention Serapion opposing Severianus because he strove to out-do Johannes in his Preaching and Severianus envying Serapion because Johannes the Bishop favoured him highly and entrusted him with the whole care of his Episcopate Being thus affected one towards the other the vehemency of their hatred hapned to be much increased by this reason To Severianus on a time passing by Serapion shewed not that honour which is due to a Bishop but continued in his feat whether it was because he saw him not as Serapion afterwards affirmed upon oath before the Synod or whether it was because he slighted the presence of a Bishop as Severianus averred which of these was truest I cannot say God only knows But Severianus could not then bear Serapion's contempt but immediately even before cognizance had been taken of the cause in a publick Synod with an oath condemns Serapion and not only divests him of the dignity of a Deacon but excommunicates him also from the Church Johannes hearing this took it very ill But afterwards when the business came under scrutiny before a Synod and Serapion excused the fact and averred that he saw him not and also produced witnesses in confirmation thereof the whole Synod of Bishops then convened pardoned him and entreated Severianus to admit of Serapion's excuse But Johannes the Bishop that he might fully satisfie Severianus removes Serapion and suspends him from the Office of a Deacon for a weeks space although he used him as his right hand in all businesses in regard he was a most acute and diligent person about Ecclesiastick Disputes and Answers Notwithstanding Severianus could not thus be prevailed with but made it his whole business to get Serapion not only wholly degraded from his Diaconate but excommunicated also Johannes was sorely vexed hereat went out of the Synod and left the Bishops then present to determine the cause having spoken these words to them Do you inquire into the cause and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit For I refuse to determine the difference between them After Johannes had spoken these words and was risen up the whole Synod arose likewise and left the cause in the same state it was in blaming Severianus rather because he acquiesced not in what had been
said by Johannes the Bishop But Johannes admitted not Severianus to a familiarity any more in future but advised him to return into his own Country signifying thus much to him Severianus said he 't is not expedient that the Diocess you are intrusted with should for so long a time continue unlookt-after and destitute of the presence of its Bishop Wherefore hasten your return to your Churches and neglect not the Gift which God hath bestowed upon you When Severianus had begun his journey the Empress Eudoxia informed hereof reproves Johannes and causes Severianus to be forthwith recalled from Chalcedon in Bithynia He came back immediately But Johannes declined a friendship with him and could by no persons entreaty be prevailed upon till such time as the Empress Eudoxia in that Church called the Apostles cast her Son Theodosius Junior then a very young child before Johannes's knees and having conjured him frequently by her Son with much a-do perswaded him to admit of a friendship with Severianus After this manner therefore c. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. That after the Emperour Arcadius's death who left his Son Theodosius then eight years old Anthemius the Praefect had the chief management of affairs in the Empire THE Emperour Arcadius having ended his life on the first of May in the Consulate of Bassus and Philippus Honorius his Brother still Governed the Western Empire the Eastern was under the Government of his Son Theodosius Junior at that time eight years of age Anthemius the Praefectus Praetorio had the chief management of the publick affairs He was Grandchild to that Philippus who in Constantius's Reign ejected Paulus the Bishop and introduced Macedonius into his See He encompassed Constantinople with a great wall Of all the men of his own times he was accounted and in reality was the most prudent person He never did any thing without advice but consulted with many of his acquaintance concerning what ought to be done chiefly with Troïlus the Sophista who besides the wisdom that was in him was Anthemius's equall in Politicall knowledge Wherefore almost all things were done with Troïlus's advice CHAP. II. Concerning Atticus Bishop of Constantinople what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition DUring therefore the Emperours being in the eighth year of his age Atticus was in the third year of his Episcopate over Constantinople and was highly eminent He was a person as we have said before besides his great Learning pious and prudent Wherefore he much augmented the Churches under his jurisdiction For he not only defended those of his own Creed but caused the Hereticks also to admire his prudence He was in no wise vexations to them but when he had attempted to terrifie them afterwards he shewed himself mild towards them Nor was he careless about his studies For he bestowed much pains in reading ancient Writers spending whole nights in perusing them Wherefore he was not unacquainted with the discourses of the Philosophers and Sophistae Moreover to those that addrest to him he was pleasant and delectable He groaned with such as were sorrowfull and that I may speak summarily according to the Apostle's example he was made all things to all men Formerly during his being a Presbyter he made Sermons gat them by heart and Preach't them in the Church But afterwards by his assiduity he procured such a readiness of expression as to be able to speak extemporè and followed a panegyricall way of Preaching Notwithstanding his Sermons were not such as were either received by his Hearers with applause or committed to writing But concerning his Temper Moralls and Learning let this suffice I will now relate those memorable passages which hapned in his times CHAP. III. Concerning Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synnada IN Synada a City of Phrygia Pacatiana one Theodosius was Bishop who severely persecuted the Hereticks in that City wherein there were many of the Sect of the Macedoniani he drove them not only out of the City but from the adjacent Villages also Which practise of his was not agreeable to that of the Orthodox Church which does not use to persecute nor was He incited hereto by a zeal for the true Faith but being a perfect slave to the love of money he made it his business to amass riches together by taking them from the Hereticks Wherefore he made all imaginable attempts against those that embraced the Sect of the Macedoniani putting the Clergy that was under him in Arms and practised a thousand stratagems against them nor did he forbear binding them over to the Courts of Judicature More especially he did severall ways disquiet their Bishop whose name was Agapetus But in regard the Governours of Provinces in no wise had as he supposed a sufficient power to punish Hereticks he ran to Constantinople and petitioned for Edicts from the Praefecti Praetorio In the interim therefore that Theodosius stayed at Constantinople on this account Agapetus who as I have told you presided over the Sect of the Macedoniani betook himself to a prudent and good course For having communicated the affair to his whole Clergy and called together the people under him he perswades them to embrace the Homoöusian Faith Having effected this he went directly into the Church accompanied with a great multitude or rather with the whole body of the people in generall Where when he had solemnized the prayers he took possession of the Chair wherein Theodosius was wont to sit And having united the people and professing in future the Homoöusian Creed he became possest of the Churches belonging to Synada These things having been after this manner transacted Theodosius arrives within a short time and brings along with him a Praefecturian assistance and being ignorant of what had been done goes immediately to the Church From whence he was driven by all persons unanimously and went again to Constantinople Being arrived there he made complaint before Atticus the Bishop of what had been done against him to wit that he had been unjustly ejected out of his Bishoprick Atticus knowing that this accident was advantagious to the Church gave Theodosius comfortable words perswading him with patience to embrace a quiet course of life and informing him that he ought to prefer the good of the publick before his own private concern But he wrote to Agapetus ordering him to continue in possession of the Bishoprick and bidding him not to be suspicious of any molestation from Theodosius's displeasure CHAP. IV. Concerning the Paralyticall Jew who was cured by Atticus the Bishop in divine Baptism THis was one usefull accident which befell the Church in the times of Atticus Nor was the state of these times without Miracles or Cures For a Jew who had been a Paralytick for many years was confined to his bed And when all medicinall remedies had been applied to him and no
their meetings within the City but had a singular love and affection for them also as I have sufficiently declared already CHAP. XII Concerning Chrysanthus Bishop of the Novatianists at Constantinople AFter Sisinnius's death Chrysanthus was by force made Bishop He was the son of that Marcianus who had been Bishop of the Novatianists before Sisinnius From his younger years he had had a Military Employ in the Pallace afterwards in the Reign of Theodosius the Great he was made Consularis of Italy and after that Vicarius of the Britannick Islands for his management of both which charges he was much admired Being grown elderly he returned to Constantinople and desiring to be made Praefect of that City he was against his will compelled to take the Bishoprick For Sisinnius having mentioned him at the time of his death as a fit person for the Bishoprick the Novatian people with whom Sisinnius's words were a Law attempted to draw him by force even against his will But when Chrysanthus fled Sabbatius supposing an opportune season was offered him wherein he might be made possessour of the Churches gets himself ordained Bishop by some obscure Prelates and slights the oath which he had bound himself in Amongst those who ordained Sabbatius Bishop Hermogenes was one who had been Excommunicated and cursed by Sabbatius for his blasphemous books But Sabbatius's design proved unsuccessfull to him For the people hating his unreasonable ambition because he did all things with a design of getting into the Bishoprick made it their whole business to find out Chrysanthus Whom they found absconding in Bithynia whence they brought him by force and preferred him to the Bishoprick He was a person of as great prudence and modesty as any man was and by his means the Church of the Novatianists at Constantinople was preserved and increased He was the first person who distributed Gold of his own to the poor He received nothing from the Churches save only two Loaves of the Blessed Bread every Sunday Moreover he was so carefull about his Church that he took Ablabius the eloquentest Oratour of his own time from Troïlus the Sophista's School and ordained him Presbyter Whose elegant and acute Sermons are now extant But Ablabius was afterwards constituted Bishop of the Novatianists Church at Nicaea in which City he taught Rhetorick at the same time also CHAP. XIII Concerning the Fight which hapned at Alexandria between the Christians and Jews and concerning Cyrillus the Bishops difference with Orestes the Praefect ABout the same time the Jewish Nation were driven out of Alexandria by Cyrillus the Bishop for this reason The Alexandrians are more seditious and tumultuous than any other people and if at any time they get an occasion they usually break out into intollerable mischiefs For their rage is not appeased without bloud It hapned at that time that the populace of that City were tumultuous amongst themselves not upon any weighty or necessary occasion but by reason of that mischief which abounds in all Cities I mean an earnest desire of looking upon Dancers For in regard a Dancer gathered great multitudes together on the Sabbath day because the Jews work not on that day nor are busied in hearing their Law but spend their time in seeing Theatricall Shews that day usually occasioned mutuall factions and divisions among the people And although this was in some measure regulated and repressed by the Praefect of Alexandria nevertheless the Jews continued enraged against those of the contrary faction and besides their being always enemies to the Christians they were much more incensed against them on account of the Dancers Therefore when Orestes Praefect of Alexandria made a Police â—o the Alexandrians do usually term publick Orders in the Theatre some of Bishop Cyrillus's favourers were present there also being desirous to know the Orders that were made by the Praefect Amongst whom was a person by name Hierax a teacher of the meaner sort of Learning He was a zealous hearer of Cyrillus the Bishop and always mighty diligent about raising the Clappings at his Sermons The Jewish multitude spying this Hierax in the Theatre cried out immediately that he came into the Theatre for nothing else but to raise a Sedition amongst the people Moreover Orestes had long before conceived an hatred against the secular Government of Bishops because it diminished much of their power who had been appointed Governours of Provinces by the Emperour and also more especially because Cyrillus was desirous of prying into his Acts and Orders Having seized Hierax therefore he made him undergo tortures publickly in the Theatre With which Cyrillus being acquainted sends for the chief of the Jews and threatned them with condign punishment unless they desisted from being tumultuous against the Christians Of which menaces after the Jewish multitude were made sensible they became more pertinacious and contrived plots to damnifie the Christians The chiefest of which designs of theirs and which occasioned their expulsion out of Alexandria I will relate here Having agreed upon a sign amongst themselves which was that every one of them should wear a ring on their fingers made of the bark of a Palmtree-branch they took a resolution of making an attack upon the Christians by a night-fight One night therefore they sent some persons provided for that purpose who cried out in all the streets of the City that Alexander's Church was on fire The Christians hearing this ran some one way others another that they might preserve the Church Then the Jews set upon them immediately and slew them they abstained from killing those of their own party by shewing their rings but they murdered all the Christians they hapned to meet with When it was day the Authours of this nefarious fact were not concealed Cyrillus highly incensed hereat went accompanied with a great multitude to the Jews Synagogues so they term their houses of prayer which he took from them he also expelled the Jews out of the City and permitted the multitude to make plunder of their goods The Jews therefore who had inhabited that City from the days of Alexander the Macedonian were all forced to remove naked from thence at that time and were dispersed some in one place others in another Adamantius one of them a professour of Physick went to Constantinople and fled to Atticus the Bishop and having turned a professour of Christianity returned afterwards to Alexandria again and fixt his residence there But Orestes Praefect of Alexandria was highly incensed at what was done being exceedingly troubled because so great a City was on such a sudden emptied of so numerous a company of inhabitants Wherefore he acquainted the Emperour with what had been done Cyrillus himself likewise made known the Jews wickednesses to the Emperour nevertheless he sent messengers to Orestes on account of procuring a reconciliation For the people of Alexandria compelled him to do this And when Orestes would not admit of any
Acacius should come into his presence to the end he might enjoy a sight of the man and that that was effected by the Emperour Theodosius's order When therefore God had given so eminent a Victory to the Romans many persons who excelled for their eloquence wrote Panegyricks in praise of the Emperour and recited them in publick Moreover the Emperour's Wife wrote a Poem in Heroick Verse for she was a woman of a great eloquence For being the daughter of Leontius the Athenian-Sophist she had been instructed by her Father and cultivated with all manner of Literature When the Emperour was about marrying of this woman Atticus the Bishop made her a Christian and at her Baptism instead of Athanaïs named her Eudocia Many persons therefore as I have said recited Panegyricks some with a design to make themselves taken notice of by the Emperour others endeavouring to publish the powerfullness of their own eloquence being altogether unwilling that that Learning they had gotten by much labour should lie concealed CHAP. XXII Concerning the excellencies wherewith the Emperour Theodosius Junior was endowed BUt I who am neither studious about being taken notice of by the Emperour nor desirous of making a shew of eloquence have taken a resolution of setting forth those excellencies wherewith the Emperour is endowed sincerely and without any Rhetoricall flourishes For in regard his virtues are so singularly usefull my Sentiment is that to pass them over in silence would be a loss to posterity which would be defrauded of the knowledge thereof In the first place therefore although he was born and educated in the Imperiall Pallace yet he contracted nothing of an effeminacy oâ— stupidity from that education But was always so prudent as to be reputed by those who addressed to him to have attained a knowledge and experience in most affairs His patience in undergoing hardships was such that he could endure heat and cold couragiously and would fast frequently especially on those days termed Wednesdaies and Fridaies And this he did out of an earnest endeavour of observing the Rites of the Christian Religion with an accuracy He governed his Pallace so that it differed not much from a monasterie Wherefore he together with his sisters rose early in the morning and recited alternative Hymns in praise of God Moreover he could say the sacred Scriptures by heart And with the Bishops who conferred with him he discoursed out of the Scriptures as if he had been an Ecclesiastick of a long standing He was much more diligent in making a Collection of the sacred Books and of the Expositions which had been written thereon than Ptolemaeus Philadelphus had been heretofore For clemency and humanity he excelled all men by far The Emperour Julianus although he was a profest philosopher yet could not moderate his rage and anger towards the Antiochians who had derided him but inflicted most acute tortures upon Theodorus But Theodosius bad farwell to Aristotle's Syllogismes and exercised Philosophy in deeds getting the mastery over Anger Grief and Pleasure He never revenged himself upon any one who had been injurious to him Yea no man ever saw him angry Being on a time asked by one with whom he was pleased to be familiar why he never put to death any person who had injured him his answer was Would to God it were possible for me to restore to life those that are dead To another questioning him about the same thing 'T is no great or difficult thing said he for him that is a man to die but 't is Gods property only by repentance to restore to life him that is once dead Further his Practise of this Virtue was so constant and earnest that if any person had hapned to commit a crime which deserved a capitall punishment he was never led so far as the City-gates onwards on his way to the place of Execution before a pardon was granted whereby he was immediately recalled When on a time he exhibited a Show of hunting wild beasts in the Amphitheatre at Constantinople the people cried out Let one of the boldest Bestiarii encounter the enraged wild beast To whom he gave this answer You know not that We are wont to be spectatours at Shows with clemency and humanity With which saying he instructed the people to be in future delighted with Shows wherein there was less of cruelty Further his piety was such that he honoured all God's Priests but most especially those whom he knew to be more eminent for sanctity of life 'T is reported that when the Bishop of Châ—bron had ended his life at Constantinople he desired to have his Hair-cloth-Cassock which although it was very foul and nasty he wore instead of a Cloak believing he should thereby partake something of the dead Bishop's sanctity There hapning tempestuous weather one year he was forced to exhibit the usuall and set Shows in the Cirque in regard the people were extreamly earnest for them But when the Cirque was filled with Spectatours the Storm increased and there was a vast fall of Snow at which time the Emperour gave an evident demonstration how he was affected towards God for he made proclamation by the Cryer to the people in these words 'T is much better that we should omit the Show and all joyn in prayer to God that we may be preserved unhurt from the imminent Storm The Cryer had scarce made an end of proclaiming these words when all the people began to supplicate God in the Cirque with the greatest joy immaginable and with a generall consent sang Hymns to him And the whole City became one congregation The Emperour himself went in the midst of the multitude in a private habit and began the Hymns nor was he frustrated of his hope at that time For the air returned to its former serenity and instead of a scarcity of bread-corn the divine benevolence bestowed a plentifull crop upon all persons If at any time a War was raised in imitation of David he fled to God knowing him to be the disposer of Wars and by his prayers he managed them successfully I will here relate therefore how a little after the Persian War when the Emperour Honorius was dead in the Consulate of Asclepioâ—otus and Marianus on the fifteenth of the month August by putting his confidence in God he vanquished the Tyrant Johannes For 't is my Sentiment that the Actions which hapned at that time are worthy to be recorded because what befell the Hebrews who were led by Moses in their passage over the red Sea the same almost hapned to the Emperour's Commanders at such time as he sent them against that Tyrant Which Actions I will relate in short leaving the ampleness of them which does require a peculiar work to be set forth at large by others CHAP. XXIII Concerning Johannes who Tyrannized at Rome after Honorius the Emperour's death And how God mollified by Theodosius's prayers delivered him into the
God as were different from those embraced by himself CHAP. XLII That this Writer spends many words in praise of the Emperour Theodosius Junior's probity ON account hereof therefore Proclus was highly commended by the Emperour For He himself also was like to such as were true Prelates nor did he any wise approve of those who were desirous of persecuting others Yea I can speak it with confidence that for meekness he excelled all those who were true and genuine Ecclesiasticks And what is recorded of Moses in the Book of Numbers Now the man Moses was very meek above all the men which were upon the face of the earth the same may be now said of the Emperour Theodosius to wit that he is very meek above all the men which are upon the face of the earth For by reason of this his meekness God has subdued his enemies under him without military engagements as hath been demonstrated by his Victory over the Tyrant Johannes and shall be made evident from the destruction of the Barbarians which succeeded that soon after For what manner of assistances have been given by God to just men heretofore such like have even in our times been bestowed on the most pious Emperour by the God of the Universe Nor do I write this out of flattery but I will give a Narrative of affairs which all men have been throughly acquainted with as they truly are CHAP. XLIII How great calamities those Barbarians underwent who had been the Tyrant Johannes's Auxiliaries FOr after the slaughter of the Tyrant those Barbarians whom he had called to his assistance against the Romans made preparations to overrun and ruine the Roman Provinces When the Emperour heard of it according as his usage was he committed the care of this affair to God and having been earnest in prayers not long after obtained what he desired Further it will be advantagious to hear what calamities befell the Barbarians Their Commander in chief whose name was Rougas is killed by a clap of thunder Then followed a plague which destroyed most of the men under his command Nor was this only sufficient but fire also descended from heaven and consumed many of those who remained And this put the Barbarians into the greatest terrour imaginable not so much because they had dared to take up Arms against the valiant Nation of the Romans as in regard they found them assisted by a powerfull God Moreover Proclus the Bishop Preached a Sermon at that time in the Church wherein he applied a prophecy taken out of Ezechiel to the deliverance effected by God at that juncture for which discourse he was greatly admired The prophecy runs thus And thou son of man prophecy against Prince Gog Rhos Misoch and Thobell For I will judge him with death and with bloud and with an overflowing rain and with stones of hail And I will rain fire and Brimstone upon him and upon all those with him and upon many Nations which are with him And I will be magnified and glorified and I will be known in the eyes of many Nations And they shall know that I am the Lord. On account thereof therefore as I have said Proclus was much admired But on the Emperour because of his meekness many other Blessings were conferred by divine providence Amongst which this was one which I will now relate CHAP. XLIV That the Emperour Valentinianus Junior married Eudoxia the daughter of Theodosius HE had a daughter by his Wife Eudocia her name Eudoxia His Cousin Germane Valentinianus whom he had made Emperour of the Western parts desired he might marry this Princess To which when the Emperour Theodosius had given his consent and both the Augusti after they had deliberated about celebrating the marriage at some place on the frontiers of both Empires had resolved each to make a journey half way and do it at Thessalonica Valentinianus sends Theodosius intimation by Letter that he should not give himself that trouble for that he would come in person to Constantinople Having therefore secured the Western parts with a sufficient guard he comes to Constantinople on account of the marriage Which having been celebrated in the Consulate of Isidorus and Senator he took his Wife and returned into the Western parts Such a felicity as this befell the Emperour at that time CHAP. XLV That Proclus the Bishop perswaded the Emperour to translate the Body of Johannes from the place of his Exile where it had been buried to Constantinople and to deposite it in the Church of The Apostles NOt long after this time Proclus the Bishop reduced those to the Church who had made a separation from it on account of Bishop Johannes's deposition having mitigated their disgust by a prudent expedient What that was we must now relate After he had perswaded the Emperour to give his consent thereto he brought the body of Johannes which had been buried at Comani to Constantinople on the thirty fifth year after his deposition And when he had carried it through the City publickly in great pomp and state he deposited it with much honour and solemnity in that termed the Church of The Apostles Those persons therefore who had made a separation on Johannes's account were by this means prevailed upon and became united to the Church And this hapned in the sixteenth Consulate of the Emperour Theodosius about the twenty seventh of January But I cannot forbear wondring here how it came to pass that Envy should assail and corrode Origen after he was dead and yet spare Johannes For Origen was excommunicated by Theophilus about two hundred years after his death But Johannes was admitted to communion by Proclus on the thirty fifth year after he died So great was the difference between Proclus's disposition and that of Theophilus But prudent men are not ignorant in what manner these things have been and daily are done CHAP. XLVI Concerning the death of Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists and concerning Marcianus who was his successour SOme little time after the Removall of Johannes's body died Paulus also Bishop of the Novatianists in the same Consulate about the twenty first day of July Who at his own Funerall reduced all the disagreeing Heresies into one Church in a manner For they all accompanied his body to the Grave with singing of Psalmes because whilest he lived all Sects loved him exceedingly for his Sanctity of life But because the same Paulus performed a memorable action just before his death I judge it usefull to insert it into this History for their advantage who shall peruse this Work For that during his sickness he observed his usuall Ascetick discipline as to his dyet and transgressed not in the least the rules thereof and that he never omitted performing the usuall prayers with a fervency all this I think fit to leave unmentioned least by spending time in giving a narrative hereof I should obscure that memorable and most
that the same Emperour took care of the publick works and buildings CHAP. XIII Concerning the Fire which hapned at Constantinople THere hapned together with these mischiefs a like or rather a far more grievous calamity at Constantinople this mischievous accident began in that part of the City that lay towards the Sea which they term the Ox-Street 'T is reported that about such time as Candles are usually lighted a certain mischievous and execrable Devill having cloâ—hed himself in the shape of a woman or rather in reality a poor woman instigated by the Devill for 't is reported both ways carried a Candle into the Market being about to buy some Salt-fish and that the woman set down the Candle there and went away And that the fire having taken hold of some Flax raised a vast flame and in a moment burnt the Market-house After which that it easily consumed the adjoyning buildings the fire preying all about not only upon such houses as might with ease be fired but upon Stone-buildings also and that it continued till the fourth day and that having exceeded all possibility of being extinguished all the middle of the City from the Northern to the Southern Quarter five furlongs in length and fourteen in breadth was in such a manner consumed that nothing either of the publick or private buildings was left standing within this compass not the Pillars nor Arches of Stone but that all the most hardned matter was burnt as if it had been straw oâ— any such combustible stuff Further this calamitous mischief raged in the Northern part wherein is the Haven of the City from that termed the Bosporos unto the Old Temple of Apollo In the Southern part from Julianus's Haven to those houses which stand not far off from that Oratory termed the Church of Concordia And in the middle part of the City from that termed Constantine's Forum to that called Taurus's Forum it left a miserable and most deformed spectacle to the view of all men For whatever Edifices had stood stately to behold in the City or had been brought to a Magnificence and incomparableness of Beauty or accommodated to publick or private uses were every one on a sudden transformed into mountains and hills inaccessible and impassible made up with all manner of Rubbish which deformed the Pristine Beauty and sight of the City In so much that even the possessours themselves of the places could not discern what any one of those former Edifices had been and in what place it had stood CHAP. XIV Concerning the universall Calamities ABout the same times when the Scythian War was raised against the Eastern-Romans the Country of Thracia and the Helespont were shaken with an Earthquake as was Ionia and likewise those Islands called the Cycladès in so much that in the Islands Cnidus and Coos very many buildings were overturned Further Priscus relates that at Constantinople and in the Country of the Bithynians there hapned most violent storms of rain the waters descending from heaven in the manner of Rivers for the space of three or four days And that mountains were levelled into Plains and Villages overwhelmed with waters perished Moreover that Islands arose in the Lake Boäne which is not far distant from Nicomedia from the vast quantity of dirt and filth conveyed into it But these things came to pass sometime afterwards CHAP. XV. Concerning the Marriage of Zeno and Ariadne MOreover Leo takes Zeno to be his Son in Law by giving him his daughter Ariadne in Marriage This person having from his Cradle been called Aricmesius after his Marriage assumed the name of Zeno from a certain person so named who had arrived at great glory amongst the Isauri But by what means this Zeno arrived at this heighth of Honour and on what account he was by Leo preferred before all persons Eustathius the Syrian has declared CHAP. XVI Concerning Anthemius Emperour of Rome and those Emperours who succeeded him BY reason of an Embassie of the Western Romans to Leo Anthemius by him is sent and created Emperour of Rome to whom Marcianus the preceding Emperour had married his own daughter Not long after Basiliscus brother of Verina the wife of Leo Augustus is sent Master of the Milice against Gizerichus with a choice Army of Souldiers All which have with great accuracy been recorded by Priscus the Rhetorician as likewise in what manner the same Emperour Leo killed Aspar who had invested him with the Empire whom he circumvented by Treachery rendring him this reward as 't were of his own promotion and his Sons Ardaburius and Patricius whom some time before he had created Caesar that he might possess himself of Aspar's favour and benevolence But after the murder of Anthemius who had Reigned five years at Rome Olybrius is proclaimed Emperour by Recimeres and after him Glycerius is made Emperour Whom Nepos having expelled during the space of five years holds the Empire and ordains Glycerius Bishop of the Romans at Salonae a City of Dalmatia Afterwards Nepos is driven from the Empire by Orestes and after him his Son Romulus surnamed Augustulus is made the last Emperour of Rome one thousand three hundred and three years after the Reign of Romulus After this Augustulus Odöacer rejecting the name of Emperour and styling himself King administred the affairs of the Romans CHAP. XVII Concerning the Death of Leo and the Empire of Leo Junior and also concerning Zeno his Father AT the same time the Emperour Leo ended his Reign at Byzantium after he had Governed the Empire seventeen years having declared Leo the son of his own daughter Ariadne and Zeno a very young child Emperour After his death his Father Zeno assumes the Purple Verina the wife of Leo giving him her assistance as being her son in Law The child Leo Junior dying not long after Zeno continued sole possessour of the Empire But what was transacted by him or against him and whatever else hapned in his times the following Book by God's assistance shall declare The End of the Second Book The matters agitated at the Synod convened at Chalcedon being reduced into an Epitome are these CHAP. XVIII An Epitome of the Acts at the Synod of Chalcedon set at the end of the Second Book PAschasinus and Lucentius Bishops and Boniphatius a Presbyter filled the place of Leo Pontif of the Elder Rome Anatolius being Prelate of Constantinople and Dioscorus Bishop of the Alexandrians Maximus also of Antioch and Juvenalis of Jerusalem and those Bishops about them were there Together with whom were present those personages who held the principall places in the eximious Senate of Constantinople To whom they who filled the place of Leo said that Dioscorus ought not to sit together with them in the Councill For this they said was given them in charge by Leo. And unless it were done that they would go forthwith out
that Zeno framed innumerable designes and intreagues even against Verina his own mother in Law and that after these things he banisht her into the Country of the Cilicians but that afterwards when Illus's Tyranny broke out Verina removed to that termed the Castle of Papirius and there ended her life Moreover the same Eustathius hath written the Affairs of Illus with much Eloquence how having been treacherously laid wait for by Zeno he made his escape and in what manner Zeno delivered up that person to Illus to be put to death whom he had ordered to murder Illus paying him with the loss of his head which reward Zeno gave him for his unsuccessfullness in that attempt Illus also was declared Master of the Oriental Milice by Zeno who made it his business to conceal those treacherous designes he had framed against Illus But Illus having taken into an association with himself Leontius and one Marsus a person eminent and skilfull and Pamprepius went into the Eastern parts Then the said Eustathius relates Leontius's being proclaimed Emperour which was done at Tarsus of Cilicia and also what these persons got by their Tyranny Theodoricus a person by original extract a Goth and who was a man of eminency amongst the Romans being sent against them with an Army consisting partly of Romans and partly of Barbarians The same Eustathius does very ingeniously describe the slaughter of these persons which in a cruell manner was effected by Zeno's order he repaying them with this reward for their Benevolence they had shown to himself and that Theodoricus made sensible of Zeno's treacherous designes against himself departed to the Seniour Rome But others affirm that Theodoricus made this journey into Italy by Zeno's perswasion and having vanquished Odoacer in an Engagement made himself Master of Rome and assumed to himself the name only of King CHAP. XXVIII Concerning Mammianus and the Structures built by him JOhannes the Rhetorician relates that during the Reign of Zeno one Mammianus from being a Sedentary Mechanick became an eminent person and arrived at the Senatorian Order and that this Mammianus built that Edifice termed The Antiphorum in the Suburb Daphne which place had before had Vines in it and was fit for Tillage opposite to the publick Bath wherein is erected a Brazen Statue with this Inscription MAMMIANUS A LOVER OF THE CITY The same Johannes adds that he raised two Royall Porticus's in the City for building very magnificent and beautified with the splendour and brightness of Stones And that between the two Royall Porticus's The Tetrapylum a middle Edifice was erected by him most exquisitely adorned with Columns and Brass I my self have seen the Royall Porticus's which together with their name do still retain the Remains of their former Beauty their flour being paved with Proconnesian Marble But the rest of the Building has nothing of excellency For by reason of those Calamities which have befaln them they have of late been repair'd nothing being added that might beautifie them But of The Tetrapylum erected by Mammianus we have not found so much as the very Foundation CHAP. XXIX Concerning Zeno's Death and the Proclaiming Anastasius Emperour FUrther Zeno dying Childless of a disease termed an Epilepsie after the seventeenth year of his Empire his brother Longinus who had arrived at great power entertained an hope that he should invest himself with the Empire But he proved unsuccesfull in his desires For Ariadne encircled Anastasius with the Imperial Crown who had not yet arrived at the Senatorian Order but was inrolled in that termed The Schole of the Silentiarii Moreover Eustathius relates that from the beginning of Diocletian's Empire to Zeno's death and the Proclaiming of Anastasius there passed Two hundred and seven years from the Empire of Augustus Five hundred thirty two years and seven months from the Reign of Alexander the Macedonian Eight hundred thirty two years and likewise seven months from the Reign of the Romans and Romulus One thousand fifty two years and moreover seven months from the destruction of Troy One thousand six hundred eighty and six years with seven months This Anastasius had his originall extract at the City Epidamnus which is now termed Dyrrachium and succeeded Zeno in his Empire and married his Wife Ariadne And in the first place he sends away Longinus Zeno's brother who bore the dignity of a Magister which Officer the Ancients termed The Prefect of the Offices in the Pallace into his own Country Then he gave many other Isaurians a like liberty of returning into their own Country who requested the same thing of him CHAP. XXX Concerning the Emperour Anastasius and how because he would not innovate any thing in relation to the Ecclesiastick Constitution the Churches over the whole world were filled with infinite disturbances and many of the Bishops for that reason were ejected FUrther This Anastasius being a person very studious to promote Peace would permit no innovation whatever to be made especially in relation to the Ecclesiastick Constitution and took all imaginable Courses both that the most Holy Churches might continue undisturbed and also that every person subject to his Government might enjoy a profound Peace all Animosity and Contention being far removed both from the Ecclesiastick and from the Civill State of affairs The Synod therefore at Chalcedon was in these times neither publickly asserted in the most Holy Churches nor yet wholly rejected but every one of the Prelates acted according to that Sentiment they had embraced And some of them couragiously defended what had been expounded in that Synod nor would they recede even from one syllable of it's determinations or admit of the alteration of one Letter but with much confidence separated from and would in no wise endure to communicate with those who admitted not of that Synod's Decrees But others not only embraced not the Synod at Chalcedon and the determinations made by it but also Anathematized it together with Leo's Epistle Othersome stifly adhered to Zeno's Henoticon which they did notwithstanding their disagreement amongst themselves concerning the one or the two Natures these being imposed upon by the composure of the Letters and those having a greater inclination to Peace and Unity In so much that the Churches of the whole world were divided into private Factions nor would the Prelates hold Communion one with another Hence hapned many Dissentions both in the East and in the Western parts and throughout Africa neither the Eastern Bishops keeping up a Society and Amity with the Western or those of Africa nor yet on the other hand these with the Eastern Prelates Moreover the matter proceeded to an higher Degree of absurdity For neither did the Eastern Prelates hold a Communion amongst their own selves nor would those who governed the Episcopall Chairs of Europe or Africa cherish a communion one with another much less with Strangers and Forreiners Which when the
some intervall of time after this Synod Eutychius is ejected and Johannes is placed in the Chair of the Constantinopolitane Church in his room This Johannes was born at Sirimis which is a Village scituate in the Cynegick Region in the Antiochian Territory CHAP. XXXIX That Justinian having forsaken the right Faith asserted the Body of our Lord to be incorruptible AT the same time Justinian deflected from the right High-way of Orthodox Sentiments and having entred a path untrodden by the Apostles and Fathers fell into Thorns and Brambles Wherewith being desirous to fill the Church he mist of his design the Lord having securely fenced the High-way with hedges not to be broken that Murderers and Thieves might not break in as if the wall had been faln and the Fence broken down and thus he fulfilled the Prophets Prediction Johannes therefore who was also termed Catelinus having succeeded Vigilius in the Bishoprick of the Elder Rome and Johannes born at Sirimis Governing the Constantinopolitane Church and Apolinaris that of Alexandria Anastasius successour to Domninus presiding over the Antiochian Church and over that at Jerusalem Macarius who was again restored to his own Chair when he had Anathematized Origen Didymus and Evagrius after Eustochius's deposition Justinian writes that which amongst the Romans is called an Edict wherein he has termed the Body of our Lord incorruptible and incapable of Naturall and irreprehensible passions affirming that our Lord ate in the same manner before his Passion as he did eat after his Resurrection his most holy Body having received no change or alteration from its very Formation in the Womb neither in the Voluntary and Naturall Passions nor yet after his Resurrection To which Assertions Justinian resolved to force the Prelates in all places to give their assent But when all of them affirmed that they earnestly expected the opinion of Anastasius Bishop of Antioch they thereby represt the Emperour 's first Attempt CHAP. XL. Concerning Anastasius Arch-Bishop of Antioch MOreover This Anastasius was a person both incomparably well skilled in the Sacred Scriptures and also accurate in his Moralls and way of living in so much that he would take consideration about the most triviall matters nor would he deflect at any time from a constancy and firmness much less in things momentous and which had a relation to the Deity it self And he had tempered his disposition so that neither an easiness of access to and conference with him might render him exposed to what was unmeet and inconvenient nor should an Austerity and Rigour make him inaccessible in relation to what was fit and rationall In conferences that were weighty and Serious he was of a ready ear and fluent Tongue But in discourses that were impertinent and superfluous he had his ears perfectly shut A bridle represt his tongue in such a manner that he measured his discourse with reason and rendred Silence far better than talke This person therefore Justinian makes an Attack against as against some inexpugnable Tower and sets upon him with all manner of Engines considering with himself that if he could ruine this Tower he should afterwards become Master of the City with ease enslave the Doctrine of the true Faith and lead captive the Sheep of Christ. But Anastasius by a divine heighth of mind raised himself so far above the Emperour for he stood upon a Rock of Faith not to be broken that by his own Relation sent to Justinian he openly contradicted him and in the same Relation demonstrated to him most perspicuously and with great eloquence that the Body of our Lord was corruptible in passions naturall and irreprehensible and that the Divine Apostles and Holy Fathers both thought and taught so The same answer he returned to the Monks of the First and Second Syria who had consulted him and he confirmed the minds of all persons and prepared for the Conflict reciting daily in the Church that saying of that Vessell of Election If any one preach any other Gospell unto you than that you have received though he be an Angell from Heaven let him be accursed Which words when all persons had weighed in their minds a very small number only excepted they imitated him The same Anastasius wrote a Valedictory Oration to the Antiochians after he had received information that Justinian was resolved to send him into Banishment Which Oration is deservedly delightfull and admirable for the elegancy of its words the abundance of its sententious expressions the frequent quotations of Sacred Scripture and for the Accommodateness of the History CHAP. XLI Concerning the death of Justinian BUt this Oration was not published God having provided some better thing for us For Justinian whilst he dictated a sentence of Deportation against Anastasius and the Prelates about him was invisibly wounded and ended his life after he had Reigned in all Thirty eight years and eight months The End of the Fourth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis And one of the EX-PRAEFECTS CHAP. I. Concerning the Election of the Emperour Justinus and concerning his Moralls WHen therefore Justinian in this manner had fill'd all places with Disquietude and Tumults and at the close of his Life had received the condign reward of such Actings he departed to the infernall punishments but Justinus his Sister's Son who was intrusted with the custody of the Imperial Pallace which Grand Officer the Roman Tongue terms Curopalates is invested with the purple after his death neither Justinian's departure nor the Election of Justinus having been made known to any person save to those that were his Confidents till such time as he appeared at the Ludi Circenses in order to his performing and undertaking what usually belongs to an Emperour After these Solemnities therefore were over when nothing of an opposition had in any wise been attempted against him he returned to the Pallace By the first Edict he promulged the Prelates who had been convened in all places were sent home to their own Sees in order to their worshipping God in the usuall and received manner no Innovation being made in relation to the Faith And this Action done by him was highly commendable But as to his Life he was dissolute and altogether a slave to Luxuries and obscene pleasures so ardent a lover also of other mens money that he sold all things for illegall gain and revered not the Deity even in the Ecclesiastick preferments which he made his markets of to any persons he could meet with and publickly proposed even these to sale Moreover being possest with two most contrary Vices Boldness and Sloth in the first place he caused his kinsman Justinus to be sent for a personage of an universall honour and esteem both for his skill in
King But God rewarded him forthwith by making him Lord and Master and the only Conquerour of all the Emperours that ever were alwaies invincible and insuperable and he advanced him to be so great an Emperour on account of his Victories and Trophies as no one is ever recorded to have been in former ages so happy and dear to God so pious and every way fortunate that with all facility imaginable he reduced more Nations to a Subjection under himself than the former Emperours had vanquished and continued possest of his Empire free from disturbance and disquietude to the very moment of his Expiration CHAP. VII Constantine compared with Cyrus King of the Persians and with Alexander the Macedonian ANcient History relates Cyrus King of the Persians to have been more renowned and glorious than all the Princes that ever were But the conclusion of his life 't is said was in no wise fortunate but reproachfull rather and ignominious in regard he was slain by a woman The Greeks tell us that Alexander King of the Macedonians vanquished innumerable Nations but before he had perfectly arrived at man's estate he ended his life by an untimely death and was taken off by Debauchery and Drunkenness He finished the whole course of his Life within the space of two and thirty years â— not much more than a third part of which years determined the time of his Reign He march't on through bloud and slaughter being a person that may be compared to thunder and incompassionately enslaved Nations and whole Cities without any respect had to Age. But when he was scarce arrived at the flower of his Age and whilst he bemoaned his Catamite Death approach't him on a sudden and took him off Childless without any Stock or Kindred before he had raised a family and in an Enemies Country far remote that he might not any longer be the Ruine of Mankind His Kingdom was immediately rent insunder each of his Servants striving to pull and tare off some part for themselves And yet this person is extolled for such mischiefs as these CHAP. VIII That he subdued almost the whole World BUt Our Emperour began to Reign from that year of his Age whereon the Macedonian ended his life and he lived twice as long as Alexander did but trebled the length of his Reign Further having cultivated his Army with the mild and modest Precepts of Piety he march't into Britannia and to those who dwell in the very Ocean which is diffused far and wide at the setting of the Sun He likewise subdued all Scythia which lyes under the North it self and is divided into innumerable Nations of Barbarians differing both in name and manners Moreover having extended his Empire to the utmost confines of the South to the Blemmyae namely and Aethiopians he look't upon a dominion over them who dwell at the rising Sun not to be forreign and inconvenient In fine having with the brightest rayes of Piety enlightned all mortalls inhabiting within the circumference of the whole Element of the Earth even to the utmost bounds of the Continent that is as far as the Outermost Indians and the Nations inhabiting round on every side he brought all the Reguli Ethnarchs and Satrapae of the Barbarous Nations under a subjection to himself all which gave him voluntary and joyfull Salutes sent him Embassies and Presents and put an high value upon his knowledge and friendship So that each person within his own Province paid him honour partly by Pictures and partly with Statues publickly dedicated to him and Constantine the only person of the Emperours was known and famous over the whole World Even as far as these Nations therefore he Proclaimed his own God by his Imperial Acclamations with all the freedome and liberty Imaginable CHAP. IX That he was the Son of a Pious Emperour and left his Empire to his Sons who were Emperours NOr performed he this by words only and was disappointed in the thing it self but proceeding on in all manner of Virtue he abounded with the various fruits of Piety oblieging his Friends with Magnificent Benefactions Governing by the Laws of Clemency and making his Empire easie and desirable to all his Subjects Till at length after long periods of years that God whom he worshipped Crowned him when wearied out by various Conflicts and Exercises with the Divine Rewards of an Immortality and from a mortall Kingdome translated him to an endless life which he hath treasured up with himself for holy Souls after he had raised him up three children who might succeed him in his Empire In this manner therefore the Imperiall Dignity descended to him from his Father and by the Law of Nature is reserved for his Children and for their descendants and like some paternall Inheritance shall henceforward be forever propagated and prolonged And indeed God himself who hath exalted this most blessed Emperour as yet conversant amongst us to divine Honours and hath adorned his Death with singular advantages proceeding from himself can only be a fit Writer of his Life in regard he has Recorded his Glorious Actions and Conflicts on Celestiall Tables and Monuments CHAP. X. That this History is necessary and advantagious to the Souls and Mindes of Men. BUt though I am convinc't of the difficulty of saying any thing befitting the Blessedness of so great a Person and that to be silent is safe and without danger nevertheless I count it necessary to consecrate to eternall Memory the Portraicture of a most pious Emperour drawn in the Colours of words in imitation of mortall Paint to the end I may clear my self of the imputation of sloth and negligence For I should be ashamed of my self should I not confer the utmost of my abilities though they are slender and mean on him who with a transcendency of piety honoured God Further 't is my Sentiment that this work will prove both advantagious to the life of man and necessary to my self also wherein are contained the Actions of a Great-minded Emperour which are highly acceptable to God the Supream King For how can it be otherwise than disgracefull that the Memory of a Nero and of some other Impious and Atheisticall Tyrants far worse than he should not have wanted indefatigable Writers who have adorned their Subjects which were ill Actions with a politeness and elegancy of Style and made them up into voluminous Histories but that we should be silent for whom God himself hath vouchsafed to procure such an Emperour as no Age hath seen and to whom he has allowed a liberty of coming into his presence to His knowledge and converse CHAP. XI That he will at present relate only the Pious Actions of Constantine WHerefore 't is certainly incumbent on us rather than on any other person to give a full Narrative of all the good things we have heard to those
whose minds by an example of good works are raised to a Love and desire of God Now those Authors who have put into writing the lives of men in no wise grave and sober and have Recorded Affairs wholly unusefull for the improvement of manners either out of favour or hatred to some persons or else to make a show of their own Learning with a magnifick furniture of words have otherwise than was fitting enlarged the Relations of most reproachfull Villanies and thereby have rendred themselves the Teachers of vile Actions and such as deserved to be buried in perpetuall oblivion and darkness to those who by Gods favour and impulse have had no hand in mischief But our Style though it is weak and altogether unfit for the greatness and significancy of what we are to set forth seems nevertheless to be polish't and illustrated even by the bare Relation of good Actions Nor is the commemoration of Works acceptable to God unusefull but it affords a very advantagious Lesson to those who shall have a mind rightly fitted and prepared Not to mention therefore very many of this Thrice blessed person's Imperiall Actions his Battells and Military Engagements his deeds of Valour Victories and Trophies raised against his Enemies and what ever Triumphs he Lead moreover the Constitutions made by him conducive to the utility of every person the Laws also he composed for the profit and advantage of his Subjects and the Government in fine many other of his Labours and Imperial Conflicts which are kept in memory by all persons all these particulars I say I think fit to omit in regard the Scope and Design of the Work under my hand admonishes me to declare and write those matters only which bear a reference to a Pious and Blessed course of life Further whereas even these particulars are almost infinite out of those matters which have come to my knowledge I will choose such passages only as are most sutable and seasonable and worthiest of being consigned to the Memory of Posterity and will give a Narrative of them with all possible brevity In regard the time it self doth henceforward allow us this Liberty that we may extoll this Thrice-blessed Emperour with all manner of Commendatory Expressions For a power of doing this was not permitted before now because it has been advised that we should not pronounce any person blessed before his Death by reason of the uncertain Turns and Changes of Life Wherefore I call God to be my Assistant and his Celestiall Word to cooperate with and inspire me and taking my beginning from this Emperour 's tender years I will enter upon my Relation in this manner CHAP. XII That Constantine like Moses was educated in the Houses of Tyrants ANcient History relates that a Cruell Brood of Tyrants did heretofore oppress the people of the Hebrews but that God shewing himself propitious to the oppressed made provision that the Prophet Moses who at that time was but an infant should be educated in the very Houses and Bosomes of the Tyrants and should be instructed in all the wisdom amongst them But afterwards when in process of time he arrived at Man's Estate and Divine Justice the usuall Defender of the injured had taken a resolution to prosecute the Oppressours then this Prophet of God departed out of the Tyrants Houses and exhibited himself a Minister of the Divine Will He abominated as well in reality as words the Tyrants by whom he had been educated but those who in very deed were his own Brethren and Relatives he declared to be his Friends and Familiars After this God constituted him the Leader of that whole Nation and freed the Hebrews indeed from that Servitude they were opprest with by their Enemies but by his means was revenged on that Tyrannick Brood by inflicting on them punishments sent from Heaven This Ancient Story I say which hath been delivered to many persons under the notion of a Fable has filled the ears of all Mortalls But now the same God who is also our God hath granted us a power of viewing with our own eyes such Miracles as far surpass all Fables which manner of Sight is accounted by those who of late have beheld iâ— to be truer than all sorts of Report or Hear-say For the Tyrants in our Age resolving upon waging a War against the supream God have sorely oppressed his Church But Constantine a person that not long after became the Tyrant slayer whilst he was a child youthfull and beautified with the Juvenile Down upon his Chin was in the midst of them like that Servant of God Moses and made his Residence within the very Houses of the Tyrants Nevertheless though very young he communicated not with the impious in the same Moralls and way of living For at that very Age a good disposition improved by the Divine Spirit incited him to a Life that was pious and highly acceptable to God Moreover a studious Emulation of his Father added strength thereto and invited the Son to an imitation of Virtues and good Actions For he had for his Father Constantius whose Memory 't is fit we should at this opportunity give a Resurrection to the Noblest of the Emperours in our Age. Concerning whom 't is necessary to relate some passages briefly which bear a reference to the commendation of his Son CHAP. XIII Concerning his Father Constantius who refused to persecute the Christians in such manner as Diocletianus Maximianus and Maxentius did WHilst the Roman Empire was Governed by Four Augusti He was the only person who embraced a course of Life different from his Colleagues and entred into a friendship with the supream God For they by a Siege as 't were ruined the Churches of God and demolished them to the ground and utterly destroyed the Oratories to their very foundations But he kept his hands undefiled and clean from their nefarious impiety nor would he in any wise render himself like to them They defiled the Provinces Subject to them with the intestine Murders of men and women who were worshippers of God He preserved his own mind from being polluted with such detestable wickedness They by a confusion of the mischiefs of a detestable Idolatry in the first place enslaved themselves and then all their Subjects in the frauds and errours of most impious Daemons He being the Authour and Preserver of a most profound Peace within the Limits of his own Empire permitted his Subjects to prosecute their Worship and Service to God without any the least trouble or molestation Lastly they imposed the heaviest sorts of exactions upon all men and thereby made Life comfortless to them and far more unpleasant than any sort of Death But Constantius was the only person who rendred his Government inoffensive calm and easie to his Subjects and gave them an assistance from himself in nothing inferiour to a paternall care and sollicitude Further because
therefore he rendred the whole time of his Reign even undisturbed and pacate and consecrated his whole Family his wife namely and children and all his servants to one God the supream King In so much that that Company which conversed together within the walls of his Pallace differed in nothing from a Church of God Amongst whom were Ministers of God also who performed uninterrupted Acts of worship to the Deity in behalf of the Emperour's safety when as commonly amongst the rest not so much as the bare name of those sort of men that were Religious was permitted to be mentioned CHAP. XVIII That after the Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian Constantius was the first Augustus and was adorned with a Numerous Issue FUrther in recompense of these things a reward from God attended him not long after in so much that he obtained the first and chiefest place of the Empire For those Augusti who were His Seniours by what means I know not divested themselves of their Imperial Dignity which sudden Change befell them on the first year after the demolishment of the Churches from whence forward only Constantius was declared the first and Chiefest Augustus Who at first was adorned with the Diadem of the Caesars together with Galerius and had obtained precedency but after he had given an Egregious Specimen of his own worth in that digniâ—y of Caesar he was invested with the highest honour amongst the Romans and was styled the First Augustus of those Four afterwards proclaimed Moreover he was the only person that excelled all the other Emperours in a numerous issue being surrounded with a great Quire of Children as well Males as Females Lastly after he had attained to a mature old Age and being ready to pay the Common debt of Nature was at the point of making his departure out of this life then did God again demonstrate himself to him the performer of wonderfull Works and by his providence took care that Constantine the eldest of his Sons should be present with him at his Death in order to his taking possession of the Empire CHAP. XIX Concerning his Son Constantine who when a young man came into Palestine together with Diocletian FOr he convers't with the Emperours who were his Father's Colleagues and made his Residence amongst them agreeable to that ancient Prophet of the Lord Moses as we have already said And having newly past over his years of childhood and arrived at those of his youth he was vouchsafed the highest honour and esteem amongst the foresaid Emperours At which Age of his we Our Selves saw him when he past through the Province of Palestine in Company with the Senior Augustus At whose right hand he stood and appeared a most excellent and glorious person to those who were desirous of seeing him and such a one as even then gave indications of an Imperial height of mind For as to the beautifull shape of his body and his tallness of Stature there was no other person that might be compared to him Moreover he so far excelled his equalls in strength and courage that he was a terrour to them But he was far more illustrious and eminent for the Virtues of his mind than for his bodily endowments and accomplishments And in the first place he beautified his mind with modesty after that with Polite Literature and as well an innate prudence as a wisdome infused from above adorned him in a most transcendent manner CHAP. XX. The departure of Constantine to his Father because of Diocletian's treacherous designes against him FUrther when the then Emperours perceived that the Young man was Couragious strong and Great and endewed with an height and vigour of mind they were wounded with fear and envy They watch't therefore in expectation of a fit opportunity wherein agreeable to their desire they might involve him in ignominy and disgrace Which the young man being sensible of for the treacherous designes which had been once and twice framed against him by the consent and appointment of God were discovered He opened away to his own safety by flying and herein likewise he imitated the great Prophet Moses Further God gave him his assistance in all things and by his Divine providence disposed affairs in such a manner that he should be present with his Father in order to his succeeding him in the Empire CHAP. XXI The Death of Constantius who left his Son Constantine Emperour WHen therefore he had avoided these Treacherous contrivances he made all imaginable hast to his Father into whose presence he came after a long space of time At that instant of his arrivall his Father was at the very point of dying When therefore Constantius beheld his Son present with him whom he did not in the least expect he leapt from his Bed and cast his arms about him and affirming that that only Grief which troubled him now ready to conclude his life to wit the absence of his Son was wholly removed out of his mind he put up a prayer of thanks to God and said that now he accounted Death to be better for him than Immortality Further when he had disposed of his affairs in a manner agreeable to his own mind and had taken leave of his Sons and Daughters who like a Quire surrounded him on every side He ended his life in his Pallace lying on his Royall Bed after he had surrendred the Administration of his Empire agreeable to the Law of Nature into the hands of his eldest Son CHAP. XXII How after the Death of Constantius the Army saluted Constantine Augustus NOr did the State continue deprived of an Emperour But Constantine was adorned with his Fathers Purple and proceeding forth of his Father's House gave all men a demonstration that by a resurrection as 't were the Father continued as yet to Reign in him his Son Then he lead out his Father's Funerall accompanied with the Friends of his Father some of whom went before others followed and with all the splendour imaginable celebrated the Obsequies of that Pious Prince All persons honoured the Thrice-blessed Emperour with Acclamations and Praises and agreed in an unanimous consent that the succession of the Son in the Empire was a Resurrection of the dead Father And forthwith even at the first word they Saluted the young Prince Emperour and Augustus with fortunate Acclamations Which expressions uttered in praise of the Son were an ornament indeed to the dead Emperour but they loudly proclaimed the Son Blessed who was declared the Successour to so great a Father Moreover all the Provinces subject to his Empire were filled with gladness and a joy that was inexpressible because they had not during the smallest moment of time been deprived of the assistance of an Imperiall Providence and inspection Thus in the Emperour Constantius God gave a demonstration to all persons of our Age that
Sirmium 268. 1. Glicerius the Emperour was not made Bishop of Portue but of Salonae 436. 1 2. Golden-Rod usually carried before the Roman Emperours 499. 1 2. Gospel according to the Hebrews 43. 1. Gospel of Basilides 52. 2. Gregorius Bishop of Alexandria how many years he sate Bishop 251. 1. Gregorius Nazianzenus his three Bishopricks 321. 2. 331. 1. Gynacea 558. 1. H. HAdrian the Emperour built a Temple to Venus on mount Calvary 224. 1. Hanniballianus 667. 2. Heathens how they consecrated the Images of their Gods 173. 1. Hegâ—sippus was Irenaeus's Contemporary 53. 1. Helena her death what year it hapned 593. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies that age which is fit for warfare 168. 1. Henoticon or Zeno's Edict about uniting the Churches is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 455. 1. Heraâ—s a Catechumen 94. 1. Hereticks whither they may lawfully be persecuted 370. 2. Hermodactylus what manner of plant it was 525. 2. the root of it good for those that are troubled with the Gout in the Joynts or fingers ibid. Hermogenes an Heretick 65. 1. what his Heresie was ibid. Herod the Great was no Forreigner but a Jew 8. â— after his death his kingdom was divided into three parts 12. 1. Herod called also Agrippa who he was 19. 2. what children he had 20. 2. Hexapla of Origen whence so called 99. 1. 99. 2. Hierocles Praefect of Egypt against whom Eusebius wrote 161. 2. Hierophantae were never called by their own name by those whom they had initiated 664. 1. High-Priest so every person was called as long as he lived who had once born that office 12. 2. They wore a plate of Gold 45. 2. Hilarius and Athanasius differ in opinion concerning the Draughts of the Creed drawn up by the Easterns 266. 1 2. Hippolytus Bishop of Portue 102. 2. His Paschal-Canon is part of his book concerning Easter 103. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104. 1. Honoratus was the first Praefect of Constantinople 281. 1. Honorati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 630. 2. Hosanna what it signifies 28. 1. Hosius subscribed first to the Nicene Synod 227. 1. Hyacinthides virgins at Athens who they were 690. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Prefecti Praetorio 606. 2. Hypatia the Philosopheress probably was Theon's daughter 376. 1. by whose means she was murdered 376. 2. Hypatianus when made Bishop of Heraclea 266. 1. Hypodiaconi or Sub-deacons kept the doors of the Church 191. 1. Hypomnematographer an office born by Lucian at Alexandria 122. 2. I. JAcobus the Monk to whom the Emperour Leo wrote whither Jacobus Nisibenus 432. 1. James the brother of our Lord whether one of the twelve Apostles 13. 2. whether the son of Joseph 16. 1. what is the meaning of his surname Oblias 27. 2. in what year he suffered Martyrdom 28. 2 James ordained Bishop of Jerusalem by Christ. 126. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who termed so amongst the Greeks 375. 2. Iconium the Synod there when convened 119. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Egyptians who they were 36. 1. Jerusalem Bishop's authority 263. 1. Jews how their families came to be so confused 9. 1. their Genealogies were not burnt by Herod 10. 1. they had private copies of their Genealogies ibid. they pray'd to God with their eyes turned towards the Temple 33. 2. they were permitted to enter Jerusalem but once in a year 52. 1. their seaven Herefies 63. 2. Their Archisynagogi Presbyters Deacons Patriarchs 121. 1 at their Feasts the Gentiles were present also 28. 1. Their dispersion and the reasons of it 30. 2 c. a Jew in secret or inwardly 167. 1. How they divided the night and day 35. 2. Image of Christ at Edessa 489. 1. Indians converted to the faith of Christ by Frumentius in Constantius's reign 232. 1 2. Interregnum of three months after the death of Constantine the Great 630. 2. Johannes is ordained Bishop of Alexandria at Constantinople by Johannes Scholasticus Patriarch of Constantinople 503. 1. Johannes Apamenus Bishop of Antioch after Petrus Fullo 453. 2. Johannes Codonatus Bishop of Antioch 457. 1. Johannes Rhetor the Historian not the same person with Johannes of Epiphania the Historian 413. 2 c. Johannes Tabennesiota Bishop of Alexandria whence so called 454. 2. He was Oeconomus of the Alexandrian Church ibid. a place in Liberatus concerning him is mended ibid. He did not appeal to Pope Simplicius 456. 2. John the Baptist's Church in the City Alexandria was the Great Church 454. 2. Josephus's History of the Jewish wars transcribed by Titus's own hand 37. 2. Josephus's book concerning his own Life is part of his twentieth book of Antiquities 37. 2. His books of History otherwise divided than now they are 11. 1. Josepus so the Ancients called Josephus 12. 2. Jovius Maximinus 178. 1. his third Consulate 181. 2. Irenaeus whether he brought the Letters of the Martyrs to Rome 75. 2. In what year he was ordained Bishop 76. 2. His Synodick Letter 87. 2. Irenarch or Eirenarch 57. 2. Irene two Churches at Constantinople called by that name the one the old the other the new 247. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Copy 584. 1. Judas of Galile or Gaulanites when he made his insurrection 8. 1. He was Founder of the Sect of the Galilaeans 63. 2. Judas whether the brother of our Lord. 39. 2. Julian the Emperour called Bull-burner 297. 2. Julianus the Bishop of Rome's substitute in the second Ephesine Synod was Bishop of Coe not of Puteoli 409. 1. Justice its eye 699. 1. Justinian's Vandalic Expedition on what year of Christio was undertaken 484. 2. Justin the Martyr's first Apology according to Eusebius is that which is commonly entitled his second and on the contrary his 〈◊〉 his first 21. 2 60. 1. 61 1. Justin's second Apology commonly entitled his first was dedicated to Antoninus pius 61. 1. Justin was Martyred in the Reign of Pius ibid. Justinus Senior is by some termed a Thracian by others an Illyrian 477. 1. Before he was Emperour he was Comes of the Excuâ—iâ—â— or Guards ibid. Justinus Junior how many years he reigned 513. 1. Justus Tiberiensis and his books 37. 2. K. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Matricula or Koll of the Church-officers 342. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 101. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coemiteries 122. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 59. 2. L. LAcunaria 588. 1. Laicks when about to receive the Sacrament heretofore came up to the Altar 120. 2. before Bishops and Monks that were eminent for piety of Life the Laicks were wont to bow their heads that they might receive a blessing 493. 2. Lampadarii or Light-bearers 665. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Torches 613. 2. Latiare Sacrum at Rome 690. 1. Laura what it is and wherein it differs from a Monastery 417. 2. Laws of the Emperours Constantine and Theodosius concerning burning the books of
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it was amongst the Alexandrians 375. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decurions 576. 1. Polycarp whether he came to Rome on account of the controversie concerning Easter 88. 2. In what year he came to Rome ibid. The day of his Martyrdom 60. â— Porphyrius why called Malchus and Bataneotes 100. when he lived ibid. Potamius Bishop of Lysbone was banished together with Hosius 268. 1. Power or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used but concerning the Greater Judges 536. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium and the other Judges prefixed the Emperours Letters before their own Edicts 179. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium had the title of Clarissimi in Constantine's time 587. 2. 606. 2. Praefecture of the Praetorium was the highest of all dignities 47â— 1. it had two Chests 475. 1. also Numerarii of Gold 471. 1. Praenetum the name of a Town variously written 364. 2. Praepositi Laborum or rather Laboru that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Laborum 554. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 41. 2. Presbyters performed the publick prayers together with the Bishop 410. 2. Presbyters were not ordained without the consent of the Clergy and people 114. 1. Presbyters were termed Priests of the second Order 191. 2. 194. 2 c. Presbyter whom Constantia at her death recommended to Constantine who he was 236. 2 243. 2. Praesens Numen present deity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18. 2. Praesentes or Praesentales Milites present Milice who they were 477. 2. The Greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. Priscus Rhetor the Historian was a Thracian born at Panium a Town in Thracia 436. 1. a passage in Theophanes in mended ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to instruct to cultivate 623. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Village at some distance from a City 123. 2. Proclus Chief of the Sect of the Cataphrygians 29. 2. Proconsul of Thracia 281. 1. Procopius two Martyrs of that name 157. 1. Procurators of the familia Gladiatoria or company of the Gladiatours 163. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 663. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to propose the name of a person to be ordained 220. â— 603. 1. Prophetae so the High-priests amongst the Egyptians were termed 53. 1. Prophets that are true how to be distinguished from the false one 82. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live according to example 647. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proseuchae of the Jews 18. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take pains 405. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bear the changes of fortune ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligence attention 457. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it imports 41. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let it be published it was a word which the Emperours added to their Laws 604. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to publish an Edict 516. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief or first of the Presbyters 359. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Provost or Chief â—87 1. Psalmâ— or 〈◊〉 when first in use in the Church 23. 2. 90. â— Psalms called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129. 2. Q. QUadratus Proconsul of Asia under whom Polycarp suffered Martyrdom in what year he bore the proconsulate 57. 2 c. Quadratus Bishop of Athens a different person from Quadratus the disciple of the Apostles 64. 1. Quaternions and Ternions 618. 2. Quirinius or Gyrenius when president of Syria â— 1. Quirus instead of Cyrus and Quinegius for Cynegius 466. 1. R. REcusatory-Libels wherein Patriarchs requested of the Emperour that they might have leave to relinquish their Bishopricks 479. 1. Regius Morbus to signifie the Leprosie 9â— 2. Religion of the Christians defined 658. 1. Rhetoricians were initiated by a certain rite 374. 2. the Rhetorician's Pallium ibid. and 389. 2. Rhossus or Rhosse a City of Cilicia 97. 1. Roman-Church their Liberality and Bounty towards the poor 118 â— Romans when they left off burning their dead 1â—6 â— Rufinus's Letter to Ursacius 108. 1. S. SAbaiarius a Nick-name given to Valens by the Citizens of Chalcedon 308. 1. Sabbaâ—um magnum or the Great Sabbath what it is 57. 2. Sabbath not kept as a fasting-day amongst the Romans in Lent 346. 1. nor in the Ember-weeks 348. 1. Sabellians Hereticks 119. 1. Sacerdotes Provinciae the Chief-priests of a Province 150. 1. 173. 1. Sacred Scripture a threefold difference of the books thereof 43. 1. Sacrifices of the Heathens were not totally abolished by Constantine 613. 2. Schismaticks returning to the Church were more kindly received than Hereticks 604. 2. Scholastici Advocates 357. 1. Scholia what meant by that word 62. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it means 105. 1. Scribes amongst the Jews were the Keepers and Expounders of the Law 35. â— c. Scythae so the Greeks call them whom the Latines tâ—rm Goths 578. 1. 607. 2. Secretum what it was 134. 1. Secular Judges who were present at a Council when criminal matters were under debate pronounced sentence but in a matter of faith they concerned not themselves 424. 1. 439. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to calumniate or extort 133. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Chappell wherein was the Tomb of a Martyr 422. 2. Selâ—ucus was called Nicaror not Nicanor 505. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Excepta excerptions 440. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 84. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Origen ought in Latine to be termed Excepta not excerpta 440. 1. Senate for an house or court 366. 2. Septuagint Translation when made 78. 1. whether they translated all the books of Scripture ibid. and whether in separate cells ibid. Serapis in what manner worshipped by the Egyptian Priests 340. 1 2. why he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. His Temple when demolished ibid. Serdican-Council how many Bishops present at it 257. 1. 〈◊〉 a passage in him mended 407. 2. 〈◊〉 Augustus was called also Serpentius or Serpentinus 429. 1. Showes amongst the Romans were ordinary and extraordinary 72. 1. Sibylls whether they foretold things by divine inspiration 652. 2 c. Signes of the Zodiack were by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45. 1. Silentiarii who they were 432. 1. Simon Magus's death when it hapned 22. 1. Sirmium three Synods there and their three Draughts of the Creed 266. 2. Sirmium-Synods in what years convened ibid. and 269. 1. Sitting the usual posture of mourners amongst the Jews 20. 2. Socrates seems to have been a Novatianist 367. 2. whether he was a Novatianist 277. 1. Son of God was by antient Divines termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 645. 2. He is termed The Middle between the Father and things created 683. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Solomon's Book of Proverbs was called 64. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lay hands on or ordain 114. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sepulchral Monuments 2â— 1. 28. 2. Stephen the Deacon on what year he suffered Martyrdom 15. â— Stephen the Pope whether he
Christ the first according to Eusebius 139. 2. Z. ZEla a City of Cappadocia 303. 2. Zeno whether Bishop of Majuma 354. 1 2. Zozimus the Historian did not live in the Times of Theodosius Junior 472. 2 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE END Books Printed for and Sould by Hannah Sawbridge at the Bible on Ludgate Hill Folio THE Lives of the Noble Graecians and Romans by that Learned Historiographer Plutarch Translated from the Original with the Addition of the Lives of many Eminent Persons and their Effigies Engraven in Copper Plates A Chronicle of the Kings of England containing all the passages of State and Church by the famous Sir Richard Baker Knight with a continuation of all material Affairs of State to this time Astronomia Britannica Authore Vincentio Wing In qua hi Quinque Tractatus traduntur I. Logistica Astronomica II. Trigonometria III. Doctrina Sphaerica IV. Theoria Planetarum V. Tabulae Novae Astronomicae Riverus Practice of Physick in 17 severall Books Translated into English by Nicholas Culpeper Phys. and Astr. Abadiah Cole Doct. Phys. and William Rowland Physician Anatomy Riolanus Bartholinus Veslingus All three Translated by Nicholas Culpeper Gent. Student in Physick and Astrology The Compleat Surveyor containing the whole Art of Surveying Land by William Leybourne Cambridge Concordance with Additions being the compleatest extant by S. N. A Large Bible Cambridge print fit for Churches Doctor Holiâ—kes Large Dictionary being the best and largest in Print Gallileus's Mathematical System of the World with Cuts Englished by T. Salsbury Esq Learned Cooks Comment on Litletons Tenures Maynards Edward the 2d. Doctor Cowels Interpreter with T. Manlys Additions Corrected from former Errors Now in the Press Morgans Heraldry Epitomized a large sheet Dyers Reports with 2 Tables Townsends Tables C. L. Physick Refined being the Works of that famous and profound Philosopher and Chymical Physician John Baptista Van Helmot The Year Books Compleat J. Rolls Abridgement Rastalls Entries Cooks Reports French Entries Doctor Heylins Life of Bishop Laud. Quarto Gouldman's Dictionary Thesaurus Graecae Linguae c. by W. Robertson A. M. Thesaurus Linguae Sanctae c. by W. Robertson A. M. With many other Quarto Books and Books of lesser Volumes which we have not room here to insert His Epistle Dedicatory to Robert E. of Leicester bears date December the 15 th 1584. He dyed at Dublin of the plague anno 1604. See Fuller's Worthies of Wales Flintshire pag. 39. See Godwiâ— de Prâ—sulibus Angliae pag. 561 and Fuller's Worthies Lancashire a Valesius Dedicated His first Volume which contains Eusebius's Ten Books of History His Life of Constantine Constantine's Oration and His Own to the Arch-Bishops Bishops and the whole Clergy of the Gallican Church b See Origen's Works second part pag. 46. Edit Paris 1619. a He allowed Valesius a yearly pension of 1500 Livers which sum the Cardinal sent him yearly as long as he lived and by his Will continued it till Valesius's death See Valesius's Life written by his Brother Hadrian b See Amm. Marcellinus Book 14. pag. 14. Edit Paris 1636. c Or Cryers a Scholia b He means the distinguishing the Periods one from another and the Clauses and Members of each period by poynts c Full poynt a Chap. 1. Pag. 45. Edit Paris 1590. b A pause c Actuâ— verborum d Comma's e He means the French Clergy f In His Epistle Dedicatory g Chap. 40. h Or Critical Art a These four Dissertations are published at the Latter end of Valesius's first Volume of the Ecclesiastick Historians a Eccles. Hist. Book 2. Chap. 4. b See Chap. 19. c Chap. 43. where see Note a. d See Chap. 2â— at the Beginning e Eusebius's f Book 7. Chap. 26. g Which occurs in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist. Book 1. Chap. 5. Edit Vales. h Chap. 32. a Chap. 4. where see Note â— b The Remembrance of c. c His other Life d Or Right e Chap. 3â— towards the end f Chap. 4. a He should have said his fiâ—th Book where see Chap. 2 and 3. p. 307 c. Ediâ— Thys b Chap. 32. c See Chap. 4. where Eusebius has inserted this his Speech d Valesius after this his account of Eusebius's Life writings adds a Collection which he had made himself of the Testimonies of the Ancients both for and against Eusebius a translation whereof into English was lookt upon as needless e Chap. 6. a Or Wing b Chap. 1. where see Note a. c Chap. 11. d Chap. 19. e Or Form of Faith f See this Letter in Socrates Book 1. Chap. 8. pag. 217 c. of our English Version g See the Story in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist. Book 1. Chap. 21. Edit Vales. h See Life of Constantine Book 3. Chap. 59. note c. i This calumny the Melitians fram'd instigated by Eusebius of Nicomedia as Athanasius tells us in his Apology to Constantius See his Works Tom. 1. p. 778. Ediâ— Paris 1627. k That is sacrifice to Idols a Chap. 46. b Life of Constant. Book 1. Chap. 28 30. c Id. B. 4. Chap. 36. d Book 4. Chap. 34 35. e Eccles. Hist. B. 2. Chap. 20. where see Nese k. f Chap. 4. 5. g In his Preface to his Comments on Daniel h Chap. 19. a Book 1. Chap. 1. b Twentieth year of His Empire c Chap. 8. d Judge or give sentence e Double-Tongue'd See Sâ—crat Book 1. Chap. 23. a In His Martyrology b In Epist. tertiâ ad Eliam Aqueleïensem alios Episcopos Istriae c See his defence of him in Book 2. Chap. 21. d Book 2. De Synod Nicaenâ Chap. 1. d See Scaliger's Elench Trihâ—res chap. 27 and Book 6. De Emend Temp. chap. 1. about the end and his Animadversions on Eusebius's Chronicon pag. 8. a I cannot approve of Christophorsons translat on who renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Provinces Neither am I pleased with the amendment of Curterius or whoever it was that translated it Churches Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Church amongst Christian Writers and particularly in our Eusebius not in one place The original of which signification came from hence as I judge because the Church is as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Stranger or Sojourner in the earth but its Country and freedom is in heaven Hence we often meet with this phrase in our Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Book 4. B 4. Chap. 23. And Clemens in His Epist. to the Corinthians writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But in this place of Eusebius we must not translate this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Churches For then the same word must be repeated twice in the same clause thus Who have governed and presided over the Church especially in the most famous Churches I should rather translate it Cities or Sees or with Rufinus in celeberrimis locis in the most famous places Sometimes this word is taken for
sacrifice for religious duties viz. their Proscuchae and Synagogucs the difference between them was this the Proseucha was a Plot of ground encompassed with a wall or some other inclosure and open above the use of it was properly for prayer a Synagogue was a covered edifice where the Law and Prophets were read and expounded and the people instructed in divine matters besides the Synagogues were within the Proscuchae without the Cities They were in use before the Captivity as may be gathered from Jos. 24. 26. Psal. 74. 7. See Acts 16. 13. M r Mede c So Caligula was called to distinguish him from Jullus Caesar who was also called Caius and was deified Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conspicuous Valesius translates it praesens praesentes dii sunt vel qui statim praestant vel qui coluntur videntur Donat. in Terent. Phorm That is the Propitious or Conspicuous gods were such as were at hand or such as were visible to the worshippers Hence Antiochus King of Syria was called Epiphanes by his flatterers e Valesius thinks that by this Second Book of Virtues must be understood Philo's Book in Flaccum and his reason is because Philo does no where else but in that Book relate the calamities that befell the Jews of Alexandria f Jos. Bell. Jud. L. 2. c. 8. * Joh. 19. 15. g In this place Eusebius is mistaken in that he thought that those things which Josephus relates concerning the images of Tiberius brought into the City of Jerusalem by Pilate happened after the death of Christ. But Josephus attests in the 2 d B. of the Jewish wars and in his 18 B. Antiq. that this happened at the beginning of Pilates Government Now Pilate was sent by Tiberius into Judea in the twelsth year of his Reign It s absurd therefore to say that those mischiefs which befell the Jews long before Christs death happened to them for no other cause than for their wickedness committed against Christ. Besides Eusebius thought that one and the same Act of Pilate's was mentioned both by Philo and Josephus But Josephus speaks of the Images of the Emperour and Philo of the guilded Bucklers which had no image but onely the name of the Emperour to whom they were dedicated and Pilate's name that made that dedication Moreover what Josephus relates happened in the first year of Pilates Government but what Philo reports came to pass when Pilate had been many years Governour Vales. h Corban comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies promiscuously to draw nigh and to offer the Evangelist renders Corban a gift Matth. 15. v. 5. i. e. that which is presented and consecrated to God in the Temple it signifies also the place where the Offerings so called were laid up D r Hammond a That is by reason of despair This is confirmed by Eusebius in his Chronicon In the third year of Caius Caligula says he P. Pilate falling into great troubles killed himself King Agrippa apud Philon. in Legat. ad Caium gives this description of this Pilate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is he was of an inflexible nature and withall arrogant and cruel which testimony is so much the more considerable because it came out of Agrippa's mouth who was an eye-witness of Pilates detestable acts A character well befitting him that condemned our Saviour Vales. b There were amongst the Grecians games instituted for the exercise of their youth to the honour of Jupiter Olympus neer unto whose Temple they were performed in the Olympian field The time was as onely Pindar has revealed at the full moon which followed the Summer Solstice They were celebrated every fifth year and the interval was called an OLYMPIAD consisting of four Julian years and the ódd Bissextile day The restitution of these Games by Iphitus is so much more taken notice of than the first celebration by Hercules That this which was many years after is yet accounted for the first Olympiad upon which the Grecian Chronology fixeth it self as upon the certain term to which their reckoning does refer See M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford de Aeris Epoch Acts 11. 28 29 30. Acts 12. 1 2. a It was usual for those that were accused to be brought before the judgment-seat by a Souldier or Apparator the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will bear that sense as well as Accuser but we have translated it Accuser upon the account of Clemens his following words saying that this person asked James forgiveness which if he had accused him he had reason to doe but had he been onely an Officer or Souldier and had done no more but brought in James before the judge he may seem to have done no more then the duty of his place what he was commanded and so needed not have asked James forgiveness Vales. * Acts 12. 3. c. b This Herod called also Agrippa was eldest son to Aristobulus by Bernice his Wife daughter of ' Salome Sister to Herod the great which Aristobulus was eldest son to Herod the great by his Wife Mariamne the Assamonean See Montagues Acts and Mon. chap. 4. Sect. 34. So that this Herod was Grandchild to Herod the great Joseph Antiq. B. 18. c. 7. * Joseph Antiq. B. 19. c. 7. a This Festival was instituted first by Herod the great in honour of Augustus in the 192 Olympiad says Josephus Antiq. L. 16. c. 9. at the City Caesarea Agrippa went to Caesarea to celebrate it in the 4 year of Claudius at the beginning of the 206 Olympiad Vales. b He means Syria or which was part of it Phoenicia which was called the Province to distinguish it from Judea where Agrippa then reigned Indeed Luke says expresly Acts 12. 20. that the principal men of Tyre were then present which Tyre was the chief City of Phoenicia Vales. c Josephus calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an owl See his words in the B. and chap. last cited d To wit in the reign of Tiberius when Agrippa being in bonds and leaning against a tree as he stood before the palace of Tiberius saw an owl sitting over his head A German being by one of his fellow prisoners foretold this to portend great felicity to Agrippa See the story at large in Joseph Antiq. B. 18. c. 8. e This was the usual posture of the Hebrew mourners See Job 2. 3. Esai 47. 5. Lament 2. 10. Jonah 3. 6 c. consonant hereunto the Reverses of the medalls both of Vespasian and Titus made for the memory and celebration of the conquest of Judea were imprinted with a silent woman sitting on the ground and leaning her back to a palm-tree with this inscription Judaea Capta i. e. Judea subdued Note here that the Reverses made to commit victories to memory were always written upon with some representation of proper respect to the place conquered I know the posture of sitting is a ceremony of Roman lamentation too But it was first used among the Jews from whom the
he found Aquila and Priscilla there who were lately come from Italy thither upon account of the Edict of Claudius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome as it is in the 18 chap. Acts. From all this its apparent that there was a good distance of time between the Council held at Jerusalem and the Edict of Claudius in which space all this we have related was dispatcht by Paul the Apostle In Chronico Alexandrino the Council at Jerusalem is placed on the sixth year of Claudius he had better have said the seventh For so all things agree exactly For Paul staid at Antioch the remaining months of that year wherein the Council was then the following year he travelled through Syria Cilicia Phrygia and Galatia At length in the ninth year of Claudius he came into Greece Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is at which time Aquila c. for it may be read in two words thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I found it written in the Kings and the Fuk. M. SS Vales. a The same number he sets down in his Chronicon But Josephus in his 2 B. of the Jewish wars says there was somewhat more than ten thousand killed But in his 20 th B. of Antiquities which work he compiled after his History he accounts the number of the slain to be twenty thousand Which number I would rather agree too because these Books as I said were written last by him Vales. b This Agrippa the younger to speak properly was never King of the Jews For after the death of Agrippa his father who dyed the fourth year of Claudius Claudius took him being very young and kept him with him neither did he permit him to succeed in his fathers Kingdom Afterwards Herod the King of Chalcis being dead Claudius gave Agrippa his Uncle's Kingdom which when he had held four years Claudius in the twelfth year of his Reign gave him Thraconitis which was the Tetrarchie of Philip and also the Kingdom of Lysanias having first taken Chalcis from him He transferred to him also the authority over the Temple and the power of electing the High-priests which his Uncle Herod had A little after Nero added to his Kingdom part of Galilce as Josephus writes in his twentieth B. of Antiq. Which being thus its apparent Eusebius was mistaken who wrote both here and in his Chronicon that Agrippa the younger succeeded in his fathers Kingdom presently after the death of his father and was made King of the Jews by Claudius Although Eusebius says not here expresly that he was by Claudius made King presently after his fathers death Indeed out of Josephus it may be evidently shown that the younger Agrippa was not made King immediately after his fathers death For in his second Book of the Jewish wars chap. 13 he makes the twelfth year of Nero wherein the Jewish war began to be the same with the seventeenth of King Agrippa Therefore the younger Agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of Claudius Moreover I will not deny that he was King of the Jews seeing he was King of Galilce and is by Justus reckoned among the Kings of the Jews But I deny that ever he was King of Judea For after the death of the Seniour Agrippa which happened in the fourth year of Claudius Judea was brought into the form of a Province and every year the Procuratours of Caesar were sent thither as Josephus relates Vales. c In the Chronicon of Eusebius Felix is said to have been sent Procuratour into Judea by Claudius in the eleventh year of his Reign But in Scaligers Edition of that work it is more rightly placed on the tenth year of Claudius Yet it seems to be truer that Felix was sent into Judea in the ninth of Claudius For Tracitus in his twelfth Book says That Felix was lately set over the Jews Sulla and Otho being Consuls which was the tenth year of Claudius and in Acts 24. Paul pleading his cause before this same Felix which was done on the thirteenth year of Claudius speaks thus to him For as much as I know that thou hast been for many years a judge unto this Nation Moreover Rufinus is mistaken in that he thinks these are Josephus's words when as it appears that they indeed are Eusebius's Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so it is in Josephus Gelenius renders it enemies which I like not For Josephus by that term means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most eminent Personages Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to attend too or observe In this sense Eusebius uses the word chap. 18. of this Book and in B. 3. chap. 24. This word occurs in Athenaeus Polybius and others Vales. * Acts 21. 38. See Josephus Antiq. B. 20. c. 6 7. See also D r Hammond on Acts 21. 38. b Josephus says there were thirty thousand men which is so to be understood as that the number of the whole multitude was 30000 of which 4000 onely were murtherers And so Josephus will be reconciled to Luke But I agree not with Eusebius who writes that this was done in Nero's time For in Acts 21 this Egyptian is said to have been overthrown a little before Pauls coming to Jerusalem Now Paul came thither in the last year of Claudius which may be gathered from the 24 chap. Acts where Luke writes that Portius Festus was sent as successour to Felix Seeing therefore Festus was sent into Judea in the second year of Nero the overthrow of this Egyptian must necessarily fall on the last year of Claudius The narration of Josephus who seems to refer all this to the times of Nero deceived Eusebius But Eusebius ought to have considered that Josephus does in that place relate all the Acts of Felix together as well what he did under Claudius as what under Nero. Vales. a Indeed this place is very obscure and therefore Musculus as also D r Hanmer omitted it But having considered upon it long and much at length I apprehended the true sense of this place Eusebius therefore says that from the second Epistle of Paul to Timothy this may be gathered to wit that Paul in his first defence was acquitted by the Judges sentence but afterward at his second defence he was condemned The former part hereof he apparently manifests in these words At my first defence no man stood with me and whenas he says I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon which is as much as if he had said I was snatcht from Nero's jaws But Paul speaks far otherwise of his second accusation For he does not say The Lord delivered me out of the mouth of the Lyon as he had said before For he foresaw God revealing it to him that he should by no means any longer avoid the sword of the persecutour but should end his life by a glorious martyrdom Therefore when he had said of his first accusation I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon concerning his
second with which he was then charged he adds these words The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom apparently manifesting his death by these words This is the meaning of this place which neither the translatours nor I my self at first understood Wherefore in the words of Eusebius it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words or else the accent must be changed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indeed in the Maz. M. S. it is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words Moreover Jerome in his Book De Scriptorib Ecclesiast has quoted this place of Eusebius where he speaks of Paul but he apprehended not Eusebius's meaning as it will be apparent to the Reader Wherefore Sophronius also when he translated this place of Jerome into Greek omitted some words which seemed to hinder the meaning Vales. a The first succession of the Apostles is extended to the times of M. Aurelius Antoninus For in his Reign Polycarp the disciple of John the Apostle was crowned with Martyrdom Hegesippus therefore is rightly said to have lived in the first succession of the Apostles in that he flourished in the Reign of the sons of Antoninus Pius And coming to Rome when Anicetas was Bishop he stayed there to Eleutherus's time In the Alexandrian Chronicle which I would more willingly call the Antiochian Hegesippus is said to have died in the Reign of Commodus He was therefore cotemporary with Ireneus who also was next to the first succession of the Apostles as Eusebius testifies Book 5. chap. 20. Vales. b Scaliger in his Animadvers Eusebian p. 178. has examined this whole passage of Hegesippus's and finds fault with many things in it which are well worth reading See also Dionysius Petavius in Not. ad Heâ—esim 78. Epiphanii P. Halloixius in his Notes on the Life of Hegesippus chap. 3. Vales. c The learned Nich. Fuller Book 3. chap. 1. of his Miscellan has thus corrected this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. He was called Saddick and Ozleam which signifies in English a just man and the defence of the people For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew signifies a just man And Ozleam is made up of these two Hebrew words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifie the strength or defence of the people the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the sign of the Genitive or Dative case with the Hebrews The original of this appellation is taken from Psalm 28. 9. where we meet with these words in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lord shall give strength to his people Fullers Miscell B. 3. chap. 1. d This place of Hegesippus wherein he says he wrote concerning the seven Heresies we shall meet with in the 4 B. of Eusch Eccles. Hist. where we will speak more concerning them Vales. e By Gate here is meant nothing else but the way of Entrance to Christ which is by Faith in God the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost Agreeable hereto its said Psal. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord the righteous shall enter into it Vales. f The Pharisees who were one branch of these Sects believed the Resurrection from the dead Vales. g Petavius does here deservedly reprove Scaliger who had denied that it was lawfull for any Gentile to be present at the Festivals of the Jews For besides that place which Petavius quotes John 12. 20. we are supplied with many testimonies out of Joscphus to evidence this matter Vitellius the President of Syria went up to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover and was honourably entertained by the Jews as we may read chap. 6. B. 18. of Josephus's Antiq. He writes the same concerning Quadratus the President of Syria B. 20 of his Antiq. Vales. h This word Hosanna is a corruption of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies preserve me or make me safe being the Imperative mood Hiph with the Assix◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived from the Theme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See the original Text of Jer. 17. 14. And also see Bishop Pearson on the Creed in his marginal notes pag. 70. Edit Lond. 1669. i These words which Hegesippus says the Jews then uttered ought to be understood of Christ rather than of James For when James was set upon the battlement of the Temple and had declared Jesus to be the Christ and Redeemer of mankind those that embraced the Faith of Christ began to cry out Hosanna to the Son of David that is to Jesus Christ. Vales. k So the 72 Translate Esai 3. v. 10. Their words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Hebrew copy differs much from this Translation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which our Translation following renders thus in English Say ye to the righteous that it shall be well with him for they shall eat the fruit of their doings Compare the Sept. Translat of Isai. 3. 10. with the Hebrew Text of that place l As if he had said one of the Priests the son of Rechab of the family of the Rechabites which last words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are therefore added that Rechab the father of this Priest might be distinguished from other Rechabs For many were called by the same name of Rechab but this man of whom Hegesippus speaks was of the stock of the Rechabites spoken of by the Prophet Jeremy chap. 35. Vales. m Epiphanius in Haresâ— 78 writes that these words were not spoken by the Rechabite Priest but by Simeon the son of Cleopas Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the Kings M. S. reads it which Stephens followed in his Edit But our other three M. SS Maz. Med. and Fuk have it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is and they buried him in that place near the Temple which reading Nicephorus and Rufinus doe confirm Vales. o How can it be that the Grave-stone or Monument of this James should remain after the destruction of the City by the Romans Neither is that very likely which Hegefippus says to wit that James was buried neer the Temple For the Jews used to bury their dead without the City as appears from the Gospel and from the Sepulchre of Helena which before we spoke of at chap. 12 of this Book Rufinus therefore leaves out this whole clause in his Version In the most antient Maz. M. S. I found at the Grave-stone this note written in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is you must know that this Monument was nothing else but a stone not formed into any shape upon which the name of James there buried was cut from whence even to this time the Christians set up stones on their Sepulchres and either write Letters thereon or engrave the sign of the Cross. Vales. p What can be more different yea contrary than this relation of Josephus and that of Hegesippus about James's Martyrdome For Josephus says he was
Martyrdome of Polycarp They are in an errour therefore who say the Martyrdome of Polycarp happened on the ninth of Marcus For whereas t is manifest from the attestation of Aristides that Quadratus under whom Polycarp suffered bore the Proconsulate of Asia in the seventh year of Marcus the death of Polycarp is necessarily to be placed on the same year Vales. To wit either the fire or the wild beasts For the reading in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural number and so we translate it Vales. k These Asiarchs were the Priests of the community or whole body of inhabitants of the Province of Asia for as the people of Asia had Temples built by common charge sacred games sacred feasts in common and a Common-council so also they had a Priesthood called Asiarchia that is the common priesthood of Asia and those who executed this sacerdotal office which consisted in the managing their publick sports or spectacles were termed Asiarchs These Asiarchs were elected after this manner each City of Asia at the beginning of every year that is about the Autumnal equinox had a publick meeting wherein they appointed one of their own Citizens to be an Asiarch then they sent Deputies to the Common-council of the Province who declared to them his name whom they had made choice of at home after which the Common-council chose about ten to be Asiarchs out of the number of all those whom each City had elected to that office See Aristides in Orat. Sacr. 4tâ Now the difficulty is whither all these who were elected by the Common-council executed this office altogether or whither onely one of them was Asiarch Valesius thinks there was but one Asiarch his reasons are these though more than one were elected by the Senate of Asia yet that perhaps was done that out of them the Roman Proconsul might choose one as he usually did in the Election of the Irenarchs again the Senate might elect more than one because if the first that was chosen Asiarch should die before he had ended his year there might be another to supply his place lastly that there was but one Asiarch every year is apparent from the words at the latter end of this Epistle which Eusebius leaves out in his quotation but the learned reader may see them in Arch B. Ushers's Edit of it where 't is said Polycarp suffered under Philip the Asiarch and Statius Quadratus Proconsul of Asia This is the opinion of Valesius and these are his reasons for it On the other side the incomparably learned Usher affirms that there were more Asiarchs than one at the same time which he collects from Acts 19. 31. with whom agrees the learned D r Hammond in his Paraphrase and Notes on that Text and also M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford pag. 49. of his works Edit Lond. 1665. This office says Valesius was very chargeable therefore the richest persons were elected to it Hence 't is that Strabo affirms that the Asiarchs were commonly chosen out of Trallis the Citizens whereof were the wealthiest of all Asia l That is the stake to which such as were to be burnt were bound the Nails the Ropes and the Tunica molesta mentioned by Juvenal which was a Coat daubed all over with Pitch and Brimstone and put upon the Person who was to be burnt Vales. m From this passage I conjecture that Polycarp said this foregoing prayer of his with a low voice but pronounced Amen aloud That this of old was the custom of the Christians that is loudly to resound the Amen at the end of the prayer the rite now observed in the Church does demonstrate to wit that after each prayer repeated by the Priest all the people doe with a loud voice answer Amen Vales. n This officers charge was not to fight with the wild beasts as the Bestiarii did but to dispatch them if at any time they were enraged and like to endanger the spectatours as sometimes it happened They were also called Lanceaâ—ii Vales. o The phrase in the Original is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Hesychius oi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. They are said to communicate who distribute to one another and they that partake and receive from one another whether friendship or knowledge Whence it appears that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is appliable to friendship or society which the primitive Christians exprest to the Martyrs c. departed when meeting yearly at the place where their sacred reliques were interred they celebrated the anniversary day of their Martyrdom thus they maintained a friendship or society as it were with the departed Martyr The following words of this Epistle doe declare the resolution of the Church of Smyrna about the celebration of the day of Polycarps Martyrdom after this manner and also the reason of that their so doing p Or Alce for so it is in Bishop Ushers Edit Vales. q In the learned Ushers Edit 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is companions from the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used here in the same sense as we said note o. it is sometimes taken to signifie r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the original phrase so the primitive Christians called the days whereon the Martyrs suffered because at their deaths they were born sons as it were and heirs of the Kingdom of Glory s This passage is otherwise and truer in B. Ushers Edit thus who together with those of Philadelphia was the twelfth that suffered Martyrdom in Smyrna So that those Martyrs of Philadelphia were not 12 in number but 11 onely and Polycarp was the twelfth Vales. t Eusebius purposely omitted the conclusion of this letter as being unserviceable to his present designe and because he had inserted the entire Epistle into another work of his to wit into his book concerning the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs the learned Reader may see this whole Letter as before we intimated put forth by Arch B. Usher from the conclusion whereof he may observe 1. that this Epistle was not written immediately after Polycarps Martyrdom but that there was some distance of time between that and the writing thereof for the Philomelians hearing a report of the suffering of Polycarp sent Letters to the Church of Smyrna desiring an account of all particulars that happened at the suffering of this B. Martyr which those of Smyrna willingly undertook and wrote them this Letter most part whereof Eusebius quotes in this Chapter 2. That Polycarps Martyrdom is there called Evangelical and the reason is given to wit because Polycarp fled from those who pursued him agreeable to the example of our Saviour Lastly 't is observable therefrom that Polycarp was Martyred the 2 d day of the month Xanthicus that is the 7 th of the Calend. of March Vales. But Arch B Usher dissents in this particular that is concerning the day of Polycarps Martyrdom from Valesius as the
not yet perswaded me to believe that the Legion Melitina was named the Lightning Legion upon that account Some may object that there was indeed a Legion called the Lightning Legion before Antoninus's time but that he gave the Legion Melitina that name also because of the benefit he received by their means But if it were so it ought to be called the second Lightning Legion and yet Dio makes no mention of any such Legion although he reckons up exactly all the Legions enrolled by the former Emperours Moreover Dio says that the Lightning Legion had its station in Cappadocia which agrees very well with the Legion Melitina In the book called Notitia Imperii Romani the prefecture of the 12 Legion termed Fulminea at Melitina is reckoned under the disposition of the Duke of Armenia Whence t is collected that Melitina was not the name of the Legion but of the Town wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea abode But 't was not usual to give the Legions their denomination from the places where they were in Garison but from the Countreys wherein they were inrolled Therefore what Eusebius says concerning the Legion Melitina seems to me scarce probable Besides Rufinus purposely omitted this name of the Legion as I suppose because he knew that Melitina was the name of a Town in Armenia the less wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea kept guard in his time But that I may freely say what I think it seems not very probable to me that a whole Legion of Roman Souldiers should at that time be Christians which yet Eusebius seems to affirm who errs in this also because he has not produced the place of Apollinaris nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things But the words with which Eusebius closes this whole story doe sufficiently shew that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter for thus he says in this chap. Let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure Vales. e Tertullians words are these At nos è contrario èdimus protectorem si litera Marci Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris requirantur quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbriodis cussam contestatur Tertul. Apol. pag. 6. Edit Regal Paris 1634. f Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii injusti turpes truces vani dementes Quas Trajanus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos quas nullus-Hadrianus quanquam curiositatum omnium explorator nullus Vespasianus quanquam Judaeorum debellator nullus Pius nullus Verus impressit Tertul. Apol. pag. 6 and 7. Edit as before We have added these words of Tertullian here that the learned Reader may see how different the translation Eusebius here quotes is from the original copies of Tertullian which we now have g Baronius has placed the election of Irenaeus to the See of Lyons on the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus which happened in the year 179 he says that See was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over Vales. D r Cave in his Chronological Table says Pothinus died in the year of Christ 177 to whom succeeded Irenaeus the year following * 2 Tim. 4. 21. a Our M. SS copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doctrine I would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succession as Christophorson S r Hen. Savill and the old Translatour of Irenaeus read it Vales. a The Mâ—â— Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayer the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purity Vales. a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. of which number Irenaeus was one seem to be superfluous and written in the margin onely by some Scholiast But they are in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS Vales. b Irenaeus in that he affirms here that The Gospel according to Mark was written after the death of Paul and Peter does contradict what Eusebius related before at the 15 th chap. of the second book where he says Mark 's Gospel was publish't at Rome whilest Peter was alive and approved of by that Apostle But 't is no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred Gospels save that they are four and written by four several Authours But when or for what reason they were written and whether the Gospel of S. Matthew were first penned in Hebrew it s not very evident Vales. c All the ancient Ecclesiastick Writer as before was noted call that book the Wisedom of Solomon which we now call the Proverbi But that B. entitled now the Wisedom of Solomon is Apocryphal Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here in the original does properly signifie the sayings of wise men which are repeated by heart Vales. e Irenaeus is the ancientest writer that makes mention of Theodotion Wherefore we will see if from hence we can make out the time when Theodotion lived Epiphanius in his book de ponderib says Theodotion flourished under Commodus and then put forth his translation The Chronicon of Alexandria follows Epiphanius's opinion and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the Emperour Commodus I Judge Theodotion to be somewhat ancienter For seeing Irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against Heresies which books t is manifest he wrote when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome for he says so in the 3 d B. of thaâ— work we must necessarily grant that Theodotion flourisht before Eleutherus was made Bishop of Rome Vales. f Some of the Ancients doe declare that the Greek translation of the holy Scriptures was performed under Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus others mention it to have been done under Ptolemaeus Philadelphus Which latter opinion in that 't is confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers has at last prevailed Anatolius says the translation of the 72 was made both in the Reign of Ptolomy the Son of Lagus and also in that of his successour Philadelphus which to me seems very probable For seeing Aristobulus Josephus and Tertullian doe say in express words that Demetrius Phalereus put Ptolomy upon this business and it being manifest that the said Demetrius was in great favour with and authority under Ptolomy the son of Lagus and died soon after him we must necessarily say that this translation if it were done by the procurement of Demetrius was begun in the Reign of Ptolomy the son of Lagus And seeing that Philadelphus reigned about two years together with his father being made his Colleague in the Kingdom therefore perhaps 't is related that this translation was made under both the Princes Vales. The Learned Petavius is of the same opinion with Valesius in this matter as may be seen from his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de ponderib pag. 379. Edit Paris 1622. g Cleâ—oens Alexandrinus says
his Scholia upon Dionysius's Ecclesiastick Hierarchy do testifie there are excellent fragments of this Methodius's book of the Resurrection in Epiphanius against the Origenists and in Photius's Biblioth And I think 't is for no other reason that Eusebius never mentions this Methodius whereas he mentions several Ecclesiastick Writers far inferiour to him but this that he wrote against Origen Eusebius being a very great favourer of Origen could not endure this man's name in his History because he was not his friend Vales. d Hieronymus in his Epistle to Magnus the Roman Oratour says Origen wrote these ten books in imitation of Clemens for the Argument of these books and Clemens's afore-mention'd are alike Hierom also cites a piece of these books in his Apology against Rufinus not far from the beginning Vales. e Translatours did not understand what these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 written with his own hand The Lawyers call a Will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is written with the Testatour's own hand and not onely confirm'd by his subscription So Eusebius here calls those notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were written with Origen ' s own hand and either prefix'd or annexed to every Tome For 't was usuall for Authours to note something with their own hands either at the beginning or end of their books Vales. a This whole quotation is to be seen in Origen's Philocalia chap. 3. but that place of the Philocalia must be corrected by this for there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read And this is the common mistake of all Editions that they writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the word following begins with a vowel But in all good Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written although a vowel follow Vales. b Victorimus upon the Apocalyps says there are twenty four books of the Old Testament twenty two you may find io Theodotus his Excerptions Some reckon'd twenty two some twenty four books of the Old Testament hence arose this different account saith Hieronymus because some reckon'd the book of Ruth and that of the Lamentations of Jeremiah in the Catalogue of Scriptures apart by themselves Others as Hilarius says added Tobias and Judith to make 24 books of the Old Testament Epiphanius says that some reckon'd up twenty seven books of the Old Testament Vales. c I know not what Copy Robert Stephens follows who here reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for in the Kings the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the reading Vales. d Some books adde this clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not as some think the Song of Songs This we have omitted in our Edition but 't is in the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS and also in the King's Copy and in Rufinus's Translation of this place Vales. e In this Catalogue the book of the twelve minor Prophets is left out Hence it comes to pass that although Origen promises to reckon up twenty two books we can find but one and twenty In Rufinus's Version this book is reckon'd immediately after the Canticles So also Hilarius and Cyrill of Jerusalem doe reckon them The books of the holy Scripture are recounted here in a different order to Epiphanius Hieronymus and Melito's reckoning of them but Hilarius in his Prologue to his Commentaries upon the Psalmes agrees all along with Origen and no wonder for that Prologue is almost all of it a Translation of Origen's Comments upon the Psalms Vales. f These are Origen's own words and so Rufinus Langus and Musculus Translated them onely Christophorson thought they are Eusebius's own words to whom we cannot consent although in the Maz. and Med. M. SS after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is a final distinction but in the King's Copy the whole clause is continned without any distinction Moreover besides this place quoted by Eusebius Origen also in another place that is in the beginning of his Comments upon Luke says there were four Gospels onely which were allowed by the Catholick Church Vales. g 1 Pet. 5. 13. h This place of Origen which Eusebius here quotes is in the Preface to the fifth book of his Expositions upon John the greatest part of this Preface is extant in the fifth Chapter of his Philocaliae Therefore this place here quoted by Eusebius must be joyn'd to that fragment In that Preface Origen raises this dispute whether many books are to be written concerning Sacred things And he proves it from Ecclesiastes 11. 12. Also he brings for proof the examples of holy men Prophets and Apostles who wrote very little But these examples the Collector of the Philocaliae on set purpose omitted as he himself confesses Vales. i Rom. 15. 19. k Matthew the 16 Chap. and ver the 18. See D r Hammond upon the place l S t John's Gospel c. 13. v. 23 and 25. m John 21. 25. n See Apocaly p. 10. 4. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to remember to repeat a thing by heart as Schollars do who repeat their Master's Dictates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to illustrate or make a thing plain by short Scholia's or Explications that is to explain obscure words by other words more common and known The Translatours and especially Christophorson seem by their Versions not to have understood this passage Origen says that the sentences of The Epistle to the Hebrews are the Apostles own but the words and composition of the whole Epistle are some bodies else who recorded the sayings of the Apostle and like a Scholiast explained them more elegantly See Chap. 18. B. 4 note b. Vales. a In the Maz. Med. Fuk. Savil M. SS and in Nicephorus instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tenth it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Twelfth In Eusebius's Chronicon this remove of Origen from Alexandria to Caesarea is in some Copies placed on the 12 year of Alexander as Pontacus attests Eusebius does strangely disagree from himself who in his Chronicon Records this removal of Origen a year or two years after the death of Demetrius But here he says Origen removed from Alexandria a little before Demetrius dyed This last account I suppose to be truest For after Demetrius's death Origen had no reason to leave Alexandria especially when Heraclas one of Origen's Schollars succeeded Demetrius Besides Eusebius relates in this Chapter that when Origen departed from Alexandria he left his Catechetick Office to Heraclas Whence it appears that Origen departed from Alexandria a little before Demetrius pronounc't the sentence of Excommunication agaisnt him For after that sentence 〈◊〉 could not hold his Office of Catechist in the Church of Alexandria Baronius therefore has done well in amending Eusebius's Chronicon in placing Origen's departure from Alexandria on the Tenth year of Alexander's Reign and the death of Demetrius on the year following But he mistakes in
they were also Deputies under Governours of Provinces such an one was this Frumentarius whom Dionysius here mentions Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus and Christoph. translate Liberi Children which interpretation I doe not approve of Vales. e Christophor translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indigena one born and bred in that Countrey the Translatour of Georg. Syncell calls it incola neither of them rendring it well for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Country men Rustickâ— So in the Greek Councils we find o◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Countrey Presbyters The Maz. Med. and Fuk M. SS instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so also does Alexandrinus use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Rusticks Vales. f Scâ—mpodia are low beds such as are used in great houses to this day onely to sit in call'd Couches So Libanius in his own Life uses the word where he saith pag. 47. that at home he us'd to lye upon a bed but in the School he lean'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon a Couch Hence 't is plain those Couches were made for the ease of sick people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies unmade without any furniture upon it So Martial in his Apophorâ—tis speaking of sheets Nudo stramina nè toro paterâ—nt Junctae nos tibi venimus sorâ—râ—s Vales. g We must refer this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who took me up to Caius and the rest of the Presbyters and not to the Riotous Countrey men as Christophor does 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies together with the Bed or Couch on which he lay Dionysius says nothing here of what hapned to him after the Rusticks forc'd him to leave Taposiris having beaten the Guard but in his Epistle to Domitius and Didymus which is in the 7 th book and 11 th Chapter he saith that he and Peter and Caius were separated from the rest of their Company and abode in a desert and dry place of Libya Dionysius liv'd an Exile till the death of Decius the Emperour and from that desert place he wrote Letters to Domitius and Didymus Vales. a The Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS call this man Fabianus not Fabius so also Rufinus names this Bishop of Antioch Vales. b I have tanslated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Poet first because there is great familiarity betwixt Poets and Prophets for the Diviners or Soothsayers us'd to deliver their Oracles in verse Besides the Aegyptians were chiefly delighted with Poetry which Eunapius takes notice of Moreover no people were more malicious towards the Christians then these Soothsayers moving the People to Persecute them and encouraging them by their Oracles Vales. * These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worship of their Gods ought as I suppose to be expunged for they disturb the sense and were added by some Scholiast to explain the preceding term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 service Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to purloin See Tit. 2. 10. * Heb. 10. 34. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the terms here what the words were 't is hard to conjecture in his Epistle to Germanus he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impious words and in this Epistle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 horrid words Vales. e Here we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in his own house but Nicephorus very ill reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning this Serapion Bede and Usuardus speak at the 14 th of November Where they say he suffered in the Reign of Decius but they might better have said in the Reign of Philip. For Dionysius in this Epistle to Fabius expresly affirms that Serapion and some other Martyrs suffer'd before the death of Philip the Emperour The same errour is committed in all Martyrologies concerning Apollonia the Virgin which say she suffer'd in the time of Decius upon the 9 day of February Vales. f Here he means the death of Philip the Emperour who behav'd himself gently and kindly toward the Christians therefore what passages are here next related happened in the last year of the Reign of Philip which thing Dionysius intimates in the beginning of this Epistle where he says the Persecution began a year before the Emperours Edict came out but Christoph. did not understand this place he rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the alteration of the Emperours mind towards us Baronius follows this errour of his at the year of Christ 253. Chap. 102. Vales. g In the Kings M. S. and Stephanus's Edition instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read but in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term which is a great deal better as I think For Dionysius here means that this Decree of Decius was so terrible that it seemed to represent those most dreadfull times of Antichrist foretold by our Saviour Vales. h Christophor mistakes in his translation of this place I have rendred here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Decurions or Magistrates for these always assembled themselves at the reading of the Emperours Edicts in the Courts and first of all executed his commands hence they were compell'd to be present at the reading of this decree and immediately after it was read to sacrifice to the Gods according to the injunction of the Decree Vales. i This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred vivae calcis incendio a fire of unslaked lime so also we may translate the same phrase which is us'd a little after this speaking of Epimachus and Alexander where he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of which phrase Nicephorus uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with lime In Menaeo on the 30 th day of October there is mention of these Martyrs Julianus Cronio and Macarius where the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 burning lime being poured upon them Vales. k Macar is derived from the Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies blessed Dionysius seems here to allude to those words of our Saviour Matt. 5. 10. Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness sake c. Rufinus translates this place thus Alius quidam vir nominis sui Macarius gente Lybicus Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original it signifies properly any kind of iron-instrument to make incision Dionysius does here mean by it an engine wherewith they scraped the flesh from off the bones of the Christians l These words also another Ammonarium I have added out of Rufinus for Dionysius said there were four women but we find but three except according to Rufinus we adde these words Vales. m Instead of Ater in Georg. Syncellus and Niceph. we find Aster in Rufinus 't is Arsinus in the old Roman Martyrologie which is mostly taking out of Rufinus he is called Arsenius at the 19 th of the Kalends of January Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus renders a Troop of
men him will I also confess before my Father c. Matth. 10. 32. Vales. a Hieronymus in his Catalogue where he relates the beginning of this Epistle instead of Novatus more truly writes Novatianus And so in George Syncellus's Chronicle we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus says that Dionysius wrote two Epistles after the same Copy one to Novatus another to Novatianus and at the end of Dionysius's Epistle to Novatus which Eusebius here rehearseth he addes thus much and he wrote these same words to Novatianus which words are no where found in the Greek Text. The Greek writers being deceived through the likeness of the names make a confusion betwixt Novatus and Novatianus using them both to signifie one and the same person Our Authour Eusebius is also guilty of this mistake Vales. a Hieronymus in his book concerning the Ecclesiastick Writers saith that Dionysius wrote this Epistle about Repentance and the order or degree of sins to the Armenians Vales. b Musculus and Christophor translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an hortatory Epistle but not well Eusebius uses the same word in his former books Vales. c In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was Bishop of Armenia the less as I think Vales. d We must understand this News was written in the same Epistle and not in another as Christophorson thinks Vales. e Rufinus translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Ministeriis as if the Epistle were so intitled because it treated concerning the Ministers of the Church Jacobus Gâ—ar who published Georgius Syncellus and illustrated him with his Notes thinks that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a kind of an Ecclesiastick Epistle as were the Synodical the Dimissory Epistles and the like but I rather affent to Rufinus that it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because iâ— treated concerning the Duty of a Deacon Vales. a Decius the Emperour had 2 sons the elder was named Quintus Herennius Etruscus Messius Decius The younger Caius Valens Hostilianus Messius Quintus They were both made Caesars by their father and afterwards Augusti as may appear by their Coins and the inscriptions upon them Vales. b Eusebius in his Chronicle saith Decius Reigned one year and three moneths Aurelius Victor saith he died after he had Reigned two years compleat But Victor in his Epitomy saith he Reigned 30 moneths Eusebius in his Chronicle Assigns one year and three moneths to Decius because he had before said that Philip Reigned seven years whereas he Reigned but six After his death Decius proclaimed himself both Emperour and Consul which was in the year of Christ 249. And in the year 250. he was again Consul And also the year after he kept his Government as we may gather by a Decree of the Senate which was made in that year which Pollio in Valerian relates Wherefore he died the year following together with his sons when Gallus and Volusianus were Consuls being all kill'd in the Waâ—â—s in Thrace Vales. c Baronius placeth Origen's death at the year of Christ 256 in the third year of Gallus and Volusianus Eusebius here placeth it in the same year that Decius died and Gallus began to Govern But Eusebius himself in the 36 th chap. of the 6 th book of this History confirmeth what Baronius saith for he says that in the 3 d year of Philip the Emperours Reign Origen was above 60 years old And from the 3 d year of Philip's Reign to the 3 d year of Gallus and Volusianus's Consulship 't is 9 years Moreover if we say Origen liv'd 69 years and died in the first year of Gallus the Emperour he must necessarily be born in the 4 th year of Commodus the Emperour but the Chronicon Alexandr assigns his birth to the ninth year of that Emperour Vales. d Some Copies as the King's M. S. and Stephan Edit instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And make it a Metaphor taken from them who sail with tide and stream Vales. a At these words we should begin the 3 d Chapter for what follows concerning Cyprian ought to be contained in the same sentence with these last words in this Chapter And before these words in all books we find a distinction which shews here is to begin another Period But Musculus and Christoph begin the third Chapter where we doe Vales. a Cyprian was not the first Authour of this Opinion but Agrippinus who was Bishop of Carthage a long time before him having assembled together the Bishops of Africa and Numidia made a Decree that Hereticks should be rebaptized as Cyprian saith in his 71 and 73 Epistles Therefore Cyprian ought here to be excused who onely endeavoured to maintain his predecessours Opinion which was established by the Authority of a Synod But this Custom of rebaptizing Hereticks had been used in Cappadocia time out of mind as Firmilianus Bishop of Oâ—sareâ— in Cappadocia testifieth in his Epistle to Cyprian Vales. b The Epistle of Stephen to the Bishops of Africa is in the 74 and 75 Epist. of Cyprian Firmilianus also in his Epistle to Cyprian relates some heads of that Epistle and confutes them Vales. * To Stephen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here his some allusion to Novatus or Novatianus's name other Greek Authours call that which the Latines call Novitates haereseon Novelties innovations or newness of Doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a Baronius from this Epistle of Dionysius's at the year of Christ 259 gathers that the Eastern Bishops had renounced their Errour and adhered to Stephen's Opinion that Hereticks were not to be rebaptized But any considerate reader of this Epistle will find it far otherwise For the subject of this Epistle is twofold 1. Whether Hereticks were to be rebaptized 2. Concerning the unanimity of the Oriental Churches which had abominated the Novatian Heresie and Decree'd that the lapsed should be received He therefore tells him that Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch Metropolitan of the East and the rest had subscribed to this Opinion which he knew would please Stephen because Fabius Demetrianus's predecessour endeavoured to establish the Novatian Heresie as Dionysius before signified in the end of the 6 book of this History Vales. b These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little farther are not in the Fuk and Savil M. SS but Syncellus Nicephorus King 's Maz. and Med. M. SS have them and though some will have these words to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more Remote Churches yet I think that they are Eusebius's own words repeating the heads of Dionyfius's Epistle And this is my reason because in most of our M. SS there is a middle distinction at these words therefore we translate it thus a little further he writes Vales. c This City was in Dionysius's days and also till Constantinus's time called Aelia It was afterwards called Jerusalem as I before noted through the
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which being literally rendred imports thus much an ulcer in the fundamens full of holes like a spunge * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This expression Musculus renders thus ad semetipsum reversus being come to himself Christophorson thus mentem igitur recolligens tanquam rediens ad se recollecting therefore his mind and returning as it were to himself Valesius thus totâ mentis aciâ— in semet ipsum conversâ the whole sharpness of his mind being turned upon himself a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Rufinus renders very well thus Convocatis his qui in officio publico parcâ—ant having called together those who served in any publick office Eusebius usually means by this phrase the Grandees of the Palace whom Amm. Marcellinus does commonly term aulae summates Imperatoris proximos the chief Court officers and those necrest to the Emperour Vales. * In the original 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Imperial Palace But Nicephorus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Emperour Vales. b We find that the Persians were but once conquered by Galerius which was in the year of Christ 297 as 't is affirmed in Fastis Idatii and in the Alexandrian Chronicle The same is confirmed by Libanius in his oration intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he relates that the Persians after that great defeat they received from the Romans under the conduct of Galerius spent fourty years in preparations to make amends for that overthrow and that a little before the death of Constantine the Great they entred upon a war with the Romans Indeed from that year of Christ we mentioned i. e. Anno 297 to the year wherein Constantine dyed there are fourty years Therefore Eusebius's Chronicle must be corrected in which this Persian victory is placed on the seventeenth year of Diocletian whereas it should be placed on his thirteenth year as it is in the Edition of Arnaldus Pontacus Seeing therefore we can find no other victory that Maximianus obtained over the Persians this place ought to be pointed as it is in Nicephorus and as we have done in our translation after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sarmaticus Maximus the Fifth time Persicus Maximus In Rufinus's old copy there is at this place no distinction by points but 't is thus Sarmaticus quinquies Persicus bis Carpicus Sexies Armenicus Medorum Adiabenorum Victor c Rufinus renders this passage thus Tribuniciae potestatis vicies having been Tribune of the people twenty times This is the reading in the M. SS From this place we may perceive that Galerius was made Caesar and Colleague in the Tribunician power or Tribune of the people at the same time since in this Edict he accounts the years of his Tribunician power from that time when he was proclaimed Caesar. Now he was made Caesar in the year of Christ 291 on the Calends of March. Moreover he put forth this Edict in favour of the Christians in the year of Christ 311 in his eighth Consulate as the inscription of the Edict declares whence it followes that this Edict was written before the Calends of March. For from that time Galerius began his Tribunician Power Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Emperour the Nineteenth time for that 's the reading in the most ancient copy of Rufinus Christophorson translated this term ill thus Dictator He knew not what was the import of the word Imperator Imperator signifies one thing in the titles of the Emperours when 't is put in the First place like a Pronoun but it imports another thing when 't is subjoyned to the rest of the titles For the word Emperour put in the Second place denotes the victory of the Emperours and shews how often they were stiled Emperours by the Army after they had obtained a victory so Dio â—â—forms us Vales. e In all copies there is an omission of the number of times that Constantine had born the office of Tribune of the people when this Edict came forth I have added the figure V which denotes the Fifth time of his bearing the Tribune-ship which addition is grounded upon a most certain conjecture Vales. f After this word Proconsul in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil M. SS and in Nicephorus there are these following words And Emperour Caesar Valerius Licinianus Pius Faelix Invictus Augastus Pontifex Maximus Tribune of the people IV. Emperour III. Consul Father of his Country Proconsul To the Subjects of their own Provinces Greeting Which passage although it occurs not in Ruffinus yet is of good authority And first as to Licinius's Tribunician Power the same must be thought of that which was of Galerius's to wit that it is to be begun from the time of his being made Caesar. Now Licinius was made Caesar in the year of Christ 308 on the third of the Ides of November as it appears in the Fasti of Idatius Therefore the â—ourth year of Licinius's Tribunician Power began in the year of Christ 311 on the third of the Ides of November But this disagrees with what we noted before when we treated concerning the Tribunician Power of Galerius Wherefore one of these places must necessarily be false For if it were then the fourth year of Licinius's Tribunician Power it was the twenty first of Galerius's On the contrary if this were the twentieth year of Galerius's being Tribune of the people it was but the third year of Licinius's bearing that dignity As to the consulate of Licinius there is mention thereof in the Fasti of Prospâ—rus Cassiodorus and Victorius where he is placed Consul with Maximianus Augustus Cos. VIII In my notes on Amm. Marcellinus I had remarked that Licinius was made Augustus by Galerius a little before Galerius's death which I collected from hence because in this Edict we now speak of Gallerius had made no mention of Licinius's being his Colleague but since in our M. SS and in Nicephorus Licinius is stiled Augustus in this Edict of Galerius that conjecture of ours is wholly destroyed Vales. g In the Fuk. Savil Maz. and Med. M. SS the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So great an arrogancy and unadvisedness has possest and invaded them Vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius here renders arrogantia arrogancy is by Democrates in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defined to be speaking all and noâ— enduring to hear any body else D r Hammond has given a large account of the significantions of this word in his note on Rom. 1. v. 29. * Id est Galerius See the Edict chap. 17. book 8. a Those four were Diocletianus Maximianus Constantius and Galeriuâ— See Book 8. Chap. 13. note â— b That is Diocletianus and Maximianus See Book 8. Chap. 13. note e. c In chap. 13. book 8. d Diocletianus e Maximianus f Galerius g See Chap. 16. Book 8. note b. h See Chap. 16. Book 8. i These following words are taken out of chap. 13. book 8.
last Edict of Maximin was written in the year of Christ 313 Constantine and Licinius being the third time Consuls Further these are the principal differences between the Emperours Rescripts and Edicts 1. Their Rescripts had their names annext to whom they were sent the Edicts spoke to all men in general 2. The Edicts were publickly proposed the Rescripts were given to those to whom they were sent as may be seen from Gest. Purgat Cecilian p. 28 nor was it usual to publish them unless this word was expresly added in the end of the Rescript proponatur Let it be published Lastly in their Rescripts the name of the Emperour was prefixt only with some few of his Titles but in their Edicts none of their Titles were omitted but all were carefully and proudly mentioned Vales. f This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Langus rendered malè accepisse misapprehended misinterpreted which Version I approve of for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in its genuin sense signifies malè interpretari But Musculus and Christoph. in imitation of him translates it negligâ—re to neglect pro nihilo habere not to value which is not so well The Fuk. and Savil. M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disregarded which words seem to have been written in the margin as a Scholion at first but afterward crept into the Text. Vales. g That is by the Emperours who us'd to give those Estates which fell to the Exchequer to those that begged them See the Code in the Title De petitionibus Vales. h Chrysostome attests the same in his Oration concerning Saint Babylas against the Gentiles in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The eye-balls of one of them leapt out of his eye holes of their own accord while he was yet alive this was Maximin The other ran mad Diocletian was the Emperour that was distracted which is attested by Eusebius and by Constantine We have also an account of Maximins blindness in Epiphanius's piece De Ponderib Vales. Though in the common Editions the term here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Eusebius here means that Maximin was proclaimed a Common Enemy This was done very solemnly by the Decree of the Senate as the Compilers of the Historia Augusta inform us in many places and especially where they treat of Maximin Vales. b Him whom the Greeks name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have termed Picentius that there was a Sycophant of this name in the time of Constantine Zosimus attesteth in the end of his second book Certain we are that those persons whom the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latines term Picentes Vales. c He seems to mean the Prefect of the Praetorium For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never used but to denote either the Prefect of the Praetorium or the Prefect of the City Besides whenas Eusebius affirms that Picentius was advanced to great honour and made Consul twice by Maximin it would be absurd for him to say that he was made Rationalist by him that being a place of small honour in respect of the Prefecture of the Praetorium But there are these arguments to conâ—ute this opinion 1. by these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius does always mean the Rationalist as we have frequently observed before 2. Sabinus was Prefect of the Praetorium to Maximin as we noted before in the year of Christ 311 and 312. Neither 3. is the dignity of the Rationalists Office to be lookt upon as mean and low For even Macrianus he that seized on the Empire in the times of Gallienus bore that Office and Eusebius himself book 8. chap. 9. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no mean Office speaking of Philoromus the Martyr But that which Eusebius says to wit that Picentius was made Consul thrice by Maximin is very intricate and difficult to be made out We have observed before that after Galerius's death Maximin took upon himself the Title of Augustus in the year of Christ 311. Therefore before this time when he was Caesar only he could not make Picentius Consul For the Augusti only had a right of creating the Consuls Therefore after Galerius's death Maximin declared himself and Picentius Consuls in that very year On the year following Maximin and Picentius bore their second Consulate in the East when Constantine and Licinius were the second time Consuls in the West But in Italy and Africa Maxentius was the fourth time Consul alone Then on the year after which was the 313 year of Christ the same Maximin and Picentius were Consuls the third time in the East as is evidently collected from this famous passage in Eusebius For 't is improbable that Maximin should give a third Consulate to another and not declare himself Consul once Indeed in the Alexandrian Chronicle Galerius Maximinus is put Consul with Maximianus being in his eighth Consulate which is the year of Christ 311. Although in that Chronicle he is called Galerius Maximus We therefore are the first that have taken notice that Maximin bore three Consulates Whence it may be gathered that Maximin was Augustus about two years having before been Caesar seven years and that he lived till the 313 year of Christ which we have also demonstrated from his Rescripts Wherefore I wonder how so notorious a mistake should creep into Eusebius's Chronicon as to place Maximin's death before Maxentius's It seems to have been committed by Saint Jerome for he added many things of his own to Eusebius's Chronicon Vales. d He was President of Thebaïs as Epiphanius attests in his 68 Here 's which is the Heresie of the Melâ—tiani where he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Culcïanus but it should be Culcianus as 't is evident from this place in Eusebius Yet Rufinus translates it Quintianus in Nicephorus 't is Lucianus both names are false For this President was called Culcianus as besides Eusebius the Acts of Phileas the Martyr's passion do affirm Vales. c Eusebius speaks of this Theotecnus before in this ninth book Cedrenus asserts that this Theotecnus perswaded Galerius Maximianus to raise a persecution against the Christians But he is mistaken in that 〈◊〉 takes Galerius Maximianus for Galerius Maximinus which is a common errour amongst the modern Greek Authours Vales. Psal. 146. 2 3 a He means Paulinus Bishop of Tyre to whom our Eusebius dedicated his Ecclesiastick History For by his perswasion he undertook this work as he does here plainly intimate Eusebius designedly omitted the dedication of his books to Paulinus at the beginning of this his work which is usually done upon account of Paulinus's modesty if I mistake not but was contented to make an honourable mention of him at the end of his History For he supposed it signified not much whether he dedicated his books to him at the beginning or at the end of them Eusebius dedicated to the same Paulinus two books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the names of places the former of these
Xenophon's entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The modern Latine Authours call these taxes tituli Vales. e The phrase here us'd viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is very well rendred by Langus iteratae agrorum mensiones the re-measuring of Lands This Version Rufinus confirm's who renders it census innovare to renew the Census or the prizing of every mans Estate This Census could not be renewed without the remeasuring of Land For the Census amongst the Romans consisted of two things i. e. the measuring of Lands and the numbering of the People as I have elsewhere noted We have the testimony of Aurel. Vict. and of Victor's Epitome in confirmation of what Eusebius says concerning Licinius's avarice But what Eusebius says concerning Licinius's exactions and oppressions of his Subjects is confuted by the Testimony of two ancient Authors viz. Aurel. Victor and Libanius Victor says of Licinius that he was Agraribus plane ac rusticantibus quia ab eo genere ortus altusque erat satis utilis i. e. To the common sort of people and Rusticks because he was extracted from and maintained by that sort of men He was useful enough Libanius in his Oration Pro Templis Gentilium says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Cities flourished under him viz. Licinius Vales. f I doubt not but instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proscriptions for in the first book De vita Constant. cap. 55. where Eusebius repeats all these passages almost in the same words instead of this term he uses this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 punishments of exile Vales. g Christoph translates the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used Patricios erroneously as we before signified They were termed nobiles who were descended from those that had born any Office in Rome or in the Towns incorporate Vales. h But Licinius died in the Sixtieth year of his age as Victor affirms in his Epitome Wherefore Eusebius like an Oratour aggravates the matter here Vales. a At these words we began the 9 th chap. which conjecture of ours is confirmed by the old Maz. and Fuk. M. SS And in those M. SS this chapter is rightly call'd the eighth chapter as we remark't before Vales. * Licinius †Constantine b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these are the words in the original which Valesius renders thus modestam ac sobriam in se colligens mentem Grynaeus thus rem hanc sapienter expendit and we translate it after this manner entring into a prudent and sober consideration with himself 'T is a phrase usual with our Euschius For so he expresses himself book 3. De Vita Constant. chap. 5. and 11. * Or Prince the term in the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c By this Phrase here used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Peace is meant the Peace which they restored So Seneca in his book De Clementia brings in Nero speaking thus Haec tot millia gladiorum quae pax mea comprimit ad nutum meum stringentur Where by pax mea he means the Peace he had procured So also Velleius Paterculus uses this Phrase and on some Old Coines we find this inscription Pax Augusti i. e. the Peace procured by the Emperour But Pax Romana is by the same Seneca in his book De Clementia and in that De Providentia used in another sence to wit pax ea quâ fruitur imperium Romanum i. e. that Peace which the Roman Empire enjoyeth Vales. d This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dances here used when the discourse is concerning the Christians praising God did not please Niceph. And therefore instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius in his second book De vita Constant. instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which term indeed is more tolerable But we may easily bear with this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Christians used to dance on their Festivals of the Martyrs which they kept in honour of them and thus they celebrated their Conflicts and Victories as Greg Naz. relates in Carminibus ad mulieres sese curioflus exornantes pag. 152. Basilius Magnus in his 14 th Homily against drunkenness has a sharp invective against these Choreas or Dances Vales. e The reading in the Kings M. S. which Stephens almost every where follows is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declared by their Law published in favour of the Christians But in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS this place is written far otherwise thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did by a most apparent and convincing testimony of their deeds declare to all men which reading being confirmed by the consent of more and those ancienter copies we with good reason supposed ought to be preferred before the other Vales. * See Socrat Ecclesiast Hist. Book 7. Chap. 1. note c. * Non quod in Scholas relati essent so he words it the expression is ambiguous * That is he himself Revised and Corrected it †See Eusebius's Eccles Hist. Book 6. Chap. 43. * That is Pure †See Socrates's Eccles Hist. Book 5. Chap. 19. note a. * Socrates and Sozomen a In the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens's Edit it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the war but in the Florent and Sfort. M. SS we found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persecution Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here us'd does not as usually signifie singillatim one by one apart but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partly for Eusebius in his books De vitâ Constantini does indeed but partly touch the history of Arius he prosecutes it not wholly and particularly Vales. c Musculus renders these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus we will begin our History where he left off Christoph. does translate it almost after the same manner but more barbarously as to his Latine We have rendred these words thus ab iis rebus quas ille intactas reliquit operis nostri sumemus exordium i. e. we will begin our History from those matters which he has left untouch't For Socrates's meaning is that he will begin from the History of Arius which Eusebius had but partly touch't upon in his books concerning the life of Constantine for Eusebius says he made it his business in those books to enlarge upon the Emperours praises rather than to give an exact account of the Ecclesiastick Affairs but he himself resolving to commit to writing the Affairs transacted in the Church promises to give a more accurate relation of the Arian-Heresie and to begin his History from those things which Eusebius had either purposely omitted or but slightly touch't upon as not conducive to his design in hand Indeed Socrates has not begun his History where Eusebius left off For Eusebius continues that work of his concerning Constantines Life to the death of Constantine But Eusebius has continued the Series of his Ecclesiastick History down to the tumults
raised by Arius and to those affairs which preceded the Nicene-Council If therefore we have a respect onely to Eusebius's Ten Books of his Ecclesiastick History we may say that Socrates began where Eusebius ended But if we also add his Books concerning the life of Constantine as Socrates here does then that will not be true Vales. a Vales. in his Latine translation begins this period not as Musculus and Christoph do and we have followed his judgment as more agreeable with the continuation and connexion of the sense b Socrates seems to have been of opinion that Constantine and Maxentius began their Reign in the same year that Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius did Resign the Empire This also was the opinion of the Authour of the Chronicle of Alexandria and of others who attribute the years of Constantius's Reign to Constantine his Son And hence it is that Constantine the Great is reported to have Reigned 32 years when as really he Reigned but 30 years and 10 months Vales. c Socrates does in the end of his Seventh Book where he concludes his History repeat this in which place he says that he began his History in the first year of the 271 Olympiad in which year Constantine the Great was proclaimed Emperour This Olympiad does begin at the Solstice of the CCCV year being the year after the resignation of Diocletian But Constantius died not this year but in that following when he was the sixth time Consul with Galerius Augustus as we may read in Fastis Idatii And therefore Constantius's death is to be reckoned on the second year of the aforesaid CCLXXI. Olympiad Vales. d Socrates is here in an error for Maximianus Herculius who was otherwise called Maximian the Elder was by Constantin's command slain in Gallia in the year of Christ 310. But Maximinus Caesar being two years after conquered by Licinius died at Tarsus as Aurelius Victor relates and Eusebius in his Chronicle and other Authours This is the common mistake of the Greek Historians they make a confusion betwixt Maximianus and Maximinus using them promiscuously Vales. e Although in the Greek it be Galerius Maximinus yet we must read Maximianus the Greeks usually confound these two names In the beginning of this chapter where the words are Maximianus surnamed Galerius the Sfort. M. S. has it written Maximinus Vales. f This passage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maximianus Galerius who was now the supream person in the Empire must be understood favourably for Galerius was not really chief and sole Arbitratour of all things whenas there were at the same time two other Augusti to wit Constantine in the Gallia's and Maxentius at Rome But nevertheless he may be said summam imperii administrasse because he was the seniour Augustus and was respected by the junior Augusti as a father Vales. g Constantine got this Victory over Maxentius in the year of Christ 312. when he and Licinius were in their second Consulate this was the sixth year of Constantin's Reign for he begun his Reign on the 25 th day of July in the year of Christ 306. But if we say that Maxentius was conquered on the eighth of the Kalends of October in the year 312 as Onufrius reckons in his Fasti and Sigonius in his Second Book concerning the Western Empire then that which Socrates here affirms may be true that Constantine routed Maxentius in the seventh year of his Reign But it seems something odd to me that Maxentius should in the Panagyrick of Nazarius be said to be slain in the end of his sixth year just the day before he began his seventh Maxentius began his Reign some days after Constantine therefore if Maxentius died on the eighth of the Kalends of October he must necessarily begin his Reign on the 7 th And by this computation Constantine came to the Empire two months before Maxentius Which indeed does not seem probable to me But Socrates does here accord with his own opinion For whereas Constantine according to him began his Reign in the 305 year of Christ he very well reckons this Victory in the seventh year of his Reign Vales. h Diocletian died at Salona the 3 d of the nones of December in the year of Christ 316. as Idatius does very well write in his Annals The same also says the Authour of the Chronic. Alexand. but instead of Diocletian there is crept into the Text Galerius Maximianus 't is also confirm'd by the authority of Zosimus in the second book of his History where he says that Diocletian died 3 years after the 3 d Consulship of Constantine and Licinius For having said that from the Consulship of Chilon and Libo in which the secular Games were celebrated to the third Consulship of Constantine and Licinius it was above 110 years he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. three years after died Diocletian But Joseph Scaliger in his notes upon Eusebius understood this passage of Zosimus so as if Zosimus should say that Diocletian died three years after the resignation of his Empire or after his ninth Consulship Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made common or exposed the Images placed therein that is as we suppose he caused them to be desecrated * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import whereof rendred word for word is this it hapned there only where Licinius was Valesius renders the words thus in iis enim duntaxa◠partibus grassata est quae subditioni erant Licinii it raged in those parts only which were under Licinius's jurisdiction a In the Kings and Florentine M. SS the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is wanting which Christoph inserted To me it seems not very necessary If we do retain it then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie Augustus not King as Christoph. renders it Socrates alludes to the Souldiers acclamations who after a signal Victory were wont to stile their Prince Emperour and Augustus The Citizens did the same when the Victorious Prince made his entry into the City Vales. * See Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History book 7. chap. 6. note b. a Lucas Hotstenius a very learned person heretofore wrote a dissertation upon this Epistle of Alexander's which together with some other pieces of his he sent me a little before his death In that Treatise he remarkes in the first place that interpreters had not well rendred these words of Alexander 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they had translated thus Cum unum sit Catholicae corpus Ecclesiae whereas there is one body of the Catholick Church But he asserts that the place should rather have been thus rendred whereas the Catholick Church is one body c. or consists of one body For that learned person is of opinion that Alexander alludes to Saint Paul's Epistles wherein the Church is frequently called Christ's body But by the favour of that great man and heretofore my dearest friend this Version cannot be born with For if Alexander had thought as Holstenius means he would doubtless
ordered that the Cubit should be removed into the Church of the Alexandrians But because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be taken in a passive sense the place must be otherwise mended which from the Sfortian M. S. we have thus restored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Emperour ordered Alexander to remove the Cubit into the Church of the Alexandrians Which emendation needs no confirmation See Rufin Eccles. Hist. book 2 chap. 23. This order of Constantines lasted not long For Julian commanded that the same Cubit should be carried back again into Serapis's Temple where it seems to have continued till Theodosius's reign and the demolishment of Scrapis's Temple Vales. * He means that Standard or Banner which the Emperour ordered to be made in figure like to the Cross that appeared to him in the face of the heavens See chap. 2 of this book * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See 1 Tim. 6. 20. a See book 3. chap. 1. of Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History to which add this place of an anonymous Author out of the second Homily upon Matthew Denique cum post resurrectionem Dominâ— Thomas Apostolus isset in Provinciam iâ—â—am adâ—â—ncti sunt â—i baptisati ab eo sacti sunt adjutores praedicationis illius meaning the Persian Magi. Vales. b This is Metrodorus the Philosopher whom Jerome has mentioned in his Chronicon who returning from his travails in India presented Constantine with many gemms and peaâ—ls and feigned that many more of greater value were taken from him by Sapor King of the Persians which lie of his was the occasion of the Persian war as Am. Marcellinus attests book 25. pag. 295. Edit Vales. See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marâ—â—ll pag. 304. * Rationes suas scriniaque commiâ—it so Rufinus from whom Socrates translated this story almost word for word describes this young mans Office book 1. chap. 9. Hist. Ecclesiast c Translatours understood not this place For Musculus renders it thus Ut separatis locis uterentur that they should make use of separate places Christophorson thus ut loca seperatim â—ibi sumerent that they should take to themselves places severally In this chapter Socrates has translated Rusinus book 1. chap. 9. Ecclesiast Hist. almost word for word and calls those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Rufinus had termed Conventicula Now Conventicula are properly private places wherein Collects or short prayers are made and from these places Churches are distinguished which belong to the right of the publick and are not in the power of any private person Vales. d Rufinus says the same Tum vero Athanasius nam is nuper sacerdotium susceperat i. e. But then Athanasius for he had a little before undertaken the Episcopate c. But if we consider the matter more attentively these things cannot be For Meropius the Philosopher is said to have travelled into India in imitation of the Philosopher Metrodorus who had taken a view of that Country before him But Metrodorus returned not from his Indian journey before the year of Christ 325. For at his return from India he presented the Emperour Constantine with gifts which he had received from the King of the Indians as we remarked before in note b. in this chapter Which must necessarily happen after the conquest of Licinius For then Constantine first received the Empire of the East Now Licinius was vanquished at the latter end of the year of Christ 324. Meropius therefore in regard following Metrodorus's example he attempted to travell over India must have undertaken this journey some years after him Let us then suppose that Meropius went into India in the year of our Lord 327. On the year following when he should have returned into his own Country he was slain by the Barbarians And Aedesius and Frumentius being as yet youths were presented to the Indian King and one of them was made his Cup-bearer the other was set over his Acts and evidences Royal. In which Offices both continued to the Kings death Now suppose they served the King three years After this the Indian King dies leaving his Son very young But the Queen his mother entreated Aedesius and Frumentius to undertake the Government of the Kingdome till her Son were of age Let us also allow that the Kings Son was about eight years old when his father died In as much as Frumentius returned not to Alexandria till the young King was grown a man it is wholly requisite that he should have managed the affairs of the Kingdom at least ten years So Frumentius returned to Alexandria about the year of our Lord 341 in which year Athanasius was not newly made Bishop but had held that Bishopricck above fifteen years From what we have said 't is apparent that this conversion of the Indians by Frumentius hapned in the Reign of Constantius not of Constantine as Rufinus and others that follow him have related Vales. e Athanasius speaks of this Frumentius in his Apologetick to the Emperour Constantius And a little after mentions Constantius's Epistle to Aizanas and Sazanas the Kings of Auxumis wherein he commands them to send Frumentius whom Athanasius had ordained Bishop of Auxumis to Alexandria to George Bishop of that City that he might receive from him the doctrine of the true Faith Whence it appears that Frumentius was at that time but newly ordained by Athanasius Now this Epistle was written in the year of Christ 356. Baronius in his Annotations on the Roman Martyrology says that this Frumentius Bishop of Auxumis must be differenced from the other Frumentius Bishop of the Indians But I do assert that he that was Bishop of Auxumis and he that is stiled the Bishop of the Indians is one and the same Frumentius For Auxumis is the Metropolis of Aethiopia Now the Aethiopians are by the ancients usually confounded with the Indians So Philostorgius calls the Homeritae who were the Auxumites neighbours Indians Also the Aethiopians who are now called Abyssines call themselves Indians and do acknowledge Frumentius to have been the Apostle of their Nation as Lucas Holsteinius attests in his notes on Baronius's Martyrology which were lately published at Rome Vales. * See Rufinus book 1. chap. 10. Eccles. Hist. Rufinus does not say that this child was the Kings Son but mulier quaedam parâ—ulum suum c. a certain woman sayâ— he carried about her son c. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well skilled in Architecture I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being very anxious I doubt not but Socrates wrote it thus For in Ruflnus book 1. chap. 10. from whom Socrates borrowed this relation the words are these cum ecce matutinus anxius cum suis omnibus ingrediens Rex c. when behold the King perplexed in his mind coming in the morning with all his attendants c. Vales. b The Sfort. Florent and All at M. SS call this persons name Baccurius But in Rufinus and others his name is more truly
in his Rationarium Temporum Blondellus in his book de Primatu Ecclesiae and others do relate that Athanasius was recalled from banishment in the year of Christ 338 to wit the year after Constantines death who perceiving the foresaid prelate to be pressed on every side by the calumnies of his adversaries had for a time banished him into the Gallia's But I do maintain that Athanasius was restored in the year of Christ 337 when Felicianus and Titianus were Consuls in that very year wherein Constantine died which I can make evident as I suppose by a most demonstrable argument For Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 805. relates that he was released from his banishment and restored to his Country by Constantine the younger who also wrote a Letter in his behalf to the populace and Clergy of the Alexandrian Church This Letter as Socrates does here so Athanasius there recites the inscription of it is this Constantinus Caesar to the people of the Catholick Church of Alexandria The subscription of this Letter is thus dated at Triers the fifteenth of the Calends of July As well the inscription as subscription of this Letter does attest what I say to wit that Athanasius was released from his exile soon after the death of Constantine the Great in the year of Christ 337. For if he had been restored on the year following then Constantine the younger would not have called himself Caesar but Augustus Nor would Athanasius have been restored by Constantine the younger but by Constantius to whom was allotted the Eastern part of the Empire Wherefore in regard Constantine stiles himself only Caesar in that Letter and since Athanasius attests that he was restored by Constantine the younger 't is apparent that that was done before the sons of Constantine the elder were by the Souldiers proclaimed Augusti For upon Constantines death there was a certain interregnum and the Roman world continued without an Emperour almost three months untill the brethren who under the name of Caesars Governed divers Provinces had met together in order to their making a division of the whole Roman Empire Constantine died on the eleventh of the Calends of June and on that very year there were three Augusti proclaimed to wit Constantinus Constantius and Constans on the fifth of the Ides of September as it is recorded in the Old Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus published under the false name of Idatius This is that which Eusebius writes in his fourth book of Constantines Life chap. 71 to wit that Constantine retained his Empire after his death and that all Rescripts and Edicts bore his name as if he had been yet alive For this reason therefore Constantine the younger stiles himself Caesar only in his Letter to the Alexandrians in regard he was not yet proclaimed Augustus For the Letter was dated on the fifteenth of the Calends of July But he was created Augustus together with his brethren on the fifth of the Ides of September Moreover at that time whilst the brothers were stiled Caesars only Constantinus Junior was the chief in Authority because he was the eldest brother See Valesius's first book of Ecclesiastick observations on Socrates and Sozomen chap. 1. * Place a Socrates mistakes here and all those that follow him in placing the death of Alexander Bishop of Constantinople on the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus in the year of Christ 340. In the second book of my Ecclesiastick Observations upon Socrates and Sozomen The Learned Reader will meet with Valesius's Ecclesiastick Observations on Socrates and Sozomen at the close of Valesius's second Volume of the Greek Ecclesiastick Historians he may find this matter discussed at the first chapter of the second book of those Observations I have by most evident arguments demonstrated that Alexander Bishop of Constantinople died in the Reign of Constantine the Great and that Paul succeeded him during the Reign of the said Constantine Baronius who places Alexanders death on the year of Christ 340 does manifestly contradict himself For he says that the Synod of the Bishops of Egypt which was summoned to confute the calumnies brought against Athanasius by the Eusebian faction was convened in the year of Christ 339. But those Bishops do expresly attest in their Synodick Epistle that at that very time Eusebius had left Nicomedia and had lept into the Constantinopolitan See 'T is needless to quote the words of that Epistle here in regard they are produced by Baronius himself at the year of Christ 340. Now if Eusebius had gotten the See of Constantinople in the year of Christ 339. Alexander must necessarily be supposed to have been dead before this year Vales. b This person was afterwards promoted to the degree of Presbyter under Paul Bishop of Constantinople and accused his own Bishop as Athanasius relates in his Epistle ad Solitar Vales. * Parts †That is those that owned Christ to be of the same substance or essence with the Father c There were two Churches of this name in Constantinople the one called the Old the other the New Irene as it is recorded in the Life of Paul the Constantinopolitan Bishop which Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Moreover the Old Church called Irene was contiguous to the Great Church which was afterwards named Sophia nor had it separate Clergy-men but the Clergy of the Great Church by turns ministred in that Church The Emperour Justinian informs us of this in the third Novell In the old description of Constantinople which is prefixt before the Notitia Imperii Romani this is called the Old Church and 't is placed in the second ward of the City together with the Great Church The Church Irene to wit The New Irene is recounted in the seventh ward of that City Socrates hath made mention of The Old Irene in his first Book chap. 37. It is termed the Church of Saint Irene after the same manner that the Church Sophia is called Saint Sophia not that there was a Virgin or Martyr called by that name Vales. a The Allatian M. S. inserts some words here after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and having through Eusebius's own ambition removed him from Nicomedia he constituted him Bishop of the Great City Constantinople Vales. * That is he means Constantiu◠and Constans sons to the Emperour Constantine the Great who had a little before this been proclaimed Augusti Constantine the other son of Constantine the Great was now dead See chap. 5. of this book a The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged here and the whole clause read in this continued form having considered with himself how he had been circum vented that he might subscribe Athanasius's deposition For Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem had together with Paul and the rest subscribed Athanasius's deposition in the Council of Tyre In regard of his sorrow for doing this he refused afterwards to be present at the Council of Antioch as Sozomen relates in his
Alba is here put instead of Millaine For Millaine not Alba was the Metropolis of Italy And Dionysius who then opposed Constantius and the Arians was not Bishop of Alba but of Millaine as Athanasius attests in his Epistle aâ— Solitar Vales. * That is Paulinus Dionysius and Eusebius a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. â— The Emperour issued out these orders with a designe to unite them in opinion are wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition we have inserted them upon the authority of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS Vales. b The death of Leontius Bishop of Antioch hapned in the year of Christ 356 Constantius residing then at Rome as Baronius has truly remarked Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undermined or burrowed into the Bishoprick of Antioch c Leontius Bishop of Antioch had at first preferred Aëtius to a diaconate but being afterwards reproved by Diodorus and Flavianus because he had advanced a person to sacred orders who had been bred up in ill studies and was an assertour of impious Tenets he divested him of his Deaconship as Theodoret relates Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 24. Eudoxius therefore as soon as he had gotten the Bishoprick of Antioch attempted to restore Aëtius to his former preferment Vales. †Deaconship * Book 2. chap. 12. * Chap. 30. d We remark't before book 2. chap. 30. note b. that this third Exposition of Faith was not translated out of Latine but was at first dictated in Greek by Marcus Arethusius Athanasius who has recorded this Creed in his book de Synodis does not say it was translated out of Latine and yet where-ever he produceth any monument rendred into Greek out of the Latine tongue his continual usage is to give the Reader warning of it Further these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This Creed was translated out of Latine into Greek the contents thereof are these are wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition nor are they in Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Vales. e In Athanasius's book de Synodis pag. 875 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before every comprehensible substance Vales. * Substance f The latter part of this Sirmian Creed is set down by Germinius in his Epistle to â—ufianus Palladius and others in these words Nam sub bonae memoriae Constantio Imperatore c. For under the Emperour Constantius of good memory when there began to be a dissention amongst some concerning the Faith in the presence of the said Emperour there being also present Georgius Bishop of the Alexandrian Church Pancratius of Pelusium Basilius at that time Bishop of Anquiritum Valens Ursacius and our slenderness after a dispute had concerning the Faith untill night when it was reduced to a certain Rule Marcus was chosen by us all to dictate it in which Creed it is thus written The Son is in all things like the Father as the divine Scriptures do affirm and teach To which entire prosession of Faith we all gave our consent and subscribed it with our hands Their subscriptions are extant in Epiphanius in Haeres Semiarian cap. 22. which ought to be annexed to this draught of the Creed The same form of the Sirmian Creed is mentioned in the Exposition of the Faith at Seleucia which Epiphanius hath recorded in the foresaid Heresie chap. 25 in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Moreover that that Draught of the Creed heretosore published at Sirmium in the presence of the piety of our Emperour Constantius does exactly agree with this form of the Creed is very well known by them who have read that Creed which was subscribed by them â—hat were then present to wit Basilius Marcus Geoâ—gius Bishop of Alexandria Pancratius Hypatianus and most of the Western Bishops Vales. g The passage in Athanasius here quoted by Socrates occurs at the beginning of his Epistle de Synodâ— Arimini Seleuciae Vales. h We read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things as it is in Athanasius See the forequoted passage Vales. i For this is the title prefixt before the exposition of Faith at Sirmium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This Chatholick Creed was expounded and published in the presence of our Lord the most pious and Victorious Emperour Constantius Augustus Eternal Augustus c. as it is extant in Athanasius at the fore-quoted place Which words I therefore annext here because our Socrates in his recitation of that Draught of the Creed has omitted these titles Indeed Constantius did so readily give credence to such flatteries as these that speaking of himself in his Edicts and Letters he would sometimes assert his own eternity This is attested by Amm. Marcellinus not far from the beginning of his fifteenth book in these words Quo ille speaking of Constantius studio blandiâ—iarum exquisito sublatus immunemque se deinde fore ab omni mortalitatis incommodo fidenter existimans confestim à justitia declinavit ita intemperanter uâ— AETERNITATEM MEAM aliquoties subsereret ipse dictando c. Vales. * See Isai. 1. 1. and Hosea 1. 1. †Jeremiah 1. 2. * Addition †He speaks â—ronically * Writing * See Luk. 2. 1. k In Athanasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the madness which is the better reading for he means the Montanists to whom madness is deservedly attributed The term here in Socrates is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impious opinion Vales. †See Eusebius Eccles. Hist. book 4. chap. 27. note c. and book 5. chap. 18. l This Letter of the Ariminum Synod is extant in Latine in Hilarius amongst the Fragments of his book de Synodis pag. 451. Edit Paris 1631 out of whom we have transcâ—ibed it and placed it here instead of a Version It ought not to seem strange to any person to see so great a disagreement between the Greek Version and the original Latine Copy of this Epistle For this is an usual thing with Greek Translatours as often as they render Latine into Greek which may be easily perceived from the Emperours Rescripts which occur in Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History But we need not fetch examples hereof from any other place than from this Letter in which do occur almost as many mistakes in the Greek translation of it as there are periods in the Letter But the beginning of this Letter is commonly thus worded in Hilarius Lubente Deo ex praecepto pietatis Tuae credimus fâ—isse disposâ—tum c. By Gods pleasure we believe it hath been ordered by the Command of your Piety c. But in the M. S. Copy made use of by Jacobus Sirmondus the reading is thus Jubente Deo c. By Gods will c. So the Greek Translatour reads it whom we have followed in this place Any one may with good reason conjecture that Jubente Deo By Gods will is written instead of Juvante Deo By Gods assistance Vales. * Or place of the Ariminensians †Salvation * Or Consult m These words have no
and also to all the Bishops in Italy and in the Western parts Nor is it otherwise exprest in the Libel of Faith which the Legates presented to Liberius Vales. h It must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it may be referred to the foregoing word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Letters And thus Epiphanius Scholasticus and Langus Nicephorus's Translatour read it It would doubtless have been foolish to term antient Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persons illuminated with the light of Faith as if they had been some Neophytes or late Converts to the Faith Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it would be better thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Nicene Synod hitherto So in the Libel of Faith presented to Liberius by the Legates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which having been established in the holy Nicene Synod hath hitherto always continued intire and unshaken So Musculus and Christophorson read this place Vales. k It should not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is your Legates themselves For Liberius means the Libel of Faith which the Macedonian Legates had presented to him In which Libel the Legates profess that as well those persons by whom they had been sent did constantly retain that Creed which had heretofore been set forth at Nicaea as also that they themselves did and always would observe and keep to the same Creed Masculus and Christophorson supposed that by these words the Nicene Fathers were meant than which nothing is more absurd Langus led them into this mistake who in his Version of Nicephorus has rendred this passage in relation to the Nicene Fathers Epiphanius Scholasticus more truly supposed that hereby the Macedonian Legates were meant which is apparent from his Version Vales. * See Gen. 14. 14. where we find that the number where with Abraham routed the four Kings forces was three hundred and eighteen being all his own servants l The erroneous punctation in Rob. Stephen's Edition deceived Christophorson For he renders it thus Cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis to which Transactions You Your Selves by taking an Oath have subscribed Langus and before him Epiphanius Scholasticus have rendered it truer thus Quibus vos perjurâ—o capti subscripsistis to which you beguiled by perjury have subscribed In the Macedonians Libel of Faith 't is said in express words that the Bishops being imposed upon by Fraud and Perjury had subscribed the Creed set forth at Nice in Thracia For the Arians see note e. in this chapter after they had drawn up a Form of the Creed in a Synod held at Nice in Thracia swore that that was the Creed of the Synod of Nicaea Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by impudency and improbity †Or destroy * Or interceded with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here used signifies in this place to decline or have an aversion for in which signification Lucianus uses it in Hermotimo Langus and Christophorson render it abhorrere to abhorre But Epiphanius unacquainted with this signification of the word has rendred it thus Sed quoniam omnes unanimes illius eum Sectae alterius â—atebantur But because all those of Eudoxius's Opinion confessed him to be of another Sect. Vales. This term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs 2 Tim. 2. 16. where in our English Version 't is rendred to shun b He means an order of the Prafects of the Praetorium For 't was usual that the Praefect of the Praetorium as often as he issued out any Edict should annex the names of the other Praefects of the Praetorium An instance whereof occurs both in the Gesta purgationis Ceciliani which are published after the Carthaginian Collation and also in Theodosius and Valentinianus's Novells There is a famous evidence of this thing in the antient Writer De Quaeâ—â—ionâ—buâ— veteris ac Novi Testament Cap. 97. Vales. * Or bear the blame of c. a The Emperour Valens had gone towards Antioch before But hearing of Procopius's defection whilst he was in his journey he was forced to come back as Amm. Marcellinus attests book 26. Baronius therefore finds fault with Socrates without cause For Socrates says not that Valens came to Antioch before but that he went towards that City which is certainly most true But Christophorsons Version seems to have been the cause of Baronius's mistake for he renders it thus Imperator Valens denuo Antiochiam ire maâ—urans the Emperour Valens hastning to go to Antioch again Vales. b Sozomen's account is truer who makes Eudoxius to have been Bishop but eleven years 'T is certain Eudoxius thrust himself into the Bishoprick of Constantinople when Eusebius and Hypatius were Consuls which was the year of Christ 359. He died in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens in the year of our Lord 370. Wherefore at this place of Socrates in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nineteen it ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eleven which is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus Wherefore Baronius does here also undeservedly reprove Socrates in regard not Socrates himself but the Copies of Socrates's History are here false Concerning Eudoxius's death consult Philostorgius book 9. Vales. c Sozomen tells us the same story in his Eccles. Histor. book 6. chap. 13. But Baronius at the year of Christ 370 reproves both these Historians For he maintains that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch was dead long before in Constantius's Reign Indeed Jerome in his book de Scriptor Ecclesiast does relate that Eustathius died in exile and was buried at Trajanople in Thracia to which place he had been banished If this be true Eustathius must necessarily have died in Constantius's Reign For Julianus and after him Jovianus recalled all the Bishops from exile It is indeed scaâ—ce credible that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch could live to these times For in regard he was at the Nicene Council which was held in the year of Christ 325 we may suppose him to have been then in the forty fifth year of his age From this year to the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens wherein Eustathius is said to have ordained Evagrius at Constantinople there are five and fourty years So that Eustathius must necessarily have been ninety years old if he ordained Evagrius Bishop in this year Further I must not omit what I have been informed of from Victor Tununensis's Chronicon to wit that Eustathius was not interred at Trajanople as Jerome relates but at Philippi For these are his words Post Consulatum tertium Longini c. After Longinus's third Consulate Câ—lendio Bishop of Antioch got together the reliques of his predecessour Eustathius Bishop and Confessour from Philippi in Macedonia and with great honour conveyed them to Antioch Theodorus Lector says the same in his second book Excerpt Histor. Ecclesiast Baronius does ill to place this translation of Eustathius's reliques on the year of Christ 482 in regard as 't is evident from Victor Tununensis's Chronicon 't
was performed in the year of our Lord 490 when Longinus II and Faustus were Coss. But what Theodorus Lector adds at that place to wit that the Eustathians who before had meetings by themselves were then at length united to the Catholicks an hundred years after Eustathius's death is in my judgment false For this being supposed Eustathius would have lived to the year of Christ 390. Vales. a This account disagrees both from what we have related before chap. 14. note c. out of Jerome and also from the relation of Theodorus Lector and Theophanes in his Chronicon For Jerome says that even in his age Eustathius lay buried at Trajanople whither he had been banished But Theodorus Lector and Theophanes relate that he was banished to Philippi and there buried That Eustathius therefore who was banished by Valens to Bizua must necessarily be a different person from Eustathius Bishop of Antioch Bizua is a City of Thracia heretofore the pallace of the Thracian Astorâ—s as Stephanus attests Eutropius mentions it in his sixth book where he speaks of Lucius Lucullus who subdued the Thracian Bessi Vales. * Or be might raise an irrational tumult of the multitude c. a Sozomen book 6. chap. 14. tells the same story where he calls this place Dacibyza and says 't is a Maritime-City of Bithynia Cedrenus also terms it Dacibyza But Theophanes gives it the name of Dacidiza Vales. b Concerning this Famine there is this Record in the Old Fasti with Sirmondus has published under the name of Idatius Valentiniano III and Valente III c. i. e. in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens there was a great Famine in the parts of Phrygia Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it sometimes signifies a place where the reliques of some Martyr are deposited 'tis plain from what follows that by it our Authour here means a Church a Rufinus from whom Socrates borrowed this story book 2. chap. 5. Eccles. Hist. words this passage thus Infantem quoque parvulum secum trahentem cursuque rabido irrupto etiam officii agmine festinantem Leading her little child with her and making such great bast that she broke through the Praefects Guards This memorable fact of the woman of Edessa hapned on the year of Christ 371 or 372 as we shall see by and by Baronius has done ill to place it on the year of our Lord 370. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus in the book and chapter just now quoted says she made such hast that she would not stay to shat her door nor dress herself in the usual garb that women appeared in in publick b After these words there were wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition these two whole lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And whither draggest thou that little child said the Praefect the woman replied that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Martyrdom which I have inserted from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS Epiphanius Scholasticus acknowledges them and so does Rufinus from whom Socrates borrowed this story Moreover from this place also 't is evident that Christophorson had perused no M. S. Copies of Socrates Vales. * Or. Th. a This whole scene of that unhappy Oracle which some Heathens had consulted that they might know who should succeed Valens in the Empire is at large set forth by Ammianus Marcellinus in his 29 th book But 't is difficult to assign the year whereon it hapned Baronius in his Annalls places it on the year of Christ 370. I am of opinion that it was acted in the year of our Lord 371 or at the beginning of the year 372. For Valens in the year of Christ 371 made his entry into Antioch at the end of Summer Gratianus II and Probus being Consuls as I have demonstrated in my notes on the foresaid book of Marcellinus partly from the Laws of the Theodosian Code and partly from Libanius's book concerning his own Life Now that Tragedy and Conspiracy of those wicked wretches against Valens hapned after his entry into the City Antioch as 't is manifest from Marcellinus Therefore it must necessarily happen at the close of the year 371 or at least at the beginning of 372. 'T is certain Theophanes and Cedrenus do place Valens's entry into Antioch on his eighth year But the same Theophanes does ascribe that conspiracy of those impious wretches who had consulted the Oracle concerning the future Emperour to Valens's ninth year Which agrees exactly with our opinion if we may compute Valens's first year from the Consulate of Jovianus and Varronianus Vales. * Or Th E O D. b In the Sfortian M. S. the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another Theodosius Epiphanius Scholasticus also calls him Theodosius Who this Theodosius or Theodosiolus should be 't is uncertain For I cannot think it was that Theodosius father to Theodosius the Emperour of whom Ammianus makes frequent mention in his History For he lived in the West and was not slain by the fraud and treachery of malevolent persons till after Valentinianus's death And yet this Character added by Socrates a personage of great Valour and Courage a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain does exactly fiâ— him Vales. Athanasius's death a This Magnus is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Comes of the Court-Largesses in the Letter of Petrus Alexandrinus the person spoken of in this chapter part of which Letter Theodoret has recorded book 4. chap. 22. Eccles. Histor. * In the original he is termed Praefect of Alexandria which title was sometimes given to the Praefects of Egypt as it has been observed before * Or out of his bonds †Peter * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or which has the same import 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Wedding-chamber Dining-room or entertainingroom See Stephens's Thesaur Graec. Ling. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Seventy two Translatours do use this term at Joâ—l 2. 16 and at Psalm 19. 5. to express the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chuppa which was a Tabernacle or Tenâ— set up on purpose for the performance of the solemnities usual amongst the Jews of betrothing between the man and woman a In the original 't is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in so great an house Christophorson has rendred it in tantillo domicilio in so small an house But the Greek term will not admit of this rendition Wherefore I had rather it should be thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in your dwelling Vales. * See Socrates book 1. chap. 21. †Or ashamed or he refused ‖ Or a contemner * See Psal. 39. v. 1. * Or practise †Or Theorems or Expositions * Evagrius b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Monk Epiphanius Scholasticus in his copy read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Monastick as 't is apparent from his Version Notwithstanding Nicephorus book 11. chap. 42 confirms the common reading But as to Evagrius's other book here mentioned he words the
to maintain that the Dialogue Xenωn differed from that intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it must be said that Xenωn was not the proper name of any man but that thereby is rather meant the whole School of Origen wherein the Auditors and Schollars coming from divers parts of the world were conversant Which in my judgment is the truest 'T is certain if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were a proper name it would have the accent in the last syllable save one Vales. a This beginning is too abrupt especially in regard that digression concerning Origen went before Therefore in my judgment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should precede here and the beginning of the next period should run thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But his answer was c. Vales. * Or before a Catholick or general disquisition †Or reproach b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and again it should in my judgement be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heretofore although this reading be disagreeable to all our copies For 't is opposed to what follows to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and now Valesius c The reading in the Florentine M. S. pleases me best which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not hope Epiphanius to arrive in your own Country Moreover Baronius does deservedly deride these predictions of Epiphanius and Chrysostome as fabulous and forged Socrates relates them not for true and certain and in my judgment they are altogether miâ—becoming Holy men and Bishops Vales. d Baronius does indeed place that contest between Epiphanius and Chrysostome on the year of Christ 402. But concerning Epiphanius's death he dissents from Socrates Sozomen and the other writers who tell us that Epiphanius died soon after in his return to his own Country And yet Baronius confesses he knows not what year Epiphanius died on Which I cannot wonder at enough For whereas Baronius follows Socrates and Sozomen in the fore-going account of that contest which hapned between those two eminent men what reason had he to dissent from them about the death of Epiphanius They might indeed have been mistaken in their relating the mutual predictions between Epiphanius and Chrysostome nor is it sufficiently manifest whether or no they predicted those accidents to one another But the things which hapned to each of them are most certain nor could Socrates and Sozomen be ignorant hereof the latter of whom was born at Salamine over which City Epiphanius had been Bishop and both of them were almost Epiphanius's contemporaries It ought therefore to be look't upon as certain from the Testimony of these Writers that Epiphanius died at the close of the year 402 or at least on the beginning of the year following before the Synod ad Quercum Theophilus informs us hereof in his Epistle to Saint Jerome which Epistle Jerome has prefixâ— before Theâ—â—bilus's Paschal Epistles which he translated into Latine For in thâ—t Epistle Theophilus speaks these words concerning Chrysostome then condemned Sed ille ut caetera ejus flagitia taccam c. But he not to mention his other Crimes admitâ—ed the Origenists to a familiarity with himself and preferred many of them to the Sacerdotall Office on account of which fact he â—â—dned the heaâ—t of that man of God Epiphanius of Blessed memory who shined a bright Star in the world amongst the Bishops and therefore has deserved to hear Babylon is fallen iâ— fallen Where you see Theophilus does speak of Epiphanius as then dead for he terms him a man of blessed memory and he intimates that he was dead before Chrysostome's condemnation Vales. * Darkly or obscurely a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover the Emperour c. I had rather it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the Emperour c. Moreover Chrysostome affirms the contrary to what is said here in his Epistle to Innocentius For he says that the Emperour commanded Theophilus to come to Constantinople alone to plead his cause but that he came thither accompanied with many Bishops Notwithstanding these things may be reconciled if we say that the Emperour gave Theophilus this order at the beginning when the Monks had gone to him But afterwards at the instigation of his Wife Eudoxia who was angry with Johannes the Emperour commanded Theophilus to bring the Bishops out of Egypâ— with him Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculâ—â— renders it inflexible Christophorson contumacious I would rather translate it inexorable for we fall down at their knees whom we entreat Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Euseb. book 7. chap. 11. note k. †This was termed Synodus aâ— Quercum the Synod at the Oake c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a Civill Law term and we have rendred it accordingly For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies an Exception Now one kind of an Exception is a refusall of the Judges Vales. d John Chrysostome in his Epistle to Innocentius does attest that he was put on Shipboard late in the Evening and carried into banishment Upon which account Baronius at the year of Christ 403. charges Socrates with a mistake here But if we weigh Socrates's words more attentively we shall find them in no wise differing from Chrysostome's Narrative For Socrates says only that John Chrysostome surrendred himself to the Emperours Officers about Noon therefore the Emperours Officers might detain him in custody till the Evening that he might be conveyed into banishment with more secresie in the night Vales. a Yea he communicated with them before Johannes's case was inquired into So Sozomen tells us book 8. chap. 17. Vales. b This Town 's name is written variously Hierocles Theophanes Cedrenus Nicephorus and Moschopulus call it Pranetum Sozomen terms it Pronetum In Stephanus 't is named Pronectus In the Putingerian Table it is called Pronetio Vales. c Mannours or Farms in the Country which were at some distance from the City were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we have remark't in our notes on Eusebius book 7. chap. 11. note k. which the Latines do sometimes call Suburbana Wherefore Ortelius in his Thesaurus Geographicus is mistaken in his supposing Marianae to be the Suburbs of Constantinople whenas it was a Village so called from its builder Sozomen book 8. chap. 18. says this Village was then in the Empress Eudoxia's possession Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which is the reading in Georgius Alexandrinus's Life of John Chrysostome Vales. * Or made against * The first clause of this saying occurs at Eccles. 12. 11. b Dioscorus Bishop of Hermopolis was dead before the convention of the Synod at the Oak nor was he buried in the Church at the Oak but in S t Mocius's Church as Sozomen attests book 8. chap. 17. S t Mocius's Church was at Constantinople as we are informed by Procopius and others Wherefore
of Corn and other vendible commodities usually exposed to sale in the Market at Paris we now term in French a Police and the Orders of Police Secondly Christophorson mistakes in supposing that these Edicts were published by Orestes in the Theatre For Socrates does not say so but only that Orestes made that is dictated or rehearsed to his officers these orders in the Theatre For the Roman Magistrates were wont to sit in judgment and decide matters in the Law in the Theatre Circus or in any other place they had a mind to So Amm. Marcellinus relates book 15. concerning Leontius Praefect of the City Moreover the orders then made by Orestes respected the Theatre and the publick shows Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are the terms here used do import the first Râ—aiments which children learn The teachers hereof are by the Greeks termed Grammatistae and by the Latines Liâ—â—ratores Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plausus clapping of hands such as is now used at Plays then belike usuall at Sermons †Or given * Or in all the Wards of the City d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These persons the Greeks in one word term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is professours of Physick Such a one was Magnus Medicus who professed Physick publickly at Alexandria but was a better Oratour then Physitian as Eunapius informs us in his book De Viâ—is Sophistarum Such a one also was Geâ—ius the Physitian in the times of the Emperour Zeno concerning whom see Stephanus Byzantius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damascius in the Life of Isidorus spends a great many words about this Gesius and from him Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where he divides Physick into two parts Theory and Practise Vales. Cyrillus therefore held forth the Book of the Gospells that thereby he might conjure and earnestly beseech Orestes Praefect of Egypt to be reconciled with him We have remarked already see book 6. chap. 11. note b. that the Antients did usually conjure and earnestly beseech by those things which they used to swear by The Christians usage was to swear by the Gospells laying their hands on those sacred Books as 't is evidently known Vales. * Or Oâ—â—icers a That is tortured him Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undertaking it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put him to or made him undergo as S r Henry Savil had mended it at the Margin of his Copy Nor did Musculus read otherwise who has rendred this place thus quem ille publice secundum leges torturae subjicit whom he makes to undergo torture in publick agreeable to the Laws Where you see Musculus took the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for an adverb and is therein followed by Christophorson For thus he renders it Praefectus palà m uti leges postulant de eo quaestionem exercere The Praefect as the Laws required put him to the Question openly Notwithstanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken adjectively in the same sense I have observed a little before from Amm. Marcellinus that the Roman Magistrates were wont to take Criminalls openly and in publick and torture them in regard they had their Apparitors always about them Therefore even whilest they rode in their Chariots they put offenders to the Question as Marcellinus relates concerning Leontius and Socrates at this place concerning Orestes Vales. b The Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extinguished is in no wise agreeably used here I had much rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rekindled For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Verb S r Henry Savil and the Geneva Printers have set in the margin from Christophorson's Copy is not to be born with in regard it signifies was kindled not was renewed I found here no alteration in the M. SS Copies Nicephorus has also followed the common reading For instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extinguished he makes use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was obscured or obliterated Vales. a The incomparably Learned S r Henry Savil at the margin of his Copy had made this remark which we thought good to communicate to the studious Reader Theo Interpres Ptolemaei c. that is Theon Ptolemie's Interpreter in the 81 st year of the Diocletian Epocha which was Valens's fifth year as I suppose observed two Lunar conjunctions the one Synodicam the other Panselenon See pag. 277 and 282. of Theon's Comments upon the Almagestus Edit Basil. 1538. Therefore 't is very probable that this Theon was Hypatia's Father For from those observations to Hypatia's death there are 47 years Vales. b At Alexandria there was heretofore a School of Platonick Philosophy over which amongst others Hierocles the Philosopher presided as Damascius in the Life of Isidorus pag. 1038 and Aeneas Gazaeus in Theophrasto do inform us But the Succession of this School is not to be deduced from Plotinus For Plotinus never taught Philosophy at Alexandria Plotinus was indeed instructed in Philosophy at Alexandria by Ammonius but he himself never kept a School there but continued teaching at Rome for the space of twenty six years compleat untill his death as Porphyrius relates in his Life Wherefore instead of Plotinus I would more willingly put Ammonius here Unless we should say that the Alexandrian School had associated Plotinus to themselves as being the eminent est Master and Instructor of the Platonick Philosophy By this means our Socrates may be excused Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confidence and freedome in speaking c Athanasius mentions this Church in his Epistle ad Solitarios pag. 860. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have not the Arians and â—â—gans offered sacrifice in the Great Church in the Caesareum and performed blasphemies against Christ by his command as it were He means the Cow which the Pagans would have offered in the Great Church of which he had spoken before at pag. 848. Epiphanius says a great deal concerning the same Church in Haeres Arian chap. 2. 'T is called Basilica Caesarea in Liberatus's Breviarium cap. 18. Vales. * Or wrought no small disgrace to c. d 'T is certain that Damascius in the life of Isidorus the Philosopher which by Gods assistance I will ere long set forth larger by half than it is does make Cyrillus the Authour of Hypatia's murder Damascius's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so on which occur in Suidas 'T is a most elegant passage which in favour to the studious Reader I will render into English and annex it here repeating Damascius's words a little higher The Governours also of the City Alexandria as soon as they came into that City visited her in the first place Which has been usually done at Athens also For though the thing it self be lost yes the name of Philosophy seems as yet magnificent and venerable to persons who hold the principall place in the government of the publick It hapned therefore one time that Cyrillus a Bishop of the
See the following chapter * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affairs a In Priscus's History of the Goths the King of the Hunni is termed Rouas who was succeeded by Attalas In Jordanes he is called Roäs the brother of Oâ—tar and Mundïuchus the uncle of Attalas Langus Nicephorus's Translator calls him Roïlas for what reason I know not for in Nicephorus 't is Rougas as well as here in Socrates Vales. b See Ezech. 38. vers 2 22 23. In the Septuagint Version at v. 2. the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prince Rhos But the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the vulgar Translation instead whereof Hieronymus has rendred it thus Principem capitis Mosoch Prince of the chief of Mosoch Wherefore what Langus remarks here concerning the Russi is in my judgment forreign to this place Vales. In the Hebrew the words at this text are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in the margin of our English Version is render'd exactly thus Prince of the chief of Meshech Socrates quotes this whole text out of Ezechiel in the words of the Septuaginâ— Version and we have translated them accordingly The difference between the Greek Version and Originall Hebrew at this text is great Our English Translatours as they generally do so here follow the Hebrew * See book 7. chap. 24. a These persons were Consuls on the year of Christ 436. But Prosper Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle disagree from Socrates For those Authours relate that this marriage was celebrated on the year following whereon Aëtius bore his second Consulate with Sigisvultus in the month of November The same is confirmed by Jordanes in his book de Successione Regnorum where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by Honoria with her Procurator Eugenius which was done in the Consulate of Areobindus and Aspar on the year of Christ 434 He adds these words Posthaec tertio anno Valentinianus c. On the third year after this the Emperour Valentinianus comes from Rome to Constantinople in order to his marrâ—ing Eudoxia daughter to the Emperour Theodosius and having given all Illyria as a gratuity to his Father in Law after the celebration of the marriage he returned with his Wife to his own Kingdomes Cassiodorus Senator attests the same concerning the donation of the Western Illyricum book 11. Variarum Epist. 1. pag. 684 Edit Aurel. Allobrog 1622. in these words Placidiam mundi opinione celebratam avorum or principum or aliquorum as 't is in some Copies Prosapia gloriosam purpurato filio studuisse percepimus cujus dum remisse administrat Imperium indecenter cognoscitur imminutum Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit factaque est conjunctio regâ—anâ—is divisio doleâ—da provinciis Vales. * He means those termed the Johannitae See book 6. chap. 18. †Or by prudence a By these words Socrates does plainly discover his opinion For he would say that these things are usually done through envy or out of favour For because Origen was condemned by Theophilus so many years after his death that Socrates ascribes to Theophilus's envy towards Origen himself or against those termed the Long-Monks And whereas John Chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own Country on the thirty fifth year after his death that Socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of Procluâ— and the people of Constantinople But I am not of Socrates's opinion For although in affairs of this nature tâ—e affections of men have some effect Yet divine Justice and providence whereby the Church is governed doth always overrule Origen therefore was condemned for his Heterodox opinions and John Chrysostome being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine continues in the Church to this very day Valesius * Or Tomb. †Or Rectitude a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sate upon in which Author these words are added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having taken the paper which seem altogether necessary Vales. * This pledge or Gage b Although our M. SS Copies alter not the reading here yet I agree with Christophorson and S r Henry Savill who have mended it thus of the month August Doubtless in regard Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists died on the twenty first of July and the paper wherein he had named Marcianus to be his successour was unsealed three days after his death as Socrates has told us before 't is not to be supposed that Marcianus could be ordained Bishop on the twenty first of the same month to wit July in regard he absconded in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence he was to be brought to Constantinople that he might be there constituted Bishop of the Novatianists Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he had oblieged himself to a performance c I doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for she had obliged herself that is Eudocia Thus Epiphan Scholasticus read as appears from his Version which is thus Hoc enim ipsa votum habuerat si filiam videret nuptam For she herself also had made this vow if she might see her daughter married Vales. * Or honoured a This is the Thalassius or Thalassus Praefectus Praetorio of Illyricum to whom The one Law Tit. 6. Legum Novellarum Theodosii Junioris was directed which is dated at Constantinople on the third of the Ides of August in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate which he bore with Festus After this day therefore on this very year Thalassius was made Bishop of Caesarea by Proclus Which action of Proclus's Socrates does not without cause wonder at as new and not practised by former Bishops Nectarius indeed when he was Praetor of Constantinople had been created Bishop of that City But the Emperour's consent had been first obtained as Socrates has told us before But here Proclus meerly by his own impulse laid his hands on a Praefectus Praetorio who by the Emperour had been designed to the government of the Orientall Praefecture Notwithstanding it is to be understood that the Emperour's consent was afterwards obtained who approved of what Proclus had done But in promoting inferiour Magistrates to Ecclesiastick degrees the Prince's consent was in no wife necessary For the Praefectus Praetorio's approbation was sufficient under whose dispose the Presidents of Provinces were We have an eminent instance hereof in the Life of S t Germanus Altissiodorensis which was written by Constantius Presbyter Which Germanus being President of a Province and Amator Bishop of Altissiodorum a City in France now called Auxerre having a mind to appoint him his successour Amator procured the consent of Julius Praefectus Praetorio of the Gallia's before he attempted to do that as 't is related in book 1 chap. 3 concerning the Life of S t Germanus Further this Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea was present at the false Synod at Ephesus convened against Flavianus
of incomparable Learning perceived not For instead of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the people it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the publick stock of Corn laid up for the Emperours use And a little after instead of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people having at that time quarrelled amongst themselves about this Bread-corn it must be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people having at that time privately given this Bread-corn amongst their own selves Than which emendation there is nothing more certain Further long before Diocletian to wit in the times of Dionysius Alexandrinus the Omogerontes of the City Alexandria received Bread-corn out of the publick stock as Dionysius Alexandrinus informs us in his Epistle to Hierax the Bishop which Letter Eusebius records Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 21 where see note e. Therefore Diocletianus augmented rather than began this distribution of Bread-corn at Alexandria Vales. e Translatours understood not this place as 't is apparent from their Versions For they thought that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his was to be referred to Florus when as it ought to be referred to Priscus Rhetor out of whose History Evagrius has transcribed all these passages For Priscus Rhetor in regard he was then conversant at Alexandria gave Florus this advice that he should go to the Cirque in which place the Alexandrian populace were gathered together and with great out cries required Florus to come thither Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole society of Monks f Christophorson has rendred this place ill after this manner in sancto die festo Resurrectionis Theodosium designant Episcopum on the Holy Festival day of the Resurrection they choose Theodosius Bishop Musculus renders it righter thus ordinarunt in Ecclesiâ Sanctae Resurrectionis Theodosium illum c. in the Church of the Holy Resurrection they ordained that Theodosius c. Concerning this Church of the Holy Resurrection I have made several remarks in my Notes on Ensebius's Life of Constantine See Valesius's Letter to a friend De Anastasi Martyrio Hierosolymitano which Letter he has published at pag. 304. of his notes on Eusebius But concerning this Theodosius who invaded the See of Jerusalem consult Baronius at the year of Christ 452. Vales. g Instead of Aclison it must without doubt be Alcison aâ— the reading is in Nicephorus These Letters of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison are recorded by Evagrius book 3. chap. 31. At which place we will say more concerning Alcison Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil had made this remark at the side of his Copy fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by So 't is certain Christo. phorson and Musculus read and so we have rendred it I am very confident also that Evagrius wrote it thus But Transcribers of books are wont frequently to mistake in these two praepositions as 't is known to those persons who have read over Manuscript copies Vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had received Dioscorus S r Henry Savil had made a remark at the margin of his Copy that perhaps the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had laid hands upon which reading displeases me not Nevertheless I had rather write it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which reading I have followed in my Version Nor does Nicephorus book 15. chap. 9. seem to have read otherwise who has exprest this passage in Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had been an enemy to Dioscorus at Alexandria But Musculus and Christophorson saw nothing in the rendition of this place Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have corrected this place by the Florentine Manuscript in which Copy 't is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To this person came the Inhabitants of many Cities in the Palestines It had been so agreed between the Bishops of Antioch and Jerusalem in the Synod of Chalcedon that the Three Palestines should be under the disposition of the Bishop of Jerusalem Vales. l Evagrius means the Praepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in and of which differ one from the other in one Letter The Catholicks confest Christ in two Natures The Hereticks asserted that he consisted of two Natures but which had grown together and were become one Nature For after the Union of the Word they affirmed that the Nature of Christ was one Vales. m I am of the same opinion with the Learned who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pronouncing which is the same with the reading in Nicephorus And so Christophorson read who notwithstanding in the rendition of this place has in no wise exprest Evagrius's meaning In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pronouncing Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confessing is to be expunged in regard 't is superfluous It occurs not in Nicephorus and S r Henry Savil in his Copy had drawn a line under it Vales. * Or passing into †Or not relinquish't by the other ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may also be rendred according to a peculiar mode of expression but 't is an uncouth phrase not often to be met with especially in such a sense as 't is here used * Or about their opinion of God * Or a scarcity of showers of rain * The Famine and the Pestilence * Or proceeded on †Or in a miserable manner removes from amongst men * Or inexorable †Or Libya * Or his saith †Or Onâ—richus * Constantinople a After Valentinianus Placidus's death and after the murder of Maximus Avitus was proclaimed Emperour first at Tolouse and then at Orlcance in Valentinianus's eighth Consulate which he bore with Anthemius in the year of Christ 455 on the sixth of the Ides of July as 't is recorded in the Old Chronicon which Cuspinianus first published in his Fasti. On the year following the same Avitus was Consul as 't is related in the Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus has publish't under the name of Idatius and on the same year he was deposed at Placentia as Marius and Cassiodorus inform us in their Fasti as likewise that Old Chronographer put forth by Cuspinianus But on what day and in what month Avitus resigned the Empire I do not find declared by the Ancients Indeed Sigonius in his fourteenth book de Occidentali Imperio writes that Avitus resigned the Empire on the sixteenth of the Calends of June But Sigonius quotes no Author of this thing The words of Cuspinianus's Old Chronographer are these Joanne Varane Coss. captus est Imp. Avitus c. In the Consulate of Joannes and Varanes the Emperour Avitus is taken at Placentia by Ricimeres master of the Milice And his Patritius Messianus is slain on the
sixteenth of the Calends of June From this place therefore Sigonius induced thereto by conjectures thought that Avitus had put off his purple and that Messianus had been slain on one and the same day although the Old Chronographer affirms not that For that sixteenth of the Calends of June is referred to the murder of Messianus not to Avitus's deposition 'T is certain if what Evagrius relates here be true viz. that Avitus reigned eight months his deposition must necessarily fall on the month of March in the year 456. Idatius in his Chronicon seems to attribute three years Reign to Avitus For his words are these Avitus tertio anno posteaquam à Gallis à Gotthis factus suerat Imperator caret Imperio Gotthorum promisso destitutus auxilio caret vitâ Avitus on the third year after he had been made Emperour by the Galli and the Gotthi wants his Empire being disappointed of the promised assistance of the Gotthi is deprived of his life also But in the Manuscript Copy which Jacobus Sirmondus made use of this place is read thus Tertio anno Avitus septimo mense posteaquam à Gallis à Gotthis factus fuerat Imperator c. On the third year Avitus on the seventh month after he had been made Emperour by the Galli and Gotthi c. Jacobus Sirmondus perceiving that these two were inconsistent omitted these two words septimo mense on the seventh month in his Edition but he had done better if he had expunged these two tertio anno on the third year For Avitus did not reign three years but seven or eight months only which months were part of two Consulates For which reason 't is affirmed by some Writers that he reigned two years Cedrenus 't is certain writes thus in his Chronicon Vales. b Musculus and Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Pestilence Which reading is in my judgment truer than the other to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Famine For 't is not probable that Avitus who after he had resigned the Empire was made Bishop of Placentia as Victor Tunonensis and Marius in his Chronicon do relate should have dyed by Famine Notwithstanding Nicephorus has retained the Vulgar reading Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Famine c Majorianus or Majourinus governed the Roman Empire four years and as many months as the Old Chronographer publisht by Cuspinianus informs us to whom agree Idatius and Marcellinus in his Chronicon Severus who succeeded him reigned almost the same space of years as the same writers relate But these things hapned after the death of the Emperour Marcianus during Leo Augustus's government of the Eastern Empire Vales. a Evagrius is out Marcianus Augustus dyed in the Consulate of Constantinus and Rusus on the year of Christ 457 in the month February Majorianus was proclaimed Emperour at Ravenna in the same year on the Calends of Aprill that is almost two months after Marcianus's death To whom succeeded Severus on the year of Christ 461 in the Consulate of Severinus and Dagalaïâ—us almost five years after the Emperour Marcianus's death Further this Severus was by another name termed Serpentius as Theophanes informs us in his Chronicon pag. 97 in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Severus called also Serpentius was Proclaimed For so it must be read as the most Learned Franciscus Combesisius has rightly conjectured 'T is certain in the Alexandrian Chronicle he is so termed For on the fifteenth Indiction Leo Augustus is put Consul the second time with Serpentinus Now 't is manifestly known that on this year Severus Augustus was Consul with Leo. For so Cassiodorus relates in his Fasti and also the Old Authour publish't by Cuspinianus Vales. b Marcianus reigned six years and as many months as Marcellinus relates and Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon He began his Reign in the year of Christ 450 on the eighth of the Calends of September on the fifth Feria as 't is recorded in the Alexandrian Chronicle And he dyed on the year of Christ 457. about the close of the month January as Theodorus Lector informs us with whom agrees the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle For this Authour says that Leo who succeeded Marcianus was proclaimed in the month Peritius on the seventh of the Ides of February So Marcianus reigned six years five months and some few days Vales. c Nicephorus has interlined this place after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having left his Empire a monument to all men Christophorson followed the same sense as 't is apparent from his rendition For he translates it thus Exemplari verè Regio omnibus ad intuendum relicto A truly Royall Exemplar being left by him to the view of all persons Musculus has rendred it in this manner Et memoriam sui verè Imperialem apud cunctos mortales reliquisset And had left a truly Imperial memory of his own self amongst all mortalls But Evagrius does not say this but that a monument manifestly Royall was left by Marcianus amongst all men Now that monument can be nothing else than either his own life religiously spent or rather the Chalcedon Synod which he had ordered to be convened to take away the dissentions of the Church and whereat he himself agreeable to the Example of Constantine the Great would be present In regard therefore that Synod had been convened and perfected by his labour and diligence it may deservedly be stiled the Work and Monument of the Emperour Marcianus Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Florentine M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Notwithstanding the Rules of Grammar require that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S r Henry Savil had remarked at the margin of his Copy Suidas in his Lexicon explains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by these terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promiscuous extraneous persons such as are brought in unawares Nicophorus has explained this word elegantly thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a numerous multitude and which comes from any place whatever Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Something seems to be wanting here which may perhaps be supplyed by adding a Praeposition thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 breaks out into violence and rage Vales. f In the incomparable Florentine and Tellerian M. SS this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has explained this place excellently well in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And they say that every one who will make use of an obvious light or triviall occasion may quickly enrage the people and incite them to a Sedition Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he renders it thus Aiunt plebtium quemque modò ipse voluerit principium dare c. They say that every ordinary fellow provided he be willing to give the Onset may inflame that City and excite it to a popular and civil Sedition But I approve not of this
c. For Petrus Mongus condemned not the Chalcedon Synod together with Leo's Epistle once but oftner Vales. b Liberatus makes mention of this Abbot Nephalius in his Breviarium chap. 18. Vales. * Or Fully a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this interim Further 't is to be observed that Evagrius does in the first place relate Acacius's death For of those three Schifmaticks who rent in sunder the Orientall Church to wit Acacius Bishop of Constantinople Petrus of Alexandria and Petrus of Antioch the first that departed out of this life says Evagrius was Acacius then Petrus Bishop of Alexandria who was termed Mongus and last of all died Petrus Fullo But Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon relates that the first that died of those three I have mentioned was Petrus Bishop of Antioch For his words are these Post Consuletum secundum Longini c. After Longinus's second Consulate Petrus Bishop of Antioch dies under condemnation and in his place Calendion is ordained But the Eastern Bishops as persons ignorant consecrate Johannes surnamed Codonatus Bishop over the said Antiochian Church to whom succeeded Petrus the Heretick This was the year of Christ 488 Dynamius and Sifidius being Consuls But on the year following wherein Probinus and Eusebius were Consuls the same Victor Thunonensis records Acacius's death in these words Eusebio V. C. Cos. Acacius Constantinopolitanus Episcopus sub damnatione moritur c. The most famous personage Eusebius being Consul Acacius Bishop of Constantinople dies under Condemnation and in his room Flavita is ordained Bishop to whom he dying in the third month of his Promotion Euphemius Keeper of the Decrees of the Chalcedon Synod was successour in the Bishoprick And on the next year Longinus and Faustus being the second time Consuls the same Victor relates that Petrus Bishop of Alexandria died under Condemnation But Baronius in his Ecclefiastick Annalls relates indeed the death of these three Schismaticks in the same Order with Victor Thunonensis but not on the same year For he says that Petrus Fullo died on the year of our Lord's Nativity 486. And that Acacius died two years after that is on the year of Christ 488 But in Mongus's death he agrees exactly with Victor But I had rather follow Victor's opinion who places Fullo's death on the year of Christ 488. For Calendion was created Bishop of Antioch on the year of our Lord's Nativity 482 as 't is manifest from Pope Simplicius's Epistle and in regard he held that Bishoprick four years as Theophanes does attest it must necessarily be said that Petrus Fullo who on Calendion's being ejected was put into his place had possession of the See of Antioch on the year of Christ 486. But who can believe that Petrus Fullo who committed so many and such notorious Facts during the time of his Episcopate should have died a few months after his promotion Petrus Fullo therefore died not on the year of Christ 486 as Baronius thought But this argument is with ease refuted for 't is grounded barely on Theophanes's authority who attributes four years to Calendion's sitting Bishop But Calendion sate Bishop during the space of one year only For he was ejected by the treachery of his Ordainer Acacius a little after the Roman Synod on the year of Christ 483 as we are informed from Pope Felix's Letter to all the Presbyters and Archimandrites at Constantinople and throughout Bithynia and from the Authour of the Gesta de nomine Acacii But Theophanes and Cedrenus are notoriously mistaken who relate that Petrus Fullo departed this life after Petrus Mongus Whom Pope Gelasius has refuted in his Epistle to the Orientalls who does attest that of those two Petrus Fullo died first Vales. b Theophanes relates that Fravita wrote Synodick Letters to Petrus Bishop of Alexandria wherein he denyed that he communicated with Felix Bishop of Rome And on the other hand that he sent Synodick Letters to Felix wherein he declared to him that he had no society of communion with Petrus Bishop of Alexandria Theophanes assignes only three months continuance in his Bishoprick to the same Fravita as does likewise Victor Thunonensis and not four as Evagrius affirms in this chapter Vales. c There were at Alexandria two sorts of Hereticks to wit the Dioscoritae and the Esaiani concerning whom Liberatus speaks in his Breviary The Dioscoritae wholly condemned and anathematized the Chalcedon Synod But the Esaiani following Zeno's Edict that is His Henoticon did not indeed in any wise admit that Synod yet they pronounc't not an Anathema against it Vales. d Evagrius says not expresly on what year Petrus Bishop of Antioch died nor can it be gathered from his words that he died after Petrus Bishop of Alexandria Yea rather the contrary may be extracted from Evagrius's words For if Petrus Bishop of Antioch had survived Petrus Alexandrinus doubtless Athanasius who succeeded Petrus Bishop of Alexandria would have sent his Synodick Letters to Petrus Bishop of Antioch For these Synodick Letters were wont to be sent by the Patriarchs at the very beginning of their Patriarchate In regard therefore Athanasius sent his Synodick Letters to Palladius Bishop of Antioch it appears from thence that Petrus Antiochenus died long before Petrus Alexandrinus Further concerning Athanasius's Synodick Letters Liberatus in his Breviarium says these words Non post multum tempus c. No long time after dies also Petrus Mongus at Alexandria and after him Athanasius is ordained in that See who himself also communicated with the Constantinopolitan Antiochian and Hierosolymitane Church in the Edict Vales. * Flavianus's †Or Till some times of Anastasius a Zeno brought over Armatus to his own side not only by gifts and presents but by promises also For he promised that as soon as he had recovered the Empire he would make Armatus perpetuall Magister or Master of the present Militia and his Son Basiliscus Caesar and his own Assessour as Theophanes tells us in his Chronicon pag 107. Whose words because they are corrupted nor could be understood by the Translatour I will annex here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But he also as it frequently happens being blinded with gifts sent from Zeno and with a promise of the perpetuall Mastership of the Milice and that Zeno would make his Son Basiliscus Gaesar and his Assessour returned with Zeno against Basiliscus I write therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and with a promise of the perpotuall Mastership of the Milice Theophanes terms the perpetuall power of Master of the Milice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle does fully confirm our Emendation For he writes that Zeno had made a promise to Armatus that be would grant to him the Magisteriall power of the present Milice as long as he should live Suidas relates much concerning this Armatus in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seem to have been taken out of
Damascius in the Life of Hisydorus the Philosopher Vales. * Or Theudericus †Zeno. ‖ Or To kill him a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the exposition of this word Translatours have been mistaken Langus renders it Hastam expeditam a Javelin fitted up and in readiness Musculus according to his own usage having not a Latine word ready at hand retained the Greek one But Christophorson has rendred it worst of all thus Hastam cuspide bisidâ a Javelin with a double point I have translated it Hastam amentatam a Javelinsitted with a loop of leather to caest it with For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with Amenium to wit the thong wherewith Darts or Javelins were bound about that they might be cast against the Enemy The Old Glosses out of the Library of Petrus Daniel quoted by Turnebus explain it thus Amentum corrigia lanceae quae etiam ansula est ad jactum that is Amentum the Latehets of a Launce which is also a little handle to cast it Where ansula is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit that whereby a Dart is held that it may be thrown Hesychius expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sit or clasp together the fingers about the leather-latchet of a missile weapon 'T is likewise used to signifie to be ready So Aeschylus made use of this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sounds made by the lashings of leather-thongs See Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Metaphor taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from those Javelins which they termed amentaâ— that is fitted with loops of leather to fliag them with as Eustathius tells us at the Second Book of the Iâ—â—ads Now there was a double use of the Amentum For it conduced both to the holding of the Dart and also that it might be thrown against the Enemy with a greater force Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the incomparable Florentine M. S. I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Learned men had conjectured the reading should be Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with him whom the Latines term a Strator who is wont to liâ—t his Master on horseback as Suidas attests in which Author there is a passage extant of an ancient Writer who says these words concerning King Massanissa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this Massanissa when he was old mounted his horse without a Strator Where Suidas seems to have taken the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Scale which we vulgarly term a Stirrop Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Tellerian M. S. For so the Analogy requires it should as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suidas expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to pull back to curb But Nicephorus instead of this word made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to repress or to draw back Further the death of Theodoricus hapned on the year of Christ 481 as Marcellinus in his Chronicon attests in these words Placidio solo Coss. Theodoricus Triarii filius Rex Gothorum c. Placidius being Consul alone Theodoricus Triarius's Son King of the Goths taking his Forces along with him as far as Anaplum arrives at the distance of four miles from the City but having done no harm to any of the Romans returned forthwith Further hastning into Illyricum whilest he was going between the moving Carriages of his own Army he is wounded and striken thorow with the point of a dert lying upon one of the Wagons occasioned by the motion of his own horse who started and dies Vales. a Theophanes relates this commotion of Marcianus's in like manner as our Evagrius does soon after the death of Theodoricus the Son of Triarius But Malchus dissents in his Byzantine History For he tells us that Theodoricus Triarius having heard of Marcianus's Sedition forthwith drew together vast Forces and marched towards Constantinople pretending to give the Emperour assistance but in reality that he might make himself master of the Imperial City Malchus's words if any one be desirous of reading them occur at pag. 86 of the King's Edition Further Procopius Marcianus's brother after Marcianus was taken and his Tyranny supprest fled into Graecia to Theodoricus And when Zeno sent an Embassy requiring him to be delivered up to himself he could never prevail to get that done by Theodoricus as Candidus says in his Second Book and Malchus in the book now cited Vales. * Or Image-makers a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made sensible of Zeno's intent In the Florent M. S. 't is tâ—uer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. made sensible of Zeno's treacherous designes c. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours saw not the meaning of this place they were deceived by an ill punctation But by placing a middle distinction after these words I have cast a light upon this passage For Evagrius says two reasons were brought which had moved Theodoricus to go into Italy The first was because Zeno plotted against him The second is assigned in these words But others affirm that c. Indeed in the Excerpta of that old Author which I published long since at the end of Amm. Marcellinus Theodoricus is said to have gone into Italy with the consent of Zeno. For these are the words there at pag. 479 Zeno recompensans beneficiis Theodoricum c. Zeno recompensing Theodoricus with gifts whom he made Patricius and Consul giving him much and sending him into Italy made an agreement with him that if Odöachar should be vanquished for the merit of his own labours he should only reign before in his room whilest he should live Loco ejus dum adviveret in his room whilest he should live so 't is worded in this note of Valesius's here but in the forementioned Excerpta of the old Authour the reading is loco ejus dum adveniret in his room whilest he should come Jordanes does also attest the same in his Geticks and in his Book de Successione Regnorum Vales. * Or Works a So a certain Building seems to be termed which served instead of a Forum Evagrius says this Edifice was in the Daphnensian Suburb over against or opposite to the publick Bath For that is the import of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectà ad publicum Balneum straight forth to the publick Bath Which I approve not of for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opposite as Suidas attests Now in the Antiforum says Evagrius Mammianus's Statue was erected Whence it is apparent that The Antiforum was the same with what I have said above For Statues were wont to be erected in the Forum Vales. * Or matter of brass b I agree with Christophorson and S r
Episcopum c. In the 39 th year of his Empire Justinian sends into Exile Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople a Condemner of the three Heads and of Evagrius the Hermite a Deacon and of Didymus the Monk an Alexandrian Confessour whose praises we have produced above from the authority of illustrious men and in his room makes Johannes Bishop a like assertour of the same Errour Vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both here and in the following Chapter Theophanes makes mention of this Mannour or Village in his Chronicon pag. 151 where he writes concerning Alamundarus's irruption into Syria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is And he burnt the outward parts of Chalcis and ruined the Mannour or Possession Sirmium and the Cynegick Region In the Greek instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chalcedon I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chalcis Vales. * Or Being perverted from the right opinion †Or Turned aside * Or The King's way a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with unspeakable Hedges In Nicephorus 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Hedges not to be broken Which writing the Tellerian Manuscript confirms Vales. b Evagrius mistakes For Johannes succeeded not Vigilius but Pelagius was his successour After whose death Johannes Junior undertook the Episcopate of the Church of Rome on the year of Christ 560. Vales. c This place is chiefly to be taken notice of against the Sentiment of Baronius who believed Macarius was restored to his own See before the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod But this passage of Evagrius refutes Baronius's opinion Evagrius informing us here that Macarius's Restitution was made long before that Synod To Evagrius agrees Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon in these words Anno. 37. Imperii Justiniani c. On the 37 th year of Justinian's Empire Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem who had been ordained whilst Macarius was alive it ejected and Macarius is again put into his own See But Theophanes in his Chronicon places Macarius's Restitution on the times of Justinus Junior as I have observed above Vales. * Justinian †Or Affections * Or Observe †Or Make an excursion * Or Mixt. †Or Directed his discourse by reason a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus and the Tellerian Manuscript it is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if he could ruine this Tower For so the Rules of Grammer require it should be 'T is a Metaphor drawn from Machines used in Sieges wherewith Cities are wont to be assaulted Further concerning the constancy of this Anastasius Sinaïta in defending the true Faith against the Heresie of the Aphthartodocitae Eustathius writes also in the Life of the Blessed Eutychius Patriarch of Constantinople Vales. * Or Divine †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anointed himself * Galat. 1. 8 9. ‖ Or Lookt on b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is strange that three Translatours Langus Musculus and Christophorson should all mistake in the Rendition of one word The Graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valedictory or Farwell Orations and have handed down to us the peculiar method of Those Orations as I have remarked in My Notes upon Eusebius's Life of Constantine book 3. chap. 21 note a. Vales. * Or Sentences c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil at the margin of his copy has mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For so the Rules of Grammar require it should be But I have observed that the Rules of Grammar are sometimes despised by our Evagrius Nicephorus when he wrote out this passage of Evagrius instead of the Conjunctive Particle substituted a Praeposition in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Judicatories a Concerning the Office of the Curopalates much to hath been already said by many persons to repeat which here is superfluous we will remark this only that the Curopalates always went before with a Golden Rod as often as the Emperour would appear in publick Cassiodorus tells us this in his Formula Curae palatii in these words Considera quâ Gratificatione tracteris c. Consider with what Gratification you are treated how being adorned with a Golden Rod amongst numerous obeysances you seem to go first before the Royall feet So also Corippus in Book 2. Chap. 7. De Laudibus Justini Minoris where he describes Justinus's procession to the Cirque in these words Tunc ordine longo Incedunt summi proceres fulgensque Senatus Ipse inter primos vultu praeclarus honoro Fratris in obsequiâ—m gaudent Marcellus abibat Dispositorque novus sacrae Baduarius Aulae Successor Soceri factus mox Curopalates Concerning this Golden Rod which was wont to be carried before the Roman Emperours Paulus Silentiarius speaks in his description of the Church of Saint Sophia not far from the beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For I assent not to that Learned man who hath rendred it Aureas Secures Golden Axes And at first this dignity was small for it was under the dispose of the Castrensis See D r Howells History Second part pag 64 of the Sacred Pallace But afterwards it began to be accounted the chiefest dignity of the Pallace from such time as Justinus Nephew to Justinian bore it It was a Civil not a Military dignity as Alemannus thought who in his Notes on Procopius's Historia Arcand confounds the Curopalates with the Comes Excubitorum Vales. * Or Running of Horses in the Cirque †Or About to doe and submit himself to the usages of an Empire * Or Innovation b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 17. chap. 33. took these words of Evagrius as meant of the Bishops who had been banished by Justinian into various places for their defence of the true Faith But that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can not bear this interpretation Therefore Christophorson chose to interpret this place concerning the Bishops who from all places had been assembled together at Constantinople But neither can I approve of this Rendition in regard Evagrius says those Bishops were not convened at Constantinople but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in all places Vales. * Or Openly involved in †Or Immense c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some word seems to be wanting which may be supplied in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most contrary Vices And so Christophorson seems to have read Vales. See chap. 19. note d. d This Justinus was Son to Germanus Patritius and Cousin-germane to the Emperour Justinus as Johannes Biclariensis informs us in his Chronicon Indeed Germanus and Justinus Junior were akin For Germanus was Justinian's Nephew by his Brother But the Emperour Justinus was the Son of Vigilantia Justinian's Sister Further this Justinus Son to Germanus had born the Consulate in the year of Christ 540. The Emperour Justinian had created the same person Master of
mind with Sir Henry Savil who hath noted in his Copy that perhaps it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. declared that at the very time of her delivery c. And so the reading is in Nicephorus In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at her very delivery Vales. c See if you please what I have remarked concerning The Empusa at the eighth book of Sozomen's History chap. 6. Nicephorus who deservedly derides such Old-wives-fables as these affirms chap. 9. book 18. that in his age this Shee-devill was called Gillo Those termed Strigae by the Romans were like to these Empusae concerning these Strigae see Festus The old Glosses Strigae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laestrygon a Witch Concerning this Gillo or Gello which heretofore was believed to snatch away Children Leo Allatius has remarked much in his Letter to Paulus Zachias Vales. * Or He lived in the Empire but c. †Or Concerning a summary of c. * Or recounted a This place gave occasion of a mistake to Baronius who in his Ecclesiastick Annalls following Evagrius as his Authour attributes sixteen years and nine months Reign to Justinus Junior But the other Chronologers assign fewer years to Justinus For Johannes Biclariensis attributes but eleven years to him Cedrenus thirteen years and some few months The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle affirms that he Reigned twelve years and eight months Lastly Dionysius Petavius a most diligent Writer of Times gives Justinus thirteen years of Empire lacking one month Which years he begins from the year of Christ 565 on the month November in the fourteenth Indiction whereon he judges with Theophanes and Baronius that Justinian died To the opinion of which person I do most willingly subscribe Indeed that the first year of Justinus Junior was current with the fourteenth Indiction we are informed from the same Justinus's First Novel to Julianus Praefect of the City which has this Subscription Data 18. Kalendas Octobres Chalcedone Imp. D. N. Justino P. P. August Anno Primo Indictione quintâ decimâ Dated on the eighteenth of the Calends of October at Chalcedon Emperour our Lord Justinus Father of his Country Augustus on his first year in the fifteenth Indiction For the first year of Justinus's Empire began from the month November as 't is agreed amongst all writers It must therefore necessarily have then been the fourteenth Indiction in regard on the month September of the year following the fifteenth Indiction is reckoned For if Justinus had begun his Empire on the fifteenth Indiction as Victor Thunonensis Johannes Biclariensis and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle have left it recorded and in the month November 't is certain the first Indiction would have begun in the month September of the year following Further of these twelve years and eleven months during which compleat space of time we affirm that Justinus Reigned he Reigned alone and without a Colleague eight years nine months and an half with Tiberius the Caesar he Reigned four years and almost one month Vales. b Tiberius Constantinus was made Caesar by Justinus in the eighth Indiction on the seventh-day of the month September as 't is recorded in the Alexandrian Chronicle But he began his Empire in the twelfth Indiction on the fifth day of the month October Hence there are four years and twenty eight days of Tiberius's Caesarean power But if we had rather follow Theophylactus who writes that Tiberius was made Caesar by Justinus on the seventh day of December on the sixth Feria there will be three years and almost ten months which is from the year of Christ 574 to the year 578. Further 't is to be observed that Tiberius Constantinus after the death of Justinus Junior reckoned the years of his own Empire from the beginning of his Caesarean power as we are informed by the Subscription of the same Tiberius's Sacra Pragmatica concerning the Confirmation of the Emperour Justinus's Constitutions which runs thus Data tertio Idûs Augusti c. Dated on the third of the Ides of August at Constantinople on the eighth year of the Emperour our Lord Tiberius Constantinus Augustus and on the third year after his own Consulate and on the first year of the most noble Flavius Tiberius Mauricius the most happy Caesar. Vales. * Or Preserved a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And Lastly by those c. For 't is referred to the foregoing words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Translatours perceived not Vales. b Concerning Charax Pergamenus a Writer of Greek Histories see what Vossius has written in his book de Historicis Graecis Vales. * Or The Epirote †Or judiciously c This seems to be the same person who by Vopiscus in the Life of Aurelianus is termed Nicomachus he had written an History of those times as Vopiscus attests there This Nicostratus here was a different person from Nicostratus the Sophist who flourisht in the Empire of Marcus as Suidas affirms and also Georgius Scyncellus in his Chronicon Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In my Annotations on the Excerpta Legationum out of Dexippus I have long since remarked that at this place the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Scythick Wars For Dexippus wrote the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Wars which the Romans waged against the Scythians as Photius attests in his Bibliotheca Vales. e Arrianus wrote the Parthica and Alanica in which books he related the Actions performed by the Romans against the Parthians and Alans Evagrius therefore means these books here Vales. f This is the Eustathius Syrus whose Testimony our Evagrius has made frequent use of in the foregoing books Concerning this Authour Suidas writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eustathius Epiphaniensis wrote a Chronologicall Compendium of affairs from Aeneas till the Emperour Anastasius in Tomes At my perill write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two Volumes or Tomes I have Evagrius's authority here for this Emendation Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with all possible expedition in order to the avoiding the ill sounding of the words Vales. h This Johannes was an Epiphaniensian For whereas Evagrius calls him his own Fellow-Citizen he must needs have been an Epiphaniensian in regard Epiphania a City of Syria was Evagrius's native place Wherefore Vossius is mistaken in his book de Histor. Graecis who thought that this Johannes was by birth an Antiochian Vales. †Or Benevolence * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pride or voluptuousness †Viz. Piety ‖ Shewed or brought * Viz. Imperial Dignity a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus book 18. chap. 8. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crowned which I don't approve of For 't was not the custom amongst the Ancients at least so far as I know that those who were invited
Marcellinus attests in his 27 th Book where he speaks concerning Damasus and Ursinus Gregory Nazianzen also in the Funerall Oration he wrote concerning the praises of Basilius says that he whilst he was Bishop of Caesarea was clad in a mean Cloak which he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied in the margin in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was pleased to behold God honoured in each person But the reading is shorter in the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was pleased or thought good to look upon God himself Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is for this Reason Vales. * Or Rich. †Or Assistances ‖ Or Chappell 's or Vestries of the Church a In the King 's and Fuketian M. SS and in the old Sheets the Chapter begins at these words Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means the Heathens who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the Church And this is confirmed from the following Chapter where his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such was his behaviour towards all persons in generall But his c. The like expression we meet with in Book 2 at the close of the 21 and beginning of the 22 chapters Vales. * Or Life †Or Wanting Father and Mother c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it ill nuptas married for not those that are married but them who are marrying bring a Portion to their Husbands The same Christophorson has committed the like mistake in rendring the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dead as we have noted at Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 10. chap. 8. note c. Vales. d In the King's Manuscript at the side of these words this mark is set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which mark seems to me to denote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an elegant expression or place Vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Valesius renders thus ac cum caelesti solis Jubare quodammodo exoriens and rising in a manner with a celestial beam of the Sun e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius uses this term to signifie benignity or beneficence So he has also used this word in the tenth book of his Hist. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At this place Eusebius does not term them faithfull who were true-hearted and well-affected towards the Emperour as the Translatours thought but he styles the Christians so For Constantine in regard he was a most Religious Emperour when ever he was present at the Councills of Bishops was wont to send off all his Guards and took with him only those of his Courtiers who had been instructed in the mysteries of the Christian Faith Vales. * That is The Donatists a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exasperated against them Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against him as the reading is in the King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts which emendation I found written also in Moraeus's Copy In the old Sheets likewise 't is mended in the same hand Vales. b He means the Donatists of whose boldness and insolence many passages occur in Optatus and Augustinus Concerning the beginning and progress of which Schism throughout Africa we have made many remarks not taken notice of by others and have designedly placed them at the close of these notes Vales. See Valesius's notes on Eusebius pag. 289 c. c In the Kings Sheets this place is thus supplied in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some wicked devil as 't is likely which is more elegant Vales. d Eusebius makes use of too soft a term For those things which were then done by the Donatists in Africa were such as not to deserve laughter but anintadversion rather For both the sanctity of Religion and the authority likewise of the Emperour himself were most insolently trampled on by those persons But perhaps Eusebius at this place meant only those matters which had a reference to the contempt of the Imperial Majesty For Constantine could dissemble those things and might think them worthy of laughter rather than trouble of mind But he was resolved most severely to revenge what those Donatists did against God and the observancy of the Catholick Law and on that design determined to pass over into Africk as he himself writes in his Letter to Celsus Vicar of Africa Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Before these words is to be set an Astorisk For some words are wanting which in my judgment may be supplied in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which we have express in our Version Christophorson and S r Henry Savil made good this place otherwise In the Kings Sheets this place is thus made up in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that he would in no wise inflict punishment on the fury of mad-men But the words immediately following do reject this conjecture In the Fuketian Manuscript this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same also is the reading in Turnebus's and S r Henry Savils Copy But this reading seems to me to have issued from the conjecture of the Transcriber Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made an invulnerable provision for his Churches Although this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be fitly made out concerning Constantine whose mind could never be exulcerated and provok't by the madness of the Donatists and other Hereticks of the same stamp yet at this place I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For in my judgment it cannot well be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he made an invulnerable Provision But on the contrary the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be used most elegantly that is he made an indefatigable Provision c. So in book 2. chap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he exercised a sleepless or watchfull care over the publick Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rather the mildest as 't is in the King 's and Fuk. Manuscripts Vales. a He means Maximianus Herculius For he had obtained the 2 d place in the Empire and when he had framed Plots against Constantine being detected he ended his life with an halter Besides the following words wherein Eusebius tells us his Pictures and Statues were thrown down and defaced do evidently shew that Maximianus Herculius is meant here Which if true Eusebius hath committed a most foul mistake here in relating Herculius's death after the Victory over Maxentius when as 't is certain that Maximianus Herculius ended his life two years before the defeat and destruction of Maxentius on the year of Christ 310. But who can believe that Eusebius who was contemporary with these times could have been guilty of so great a mistake Besides the Title of this chapter gives us the name not of Maximianus but of Maximinus
as does likewise Sozomen book 2 chap. 26 Marcus in the Life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza and Eucherius in his Book de Situ urbis Hierosolymitan◠See Our Letter de Anastasi c wherein we have at large proved against Jacobus Gretserus and Jacobus Sirmondus that there was only one Church erected by Constantine which was termed the Martyrium and Anastasis Which Letter we thought good to make a second publication of at the close of our Notes pag. 304 c. Vales. a This whole clause as far as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek or His very face in the English was wanting in the Kings Copy and in Robert Stephens's Edition Learned men had inserted it whether from some Manuscript Copies or from conjecture I know not But at length the Fuketian Copy has informed us that these words were on a good account inserted from the Manuscripts Vales. * Constantine a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Questionless it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having long before performed c. Vales. * Or Rich distributions of gifts a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the very ocean it self It must I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their that is the Indian Ocean it self Further Metrodorus the Philosopher seems to have been the chiefest person of this Indian Embassie who from the King of the Indians brought to Constantine very many Gems and Pearls and pretended that he had brought many more had not the Persian King taken them from him in his passage thorow Persia. By which lie Constantine being prevailed upon whilst with too much eagerness he pursues what had been taken from Metrodorus raises the Persian War as 't is recorded by Cedrenus and Amm. Marcellinus But Cedrenus relates that in a place wholly foreign and disagreeable namely in Constantine's twenty first year whereas he ought to have placed it on the thirty first year of Constantine For in this year the peace between the Romans and Persians was broken Vales. * Leaders or Princes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But in the Old Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I like better Vales. * Or With Piety a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instructing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 furnishing them with Eusebius makes use of this word in the same sense again in the next chapter Vales. * Or Furniture †Or Souldiers armed with Shields Spear-men Guards of their Bodies ‖ Or Captaines a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Any body may of himself perceive that it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But when c which I should not have taken notice of had I not fear'd least any one should think that it had escap't me A little after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be superfluous Vales. * That is Christian◠b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So in the foregoing chapter Eusebius makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie Military Companies and in many other places So Sozomen book 1. chap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from that time the Roman Legions which they now term Companies provided each of them a Tabernacle proper to themselves Further this place seems to me to be imperfect and must be made good in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly For Eusebius says that both the Commanders of the first Companies and those also to whom the Care of the Republick was committed by Constantine were Favourers of the Christian Religion By those former persons he means the Tribunes and Comites of the Scholae but the latter are the praefecti Praetorio the Quaestors of the sacred Palace the Masters of the Offices and the others who transacted Civil affairs Vales. * Viz. Christians †Or Fortified himself with c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the conjecture of the Learned who after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus well constituted which addition I found written in Moraeus's Copy also But if any thing was to have been added I would rather have put in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can have no place here in regard in the following clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs Otherwise it would be an idle repetition nor would there be more said in the second member of the period than in the first Nevertheless in the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a This passage of Eusebius hath led many persons into a mistake Amongst whom was Dionysius Petavius who both in his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de Ponderibus and also in his eleventh Book de Doctrinâ Temporum confiding in the authority of Eusebius was of opinion that Constantine died in the thirty second year of his Reign Most of the Ancients have likewise written the same thing viz. Philostorgius Book 2. Theodorus Lector in his Collectanea Epiphanius and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle and amongst the Latines Aurellus Victor But this opinion seems to me wholly absurd For they who think thus must of necessity affirm also that the same Constantine began his Empire on the year of Christ 305 Constantius the fifth time and Maximianus being Consuls And that on the same year Constantius Augustus the Father of Constantine departed this Life But on the year following which is the year of Christ 306 Constantius Augustus was Consul the sixth time with his Colleague Maximianus as all the Fasti do constantly affirm Wherefore Constantine's Reign can be brought but from the year of Christ 306. Now therefore whereas he died in the Consulate of Felicianus and Titianus that is on the year of Christ 337 on the twenty second of the month May as 't is agreed on amongst all Writers it is plainly made out that Constantine Reigned thirty years and ten months three days only excepted For he had been created Caesar on the eighth of the Calends of August as Idatius writes in his Fasti. Eutropius therefore and Rufinus are right in their affirming that Constantine ended his Life in the thirty first year of his Empire Our Eusebius also says true in his Chronicon that Constantine Reigned thirty years and ten months Further whence it has hapned that our Eusebius here and most of the Ancients have attributed two and thirty years Reign to Constantine this as I think was the reason Two years before his death Constantine had celebrated his Tricennalia in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus as Eusebius has related above They thought therefore that the thirtieth year of Constantine's Reign had been compleated when those men were Consuls which nevertheless is false as I have noted above Besides from the beginning of Constantine's Reign unto his death two and thirty Pair of Consuls are reckoned Whence it might have hapned that they should believe
him to have died in the thirty second year of his Empire Further some Chronologers have ascribed the years of his Father Constantius because he Reigned but a very short time to Constantine But the Reader is to be advertized that the most Learned Petavius has at length changed his Sentiment and has embraced the Common opinion concerning the years of Constantine's Reign and concerning its beginning as 't is apparent from the Fourth Book of the Second part of his Rationarium Temporum Vales. * Or Insatiableness and Hypocrifie †Or Goods a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The last word is here added by learned men from the Manuscript Copies which word I likewise found in M r Fuket's Book But I had rather place this word before the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Eusebius expresses himself at the close of his Third Book concerning the Life of Constantine It would indeed be far more elegantly written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I embrace the emendation of Learned men which occurs also in the Fuketian Copy viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further the judgment of our Eusebius is here to be taken notice of who iâ—â— the Reign of Constantine as in some most beautifull Countenance took notice of this Blemish that he chose the worst and most rapacious men to be his friends and to bear the publick Offices and that he was circumvented by the fraud and craft of certain persons who pretended themselves to be Christians Aurelius Victor reproves almost the same thing in these words Fiscales molestiae severius pressae Cunctaque divino ritui paria videreâ—tur nâ— parùm dignis ad publica aditum concessisset Quae quanquam saepius accidêre tamen in summo ingenio atque optimis Reip. moribus quamvis parva vitia elucent magis Amm. Marcellinus also in his sixteenth Book attests the same Nam proximorum â—auces aperuit primus omnium Constantinus Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that Love and Truth which was in his disposition †Maintain or keep ‖ Or Goods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuk. and S r Hen Savil's Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a I suppose amongst others Ablabius to be meant who after Constantine's death in regard 't was believed that he attempted a Rebellion was slain by the order of Constantius as Eunapius does at large relate in the Lives of the Sophistae Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Above at chap. 29 of this book Eusebius has made use of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where see what we have noted You might also reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is written at the margin of the Geneva-Edition The Translatour persisting in his mistake renders it here also Congressus cum amicis habere to hold meetings with his friends whereas he ought to have translated it conciones habere to make Speeches as 't is plainly confirmed by the words following Victor in his Epitome says the same likewise concerning Constantine Commodissimus tamen rebus multis â—uit Calumnias sedare legibus severissimis nutrire arâ—es bonas praecipuè fludia Literarum legere ipse scribere meditare Where meditari has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is declamare to declaim Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having continued as others have already remarked Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Eusebius does usually term the Heathens and especially the Philosophers who thought themselves wiser than others In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the third syllable has a line drawn under it Vales. * Or Tabernacle a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those words which follow after these in the Geneva-Edition unto the beginning of the 58 th chapter which passage we have inclosed within this mark were wanting both in the Kings Copy and in Robert Stephen's Edition and they have been added by Learned men from conjecture as I think For the chapters which follow are too short and contain nothing more than the very Titles of the chapters which is a thing altogether disagreeable to Eusebius's designe Wherefore 't is credible that I earned men inserted these words from the Titles of the chapters which occur perâ—â—â—t before the fourth Book Further in the Geneva-Edition these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occur after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged For the imperterction begins before these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. We have taken notice of a like mistake above Our conjecture concerning this Supplement is plainly confirmed by the Fuketian Copy which though it faithfully shews the other Supplements which are publish't by the Geneva-men as we have noted in their places yet has not the Supplement of this place Nor is this Fragment written in Turnebus's Copy although all the rest occur written at the margin of his Book Vales. b Socrates book 1. chap. 18. relates the very same thing in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover so ardent was the Emperours Love for the Christian Religion that being about to ingage in a War with the Persians He provided a Tabernacle made of Linen painted with divers colours much resembling a Church even as Moses did in the wilderness and this he would have carried about with him that so in the most desert Regions he might have an Oratory ready Which words of Socrates I have the more willingly produced because I know that Socrates is wont most commonly to make use of the very words of Eusebius in those passages which he borrows out of Eusebius Therefore these words of Socrates may supply the place of Eusebius's words For I can very hardly be induced to believe that those words which occur in this imperfection are Eusebius's Further before this in the Licinian War namely Constantine had a Tabernacle of the Cross fixt without the Camp into which he retired to fast and pray as Eusebius attests Book 2. But in his preparation for the Persian War Constantine did this further that he built a Tabernacle in form of a Church Sozomen relates that from this practise of Constantine it was afterwards derived that each Cohort in the Roman Army had its Tabernacle furnished like a Chappel and peculiar Priests and Deacons who might there perform Divine worship Vales. a Rufus Festus writes the same thing in his Breviarium Constantinus rerum dominus c. Constantine supream in the Empire at the latter end of his Life prepared an Expedition against the Persians For the Nations in the whole world being subdued and he being rendred more glorious by a fresh Victory obtained over the Goths went down against the Persians with many Troops At whose approach the Kingdoms of Babylonia trembled so much that an humble Embassie from the Persians met him and promised they would do what