if our Monkish Historians may bee credited frustrated this design For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes sepelierunt â—um fine Regio honore apud Warhamâ— ut sicut vitam ejus extinxerant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent hic vero compertum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pravum cor hominis et inscrutabile Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide Proditione Gentis suae perfidae thus registred by Henry Huntindon an impartial Historian Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est et plus solito irritatus Genti pessimae malum inextricabile conferre cogitavit et quod facere paraverat non distulit Veneruntque Dani et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli To which William of Malmsbury subjoyns Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatumâ— quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barbaricam Take the summ of his Reign Murther Saintship in these words of Abbot Ethelred Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Eadgaroâ— in reâ—no terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit Qui injuste ab impâ—â—s interfectus tum 〈…〉 tum ob mortis 〈◊〉 tatem Sancti Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit being afterward translated to Shaftsbury and there honourably enshrined King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April Anno 978. when he had reigned only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Succession thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston by both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and ten Bishops more in the presence of the Nobles much against Dunstans will And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder being then but a child of ten years old not active to promote this Treacherous plot and so detesting it that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod which made him abhor candles all his life yet Dunstan full of a propheticall Spirit at the very time of his Coronation told him that he and his Posterity together with the whole kingdom should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign using these words then unto him Beâ—ause thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother whom thy Mother murdered therefore hear the word of the Lord Thus saith the Lord The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House nor from the Nation but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life slaying thy séed until thy Kingdom shall be translated to another Realm and Nation whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not quâ— eos in ulâ—imâ—m redâ—gat servitutem who shaâ—â— reduce them into the extremest Bondage for conspiring with thy ignominious Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother Neither shaâ—â— thy fin nor the sin of thy Mother Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell that they might stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed to slay him be expiated but by a long Revenge and much effusion of bloud Which accordingly came to pass and let all others whom it concerns most nearly with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it This Prophecie was presently after seconded with a prodigious Cloud spread and seen over all England sundry nights which appeared sometimes bloudy other times fiery and then changing it self into divers sort of flashings and colours vanished about the morning The very next year following the barbarous Danes invaded England burnt Southampton killing and carrying away Prisoners almost all the Inhabitants thereof after which they infested and wasted the Isle of Teneth and City of West-Chester invading England every year with new forces til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate expelled King Ethelred with his Queen and Children into foreign patts and possessed themselves both of the Crown aud Realm as absolute Soveraigns And here before I proceed further I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Justice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regicides and their Posterities worthy our saddest contemplation King Edgar as I touched before injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and kingdom at first and of his whole Realm if not life too at last But within few years after by Gods avenging hand his best beloved eldest Son and heir King Edward to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death was first opposed in his Succession and soon after most treacheâ—ously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son who invaded the Crown by his slaughter King Edgar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold as you have read to espouse his wife Elfreda Crown her for his best beloved Queen who no doubt was consenting to if not the contriver of his murder as he was hunting in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder kills his own Son and heir King Edward as he came from hunting in a Forest not very far distant from the same place Elfere Earl of Mercia the Queens chief Counseller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward whom he stabbed to death with his own hands as Malmesbury records though to expiate this crime he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster yet by Gods avenging wrath about a year after his whole body was eaten up of Lice and Worms so that he died most miserably Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder soon after the fact was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide that to pacifie the pangs thereof and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel and casting off her royal robes and State entred into the later of them where she afflicted her self with sackcloth fasting weeping and severe penance unto the day of her death bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life The whole English Nation who were either consenters to or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther which they never publikely questioned nor revenged were not only stricken consumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases but uncessantly invaded oppressed spoiled captivated conquered murderated and almost quite extirpated by the barbarous Danes who usurped the Soveraignty over them for three Generations being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man As for King Ethelred himself though then an infant he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood but a Crown of Thorns and Cares living in perpetual warrs cares fears wants distresses being crossed in all his designs warrs by
Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelfled An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the year 921. the king of Scots with alâ— his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him â— And therefore I conjecture that Guthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum iudicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex iu Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis â—eurans an utilitâ—r vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustâ— Writes Henry Huntingâ—oâ— which inâ—rious action Si violanda sit fides regni caâ—sâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to goveâ—n it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa â—udicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judicialâ— Libro stant â— nec parcant nec dissimulent â—pro aliquâ Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitaâ—e et unumquodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur quod tunc recitabitur The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws intimates that they were made by his Wâ—se men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter witness the contents thereof Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae ut investigarent simul et quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m anteà fuit quia visumest ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam ante â—praecepisset Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire et in societate permanero quâ ipse sit et amare quod amat et nolle quod nolit in Mari in Terrâ Hoc est tunc Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui Siquis hoc faciat emendet sicut supra dictum est In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed prima vice 30 s. secundâ fimilitèr ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Regi The last Chapter being the VIII in Bromtons translation but the XI in the Saxon Coppy is this Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum an Hundred Court semper ad quatuor hebdomadas et efficiat ut omnis homo rectum habeat et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem Siquis hoc excipiat emendet sicut antè dictum est King Edward deceasing Aethelstan his eldest Son designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore and soâ—emnly Crowned at Kingston only one Alfred and some factious ones opposed his election pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine whereupon they would have set up his Brotheâ— Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended whom the Generality of the Nobles rejected nondum ad regnandum propter teneros Annos Idonâ—o Aethelstan after his Coronation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Matrimony and fearing Ne per ipsum quandoque Regni solio privaretur lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him hated him extremely and at the sollicitation of some Parasites whereof his Cup-bearer was the chief to be rid of him and this his fear he caused young Edwin attended only with one Page to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea without Sail Oare or Pilate that so his death might be imputed to the waves out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board and so was he drownedâ— But the Page recovering his body by rowing with his hands and feet brought it to Land where it was inâ—erred The King was hereat so â—roubed with a real or feigned contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fratricide and adjudged his Cup-bearer to
â—hrough all the Counties of the Realm diligently to search and inquire how his Laws Statutes Ordinances were kept and observed by his Princes Great Men and Oâ—ficers lest the Poorer sort of people should suffer prejudice or be oppressed by the Greater Richer And whether his Iudges or Iustices judged uprightly according to the Laws or injured any through Bribery Malice or Partiality Violati Iuris severus Ulâ—or being a severe Revenger of his violated Laws sparing neiâ—â—er Rich nor Poor but judgiâ—g him justly according to the quality of his transgâ—ession In hoc Justitiae in ilâ—o fortitâ—dinis in utrâ—que Reipublicae Regni utilitatibus consulens as Wiliam of Malmesbury and Flor. of Worcester reporâ— of him Et ideo tempore suo latrones nulli fuerunt nec aliquis qui Guerram vel turbationem in Regno movere aâ—debat Merito ergo non infirma inter Anglos fama est nullum nec ejus nec superioris aetatis Regem in Anglia recto aequabili judicio Edgaro comparandum He being Flos et Decus anâ—ecessorâ—m Regum non minus memorabils Anglis quam Romulus Romanis Cyrus Persis Alex. Macedoniis Arsaces Parthis Carolus Magnus Francis â— as Malmesbury Abbot Ethelred Florentius VVigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Henry Huntindon Matthew VVestminster and others record of him who are much more copious in his prayses Mr. Fox closeth up his Encomiums of him with this Speech As I see many things in this worthy Prince to be commended so this one thing in him I cannot but lament to see him like a Phoenix to fly alone that of all his Posterity so few there be that seâ—k to keep him company Towards the end of his Reign the Welchmen moving some rebellioâ— â—e thereupon assembled a mighty Army to suppress and prevent it wherewith he entring into the Country of Glamorgan sharply punished the Ringleaders thereof But his Souldiers doing great harm in plundering the Country lading themselves with spoyls the King out of his bounty commanded them to restore to the People all the spoyls they had gotten and more especially St. Ellutus Bell that was hanged about an Horses neck whereby he purchased singular love and honor from the Inhabitants At length afâ—er he had reigned thus 16 years and two months in great tranquillity and honor totum regnum sanctis legibus strenue gubernantem as Endmerus relaâ—es of him he died happâ—â—y oâ— Tuesday the 8 of Iuly Anno 975. Nec potuit malè mori qui benè vixerat qui tot Ecclesias Deo fundaverat qui tot bona perennia brevi tempore statuerat as Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntingdon observes who bestowed this honourable Epitaph on him remembred also by others Auctor opum vindex scelerum largitor honorum Sceptifer Edgarus Reâ—na supeâ—na petit Hic alter Solomâ—â— legum Pater Orâ—ita Pacis Quod caruit bellis claruit inde magis Tempâ—a 〈…〉 dedit â—gros Nequitiae lapsum justiciaeque locum Novit enim Regno veâ—um pâ—rquirere â—aâ—â—o Immensum modico perpetuumque brevi Immediately after his death Res et spes Anglorum retro sâ—blapsae sunt totins Regni status eâ—t perturbatus et post â—empus laetitiae quod iâ—â—ius â—empore vigebat pacificè caepit tribulatio unâ—ique advenire as Malmesbury Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and Bromton observe such an incomparabâ—e loâ—s was the death of so just pious and prudent a King to the whole Nation qui juâ—entutis vitia poâ—â—ea mâ—gnis virtutibâ—s delevit when most others do quite contrary King Edgar at the time of his decease leaving behind him two Sons by two venters Edward his eldest Son by Queen Ethelfleda his first Wife then but 12. years old and Ethelred his second Son by his second Queen Elfreda then not much above 7. years of age 〈◊〉 arose â—â—reâ—t contention amongst the Nobles of the Realm about choosing of a new King â—or Queen 〈◊〉 wiâ—h Aâ—feâ—us Duke of Mercia and many other Nobles siding with the maried Secular Priests against the Mâ—nkish Clergy combined to advance â—oung Ethelredâ— electing him unanimously for their King disavowing Edwarâ— as illegitimaâ—e and begotâ—en of an harlâ—â— before mariage as Malmesbury de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 8. Osburn in the life of Dunstan Nicholas Trivet Iohannis Parisiâ—nsis Vincentius Antoninus Matthew Pâ—rker in the Life of Archbishop Dunstan Mr. Fox and others repute him though Ingulphus Huntindon Hoveden Mat Westminsteâ— Florentius Wigornensis Bromton Abbot Ethelred Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus Cistrensis and the generality of our modern Historians repute him Edgars lawfull Son and right heir to the Crown Whereupon the most of the Nobles elected him to succeed unto his Father The two Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy of the Monkish faction holding their new-gotten States dangerous and their footing unsure if in the nonage of the King their Opposites should rule all under him as they imagined they would if Ethlred were elected by themâ— thereupon abetted the Title of Edward as altogether wrought to their mould and treading in his Fathers footsteps lawfully begotten in the nuptial bed of Queen Ethelfleda right heir to his Father and by him dâ—signed to succeed him Their claimes thus banded amongst the Nobles Duustan and Oswald foreseeing the danger prudently assembled all the Bishops Abbots and Nobles together in a Great Council to debate their rights and settle the title Where Archbishop Dunstâ—n as â—ome write comming in with his Cross and Banner dum consecrâ—tionis ejus â—empore nonnulli Patriae Optimates resistere voluissent noâ—â—taying â—or further debating de Iure presenâ—ed Prince Edward in the midâ—t of them de Facto for their Lawfull King as his Father had declared him at his death Upon which the Major part of the Council being Clergymen electedâ— anointed and consecraâ—ed Edward for their King Quibusdam Optimatum murmurantibus some of the Noâ—les of â—he contrary party murmuring at it especially Qâ—een Elfrida who thought to advance her young Son to the Throne that so she might rule all things and reign under the colour of his name as Dunstan and the Monkish Clergy did under the colour of King Edwards whose Counsels and admonitions he diligently followed in all things and judgements acted by him During the Interregnum and banding of these two parties about the right of the Crown and immediately after Edwards coronation there arose great controversies tumults and civil Warrs between the Monkish Clergy and maried Secular Prâ—ests and the Nobles siding with both parties The marieâ— Priests presently upon Edgars death complained to Queen Elfrida Elfere and the Nobles That they were unjustly expelled out of their Churches by the Monks and their prevailing party alleging that it would be a very great and miserable dishonour to the Nation and shame to them ut novus advena veteres colonos migrare compelleret hoc nec Deo gratum â—utari qui veterum habitationem concessiâ—set nec alicui probo homini
foreplotted the Treason aforesaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andâ—ews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head â— presenting it to Cnute with these â—awning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me willâ— this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an higâ— poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoâ—red of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Deâ— Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that he died at London not Oxford about the Feast of St. Andrew as if he had died of a naturall death but the generality of Writers agree he was murdered at Oxford ambiguum quo casu extinctus writes Malmesbury the common fame being he was murdered by Edric as aforesaid And Bromton who recites all three opinions concludes thus Sed primus modus videliceâ— quod rex Edmundus ad requiem naturae sedens proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit verior aliis et auâ—enticior habetur The Author of the Encomium of Emma concurring with Marianus subjoynes this Observaâ—ion touching his short reign and speedy death That God c. minding his own doctrine That a kingdom divided in it self caunot long stand and pitying the English took away Edmond lest if the Kings had continued long together they should have both lived in danger and the Realm in continual trouble His reign continued onely seven moneths in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country People and their Liberties besides his single Duel with Câ—ute and by his untimely death the English Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom through divine retaliation as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof about 450 yeares before as Henry Huntindon Bromton Radulphus Cistrensis Mr. Foxâ— Speed and others observe The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full writes Speed and their dreggs as it were sunk to the
disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contâ—mpts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a â—oot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quiâ—e over it And morâ—over if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Dâ—nâ—s they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captainâ— out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritancâ— of iâ— upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree aâ—d Oath abjure renounce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicissitudes of divine â—ustice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood â— as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum jam DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the woâ—ull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictricus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take pâ—aceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato scieâ—ti administrare principatum per aetatenâ— severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingâ—am or rather Lâ—ndoniam â— CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus daâ—o as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eadsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Cleâ—gie and people of Englaâ—d to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished thâ— whole royal issue of the English race almost pâ—st any possibility or probabiâ—ity of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded by the sword on a certain night fell into a sâ—d deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almoâ—t quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Petâ—r who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasure Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS WOMB as well as after Hardâ—-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brigâ—twolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera materna conclusus utrique praeferiur agente â—o qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in
act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuâ—turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES Lâ—GES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore paâ—te adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043. as the Chronâ—cle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a fugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in Englanâ— and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN â— THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITâ—ROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Revereâ—câ— and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yeâ— slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my sâ—lf upon the consideration and judgement of your Courâ— concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege-men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in iâ—ta appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iusticâ— COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among thâ—m were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgemâ—nt herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxâ—on by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REGEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTâ—ST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to put himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred thâ— Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my parâ— that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen shâ—uld go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms offering that to him for his trespasse and submissively deprâ—cating that he woulâ— pardon all his rancour and ill-will to the Earle and receiving his homage and fealâ—y he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to himâ— Vnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid and gâ—ing to the King declared unto him the order and mannâ—r of their JUDGEMENT or AVVARD QUORUM CONSIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS QUICQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATIâ—ICAVIT The King not willing to contradict them in any thing thâ—y had judged ratified the same in all things An agreement therefore being made between thâ—m in this manner the Earl presently regained all his lands The generality of our Historians as Bromâ—on confesseth deny that Godwin ever fled into Dâ—nmark or left England for the murder of Alfred they generally affâ—rming that he purged himself thereof though falsly CORAM PROCERIBUS before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death NISI REGIA VI COACTUS but through compulsion by royall violence Recording likewise that after the death of King Harde-Cnute Prince Edward was called out of Normandy and elected King principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself who as Malmesbuâ—y and others write perswaded him to accept the Crown and precontracted with him before hâ— came into England Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam filiis honores integros filiae matrimonium brevi futurum ut se Regem videat qui nunc vitae naufragus exul spei alterius opem implorat Utrinque fide data quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin it was most probably in the year 1043â— as I here place it And from these memorable proceedings in it we may observe 1. That there is mention onely of the King Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it not of any Knights of shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely judges in that age in Parliament between the King and his Nobles subjects both in criminal and other causes there decided 3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers for treason and capitall offences 4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parliament and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them and of what offences were Treason and what not 5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences 6. That the Judgement of Parliament then reâ—ted properly in the Earls and Barons not the King and that their judgement was not repealable by but obligatory to the
Realm against Law and right by his power and often attempted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice At last his subtilty proceeded so farr that by fraud deceit and circumvention he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends whom he had either brought with him or called out of Normandy as well Bishops as Clerks and Laymen of other dignities believing that all things would succeed according to his desires if the King deprived of all his friends should make use only of his Counsels But Edward dissembling all things in regard of time place and out of religion addicted himself wholly to divine duties sometimes predicting That divine Iustice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl and telling Godwin himself so much Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester as most or at Windsor as some or Hodiam as others relate which feast was famous among the people the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner the Kings Cup-bearer Harold Godwins own Son as some record bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine towards the Table striking one of his feet very hard against a stumbling block on the pavement fell almost to the ground but his other foot going straight on recovered him again and set him upright so that he had no harm nor shed any of the wine Upon which many discoursing touching this event and rejoycing that one foot helped the other Earl Godwin who customarily sate next to the King at Table being his Father-in-law laughing thereat said by way of merriment Here a brother helped a brother as some or So is a Brother helping to a Brother and one assisting another in necessity as others report his words To whom the King upon this occasion ironically answering said Thus my Brother Alfred might have assisted me had it not been for Godwins Treachery who would not permit him Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grievously was sore afraid and with a very pale and sad countenance replied I know O King I know it hath been often reported to thee that I have sought to betray thee and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited who call me either his or thy Traytor or betrayer But let thy God who is true and just and knoweth all secrets judge between us and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand to pass down my throat without choaking me if I be guilty of any Treason at all against thee or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee Or if I be guilty of thy Brothers death or if ever thy brother by me or my counsel was nearer to death or remoter from life And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand as I am guiltlesse of these facts When he had thus spoken the King blessed the piece of bread whereupon Godwin putting it into his mouth swallowed it down to the midst of his throat where it stuck so fast that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means till through the cooperation of divine vengeance he was so choaked with it that his breath was quite stopped his eyes turned upside down his arms grew stiff being conscious to himself of what he thus abjured and so he fell down dead under the Table Deus autem justus et verax audivit vâ—cem Proditoris et mox eodem pane strangulatus mortem praegustavit aeternam writes Radulphus de Diceto The King seeing him pale and dead and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him said to those who stood by Dragg out of this dog this Traytor and bury him in the high way for he is unworthy of Christian burial Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber ubi debitum proditoris sortitus est finem and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester without honour or solemnity Abbot Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nâ—ce sui fratris impeteretur ille post multa Sacramenta tandem per buccellam dâ—glutiendam abjuravit buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown and the Normans who accompanied him 17 years after the fact was most exemplary so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable which to omit their forementioned exiles troubles are thus epitomized by Will. Malmâ—b Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of Cnute for his wifeâ— on whom he begat a Son who having passed the first years of his childhood whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and â—ains the horse carried him into the swift stream of the River of Thames where he was drowned His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thunderbolt receiving the punishment of her cruelty who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves especially beautifull maides in England and to send them into Denmark that she might heap up riches by their deformed sale After her death he maried another wife on whom he begot Harold Swane Wulnoth Tosti Girth and Leofwin Harold after Edward was King for some Moneths and being conquered by William at Hastings lost both his life and kingdom with his two younger Brothers there slain in battel Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward because his father had given him for an hostage was there detained a Prisoner without any release during all King Edwards life and being sent back into England in Williams reign continued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age Swane of a perverse wit treacherous against his King revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Harold and becomming a Pyrate polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder At last going barefoot to Ierusalem in pilgrimage out of conscience to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breuno and as some say his Brother in his return thence he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward ruled the County near two years which being expired he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the asperity of his manners for finding him solitary they chased him out of the Country not thinking â—it to slay him by reason of his Dukedom but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes and spoiled him of all his horses arms and houshold-stuff whereupon being deprived of his Earldom he went with his wife and children into Flanders and at
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
quia ita se mansuete ageret ut nec viles homunculos verbo laedere noscet Nam dum quâ—dam vice venatum isset et agrestis quidem stabulata illa quibus in casses cervi urgentur confudisset ille sua nobili percitus ira per Deum inquit et Matrem ejus tantundem tibi nocebo si potero Egregius animus quise regem in talibus non meminisset nec abjectae conditionis homini se posse nocere putaret Erat interea ejus apud domesticos reverentia vehemens apud exteros metus ingens fovebat profecto ejus simplicitatem Deus ut posset timeri qui nesciret irasci No wonder then if his death were much lamented by all his Subjects cum omnes et in Rege cernerent unde gauderent et in se sentirent undâ— dolerent The English Nobility were much troubled and divided in their minds and affections which were wavering touching the election of a â—it person to succeed him Fluctuabant Proceres Regni quem sibi Regem praeficerent et Rectorem Many of them favoured William Duke of Normandy as specially designed by King Edward to succeed him others of them inclined to Prince Edgar Atheling as the next and right heir to the Crown Cui de Iure debebatur Others of them favored Harold Earl Godwins son as being a person then of greatest Power and Valour in the Realm Anglia dubio favâ—re nutabat cui se Râ—ctori committeret incerta an Haraldo an Willielmo an Edgaro Nam illum pro genere proximum regno Proceribus Rex commendaverat Harold being a crafty subtil man knowing that delayes were hurtfull to those who were prepared on the very day of Epiphany whereon King Edward was buried having the command of all the Militia and forces of the Realm as General and Vice-roy to the deceased Kiug by the strength of himself and his kinred and friends invaded and seized upon the royal Crown and then presently set it upon his own head crowning himself King without any Title Right or due Election by the Nobles or Coronation by the Bishops whereby he incurred the hatred both of the English Prelates and Pope and then extorted allegâ—ance from the Nobles as William of Malmsbury Matthew Paris Ingulphus Henry Huntindon Matthew Westminster the Chronicle of Bromton Knyghton Caxton Mr. Fox Speed and some others attest But Marianus Scotus Florent Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Sim. Dunelm Radulfus de Diceto Eadmerus Hygden Fabian Grafton with others write in favour of Harold that King Edward before his death made him not only his General but Vice-roy and ordained that he should be King after him Whereupon A totius Angliae Primatibus ad regale culmen electus he was elected to be King by all the Nobles of Englandâ— and solemnly consecrated and crowned King by Aldred Archbishop of Yorke And so Iuxta quod ante mortem Edwardus statuerat in Regnum ei successit Haroldus writes Eadmerus That King Edward designed him for his Successor in the Crown seems very improbable because Harold himself never alleged nor pretended it in any of his Answers to Duke Williams Embassadors to him who claimed the Crown by his speciall bequest and designation in his life-time and because King Edwards hatred to Godwin and his Posterity seems inconsistent with itâ— William of Malmsbury an impartial disingaged Author living in or near that time gives us this determination of these diffrent relations Recenti adhuc regalis funeris luctu Haroldus ipso Theophaniae die extorta a Principibus fide arripuit Diadema quamvis Angli dicant a Rege concessum quod tamen magis benevolentia quam judicio allegari existimo ut illi haereditâ—tem tranâ—funderet suam cujus semper suspectam habuerat potentiam Quamvis ut non celetur veritas pro persona quam gerebat regnum prudentiae fortitudine gubernaret si legitime suscepiscet Abbot Ingulphus living at that time thus relates his intrusion into the Throne against his Oath In crastino Regii funeris Comes Haroldus conâ—ra suum statum jusjurandum contâ—mpler praestiâ—ae â—idei ac nequiter oblitus sui Sacramenâ—i Throno Râ—gio se intrusit yet adds per Archiepiscopum Eboracae Aldredum solenniter coronatus Henry Huntindon thus records it Quidem Anglorum Edgar Adeling promovere volebant in Regem Haroldus vero viribus et genere fretus Regni Diadema invasit The Chronicle of Bromton and Knyghton thus give us the story of it Sancto Edwardo rege et Confessore mâ—rtuo quidam Anglorum Magnates Edgarum Adelynge â—ilium Edwardi filii Regis Edmondi Ironside in Regem promovere moliebantur sed quia puer erat et tanto oneri minus idoneuâ— et in bursa minus refertus Haroldus Comes viribus et genere fretus Cui erat Mens astutior crumena fâ—câ—ndior et miles copiosior et pompis gloriosior sinistro omine Regnum occupavit et contra Sacramentum quod Willielmo Duci Normanniae praestiâ—erat Regni Diadema sinistro omine illico invasit et sic perjurus sancto Edwardo successiâ— juxta quod idem Edwardus ut quidam aiunt ante mortem suam statuerat promissione quam idem Rex dum juvenis in Normannia extitit dicto Willielmo de succedendo post â—um in regnum fecerat sibi super hoc postea secundum quosdam solemnes nuncios ut praemittitur destinaverat non obstante Abbot Ailred thus registers Harolds usurpation and the sad events thereof Intâ—rea Haroldus Godwini filius Regnum Angliae quod secundum fidem Sacramenti debuerat servasse Willielmo Regis Edmundi consobrino sibi nec Iure debitum nec Natura irreverenter usurpans malum quod Angliae secundum Sancti Regis oraculum Dominus praeparaverat transgressione pacti et fidei acceleravit laesione Ut autem attenuati viribus facilius ab hiis quos injustè provocaverat hostibus vinceretur suscitavit ei a parte aquilonis inimicos Haroldum cognomento Harfar Norwagenorum regem et Tostium fratrem sâ—um quem de Anglia ipse expâ—lerat c. Tho. Walsingham thus stories it Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuraâ—us quam Duci juraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret et fidem quam juramento sposponderaâ— cum digna subjectione servaret Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit verum omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit Hygden in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 28. Mr Iohn Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 214. Mr. Cambden in his Bâ—itannia p. 145 146. Holinshed Sir Iohn Hayward Sir Richard Baker affirm the like and incline to this opinion That Harold by his might power craft policy usurped and invaded the Crown without any right against his Oath I shall summ up all their Opinions in the words of Iohn Speed After King Edwards death the Statesmen perplexed for choice of
a new Edgar Athelings title was worthy more respect than it found for him they held too young for government besides a stranger born scarce speaking English and withall the prophecies of Edward touching the alienation of the Crown the interest of the Danes and the claim of Duke William made both by gift and consanguinity bred great distractions of desires and opinions but nothing concluded for setling the State no man assuming or possessing the diadem because none had the power or right to adorn therewith his own head In this calm conference a sudden gale arose which blew all the sails spred for that wind into one port Harold son to Earl Godwin a man duly prizing his many worthy parts not unmeet for a Kingdom next Edward his Broâ—her-in-law in the kingdom courteous in speech and behaviour in martial prowesse the only man qui vivente Edwardo quaecuâ—que contra eum bella incensa sunt virtute sua compressit cupiens se Provincialibus ostentare in regnum scilicet spe prurienti anhelans as Malmsbury writes of him friended by asâ—inity of many of the Nobles expected to be both sided and assisted if his cause came either to trial or voice seeing the time well sitted his entrance Swane King of Denmark most dreaded by the English being then intangled with the Sweden wars William the Norman that made claim from King Edward then absent and at variance with Philip the French King the friends of Edgar in Hungary and himself a Stranger over young for to rule all which concurrent made Harold without deliberation or order from the States to set the Crown on his own head regardlesse of all ceremony and solemn celebration for which act as a violater of holy rites he too tooâ—much offended the Clergy none either greatly applauding or disapproving his presumption except only for the omission of manner and form Harold having gotten actual possession of the Crown Marianus Scotus Florentius Wigorniensis Huntindon Hoveden Sim. Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Hygden Fabian Graâ—ton Hâ—linshed Cambden and Speed record that to ingratiate himself with the Clergy people He began to destroy evil Laws and Customs before used and stablished just and good Laws especially such as were for the defence of holy Church He likewise became a Patron of Churches and Monasteries respected and reverenced Bishops Abbots Monks and Clergymen shewed himself pious humble affable to all good men and hatefull to all Malefactors publickly commanding all his Dukes Earls Sheriffs and other Officers to apprehend all Thieves Robbers and Disturbers of the Realm himself likewise taking extraordinary paines and care for the defence and guarding of the Realm both by Land and Sea Whereunto Iohn Speed superadds He remitted or diminished the grievous customs and Tribute which his Predecessors had raised a course ever powerfull to win the hearts of the Commons to Churchmen he was very munificent and carefull of their advancement and to grow more deeply in their venerable esteem he repaired their Monasteries especially that at Waltham which he sumptuously new built and richly endowed Moreover to satisfie such Nobles as affected young Edgar he created him Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour In brief unto the poor his hand was ever open unto the oppressed he administred Justice and all to hold that Crown upright which he had set on his own head with an unsure hand and deprived him of unto whom he was Protector But these Encomiums of his Justice and Government seem to me to be rather forged than real For how could he râ—form ill Laws and Customs and enact good Laws when King Edward had so newly and exactly done it before him that there was no need of such a reformation neither â—inde we the least mention of any Laws made by Harold Or how could he remit or diminish those grievous câ—stoms and Tributes which King Edward had totally remitted before him unless himself first revived them Or how could he court the Prelates and Clergy when as he refused to be consecrated by them for which he incurred their disfavour I rather therefore incline to the quite contrary Characters which other Historians give of him and his Government as most consonant to truth Henry de Knyghton though he recites what some forementioned write in his favour yet gives us this account of his proceedings himself Iste devenit nimâ—s eâ—latus et cupidus in collectione auri et argenti et thesaurorum nec aliquam uxorem ducere voluit vi oppressit filias Baronum Procerum atque Militum de regno quod ipsi aegrè ferebant Et de Forestis suis tantam ferocitateÌ„ seviritatem erga adjacentes Nobiliores exercuit quod quamplures adniâ—tlavit et multos depauperavit Neo mirum quamvis ex hiis et aliis nimis odiosus devenit populis suis. Et ideo pars Comitum et Baronum ad inviâ—em conferebant dicentes ipsum non esse fortunae deditum nec verum esse Regem sed per intrusionem erectum et ideo infauste regere populum suum Et mandaverunt Willielmo Duci Normanniae ut in Angliam veniret eorum Consilio et Auxilio Ius Regni prosecuturus feceruntque ei fidelem securitatem veniendi et consensit And Matthew Westminster gives us this character of him Superbia elatus jam factus de Rege Tyrannus Rex Haroldus in multis patrisans temerarius suit et indiscretus in praesumptione ancipiti nimis suae invictae confidens fortitudini laudis cupidus et Thesauri promissorum immemor arridente prosperitate Unde ipsis Anglis quibus praeerat etiam consanguineis se praebuerat odiosum victoriamque cum illi Dominus exercituum et Deus ultionum concesserat non Deo sed sibi suaeque ascripsit strenuitati Quod recenti experientia fuerat comprobatum cum a Noricis eviâ—tis Superbus spoliisque omnium retentis quae aliis promissa debebantur ad Normannorum praelia praecipitanter et inconsultè festinavit Unde Ducis Gulihelmi maguanimi in negotiis bellicis peragendis et circumspecti fidelis in pollicitis in pace socialis jucundi in conviviis dapsilis et serenâ— omnibus fere tam Anglis quam conterminis maxime tamen Noricis acceptabatur Recipientes eum benevole dicebant Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini Rex paciâ—icus bellator victoriosus pater protector desolatorum Dominus autem Papa simulque fraâ—res Cardinales universi cum tota Curia Romana Regem Haroldum semper exosum habentes pro eo quod sibimet diadema Regni sine eorum convenientia et ecclesiastica solemnitate consensuque Pralatorum praesumpserat injuriam dissimularunt Et vidâ—ntes quo fine ausa praesumptio terminaretur cum fortuna adversa sunt adversati potentioriq manu atque victrici more cupidorum vel potius arundinis exagitatae ventorum turbine quantocius inclinaverunt Such was the Popes Clergies temper then Duke William being certainly informed that Harold contrary