so farre as to cast off the Earles sister whereof we heare nothing And even in that case seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife and therefore such fallings out are often born with in Princes upon that hope it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort however whether through his absence or negligence or that having small hope of amendment he would not meddle in it the Duke persists in his lewd wayes and growes rather worse then better Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him as hee was bound by so neare alliance Neither do we heare how he carried himself toward the Earles sister his wife or whether shee had any children by him or not though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers This is clear that neither party had any contentment or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected brought to passe with so great trouble disquiet and mischiefe in the Kingdome â—…a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing and not to seeke it over eagerly though it seem never so advantagious in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things But to returne to our prisoner wee see him hurt defeated a captive but neither disgraced nor discouraged no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends or enemies who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory which was obtained rather by the multitude of men then meer valour neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas for what they had received of them before however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses Douglas and Percie were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging and dejecting their spirits and bâ—…ed not hatred but an higher though emulous esteem of each towards other This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not diminish but rather increase his praise and glory and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre and on a more eminent subject and powerfull enemy for not long after the Earle of Northumberland whether for envie of King Henries good successe to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him which hee had taken at West Nisbet and at Homildon of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King or for what ever other cause the said Earle entered into league with Edmond Owen and some other Lords against the King with such confidence that they made a tripartite Indenture wherein they divided all England into three parts to each of them a third whereupon Percie esteeming highly of the Douglas valour having had good proofe thereof at Homildon offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise and shew himself as valiant on his side as hee had done against him that he should not onely be let goe without ransome but also if they prevailed he should have Berwick and a part of Northumberland for his reward Douglas who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England gladly accepted the condition and getting leave to come home returned again at the time appointed well accompanied with many of his friends and followers The leading of the vantguard was committed to him which place he discharged bravely and behaved himself so as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession for after the Scots who were led by him had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward conducted by the Earle of Stafford and forced them to give back having almost broken their ranks the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes and renewed the fight more fiercely then before Douglas and Percie perceiving the King to be there in person bent their whole forces towards him with such violence that if George Dumbarre Earle of March who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place Douglas had certainly slain him for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard that he bore all down before him and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands who had been made Constable of England that same day as also three more who were apparelled like the King and when the K. restored the battell again and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell hee said aloud in great choler and indignation where the Devil were all these Kings borne and withall running fiercely at him beat him from his horse and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt the Kings Standard-bearer and overthrew the Standard But the K. was rescued and mounted again by those that were about him especially by his owne sonne afterward Henrie the fifth and so escaped At last the victory fell to the Kings side who had behaved himself most valorously and is reckoned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him who did both by word and example encourage his Souldiers that they renewed the fight slew the Lord Percie and with him discomfited the whole Hoast The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner and brought to the King who would on no wise consent to have him put to death though divers perswaded him to it but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend and praised his valour which he honoured much in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds and sent him rich presents Some write that being asked by those of the Kings side why hee did joyne with such traitours against the King his reply was onely this It seemeth saith hee that the King is yet alive though divers Kings have been killed to day This answer being so full of resolution and courage and void of all fear did move the King to regard him so much the more They tell also that being hurt in his privie members when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds and complaining hee said at last when hee had hard them all They sit full still that have a riven breike The speach continueth still in Scotland and is past into a Proverb which is used to designe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine and say but little
Hollinshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitâ—…ed without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the â—…arle Douglas at his 〈◊〉 procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour aâ—…ter hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed alâ—…o seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree â—…or his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magâ—…nimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but â—…ew actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept â—…t that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of tâ—…e chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times onâ—… of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From fierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with fiery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to flee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved With all the grace and honour he deserved And that was all to be preserved and
Seale hanging thereat at the taile of an ill-favoured spittle jade or mare through the streets of all the towns and villages in their way abstaining from no contumelious words that they could devise against the King his Counsellers and Courtiers Being come to Stirlin they went to the market Crosse and there sounding with five hundred hornes and trumpets they caused a Herauld to proclaim the King and such as had been plotters and authours of E. Williams death perjured traitors to God and man and that they were to be abhorred and detested by all men as such Others write that they went to the Castle gate and made that Proclamation in the Kings hearing whiles he was looking on them and that it was done the next day after the slaughter Thereafter they pillaged the towne and being angry even with the innocent and harmelesse place they sent backe James Hamiltoun of Cadzow and burnt it Where this is to be considered what could be the cause why these men who before were upon advisement to have besieged the Castle of Stirlin and did not doe it then onely because they were unprovided why these men I say now being come again and provided abstained notwithstanding from besieging of it having nothing to let them and which if they had obtained they had withall obtained full victory being masters of the field the King inclosed and secluded from his favourers and partners no others in likelihood could have made head against them for neither could any have taken that upon them neither would the people as was thought have followed them at least not so freely whether it was because they had no hope to force it being a strong place neither to famish it in haste being well provided of victualls or if they chose rather to deprive him of his partners abroad in the Countrey by forcing them to forsake him first and then it would be easie to take the King who had nothing but the Castle walls to trust to or what ever else were the occasion thereof our Histories very defective in this so speciall a point tell not But so it was that they leaving the principall point unprosecute the King himself wherein would have consisted the whole summe of a full victory and to which they should chiefly have directed their courses contented onely to have blazed his reproches turned towards his friends pilling and spoiling such as remained on his side and even by this the King was so put to it that he had determined to leave the Country and to fly into France had not Archbishop Kennedie advised him to stay and hope for better fortune shewing him that if he could keepe his person safe and have patience to protract and linger out the time a while his adversaries faction would dissolve ere long and fall asunder of it selfe Amongst those who tooke part with the King there were diverse of the name of Douglas and that of the principalls as Angus brother to Archbishop Kennedie by the mother who was daughter to Robert the third and sister to James the first by whom therefore they were Cosins germain to the King who was partly perswaded by his brother to take that course as fittest for him against the Earle Douglas partly also accounted it right to follow him as his King partly for kindred There was also John or rather James Lord Dalkeith who had married the Kings sister as Hollinshed writeth in the life of Mackebeth as also the manuscript in this same place and the contract with the Earle of Morton yet beareth Also the manuscript in the life of Grosle James this E. James father faith the Lord Dalkeith or Henry his sonne rather married the said Grosle James eldest daughter this James sister called Margaret whether therefore having married the Kings sister and so frucke on that side or having married E. James sister and being of the name The Earle Douglas was so much the more incensed against him that he should without regard of this tie have joyned with his enemies and therefore besieged the Castle of Dalkeith binding himselfe by an oath not to deport from thence untill he had gotten it taken in But it was valiantly defended by Patrick Cockburne and Clarkington in such sort that after he was constrained by great travell and trouble of his men with watching and many wounds to lift his siege and depart The King had in the mean time conveened a company of men to have releeved the besieged but finding that his power was not sufficient for that purpose he resolved to attend the coming of Alexander Gordon Earle of Huntley his brother in law or sister sonne whom he made Lieutenant and who they said was come in with a great Army collected out of the furthest parts of the North. But as hee was marching through Angus the twenty eight of May he was encountred at Brichen by the Earle of Crawford who lay for him there to stoppe his passage There was fought a great battell betwixt them in such sort that Huntleyes middle ward was almost defeated and well nigh routed not being able to sustain the impression of Crawfords army which was so strong that they failed but a little to overthrow the Kings Standard brought thither and displayed by Huntley had it not been for the cowardly and treacherous flight of John Collesse of Bonnie-Moone to whom the left wing was committed by Crawford He in the hottest of the conflict offended with Crawford because he had refused him that same morning the Barrony of Ferme or a part thereof which lay neare to his house fled on set purpose out of the battell and so left the middle ward naked on the one side of the speciall force which the said Earle had which was called the battell of axes or billmen By their flight the rest who were almost victours were so terrified that they turned their backs and left the victory to Huntley farre beyond his owne expectation and yet not without a great slaughter of his friends servants and followers and especially those of his name amongst whom were two of his brethren This battell was fought on the Ascension day in the yeare 1453. hee had before the battell that same day given lands to the principall men of those surnames that were with him as Forbesses Leslies Vrwines 〈◊〉 Graunts and diverse others which made them fight with greater courage Crawford also lost many of his men together with his brother John Lindesay so that the losse on both sides was accounted almost equall Huntley had the name of the victory yet could not march forward to the King as hee intended and that partly because of his great losse of men partly for that he was advertised that Archbald Douglas Earle of Murray had invaded his lands and burnt the Piele of Strabogie Wherefore hee returned speedily to his owne Countrey which gave Crawford leasure and occasion to poure out his wrath against them who had so traiterously forsaken him by burning and wasting their lands and
of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and 〈◊〉 may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to 〈◊〉 sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the 〈◊〉 of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of 〈◊〉 when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous antrâ—… chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down thesaid Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity sor he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas oras spargantur horas Laudes tuumque dedecus A verse whereof Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed Envious Death who ruines all Hath
so circumvented him a brave commendation indeed and an honest yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way that they might worke out their treason untill he were within their thongs but being now within the Castle and fully in their power I wonder what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table and from thence to bring him to the shambles what could have beene their intention might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber might they not have carried him to the place of execution what needed all this processe what needed they to have let him see the King at all It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable but that they tooke occasion to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it but our Writers are cleare against that and say onely it was pre-concluded when he was written for It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the matter or to transferre it altogether upon the King but he was too young and purges himselfe by disproving of it So that I can see no other reason of it but as the Lion with his prey or to use a more base yet a more familiar example and the baser the fitter for them as the câ—…t with the mouse which she might devoure immediately yet it pleaseth her to plâ—…y a little with it So they for their greater satisfaction and contentment delight to play out their Sceane so strangely notwithstanding that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some mystery and deeper reach then ordinary which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly and mischantnesse that I can no wise sound it unlesse it were that the Noblemans place and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre as to make them leave off the enterprise yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution and wrung out this conâ—…ession of his worth as all the actions of wickednesse and all wickednesse in the acting are full of contradictions as this same is most clearly for if this Nobleman was guilty of death why is he brought into the Kings presence why is he set at his table If he was not guilty why was he put to death So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity either in a lie of actions so to speake or in a lie of words In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled This action is a lie for it saith he is guilty of death but their welcomming of him their setting of him at the table with the King and their feasting sayes he is an innocent Noble worthy man Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe as it is uniforme it floweth from unitie tendeth to it and endeth in it and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh So they having given this confession of his worth and again by that ominous signe contradicted their confession must needs be false witnesses however it go The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing or astonished with it as an uncouth thing upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table which should have beene a Sanctuary to him And so without regard of King or any duty and without any further processe without order assise or jurie without law no crime objected he not being convicted at all a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth a Nobleman of that place a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation a guest of that acceptation one who had reposed upon their credit who had committed himselfe to them a friend in mind who looked for friendship to whom all friendship was promised against dutie law friendship faith honesty humanitie hospitalitie against nature against humane society against Gods Law against mans law and the law of nature is cruelly executed and put to death They in despight as it were spitting in the face of all duty and honesty proclaiming as farre as lay in them there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken and prest downe might also runne over all this was done as it should seem without the consent nay against the will of their King and Soveraigne who wept at their execution and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy as they call him during whose life say they hee needed never to looke for peace whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies and greatest traitours to him and besides him to God and nature and to the office of Justice which they bore bringing a blot on the one and the other and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne so farre as lay in them This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours stripping it naked of all farding though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice to equity to common peace or Common-wealth that thought it better to root out such a plant then to dresse and to cherish it to ruine such a house rather then to gain it which they never would have done if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good having here so terribly belied it neither should any man speake of it indifferently without a note of detestation neither extenuate it by the Earles simplicity which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie and cruelty If this were the wisedome whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first and if they had practised such things as this it hath been a bitter root and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit and hath in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death and the emboldning of his enemies unto it as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them and barres to their absolutenesse which is it that these men here mean in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King Not that he
bare any ill will to the Kings person for that they could no wayes make appeare but because he was so great a man According to that generall rule that greatnesse in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King Which maxime I feare they have beaten into his head afterwards not so much to strengthen and provide for his security as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves for we see all their intentions aime but at their owne particulars and so in this they intend nothing else onely they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the Kings service as they doe this wicked fact also David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him and Malcolme Fleming of Cumbernald his speciall Counsellour They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle that lieth to the West This augments yet their wickednesse that they execute his brother also whose age behoved to be lesse then his owne who was but very young too as wee have said These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince thus as it were to bait him with the bloud of his Nobility and to imprint such a lesson in his tender minde that they were his enemies But for conclusion of this matter concerning these young men as there was no law laid against them so is there no History that beareth witnesse that they were guilty of any capitall crime And Major saith expresly Apud Annales legi quod viri illi non crant rei mortis sed consilio dolo Gulielmi Crighton Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt That is I reade in our Annales that these men were not guilty of death but this matter was atchieved by the counsell and fraud of Crighton Chancellour It is sure the people did abhorre it execrating the very place where it was done in detestation of the fact of which the memory remaineth yet to our dayes in these words Edinburgh Castle Towne and Tower God grant thou sinke for sinne And that even for the black dinner Earle Douglas got therein Now sith these youths were not guiltie whereof were they not guilty that put them to death and with what note of infamy to bee branded Though some seeme to blame this innocent young man as they cannot deny him to have beene with halfe words as guided by flattery given to insolency presumptuous in his Port yet is there no effect or affection brought importing either his being addicted to flattery or that hee was more insolent presumptuous or arrogant then became a man of his ranke But contrary that he was of a gentle nature a repulser of flatterie now as hee grew in age and of due magnificence such as well became him Let us therefore account of him so as one that was singular in respect of his yeares And let the blame lie fully on his enemies who shall finde some meeting hereafter from their Cousin that they may finde all the house perished not with him though indeed the punishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved In Gulielm David fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos Vestra Sophoclco caedes est digna cothurno Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis Vos scelere atque dolis vos proditione necati Insontes puerique patriae proceres Regius vestro est foedatus funere vultus Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas Haeccine Rectores vestra est prudentia tanta Haeccine laudatur justitia haecne fides Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis Perstat fraudis atrae perfidiaeque trucis In English thus Your murther may deserve a tragick Muse Your horrid dinner justly might excuse Thyestes feast by a more treacherous train Drawn to the axe more barbarously slain Then was his sonne your Princes guiltlesse eye Stain'd with the sight wept at the cruelty Is this these Rulers wisedome this their love To Justice this the prudence men approve So much O! blacke example fit to be Mark't in eternall scroules of infamy Of James called Grosse James the third James sixteenth Lord and seventh Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Abercorne and Annandale the fourth Duke of Turraine and Lord of Longe-ville UNto William succeeded his fathers brother James Lord of Abercorne in all the lands that were intailed but Beatrix sister to the said William fell here to the rest that were not entailed which were many say our Writers specially Galloway Wigton Balvein Ormund Annandale This James was called grosse James because hee was a corpulent man of body he had to wife Beatrix Sinclair daughter to the Earle of Orknay but which Earle it is not expressed To finde it wee must consider that from 1 William Sinclair the first that came out of France and married Agnes Dumbarre daughter to Patrick first Earle of March 2 the next was Henry his sonne who was married to Katherine daughter to the Earle of Stratherne 3 His sonne called Henry also married Margaret Gratenay daughter to the Earle of Marre 4 This Henries sonne Sir William passed into Spain with good Sir James Douglas who carried the Bruces heart to Jerusalem hee was married to Elizabeth Speire daughter to the Earle of Orknay and Shetland and so by her became the first Earle of Orknay of the Sinclaires The second Earle was 5 William also who married Florentina daughter to the King of Denmark the sixth person and third Earle was his son Henry who married Giles or Egidia daughter to the Lord of Niddisdale The seventh person and fourth Earle is Sir William who married Elizabeth Douglas daughter to Archbald Tine-man the first Duke of Turrain and sister to this James the grosse Now this James his wife cannot have been this last Sir Williams daughter for then she should have been his owne sisters daughter And therefore she hath been either Henries that married Giles Douglas or else Sir Williams who married Florentina which of the two I leave it to conjecture her great spirit and high ambition would seem to argue that shee was come of Kings and near to them but the Monument in Douglas calleth her daughter to Henry She bare to this Earle James seven sonnes and foure daughters The name of the eldest was William and the second James who were Earles of Douglas both of them by succession as we shall heare The third was Archbald who married the daughter of John Dumbarre Earle of Murray brother to George Earle of March by which means he got the Earledome of Murray The fourth named Hugh was made Earle of Ormond and had sundry lands given him by the King in Tividale and Rosse The fifth John was made Lord of Balvenie The sixth Henry was Bishop of Duncalden George the seventh died before he was fifteen yeares of age as our Chronicles do witnesse but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas where the rest are set downe by name
untill that time hee had tempered retaining it with the bridle of equitie and himselfe within the compasse of the lawes Now whether altogether and onely for these causes foresaid or if irritated by a new occasion of malicious speeches uttered by Creighton That the Kingdome of Scotland would never be at rest so long as the house of Douglas was on soot That in the vuine thereof stood the good of the Realme and peace of all Estates That it was necessary a man of so turbulent a nature so puissant and powerfull by his Kindred and Alliance whom no benefits could appease nor honours satiate should hee cut off and the publicke peace established by his death or if Creighton contrived this speech to make Douglas the more odious and his owne quarrell seeme the juster against him for both are written so it is that the Earle caused certaine of his friends and servants lie in wait for him as hee was riding from Edinburgh toward Creighton but he escaped being acquainted with the plot as some write well accompanied and excellently well mounted but not without being wounded himselfe and having slaine some of his adversaries in his escape Others attribute his escaping not to any foresight or fore-knowledge but sayeth that hee was assailed in the night at unawares and being astonished at the first yet afterward recollecting himselfe for he was a man of good courage hee slew the formost he met with and having received some wounds brake through them and saved himselfe in Creighton Castle where he remained not long but his wounds being scarce well cured he conveened his friends and coming on the sudden to Edinburgh had almost surprised the Earle Douglas who was there in quiet manner and looked for no such thing but he getting advertisement hereof did advertise the King that he could no longer endâ—…re Creightons hidden malice and practises against his life and estate and his now open attempts also wherefore hee desired to bee excused thâ—… hee could no more repair to Court so long as Creighton was there and so retired himselfe to his house to remain as a male-content for a season In the meane time finding his enemies thus to increase in credit at Court and with their credit as commonly it cometh to passe in number and power hee to strengthen himselfe also on the other side against them entered into a new confederacy with the Earles of Crawford and Rosse men of greatest puissance and force next the Douglasses that were in Scotland in their times or rather he renewed the old friendship that had been betwixt them For their houses were in old time in great friendship with the houses of Douglas as hath beene shewed and the house of Crawford was particularly obliged unto them by divers good Offices from the dayes of Robert the second and in this same mans time had been helped against the Ogelbees at Arbroth as his father also had at the Earle Douglas desire spoyled the Bishop of Saint Andrewes Kennedies lands And besides this Beatrix Douglas the Earle Douglas Lady was daughter to one of the Earles of Crawford and could not but bee of kinne to this Earle The summe of their band was That they should every one assist and defend another together with their friends and dependers against all men That they should have the same friends and the same enemies with reservation alwayes and exception of their duety to their Prince But whether this band was made of new as some write or if it were of old continued from hand to hand and then renewed as though it were intended in speciall against Crcighton and his partakers and due exception of the King expressely contained in it is uncertain however they so possessed the King that hee interpreted all as done against himselfe And therefore matters being come to publick Hostilitie betwixt Douglas and Creighton and the Countrey divided into factions when the Earle of Crawford and Rosse had sent to Creighton and given up all friendship with him as an enemy to their dearest friend by vertue of the foresaid League hee acquainted the King therewith and with all vehemencie exaggerated the League as a conspiracy against him and his royall Authority and that it was very dangerous for him when such great houses and powerfull men had combined together The King apprehending it to bee so having once settled that opinion in his minde did upon that ground build all his interpretations of the Earle Douglas actions and framed his owne actions accordingly against him Neither was Douglas so fortunate or circumspect as to avoid the occasions of fostering that opinion in the King but as commonly happeneth when ruine is to come on men all things worke that way so fared it with him in two facts The first was on the person of the Lord Hanris who was too hardly used of him as appeares The other on the Tutor of Bombee more justly yet so that his carriage in it seemed to confirme that which his enemies alledge against him that he exercised his authority and used his priviledges more absolutely then the King had reason to be contented with The occasion of the first and the forme thereof was Sir William Harris of Terreglis having been the Earle Douglas ancient dependar had now in this frowne of Court and diversity of factions whether to please the Court and because he accounted it justest to follow it or because indeed he misliked things done by the borderers who followed Douglas withdrawn himselfe from his dependance and if he sided not openly with the other party which hee could nor durst hardly doe lying so neare to Douglas yet did hee not follow him as hee was wont and so either by a reall enmitie in private or a kinde of neutrality in publick had procured the like behaviour of the Earle to him to behave himselfe as neutrall in his affaires and as hee had abstracted his dependance and attendance from him so the other abstracted his Protection from him This when the Annandians perceived they ready upon all such occasions made a rode and furrowed his lands hereof when he complained to the Earle and had received answer according to the foresaid coldnes betwixt them he would needs attempt some redresse by his own power and hereupon assembling a number of his friends he rode into Annandale to have rendered them the like and either to recover his owne or repaire his losses out of their goods But he was overthrowne by them and taken prisoner and so brought to the Earle Douglas hee esteeming him as his owne servant and taken within his bounds where his jurisdiction by regallity or otherwayes was extended put him to assise They of the Jury found him guilty being taken after hee had seized the goods with red hand as they term it and so being convict of theft he was condemned executed and hanged as a thiefe and that notwithstanding the Kings earnest request for his life by letter A pitifull matter and greatly to be lamented
prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controverâ—…ie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. the Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that Marre having crossed the water of
as others did to hunt a hare and that it was as naturall to him as any other pastime or exercise is to another man But he lived not long after this nor had he time to doe any memorable thing in it He made onely one roade against the outlawed theeves of the name of Arme-strang most of them after the King was gone home who had beene present at the casting downe of their houses Hee pursued them into the Tarrasse Mosse which was one of their greatest strengths and whither no hoast or companies had ever beene known to have followed them before and in which they did confide much because of the straightnesse of the ground He used great diligence and sufficient industry but the successe was not answerable either to his desire or other mens expectation Neither did hee forget to keepe his intention close and â—…ecret acquainting none of the people of that Countrey therewithall untill he was ready to march Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to goe to the other side whither hee knew they behooved to flee hee sent with him one of his especiall followers whom hee knew to bee well affected to the service to see that hee did his dutie Hee himselfe with the Armie came openly and directly to the place of their aboade that they fleeing from him might fall into the hands of Aplegirth and his companie who were come in sufficient good time before the Army could bee seene to that passage which they were sent to keep But the birds were all flowne and there was nothing left but the empty nest having no question had some inkling and intelligence hereof but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them In the retreat they shew themselves and rode about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively a young Gentleman of my Lords family for which incircumspection he was soundly chid by him as having thereby hazarded his owne person and his Lords honour After this he came to Langhop where his infirmity having continued long and being now increased through travell it grew at last to a formed disease Wherefore hee was carried from thence to Smeeton neare to Dalkeith a house belonging to James Richison of whom wee have spoken before His care of the good of the Church which was ever in his mouth during his sicknesse shewed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things There hee departed out of this transitory life with great comfort to himselfe and great griefe of all honest men and with a generall regreting of all men there being none such an enemy to him or who did so envie or hate him as not to professe and expresse his sorrow for his death King Courtiers Noblemen Barons Burgesses Commons men of all degrees ranke qualitie and condition did lament him such was the forceable power of vertue in him Of which wee will say no more onely we will set downe this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader then which nothing can bee said more true Here therefore let it remaine as a witnesse of his vertue and the Writers deserved affection Morte jacet saevâ Angusius spes illa bonorum Terror malorum maximus Cui laude luctu meritis pia turba parentat Patrem Parentem ingeminans Par studium impietas simulat quem carpere livor Vivum solebat mortuum Aut veris sequitur lacrymis aut gaudia fictis Celat pudenda laudibus Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit Seque arguit mendacii O laus O veri vis O victoria honosque Cunctis triumphis clarior Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies if hee had any such of any moment or consequence I say if he had any for he had no private enemies who hated him or bore him any ill will for his owne cause onely such as were enemies to the Countrey and the true Religion hated him as a main pillar and supporter of these The greatest objection they had against him I mean that carried any show of truth was his modestie which they termed slownesse but after his death all mouthes were closed The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great both for his house and families sake which was ever the most popular in this Kingdome of all other names as also and that no lesse for his owne vertue and personall humanitie and courtesie He was of a blackish and swart complexion tall'of stature and of a slender body but well proportioned and straight limmed of a weake and tender constitution and not very able to endure travell but having courage enough and willingnesse to undergoe His death was ascribed to witchcraft and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh wife to Archbald Douglas of the house of Casshogle was apprehended on suspition but I know not whether shee was convicted of it or not onely it was reported that she was found guiltie and that the execution was deferred because she was with childe but afterward no body insisting in the pursuit of her shee was set at libertie Anna Simson a famous witch is reported to have confessed at her death that a picture of waxe was brought to her having A. D. written on it which as they said to her did signifie Archbald Davidson and shee not thinking of the Earle of Angus whose name was Archbald Douglas and might have beene called Davidson because his fathers name was David did consecrate or execrate it after her forme which she said if she had knowne to have represented him she would not have done it for all the world He died the day of 1588. yeares his body was buried in Abernathie and his heart in Douglas by his owne direction He is the last Earle of the race of George entitled Master of Angus who was slain at Flowdon c. Of Archbald the ninth Earle of Angus Angus by cruell death lies here The good mans hope the wickeds feare The praise and sorrow of the most Religious who as having lost A father mourn worst men are knowne To faine a woe iâ—… they have none Envie accustomed to wrong His guiltlesse life imployes her tongue Now a loud Trumpet of his â—…ame And weeps if not for grief for shame Enforc't to give her selfe the lie O! Power of Truth O! victory By which more honour is obtain'd Then is in greatest triumphs gain d. Archibaldus Duglassius Angusius OLim saeva truci dente calumnia Clam vanas ad opes fraude viam struens Mussabat posito aut palam pudore Jactabat caput in meâ—…m O si non nimium credita Crimina Foeda atrociaque infandaque crimina Aut Diro Lepedo aut fero Cethegi Patrandum genio nefas Quos caecis stimulis ambitio impotens Aut aestu rabies fervida pectoris Auri aut sacra mali fames in omne Egit praecipites scelus Moliri in patriam incendia
greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by Gâ—…orge Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennediâ—…s and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Loch-mabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have bâ—…ene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that hee discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the
beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from mee betake themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they uâ—…ed ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stiâ—…l behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime