inquired when this sentence began to take place that in what day soever Adam did eat of the tree he should dye the death 1. Some thinke that a day is not here to bee taken according to mans account of dayes but as it is before God with whom a thousand yeares are but as a day and so Adam died within a thousand yeares after so Iustinus dialog cum Triph. but this sense seemeth to bee strained 2. Neither doe we refer these words in what day soever to the first clause only thou shalt eat and not to the second thou shalt dye the death as though the meaning should not bee they should dye the same day wherein they did eat but at any time after for this seemeth also to be but a forced sense 3. But we rather allow Hieromes interpretation that Adam began in the same day to dye not actually but because then he became mortall and subject to death lib. tradit in Gen. so Symmachus readeth thou shalt bee mortall 4. And beside that then actualâ—y Adam entred into misery and sorrow labour hunger thirst which are the forerunners of death 5. Adde unto this also that in the same day death entred by sinne into the soule of Adam in the very same day of his transgression QVEST. XXX Whether God made death THirdly seeing that by Gods sentence death seased upon Adam the question is whether God made death and whether this corporall death be a punishment of sin We answer 1. that as death is a defect of nature beside the first intention of the Creator brought in by sinne into the world that God is not the â—uthor of it but it is so only the fruit and effect of sinne 2. But as death is a just punishment inflicted for sinne so it is of God who though hee first made not death yet now hee disposeth of it thereby shewing his justice upon mans transgression so that as Augustine saith speaking of the beginning of darkenesse Deus non fâ—â—â—t tenebras sâ—dâ—rdinavit God made not darknesse but ordered them so may it bee said of death 3. Eugubiâ—us objecteth that death is not properly a punishment of sinne because it remaineth in the faithfull and it is not taken away by Christ. in Cosmopeia To which we answer 1. That death also at the last shal be destroyed by Christ 1 Cor. 15.26 The last enemy that shal be destroied is death 2. That although the death of the body remaine yet in the members of Christ in them it is not now as a punishment but as a consequent of their corruptible nature because all flesh is now as grasse Isa. 40.6 and death now unto them is not a curse but turned to a blessing in Christ being both a cessation from labâ—ur and an entrance into rest Rev. 14.13 Blessed are they that dye in the Lord they rest from their labours and their workes follow them QVEST. XXXI Why it was not good for man to be alone Vers. 18. IT is not good for man to be alone 1. not as R. Sâ—l left if man would have beene alone hee might be thought to be chiefe Lord in earth as God was in heaven for if man had beene alone who should have so thought or spoken 2. Neither was it not good in respect of God who by his infinite power and wisdome could otherwayes have multiplyed and increased man but in respect of that order and course of generation which God appointed for other creatures 3. Neither is this so said as though no man could live without a woman as the Hebrewes have these sayings nothing is good but a woman â—e that hath not a wife is not a man for God hath given unto some a speciall gift which may supply this want 4. Neither is S. Paul contrary to Moses where he saith it is not good to touch a woman for he speaketh in respect of those present times of persecution wherein their wives might have beene a let unto them Mercer 5. But this is so said 1. in respect of mutuall society and comfort 2. in respect of the propagation of the world 3. especially for the generation and increase of the Church of God 4. but most of all it was meet that woman should bee joyned to man because of the promised seed of the woman of whom came our Saviour Christ after the flesh QVEST. XXXII Wherein woman was a meet helpe for him Vers. 18. LEt us make an helpe meet for him The word cenâ—gdâ— signifieth as one before him or against him But we neither allow the conceit of some Hebrewes as R. Sâ—lamon that the woman is said to be against man because she is contrary to him 2. Nor yet doe wee like of Tostatus conjecture because the male and female in respect of their naturall parts are contrary 3. Nor yet doe wee approve David Kimchi his collection that the woman is said to bee as before man that is as a servant to attend vpon him for shee is appointed to bee his fellow-helper not his servant neither is it like that if shee had beene ordained to any base use or service that she should have beene framed out of Adams side 4. Therefore shee is called a helpe like to man as Hierome readeth or according to him as the Septuagint or as before him as the Hebrew both because shee was made like unto man as well in proportion of body as in the qualities of the mind being created according to the image of God as also for that she was meet for man necessary for the procreation education of children and profitable for the disposing of houshold affaires 5. This maketh a manifest difference betweene woman which is alwayes before man cohabiting and conversing with him and other females which after their copulation forsake their males Luther QVEST. XXXIII When the woman was formed A Further doubt is moved by some at what time the woman was made where 1. wee reject the conceit of Cajetanus who making an allegory of this story of the framing of the woman out of Adams side is forced to affirme that God made man and woman together upon the sixth day and not the woman out of the man for thus the history of Moses is called into question and as well may the whole discourse of the creation of the world be allegorised as this narration of the making of woman And again it is contrary to the Apostle who saith that the woman was of the man 1 Cor. 11.9 2. We likewise refuse the opinion of Catharinus who thinketh the woman to have been made the seventh day for this also is contrary to the Scripture Exod. 20.11 In six dayes the Lord made heaven and earth the sea and all that in them is 3. So then we hold that the woman was made of a rib out of Adams side as Moses setteth it downe neither made together with him out of the earth nor yet made so long after him upon the seventh day but she was formed upon the sixâ—h day
kindred namely of the issue of his brother Nachor by his wife Milcah and his concubine Reumah vers 20. to the end In the first part wee have 1. Gods commandement to Abraham to sacrifice his sonne vers 1 2. 2. Abrahams obedience vers 3 4.5 3. The preparation to the sacrifice the wood the fire the knife the altar Isaacks binding are all expressed vers 6. to vers 10. 4. Gods prevention of Abraham and provision of another sacrifice vers 10. to 15. 5. The Lords commendation of Abrahams faith and obedience with renuing of the promise 2. The divers readings v. 2. Only begotten sonne H. only sonne caet he jachad to unite Into the land of vision H. high land S. the land of Gods worship C. the land of Moriah cat which some derive of jarah to feare some of raah to see v. 6. a sword H.S.C. a knife caet maacelet signifieth both derived of acal to devoure v. 7. Where is the sacrifice H. the sheepe S. beast B. lambe G.P. the little beast T.H. sheh signifieth a small beast of sheepe or goats v. 13. one ramme S. after that a ramme c. C. aramme behind cae behind achad caught in the plant Sabech S. in a tree C. in a thicket or bush caet Sabach the perplexity or intangling in bushes or trees v. 14. And Abraham prayed and offered sacrifice in this place and said before the Lord here shall be generations serving him therefore it is said to this day in this mountaine Abraham sacrificed to God C. and the Lord called the name of the place Iehovah â—ireh G. or the Lord seeth caet v. 16. hast not withdrawne thy sonne T. spared thy sonne caet chashach to forbid v. 18. all the people of the earth shall be blessed because of thy sonnes Ch. in thy seed shall all the nations be blessed caet v. 24. concubine Rema S. Roma H.C. reumah v. 21. the father of the Syrians H.S. father of Aram cater 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QVEST. I. At what yeare of his age Isaack should have beene sacrificed Vers. 1. AFter these things 1. Though it be uncertaine in what yeare of Isaacks age Abraham was bidden to sacrifice him yet it is neither like that he was then but 12. yeare old as Aben Ezra ex Tostato seeing Abraham laid a burthen of wood upon his shoulder neither was he yet 37. yeares old as some Hebrewes hold which was the yeare of Sarahs death for this was done Sarah being yet living and in good health But Iosephus opinion seemeth to bee more probable that Isaack was at this time 25. yeare old 2. But that this was done the first day of the seventh moneth upon which occasion the Jewes observed the feast of blowing of Trumpets in remembrance of Isaacks deliverance is but a Jewish tradition without ground 3. Whereas Nyssenus and Augustine thinke that Sarah knew of this intended sacrifice Chrysostomes opinion is more like that she knew it not lest she should have beene too much grieved with the losse of her sonne Ex Perer. QVEST. II. Why Isaack was commanded to be sacrificed Vers. 2. TAke thy onely Sonne c. There seeme to have beene two principall ends of this commandement of God 1. that thereby Abrahams faith and obedience might be tried as the Apostle saith Heb. 11.17 by faith Abraham offred up Isaack 2. The other end was to bee a lively type and representation of the sacrifice of Christ and to this sense some expound that place Heb. 11.19 that Abraham received Isaack èn Parabolè in a similitude or parable which though it seeme not to be the proper meaning of those words yet this offering up of Isaack in sacrifice in many things representeth the death of Christ 1. as Abraham offered Isaack so God gave his sonne to dye for the world 2. as Isaack was not sacrificed so Christ was the lambe that was as though hee had beene killed Revel 5 6. his divinity died not and his humanity was revived 3. the time also agreeth Abraham was three dayes and three nights in going to the place of sacrifice as Christ was so long in the grave 4. the wood is laid upon Isaack Christ carried his crosse 5. the ramme is entangled in a thicker Christ was crowned with thornes 6. Isaack was offered in the same place where afterward the temple stood and our Saviour suffered at Hierusalem QVEST. III. Of the ten severall tentations of Abraham THis was the last and greatest tentation of Abraham and in number the tenth 1. Abraham was tempted and tried when he was bidden to come forth of his countrey not knowing whither 2. When by reason of the famine he went downe to Aegypt 3. When Pharaoh tooke away his wife that both hee was in danger of his life and she of her chastity 4. When there was a strife betweene Lots servants and his 5. When he was constrained to arme himselfe and his servants to rescue Lot taken captive 6. When at Sarahs motion he expelled Agar out of his house 7. When at ninety nine yeares of his age he was circumcised in his foreskinne 8. When Abimelech tooke away his wife 9. When he sent away Hagar and Ismael his sonne 10. When he was commanded of God to sacrifice his sonne Isaack Perer. ex Haebreis QVEST. IV. Whether this mountaine Moriah were the same wherein the Temple was built Vers. 2. TO the Land of Moriah 1. That this was the mountaine where afterward the temple was built there is no question for so it is directly affirmed 2. Cron. 3.1 2. But whether Christ were crucified upon this mountaine it cannot certainely be affirmed as Avgustine thinketh receiving it from Hierom. serm dempor 71. seeing Christ suffered without the citie in mount Calvarie unlesse it can bee shewed that these two mountaines are continued together and so in effect but one 3. But that Cain and Abel did sacrifice in this place it is unlike seeing they kept not off from paradise which was in Mesopotamia neither did Noah build his altar here after the floud because the scripture saith that the arke rested upon the hills of Armenia Gen. 8. and immediately upon Noahs comming forth of the Arke he reared that Altar unto God 4. This hill whereon the temple stood was sometime higher than the rest of the City as Iosephus describeth it but the Romans cast it downe into the brooke Cedron so that now it is in a manner a plaine lower than the other parts of the City Perer. ex Borchard QVEST. V. Of the originall and derivation of the name of Moriah FOr the signification of the word Moriah 1. some interpret it the bright or shining hill deriving it of oorh light because there was the oracle of God Aquila 2. Some would have it so called of Marar myrrhe because that place abounded with myrrhe and cynamon Cantic 4.6 3. Some of jara to feare because God was there feared and worshipped Chald. 4.
Origen hom 8. Genes The Apostle only saith that he considered that God was able to raise him up even from the dead but that God would doe it so presently he knew not neither had it beene such a triall of his faith to sacrifice his sonne if hee had beene sure that his sonne should in that instant have beene restored againe to life 6. I thinke rather that Abraham being generally by faith assured of Gods power yet was ignorant in this particular what would fall out and therefore spake as a man amazed and astonished and yet ignorantly prophesied Prophetavit quod ignoravit Ambr. Iun. QVEST. XI Of Abrahams constancy and Isaacks obedience Vers. 7. MY Father c. 1. Abrahams setled constancy appeareth that notwithstanding these amiable words of his sonne yet cannot be turned from his purpose nomina vâ—tae solent operarigratiam non ministerium necis words of life as to call father sonne doe insinnuate grace and savour they minister occasion of death 2. Isaacks obedience is commended who willingly submitteth himselfe 1. beeing now 25 yeares old and so strong enough to resist his old and weake father yet he yeeldeth himselfe Calvin 2. He was bound not that his resistance should be feared but least any involuntarie motion by the pangs of death might have beene procured Perer. 3. his willingnesse further appeareth in that Isaack maketh no request for his life nemo rogat nemo se excusat neither he entreateth nor his father excuseth this fact Poets doe fable how Iphigenia Agamemnons daughter was sacrificed to the gods for the safety of the whole armie but here we have a true stistory 4. It is most like that Abraham had before declared Gods commandement unto Isaack to the which hee was obedient Iosephus proceedeth further to shew what the communication was betweene them but whence knoweth he that it is out of doubt that Isaack was made acquainted with Gods counsell wherewith hee rested contented Luther QVEST. XII Why the Lord would not have Isaack offered up in sacrifice though he so commanded for the triall of Abrahams faith Vers. 11. THe Angell of the Lord called to him 1. I will omit here to make any long mention of the fables of the Hebrewes how that Sathan appeared in the shape of an old man to Abraham and againe to Sarah and in the likenesse of a young man to Isaack to draw them from obedience to Gods commandement but he prevailed not Muscul. 2. The heathen also by their poeticall fictions 〈◊〉 obscured the credit and truth of this history for as the Angell of God appeared in this last and extreme point to Abraham so they have also counterfeited the apparition of their gods in extreme perils Calvin 3. Thus it pleased God that although Abrahams faith was tried with this hard Commandement that it should not be performed 1. for his owne glory sake lest that Abrahams God might have beene traduced among the heathen as a lover of humane bloud 2. for Abrahams sakes that the Lord might more amply reward him for his faithfull obedience 3. for our sakes that we might have the example of faithfull Abraham to follow 4. and for the generall instruction of Christians that this might bee a lively figure unto them of the sacrifice of Christ both of Gods love in giving him to dye for the world and his obedience in humbling himselfe to the altar of the crosse And therefore Ambrose fitly applyeth those words of Abraham v. 8. God will provide him a lamb for a burnt offering to the sacrifice of Christ which was that alia hostia quam Deus pararet that other offering which God would provide lib. 1 de Abrah c. 8. QVEST. XIII How the Lord saith I know now that thou fearest c. Vers. 12. NOw I know c. 1. Not that God is ignorant of any thing or can have any experimentall knowledge of any thing which hee knew not before for all things are naked in his sight 2. Neither as Augustine expoundeth is God said to know quia fecit ut sibi Abraham innotesceret because he made Abraham to be knowne to himselfe qu. Genes 58. for then he should have rather said Now thou thy selfe knowest c. 3. Some doe take it for the knowledge of approbation I have knowne thee that is approved this fact of thine as it is said Psal. 1. The Lord knoweth the way of the righteous Hillary 4. Some referre it to Gods eternall knowledge I have knowne from the beginning that thou shouldest doe this thing but I appointed it to be done only now but this had beene no commendation to Abraham for thus God may be said to know every thing whether commendable or otherwise T. hom Angel 5. Wherefore the Lord speaketh here humanitus after the phrase of man and by a metaphor Iun. and in effect it is nothing else but that Abraham had now declared and testified his faith by his fruitfull obedience Calvin as Chrysostome saith Nunc omnibus declarasti quomodo Deâ—m syncere colas thou hast made manifest to all that thou sincerely worshippest God hom 47. in Gen. QVEST. XIV Why this fact of Abraham is rather ascribed to feare than love Vers. 12. THat thou fearest God It is so said rather than that thou lovest God 1. because the love of God must be joyned with a reverent feare of God serve the Lord with feare Psal. 4. and the love of God bringeth forth a filiall and dutifull feare as the child that loveth his father will also feare him 2. the feare of God is generally taken not for the particular act of feare but for the whole worship of God as Psal. 25.14 The secrets of the Lord is revealed to those that feare him and so feare in this sense comprehendeth also love 3. because Abraham had now forgotten his naturall love and affection toward his sonne because he feared God this act is more properly ascribed to his religious feare Per. QVEST. XV. This fact of Abraham wherein it excelleth the like among the heathen NOw concerning the excellency of Abrahams fact whereas the heathen objected the like examples among them to obscure this resolution of Abraham as how Codrus of Athens offered himselfe for his people and one Idomeneus King of Creet as he came from the battell of Troy being in a great tempest upon the sea did vow unto Neptune the first thing which came forth to meet him which was his sonne and so he did Marius is mentioned by Cyril against Iulian that sacrificed his sonne so the Scripture recordeth that inhumane facti of the King of Moab that did offer up his sonne in sacrifice 2 King 4. It shall now appeare what great difference there is between these examples and the fact of Abraham both in the difficulty of the object the readinesse of his affection the end also and purpose of the action 1. Abraham offred up his only sonne whom hee dearely loved being the sonne of his old age a vertuous and obedient sonne
people of God had speciall prerogative in blessing as Isaack Iacob Moses c. Perer. 5. Esau doth not desire a peece onely of the blessing Isaack having made mention of two blessings vers 37. his preeminence over his brethren and abundance of wheat and wine the Hebrewes thinke that Esau yeelded the preeminence but desired the other to be given him neither doth he desire to be partaker with his brother in his blessing or to have some other blessing given him as Perer. But he coveteth the whole blessing both envying that his brother should be preferred before him Philo. and of a lightnesse of minde thinking that the blessing might be reversed Mercer QUEST XVIII Of Esaus teares that they found no repentance Vers. 38. ESau lift up his voice and wept c. 1. Whereas the Apostle Heb. 12. saith hereupon that Esau found no place of repentance though he sought it with teares it is not understood of Esaus repentance as Thom. Aquin. expoundeth which because it was rather for a temporall losse than for his sinnes tooke no place But the Apostle meaneth that Isaack repented not of that which he had done to Iacob notwithstanding Esaus teares in like sense the gifts of God are said to be without repentance Rom. 11.29 that is God doth not repent to change his decree sic Beza ex nostris Cajetan Perer. 2. Where the Apostle saith he was rejected he meaneth from the greater blessing which belonged to the birth-right and inheritance for Esau obtained of his father the smaller blessing 3. Esaus teares proceeded of envie toward his brother not of any true sorrow for he doth not acknowledge any fault in himselfe but layeth all the fault upon his brother vers 36. and beside he upon this hated his brother and purposed to kill him vers 41. which is not the fruit of true repentance and therefore it is no marvell that it was not accepted with God Calvin QUEST XIX Of the blessing which Isaack gave to Esau. Vers. 39. BEhold the fatnesse of the earth c. Isaack indueth Esau also with a temporall blessing but with some restraint 1. First here is omitted plenty of wheat and wine which was given before to Iacob whereby is signified that Esaus Countrey should not abound with such plenty as Iacobs Perer. 2. In Iacobs blessing it was added God give thee of the dew of heaven but here no mention is made of God so the meaning is that Iacobs posterity should depend upon God for these externall blessings so should not Esaus race Mercer 3. There is a spirituall blessing pronounced to Iacob they shall be blessed that blesse thee which is omitted here 4. Where the Prophet saith I hated Esau and made his mountaines waste Malach. 1.3 Idumea was a desart and barren Countrey in respect of Canaan yet in it selfe it was not void of some fatnesse and fruitfulnesse as here Isaack promiseth Calvin QUEST XX. Of Esaus subjection to Iacob and the casting off of his yoke Vers. 4. BY thy sword shalt thou live c. 1. That is both Esau should get his living by the sword Mercer and his posterity the Idumeans should bee a savage and cruell people Calvin 2. He should serve his brother which came to passe in their posterity seven hundred yeares after this prophecie in Davids time who subdued Edom and put garrisons there 2. Sam. 8.14 Ambrose noteth this for a benefit that Esau was made Iacobs servant Intemperanti prâ—fecit sobrium prudenti imprudentem statuit obedire He set the sober over the intemperate and appointed the foolish to serve the wise lib. 2. de Iacob c. 3. 3. Thou shalt get the mastery some translate when thou hast mourned and referre it to that heavy chance when the idolatrous King of Moab sacrificed the King of Edoms sonne and not long after the Edomites shaked off the yoke of the Israelites sic Iun in hunc locum which reading is better for the word here used eu hiphel signifieth to mourne or to be humbled as Psal. 55.2 I mourne in my prayer the Edomites after they had served Israel some foure hundred and fifteene years in the dayes of Ioram Iehosophats son they departed from Iuda and made them a King of their owne 2 King 8.20 and in this liberty they continued eight hundred yeares till the time of Hircanus who subdued them and made them to be circumcised But after this Herod the sonne of Antipater an Idumean obtained to be King of the Jewes so that in him also after a sort the Edomites got the mastery over Iudah Perer. QUEST XXIII Of Esaus purpose to kill Iacob Vers. 41. THe dayes of mourning for my father c. 1. That which joyned and reconciled Ismael and Isaack the death and buriall of Abraham doth encourage Esau to kill his brother Muscul. 2. Yet it was but a fained mourning which he would afford his father seeing he purposed to slay his brother Calvin 3. He would not doe it so long as his father lived lest he should accurse him and deprive him of all blessings so he refrained for feare not of conscience Mercer 4. He onely maketh mention of mourning for his father it should seeme that he little regarded his mother whom he ought equally to have reverenced Perer. QUEST XXIV How Rebeccah knew of Esau his bloudy purpose Vers. 42. IT was told Rebeckah 1. Though it be said that Esau thought in his minde to kill Iacob yet it is like that hee could not conceale or dissemble his murderous heart but uttered it in the hearing of his wives or some other by which meanes it is more like it came to Rebeckahs knowledge than by revelation as Augustine thinketh because the words are it was told or reported to Rebeckah Mercer 2. She called Iacob or sent for him who as the Hebrewes thinke had hid himselfe for feare of his brother 3. Esau his hatred was such that he could not be satisfied nor comforted but by the death of Iacob thinking then to recover his birth-right againe QUEST XXV Of Rebeccahs counsell given to Iacob to escape away Vers. 44. TArrie there a few dayes c. 1. Yet Iacob stayed twenty yeares a longer time than Rebeckah supposed of which long stay the frowardnesse of Laban was a cause some thinke because of these words it is said of Iacob when he had served seven yeares for Rachel they seemed unto him but a few dayes c. Gen. 29.20 yet not his mothers words but the love of Rachel made that time seeme so short Mercer 2. She thinketh that Iacobs absence and the continuance of time would allay Esaus implacable wrath some mens anger is soone kindled and as soone abated such Aristotle calleth Acrechiólous extreme chollericke men others doe keepe wrath long whom he nameth Picrochiólous of their bitter choller and such was Esau his anger 3. Rebeccah promiseth to send for Iacob which the Hebrewes thinke she performed in sending her nurse Deborah to him which died in Iacobs house after
disparagement to him All precedent slips and errours in them were cleansed and purified in his holy and unspotted conception 13. This narration of Iudahs incest doth serve to abate the pride and insolencie of the Jewes who boast so much of their petigree and they are not ashamed to tell our Saviour to his face that they were not borne of fornication Ioh. 8.41 Perer. 4. This story hath some coherence and similitude with that which followeth in the next chapter though the event is not like for here Thamar soliciteth Iudah there Potiphars wife Ioseph but Iudah sheweth his incontinencie Ioseph his chastity Mercer QUEST II. At what time these things were done here reported of Iudah BUt at what time this historie was done here recorded some question there is 1. Neither is this narration wholly set downe by way of recapitulation as Augustine thinketh quaest 128. in Gen. as though it went before Iosephs selling into Egypt for Iudah was not above foure or five yeares elder than Ioseph for Iudah was the fourth sonne of Leah and hee and Ioseph were borne within the compasse of seven yeares Gen. 31.31 Now Ioseph being seventeene yeare old when he was sold into Egypt Iudah then not exceeding 22. yeares could not have sonnes marriageable as Er and Onan were 2. Neither is Pererius opinion to be received that all this fell out after Ioseph was sold for from that time till Iacobs going downe to Egypt when Ioseph was 39. yeare old are but 22. yeares in which time Iudah could not bee a grand-father as he was for his sonne Phares had two sonnes Ezron and Hamul that went downe with Iacob into Egypt And to say that either of these two sonnes were borne in Egypt is to contradict the Scripture that saith they went downe into Egypt with Iacob Gen. 46.26 or to say that Iacobs going downe must be taken for all the time of his life and abode in Egypt which was seventeene yeares is to speake improperly and to pervert the course of the story 3. Wherefore the best solution is that part of this chapter was fulfilled before Iosephs captivity part followed after and Iudah must be supposed to have taken a wife at twelve or thirteene Mercer Iunius thinketh at seventeene yeares I would rather take fourteene or fifteene yeares betweene both and Er must be about ten yeares of age when Ioseph was sold Iun. who also tooke a wife at the like age of twelve or thirteene yeares Mercer which will fall out about the twenty five or twenty six yeare of Iudahs age then Er and Onan might die in one yeare Selah might be expected some three yeares Perer. then the yeare following might Thamar have her two twins about the thirty yeare of Iudah Pharez keeping the same time of marriage might have his two sonnes but very young when Iacob went downe to Egypt in the 44. yeare or thereabout of Iudahs age Iunius thinketh that Iudah begat Pharez at the age of thirty foure and was fifty yeares old when he went downe into Egypt but that cannot be for Iudah was not above five years elder than Ioseph who was then but 39. yeares old for Iudah was Leahs fourth son who together with Ioseph were borne in the second seven yeare of Iacobs service with Laban 4. And lest it might seeme strange that Iudah and his sonnes were married and had children so young this is not affirmed without the like president in Scripture for wee finde that Ahaz father to Hezekiah was but eleven yeares old when hee was borne for Ahaz was but thirty six yeares old when hee died 2 King 16.2 and Hezekiah immediately succeeding in the kingdome was 25. yeare old 2 King 18.2 It cannot be said that there was an interrognum betweene them that the kingdome lay void a certaine space for in the twelfth yeare of Ahaz over Judah began Hoshea to reigne in Samaria nine years 2 King 17.1 and Ahaz reigned sixteene years 2 King 16.2 Now in the third yeare of Hoshea began Hezekiah to reigne 2 King 18.1 If then in those dayes when mans age was much shortned his nature decayed and strength abated they had issue so soone it is not improbable but that such untimely mariages might be in use in Iudahs time when their life was longer and their strength greater 5. But where it is said About that time Iudah went downe it must not be referred exactly to that particular season which went immediately before but indefinitely understood of the whole course of that history of Iacobs children after their returne out of Mesopotamia while Iacob dwelt in Sechem where he remained eight yeares which I rather thinke with Mercer than that this was done after Iacob was come to Isaack Aben Ezra sheweth the like Deut. 10.7 where it is said that at the same time when the children of Israel departed from Gudgodah The Lord separated the tribe of Levi whereas Levi was separated the second yeare after they came out of Egypt but they departed from Gudgodah in the 40. yeare wherefore these words the same time must be referred to the whole time of their peâ—egrination in the wildernesse not to that particular time of departing from Gudgodah And so likewise in this place ex Mercer Or further these words about that time may be understood by a synecdoche the part being taken for the whole because some of these things here recorded though not all might fall out in that instant or not long after as the strange death of Er and Onan and the incest of Iudah which might happen about the 24. yeare of Ioseph ex Mercer QUEST III. Why Iudah went downe and whither Vers. 1. IVdah went downe c. 1. That is he descended into some lower Countrey it may bee out of Sechem not as some Hebrewes that he was fallen from his greatnesse because he gave counsell to have Ioseph sold and was the cause of his fathers long griefe Mercer 2. What was the cause of his going from his brethren is not expressed whether for detestation of the horrible murther committed by Simeon and Levi upon the Sichemites or for the abundance of cattell which he had But it is like that he often came and went to his brethren as appeareth by the story of Iosephs selling into Egypt whereunto Iudah advised he also went downe with his brethren into Egypt for corne 3. This Adullam was a towne in the tribe of Iudah whither afterward David did flie 1 Sam. 22.1 Hierom saith that in his time there was a village of that name some ten miles from Eleutherepolis Muscul. QUEST IV. Of Iudahs oversight in marrying a woman of the Canaanites Vers. 2. IVdah saw the daughter of a man called Suah 1. This was not the name of Iudahs wife as the Septuagint reade vers 12. but of his wives father 2. Neither was this Suah a merchant as the Chalde paraphrast readeth and the Hebrewes follow the same to cover the infirmities of their fathers although the word Covagnan
should not be soone provoked because rage is a sinne before God and so deserveth punishment and for that every man desireth libertie but he that is given to anger is not Dominus sui ipsius Master of himselfe 2. He must take heed ut 〈◊〉 in ira permaneat that he continue not long in anger Psal. 4. Be angrie and sinne not Ephes. 4. Let not the Sunne goe downe upon your wrath 3. Men must bee carefull ne procedat primò in corde that anger proceed not first in the heart for then it turneth to hatred and he that hateth his brother is a manslayer for Se interficit spoliando se charitate alium He killeth himselfe by spoyling himselfe of charitie and another also 4. Ne procedat in verbo It must not proceed in word for he which calleth his brother foole is in danger of hell fire Matth. 5. 5. Ne procedat in opere It must not proceed unto the deed for in every worke wee must consider two things Facere justitiam misericordiam To doe justice and shew mercie but he which is angrie can doe neither For the first the Apostle saith that the wrath of 〈◊〉 doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God Iam. 1.20 It is reported of Plato that hee should say to his servant that had offended him Punirem te nisi essem iratus I would punish thee if I were not angrie And he that is angrie can shew no mercie as it is said of Simeon and Levi in their rage they killed a man Gen. 49. Thom. in opuscul QUEST VIII Of rayling and reviling NExt unto the inward rage and heat of the affections followeth the outward indignation expressed by words gesture and other signes and the third degree is when men fall to plaine railing backbiting slandering threatning as these three are thus expressed by our blessed Saviour Whosoever is angrie with his brother unadvisedly shall be culpable of judgement and whosoever saith unto his brother racha shall be worthie to be punished by a counsell and whosoever shall say thou foole shall be worthie to be punished with hell fire Matth. 5.22 1. Here our Saviour maketh three degrees of anger or rage the one in the sudden heat and boyling of the affection inwardly without cause the second in the shewing of this indignation outwardly by any disdainfull words as in calling one racha that is idle head light braine for so rik in the Hebrew to the which this Syrian word agreeth both in sound and sense signifieth light value Iun. Matth. 5.22 As also this indignation may bee expressed by other signes as by grinning frowning spitting and such like Simler Then the third degree followeth in open railing as calling one foole with other termes of reviling 2. As our Saviour maketh difference of the sins so also he sheweth divers degrees of punishment alluding unto the politike forme of judgement for first there was the session or judgement of three who judged of small causes then of 23. who determined more waightie matters then of 71. before whom the high Priest or a false Prophet and sometime a whole tribe was convented and judged Beza So he that is angrie shall be censured in the secret judgement of God he that sheweth his indignation by opprobrious words shall be held guiltie before all the assemblie of the heavenly Angels and Saints he that raileth and revileth shall bee judged worthie of hell fire that is of the greatest punishment Marlorat For they used foure kinds of punishments among the Jewes whereby they put malefactors to death strangling the sword stoning and fire of the which the last was the worst Beza 3. For he that raileth and revileth tres quasi uno ictu occidit killeth three as it were with one blow himselfe him that giveth credit and the third whom he slandereth and revileth Basting QUEST IX Whether beating and wounding though there be no killing be not forbidden here THe externall act followeth not only of killing but in offering any other violence with the hand in beating wounding striking and such like 1. Here commeth to be examined the opinion of R. Salomon that in this precept only murther is forbidden but other violent wrongs in maimes wounds shedding of bloud beatings and such like hee thinketh onely afterward to bee restrained in the Judicials 2. Against this opinion these reasons are enforced 1. The Judicials only concerned the Israelites and did not bind the Gentiles but even among them these kind of violent assaults were unlawfull therefore they are forbidden not by the Judicials only but by the Morall law Tostat. qu. 21. He also urgeth this reason The things which were forbidden by the Judicials of Moses only it was no sinne for the Israelites to doe before those Lawes were given them that is before they came to Mount Sinai but it was unlawful before for them one to smite another as for the same cause Moses reproved an Hebrew that did his brother wrong and smote him Exod. 2.13 therefore these wrongs were not only prohibited by the Judiciall law 3. Burgensis giveth this reason Quia facit contra charitatem Because he that smiteth or woundeth though he kill not doth against charity as he also doth which killeth though in an higher degree So also Lippoman 4. Tostatus further giveth this rule Omnia quae pertinent ad idem genus reducuntur ad idem prâ—ceptuum All that belongeth to the same kinde is to be referred to the same Commandement as all wounding beating smiting tendeth to the hurt of our brother in his body as killing likewise doth QUEST X. Why actuall murder is such an hainous sinne before God NOw followeth the greatest transgression among the rest which is the taking away of a mans life 1. For if hatred envy railing wounding and the like are counted murder before God in respect of the will and purpose much more murder it selfe which is the scope and end whereat all the former wrongs and injuries drive for if those things are displeasing unto God because they often bring forth murder the effect it selfe must needs bee more hainous Basting 2. Another reason which amplifieth the sinne of murder is because the Lord by this meanes seeth Imaginem suam violari that his image is violated which is given as a reason of this precept Gen. 9.6 Calvin 3. And againe it is an unnaturall sinne because man is as our owne flesh as the Prophet saith Isai. 58.7 Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh but no man ever hated his owne flesh as the Apostle saith Calvin Yea the murderer herein is crudelier Lupâ— more cruell than the Wolfe for as Aristotle writeth 4. Animalium Give unto a Wolfe the flesh of another Wolfe and he will not eat it yet one man preyeth upon another and devoureth another Thomas 4. Hominum societas violatur by this meanes the societie of man is violated which that it may be preserved the Lord forbiddeth all shedding of bloud Galas 5. Polluitur foedatur terra
that wise law-maker among the Athenians maketh no mention of paricide nor yet the Romans had any law against such untill the 642. yeare from the building of the Citie which was the 100. yeare before the nativitie of Christ one Publicius Malcolus with the helpe of his servants killed his mother against whom the Citie decreed this punishment that he should be put into a sacke together with a Cocke an Ape a Viper and a Dogge and so cast into the water Tostat. quaest 17. The Egyptians caused such first to be beaten with thornes and then to be burnt with thornes The Macedonians did stone them to death Pelarg. Plato lib. 9. de legibus would have such grievously punished unto death and then to be left unburied 2. It is a like sinne to kill the father as to doe it to the mother yet the father is set before as the more honourable person and fewer examples are extant of those that have killed their fathers than of the other Oedipus is said unwittingly to have killed his father Laius King of Thebes taking him for his enemie But Orestes killed his mother Cliteâ—nestra Agamemnons wife wittingly so did Alcmeon his mother being charged so to doe by his father Amphiaraus being slaine in the Thebane warre to the which his wife perswaded him to goe and therefore being deadly wounded he commanded his sonne to kill her Ninia likewise the sonne of Ninus killed his mother Semiramis after he had carnally knowne her Such beastly examples of paricide Heathen histories afford who not knowing God were without naturall affection and disobedient to parents which were the sinnes of the Heathen Rom. 1.30 Some write that Iudas killed his father and married his mother Tostat. qu. 17. But it is not like that if Iudas had so apparently shewed his wickednesse before that our blessed Saviour would have chosen him to be one of his Apostles QUEST XLV The law of man-stealing expounded Vers. 16. HE that stealeth a man and selleth him or it be found with him c. 1. Some understand if it be found with the buyer that is the man that is stollen be found sold over and delivered to the buyer Oleaster But then there should be a repetition of the same thing for as much was said before and selleth him there cannot be a seller without a buyer 2. Some doe thus expound if it be found that is proved by him that he hath stolen a man So Lyran. Tostat. Vatab Simler and the Latine text expresseth the same sense convictus noxae if he be convicted of the offence But this clause had beene superfluous for this must be understood in all lawes that the offence must be sufficiently proved before it be censured Againe in this sense the law should be imperfect not determining what should become of him that had stolen a man onely and not sold him some say restitution should be made by the like he should give two men for one or give the price of two men But this is no where to be found restitution indeed was to be made in the theft of other things Exod. 22.1 but there was not the like reason for men 3. Therefore the meaning is this that if one steale a man whether he have sold him and delivered him over or if he be found with him as yet unsold in both cases he should suffer death for his malice appeared evidently in the stealing onely that he intended to sell him over Iun. Gallas Osiand So also Lippom. he was to be put to death if the theft were yet found with him propter crudelissimum institutum for his cruell enterprise how much more si desperata fuerit venditi redemptio if being sold he were past redemption 4. By the ancient Romane lawes such men-stealers were condemned to the metal mines by a latter law of Constantine they were to be cast unto the wilde beasts Simler QUEST XLVI The reason why man-stealing was punished by death THe reasons why this kinde of theft in stealing of men was so severely punished with death were these 1. Because man was created according to Gods image therefore in respect of the excellencie and preeminence of the thing that was stolen the punishment ought to be the greater 2. Because by this meanes he that was sold lost his libertie which is as precious as life it selfe and to bring a man into servitude quid aliud quà m sexcentis eum mortibus objicere what was it else than to expose him to an hundred deaths Gallas 3. And beside they could not steale men and sell them to the Israelites but it would bee knowne and therefore it is like that after they had stolen them they sold them over to the Gentiles and so they were in danger that were so sold over to be corrupted in religion and seduced to idolatrie and so drawne away from the service of God and by this meanes be brought into bondage both in soule and bodie Simler The Interlinearie Glosse therefore thus expoundeth diabolo obnoxium fâ—cerit hath sold him that is brought him into the devils service 4. Of this sinne were Iosephs brethren guiltie in selling him over to the idolatrous Egyptians who therein had a vaine perswasion that they were not guiltie of his bloud because they spared his life but in selling him over to bee a slave and that to an idolatrous people as much as in them lay eum è medio sustulerunt they tooke him away as out of the world Gallasius QUEST XLVII What kinde of cursing of parents is here understood Vers. 17. HE that curseth his father or mother c. 1. There are two kinds of cursing one assumpto Dei nomine when Gods name is taken in vaine withall another is without Borrhaius Lippoman thinketh that this is understood of the first kinde But seeing the blaspheming of the name of God deserved death of it selfe Levit. 24. and this law doth properly punish the cursing and blaspheming of the parents it seemeth generally to be intended against all kinde of cursing and wiâ—hing evill unto the parents 2. And it seemeth to be understood of an use and custome of cursing not of every railing word which sometime should bee uttered by the childe in rage and heat for every such word to inflict death upon the childe would be thought too hard sed ille qui assuefactus est maledicere patri maetri c. but he that is accustomed to curse his father and mother and that for small matters deserveth death Tostat. as that law against disobedient children Deut. 21.18 is made against those that are incorrigible and are confirmed in their disobedience and stubbornnesse So also Cajetane As he that smiteth them is worthie of death so he that curseth nisi imperfectio actus excuset puta si non deliberato aut leve verbum c. unlesse the imperfection of the act excuse or he speake a light word of railing c. 3. And as cursing to the face of the parents is judged worthie
with these abominations for the which the Lord cast them out Levit. 18.24 Simler QUEST XXXV What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 〈…〉 hearing that the two tribes and an halfe beyond Jordan had erected them an Altar they assembled themselves together against them as jealous lest they purposed to bring in a new worship of God Tostat. 5. And not onely they which committed Idolatrie themselves but they which perswaded others were to be put to death Deut. 13.6 7. QUEST XXXVI Whether Idolatrie now is to be punished by death Vers. 20. SHall be slaine 1. The word is charam that simply signifieth not to cut off but to destroy as an anathema thing accursed and bequeathed to destruction Iun. Pelarg. 2. The Interlinearie Glosse expoundeth it of excommunication and of eternall death but both the practise of those times and the like punishment here â—nflicted upon other capitall crimes sheweth that it must be understood of the losse of the temporall life though beside without their great repentance Idolaters deserve also everlasting death Rev. 22.8 3. Some object that now Idolatrie is not to be punished by death but that such rather that are seduced should be instructed in the true worship of God and in the times of the Gospell it is fit more clemencie and mercie should be shewed than under the rigour of the law Answ. 1. Though Idolaters are to be instructed to reforme their error for the salvation of their soules yet this letteth not but that for so great impietie and for the example of others they should worthily suffer the paines of death 2. And now under the Gospel seeing robberie against the common peace and â—reason against the life and safetie of the Prince and State are judged worthy of death Qui majestatem Dei 〈◊〉 dissime violavit tam leve facinus admisisse putabitur shall he which violateth the Majestie of God most impiously be thought to commit so small an offence Gallas 4. But although as Osiander saith the Magistrate non gladio in idololatriam vindicare teneatur be not now bound to take revenge of Idolatrie by the sword for some difference there is betweene Pagane idolatrie and Popish superstitious Imagerie the one being an absolute deniall of all Christianitie the other a mixing therewith of superstitious vanitie yet by the equitie of this Judiciall law which serveth for the strengthening of a morall precept the like sin of idolatrie may justly receive the like punishment As Cyprian repeating that law Deut. 13.12 Si audieris in una ex civitatibus c. If thou hearest of any of the cities c. that are drawne away to serve other gods that such a city should be destroyed thus further inferreth cujus praecepti memor Mattathias which precept Mattathias remembring killed him that approached to the idolatrous Altar to sacrifice c. Then he further addeth Quod si ante adventum Christi circa Deum colendum et idola spernendâ— haec pracepta servata sunt c. Now if these precepts concerning the worship of God and despising of Idols were kept before the comming of Christ quanto magis post adventum Christi servanda sunt How much more ought they to be kept after the comming of Christ seeing he hath not onely exhorted us in words but in deeds Augustine likewise shewing a difference betweene the schisme of the Donatists and Pagane idolatrie thus concludeth Quis vestrum non laudat leges c. Which of you doth not commend the lawes given by the Emperours against the sacrifices of the Pagans illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est c. for the punishment of that impietie is capitall 5. R. Salomon thinketh that if a Jew did sweep an Idol Temple velornaret vel alia similia faceret quae sunt praambula c. or adorne it onely and doe other things which are but preambles to Idolatrie he was not to be punished by death but some other wayes Ex Lyrano But if enticing in words to idolatrie were judged worthy of death Deut. 17.5 much more to entice and draw by fact and example as in adorning and beautifying the Temples of Idols QUEST XXXVII Why idolatrie is judged worthy of death NOw the reasons why idolatry was held by Moses law to be worthy of death were these 1. Quia is cultus diabolo exhibetur qui idolorum author est Because that idolatrous worship is giuen unto the devill who is the author of Idols Gallas 2. Aequum est vita privari eos c. It is just that they should be deprived of life which forsake God the author and fountaine of life Simler To leave the worship of God who is the author of life and to worship the devill the author of death and destruction mille mortibus c doth shew himselfe to be worthy of a thousand deaths Gallas 3. Though euery transgression of the law be in some sort a breach of Gods covenant yet idolatry more specially is said to be a transgression of the covenant of God Deut. 17.2 Because men apparently and professedly thereby forsake the profession solemnely made of their service and obedience vnto the Lord Simler 4. And this severe punishment the Lord appointeth for idolatrie quia inter Aegyptios idololatria assiâ—everant because the Israelites had accustomed themselves unto idolatry among the Egyptians in so much that they Moses yet living set up a golden calfe to worship Simler 5. Because of the ready inclination and propension of mans nature unto idolatry it was fit that it should by some severe punishment be restrained Calvin 6. And two things there are which doe exaggerate the nature of a sinne and aggravate the punishment thereof Res in quibâ—s committitur is in quos committitur c. The things wherein they are commited and they against whom they are committed Borrh. Both which concurre here in the sinne of apostasie and idolatrie For what mattâ—â— can be of greater moment than the service and worship of God and what sin more grievous than that which is committed against God QUEST XXXVIII Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why Vers. 21. THou shalt not doe injury to a stranger 1. There are two reasone why men are apt to doe wrong unto strangers a both because they are not allied by affinity or consanguinity and therefore no naturall affection is commonly shewed toward them because they are destitute of friends and patrons and therefore lye more open to wrong Tostatus 2. The stranger must neither bee injured in word nor wronged in deed Simler Neither secretly by fraud nor openly by violence neither must they be hindred by any private man nor publikely prejudiced by lawes made against them Tostat. And it is not enough not to doe them wrong but we must help them and doe them what good we can Gallas 3. And this reason is added because they were strangers in Egypt they did feele by experience what it was to use strangers hardly that by
was the fittest instrument that would soone winde himselfe in and out and creepe away that he should not be seene of Adam 3. In that Moses maketh no mention of the Devill but of the serpent only it was both in regard of the weaknesse and rudenesse of the people who could not well conceive any other but the visible creatures and for that Moses writing a story reporteth things as they appeared as the story of Samuels apparition to Saul calleth it Samuel whereas it was Satan in Samuels shape because it so appeared 4. The Hebrewes here are not to be approved that say the serpent coveted to have company with the woman for that is against the nature of beasts QVEST. IX Of the manner how the woman was tempted of Satan COncerning the tentation of Satan and seduction of the woman 1. he beginneth subtilly hath God indeed said yee shall not eat of every tree whereas God onely forbad them one tree as though God had dealt hardly with them in abridging them of their liberty 2. The woman reporteth not the words of the prohibition truly some thinke that shee added of her owne yee shall not touch it as Ambrose some that she changed the words as Rupertus for the tree of knowledge of good and evill saying the tree in the midst of the garden but certaine it is that she taketh somewhat from Gods words pronouncing doubtfully lest ye die which God had denounced most certainly ye shall dye the death that is surely dye 3. Satan in his reply v. 4 5. heapeth up many lies together 1. that they shall not dye 2. that God did envy their happinesse 3. that knowledge might be had in eating of fruit 4. that they should thereby bee made like unto God Beside Rupertus conceit is here excellent that the Devill in every one of these points speaketh doubtfully as he gave the Oracles of Apollo that every word which he spake might have a double meaning ye shall not die that is not presently the death of the body though presently made subject to morrality your eyes shall bee opened so they were to their confusion knowing good and evill not by a more excellent knowledge but by miserable experience after their transgression ye shall bee as gods either as Angels or like unto us sinfull and wicked spirits 4. The woman seeth the tree to be good for meat there is her voluptuous desire pleasant to the eyes there is her curiosity and to be desired for knowledge there is the vanity of her minde Thus as the Apostle saith whatsoever is in the world is the concupiscence of the flesh the concupiscence of the eye the pride of life 1 Ioh. 2. QVEST. X. Adam tempted and deceived as well as the woman though not in the same degree THe order then and manner of the tentation was this 1. It is evident that neither Adam nor Eva had committed any sin before this congresse with Satan for the Scripture saith that til then they were both naked and were not ashamed Gen. 2.25 So that herein both Rupertus and Ferus are deceived 2. Satan first assaileth the woman both being as the weaker more easie to be seduced as a fit instrument also to entice Adam 3. Adam did not only incline unto her amicabili quadam benevolentia of a loving mind and thereby enticed as Sampson was by Dalilah and Salomon by his wives but it is like he was seduced by the same flattering and false perswasions whereby the woman was first beguiled being carried away with an ambitious desire in knowledge not to be equalized but made like unto God this may appeare out of the 22. verse Behold man is become like unto us to know good and evill where the Lord reproveth also mans affected and curious desire to attaine to a greater perfection Neither doth that place of the Apostle contradict this opinion Adam was not deceived but the woman was deceived and was in the transgression 1 Tim. 2.14 for whether we expound it with Epiphanius and Calvin that the Apostles meaning is the woman was first deceived not the man or with Mercerus that the man was not deceived but entised by the womā or with Hierome that Adam was not deceived by the serpent but by the woman or that Eva did not wittingly deceive Adam as the serpent beguiled Eva whereof the two first expositions being one in effect are most agreeable to the Apostles minde by this text Adam is not wholly exempted from being deceived but only in that manner as Eva was perverted and seduced QVEST. XI Whether Adams sinne was the greatest of all sinnes NOw as touching the greatnesse of Adams sin simply it was not the greatest sin of all committed in the world neither in respect of the kind of the sinne as adultery is greater than fornication for so we hold blasphemy and Idolatry to be greater sins than Adams was neither in respect of the affection of the offender for many are with a more ungodly violent and sinfull desire given over then Adam in this tentation neither was it the greatest in respect of the quality of the sin for it was pardonable in Adam whereas sinne against the holy Ghost is impardonable But yet it may truly bee said to bee the greatest 1. in regard of the fruits and sequele of that sin the contagion and infection of all mankind 2. in respect of Adams person who in his excellent gifts considered might have more easily resisted 3. in regard of the facility of the commandement which required no hard or difficult thing 4. the place also it selfe being considereth namely in Paradise where there was no provocation or allurement unto sinne QVEST. XII Whether Adams or Eves sinne were the greater NOw if Adams sinne be compared with the womans in some things it will be found equall in some things superiour in some inferiour to it 1. Both Adam and Eva sinned in their infidelity in not beleeving the word of God but giving credit to Satans faire promises that they should not dye 2. in their concupiscence in coveting the forbidden fruit 3. in their ambition in desiring a further state of perfection Secondly in respect of Adams person who was appointed to be the womans head and of his gifts of knowledge and wisdome the man was more faulty than the woman Thirdly yet simply the womans sinne was greater because beside other sinnes common unto them this was proper unto her in seducing her husband so that as Augustine well noteth de Genes 11.42 the man sinned onely against God and himselfe the woman against God her selfe and her neighbour beside the woman was first deceived and became the author and beginner of transgression Therefore the opinion of them is not here to bee allowed who doe either aggravate Adams sinne or extenuate the womans of the first sort is the author of the questions upon the old Testament under Augustines name who ascribeth idolatry to Adam quest 83. whereas hee desired not to
idlely without labour yet his labour should have beene pleasant rather for delight than necessity Mercer QVEST. XXVII Of the growing of Thistles Vers. 18. THornes also and thistles c. 1. The earth should have brought forth thornes and thistles before but now it bringeth them forth as noxious and hurtfull to man 2. And whereas he is bid to eat the herbe of the field this is neither interlaced as a consolation as Calvin for all this here uttered belongeth unto mans punishment neither is man here deprived of the eating of all other fruit saving hearbs But here the Lord sheweth how man had deserved by his sinne to bee deprived of the pleasant fruâ—t of Paradise and to live of the herb as other bruit beasts though by herb corne is especially signified ordained for the use of man 3. But where mention is made of the sweat of the browes by this particular all other kinde of labour in severall vocations as of Magistrates Ministers handi-crafts men is implied Luther Likewise under one kinde of labour and sorrow all other miseries and cares of this life are comprehended Calvin 4. Yet God sheweth mercie in infflicting of these punishments in turning them from eternall to temporall 5. And whereas the Lord giveth this as a reason that man should returne to dust because he was taken out of it this is not so to be understood as though he should have turned to dust if hee had not sinned for as S. Paul sheweth death came in by sinne Adam should have beene translated and changed as Henoch and Elias were and they shall be that remaine alive at the comming of Christ. But while man stood in his integrity and happinesse he remembred not his terrene beginning as hee considered not his nakednesse but now the Lord maketh it an argument of his mortall condition and bringeth it to his remembrance to humble him thereby Mercer QVEST. XXVIII Why Eva is called the mother of the living Vers. 20. ANd the man called his wives name Hevah 1. Neither as Lyranus thinketh is she so called because she was the mother of all which live in sorrow and miserie 2. Neither as Rupertus that Adam of incredulity so named her not beleeving that shee should returne to dust as the Lord had said but that he and his posterity should live 3. Neither need we referre it to the birth of Christ who brought true life into the world the woman cannot be truly said to be the mother of the spirituall life she was the mother of him that was the Author of spirituall life 4. And it is but a fond conceit to derive Ave the first word of the Angels salutation to Marie of Eva as though she repaired what was lost by Eva for the one is a Latine word the other Hebrew neither did the Angell say Ave all haile but the translater and the right word is not Eva but Hevah 5. Neither is Adam here to be noted of insolency and pride that having received sentence of death doth give unto the woman a name of life but Adam being confirmed by Gods promise concerning the seed of the woman that although they themselves were mortall yet by them mankinde should be propagated so calleth his wife 6. But the conceit of R Levi here hath no ground that shee is called the mother of all living that is of bruâ—t beasts in respect of the stupidity and dulnesse of her minde for by living man is here understood as sometime he is called flesh because of his excellencie among the rest 7. Neither was this name given unto Eva before they had sinned when Adam gave the names to the rest of the creatures as Pererius thinketh with the Hebrewes nor yet was it given so long after when he had some children as some other thinke but the name was given at such time and place as is here set downe before Adam called her Ishah as if you should say Mannesse as a name of the whole sex but here he calleth her Hevah as by her proper name so that these words because she was the mother of all living were not the words of Adam who yet by prophesie did foresee that it should so bee but Moses inserteth this sentence Mercer QVEST. XXIX What the coats of skinnes were which God made for Adam and Eve Vers. 21. VNto Adam also and his wife did the Lord God make coats of skins and cloathed them 1. These coats of skinnes were not their bodies as Origen with some other of the fathers seeme to thinke for God had made man before of the dust of the earth cap. 2.7 2. Neither were these coats made of the barkes of trees as Barcephas and Gregor Nazianzane for the Hebrew word gnor is no where found in that sense 3. Neither is Theodorets reason sound that they could not bee the skinnes of beasts which were created but two and two and so if any of them had beene slaine the generation of that kinde should have beene hindred for that there were no more created but two of a sort is not extant in Scripture 4. Neither need we imagine with Hugo that these skinnes might be made of the Elements or some other matter we are not to runne to miracles where an ordinary course is offered 5. Some would have these skinnes made of sheepes wooll but that is not skinnes 6. Ionathan of the Serpents skin but this is too curious 7. Neither did the Lord onely teach man how to make him garments for his necessary use afterward for the text is that he cloathed them that is actually presently 8. Therefore there is no inconveniencie to say that God caused skins whether of slaine beasts or otherwise by the ministery of his Angels or how else it pleased him to be brought to Adam whereof he made them coats QVEST. XXX Why God cloathed man in beasts skinnes ANd thus it pleased God to cloath man not for any such typicall signification as either to betoken the incarnation of Christ that was cloathed with our flesh or the cloathing of the nakednesse of the soule by repentance But for these causes 1. to shew him how his mortall body might bee defended from cold and other injuries which use of skinne or leather cloathing was first used in the world 2. To cover his nakednesse for comelinesse sake and therefore the Chalde Paraphrast calleth them vestimenta honoris garments of honour 3. To teach man that it was lawfull to use the beasts as for meat so for cloathing 4. And to give a rule that modest and decent not costly or sumptuous apparell should be used 5. And that he might know what difference is betweene Gods works and mans invention betweene coats of leather and figge leaves 6. And to put him in minde of mortality by his cloathing of dead beasts skins as Origen well noteth talib indici oportebat peccatorem ut essent mortalitatis indicium QVEST. XXXI How Adam is said to become as God Vers. 22. BEhold man is
130. three of an 140. and two of an 150. yeares And in these dayes some are found farre to exceed an hundred yeares as I have seene my selfe an old man of 124 yeares of age at Eversden in the County of Bedford who died about ann 1600. or 601. he could remember Bosworth field at the comming in of Henry the 7. being then as he affirmed some 15. yeares old 2. Neither is it to be thought that the yeares of the Patriarkes were accounted as the Arcadians reckoned their yeares by quarters or the Aegyptians by moneths as some have thought for then Henoch begetting children at 65. yeares should by this reckoning not exceed six yeares and a halfe when hee had a child And this Aegyptian yeare consisting of the age of the moone will not allow above two dayes and a halfe to a moneth whereas mention is made of the 17. and 27. day of the moneth Gen. 7.11 and 8.14 It is evident then that the yeares of the Patriarkes were numbred by complete and full yeares consisting of twelve moneths and not after the Aegyptian account And hereunto Pliny giveth testimony who remembreth in the same place before recited that Alexander Cornelius Xenophon doe write that some lived 500. some 600. some 800. yeares Iosephus also alleageth Manethan Berosus Mochus Estiaâ—s the Aegyptian Chalde Phenician Chronologers who testifie that those old fathers lived toward a thousand yeares QVEST. VI. The causes of the long life of men before the floud THe causes of the long life of the Patriarkes may be thought to be these foure 1. The naturall cause the sound constitution of their bodies not yet decayed and the wholesome aire not yet corrupted with terrene exhalations as after the floud 2. The morall cause for the invention and finding out of arts and sciences which as Iosephus writeth they caused to bee graven in two great pillars one of bricke another of stone that if the world were destroyed with water the second pillar might remaine if with fire the first for so had they learned of Adam that the world should be twice destroyed and he saith further that the pillar of stone was to be seene in Syria in his time 3. The civill or politke cause of the long life of the Patriarkes was for procreation and peopling of the world 4. The Theologicall that God by giving them such long life might make triall of their obedience to see if they would use this benefit of long life to the glory of God which they did not and therefore he shortned the age of man Yet the Lord while they enjoyed this long tearme would not suffer any of them to attaine unto a thousand yeares not for that as the Hebrewes suppose God granted of Adams thousand seventy yeares to David not for that reason which seemeth to be too curious whereof Ireneus maketh mention to make good that saying to Adam in what day soever thou eatest thereof thou shalt dye the death because a thousand yeares with God is as yesterday Psal. 90.3 And so Adam died in the first day before he came to a thousand But God hereby would put the fathers in minde of mortality that although they lived many hundred yeares yet none of them filled up a thousand lest they might have too much flattered themselves in long life and seeing a thousand is a number of perfection God would have none of them attaine to 1000. that we might know that nothing is perfect here Mercer QVEST. V. Of the false computation of the 70. Interpreters and whence it is thought to proceed FUrther whereas the Septuagint doe much differ in the account of yeares from the Hebrew text adding to the age of the old world which in true reckoning maketh but 1656. five hundred eighty six yeares more so making the whole number of yeares 2242. It is diversly conjectured how this error should arise 1. Some impute it to the malice of the Jewes that of purpose corrupted the greeke text that the Gentiles should not know the secrets of the Scriptures 2. Some to the prudency of the 70. translators or of the writers and scribes who knowing that the Aegyptians would count it but a fable that the fathers lived so many Astronomicall yeares made a way for them to take it after the count of the Aegyptian yeares whereof ten make but one yeare and therefore they added an hundred yeares to the fathers age before they begat children to make them apt for generation But where the yeares will serve without any such addition they adde none As Iered lived an 162. yeares which because it maketh by the Aegyptian calculation sixteene yeares and some what more the Septuagint there alter nothing This is Augustines conjecture But howsoever the Septuagint came to be so corrupt it is apparantly in many points erroneous 1. They adde unto six of the Patriarkes ages before they begat children to each of them Adam Seth Enâ—s Cainon Malaleel Henoch an 100. yeares and detract them againe in the remainder of their life that the whole summe may agree 2. They take away from Methusalems age before hee had children 22. yeares and adde to Lamechs age 6. yeares as is shewed before 3. They misse in their calculation in Methusalems yeares they make him to live an hundred sixty five before hee begat Lamech and 802. after in all 969. whereas the other numbers put together want two of this summe making but 967. 4. They detract from Lamechs age 24. yeares his whole age according to the Hebrew is 777 according to the septuagint but 753. 5. By their computation Methusalem must live 14. yeares after the floud for they make him to live 802. yeares after Lamech was borne and Lamech lived 188. yeares before Noah was borne and in the six hundred yeare of Noahs age came the floud Lamech and Noah make but 788. yeares after the computation of the Septuagint there remaineth yet 14. yeares of Methusalems life who according to the Hebrew computation died the same yeare in the beginning before the floud came for in the arke hee could not be where only were eight persons Noah and his wife his three sonnes and their wives Genes 7.7 and S. Peter witnesseth that in the arke eight soules only were saved 1 Pet 3.20 and to say that Methuselah was saved in the terrestriall Paradise with his father Henoch is a fabulous fiction without ground Mercerus QVEST. VI. The reason of the inequality of generation in the fathers WHereas the Patriarkes at divers ages began to beget children Mahalaleel and Henoch at 56. yeares Iered at a hundred sixty two yeares Lamech at two hundreth eighty two Noah at five hundred 1. Neither is it to be imputed to Noahs holinesse that so long abstained from mariage seeâ—ng Henoch that for his godly life was translated had children at 65. yeares 2. Neither as Pererius conjectureth is it like that Noah had other elder sonnes which were dead before the floud came for whereas it is
But it seemeth that this great defection was about the seventh age for then Lamech of Cains race tooke unto him two wives then the Lord tooke away righteous Henoch that he should bee no longer grieved with the wickednesse of the world Then the world being replenished with great multitudes which are ring-leaders for the most part unto evill as it is written thou shalt not follow a multitude to doe evill began to give themselves to all kinde of wickednesse adultery oppression cruelty multiplicity of wives unlawfull lust even against nature and to fill the earth with uncleannesse 3. And although in this seventh age iniquity was come to the full height yet it began long before even in the dayes of Enos when as the righteous abhorring the great wickednesse of Cains posterity separated themselves and a part beganne to call upon the name of God Iun. 4. The Hebrewes note that at the beginning women were not so multiplied as afterward by whom they tooke occasion to sinne and therefore it is added there were daughters borne unto them c. vers 1. but this clause sheweth not a more speciall multiplying of that kinde but that when the world began to be stored both with men and women then they gave themselves to wantonnesse QVEST. III. The particular sin of the old world here noted Vers. 2. THey saw the daughters of men that they were faire c. 1. Their fault was not onely in that they of the righteous seed matched into Cains stocke Calvin 2. Or that they respected onely beauty having no regard to their piety and vertue Marlorat 3. But they by violence tooke unto them not to their wives but women for so with Mercerus and Iunius I rather interpret the word nashim from all men whatsoever as Iunius readeth both virgines and wives they cared not whom 4. Some Hebrewes here understand also the filthy sinne of buggery that they tooke all they liked even from among the bruit beasts but Moses speaketh onely of the daughters of men QVEST. IV. Who were these sonnes of God Vers. THen the sonnes of God 1. These sonnes of God were not the Angels which some have supposed to have fallen for their intemperancie with women and to have begotten of them spirits as Ioseph Philo Iustine Clemens Alexandrinus Tertullian conjectured who so expoundeth that place of S. Paul that women should be covered because of the Angels lest they should bee tempted with their beauty This opinion is easily confuted 1. Because the world was punished and God was angry not for the sinne of Angels but of men vers 3. My spirit shall not alway strive with man 2. Chrysostome urgeth that place Matth. 22. in the resurrection they neither marry nor are married but are the Angels Ergo Angels are not subject to carnall affections as men are 3. If Angels fell first for the love of women then they sinned not for 1000. yeares after the creation whereas the Scripture sheweth that the Devill was a murtherer and a liar from the beginning Ioh. 8.44 QVEST. V. Devils not corporall nor mortall IT is also absurd and improbable that these were devils which did company with women and of them came Gyants as thinketh Franciscus Georgius who affirmeth devils to have bodies and a generative faculty and to company with women Of the like opinion is Psellus that the devils have bodies and they are nourished by sucking and attraction as spunges and that they are males and females at their pleasures some are of a fiery some ayrie some a watery some of a terrene nature But these are fables and fictions fit rather to be laughed at than worthy to be confuted 1. The Devils are of a spirituall not corporall nature it appeareth by that story Luk. 8. where we reade that in one man there was a legion that is six thousand Devils how could so many spirits if they were corporall be included in one body 2. If they were of a fierie watery or earthly so of an elementall nature they should bee subject to corruption mutability and mortality and so some have imagined also as Plutarch writeth of the death of the great Pan a famous Devill among the Pagans and Cardane reporteth that he heard his Father say who was above thirty years familiar with the Devils that he learned of them that they doe die decay revive againe but this fancie is contrary to the Scripture which testifieth that the Devill hath beene a murtherer from the beginning of the world Ioh. 8 44 Ergo he hath continued from the beginning of the world and how should the soule of man be immortall if these spirits which are of a more subtill nature were mortall 3. Though it were granted that Devills have a kinde of airie bodies yet could they not ingender for the power of generation agreeth onely to perfect bodies which have their materiall and distinct parts and receive nourishment 4. And they being as they say male and female should ingender among themselves in their owne kinde 5. Or if they did company with women they could not beget men but multiply their owne kinde or at the least a mixt kinde as the mule is engendred of an horse and an asse and so some likewise have conceited that the Faunes and Satyres were the off-spring of such generation As Hierom in the life of Antonie reporteth that such an one appeared unto him in the wildernesse with goats feet long crooked nailes and hornes upon his head and spake unto Antonie but either this may be held to be a fable foisted under Hieromes name or if there were any such thing it might be some monster of the wildernesse which the Devill used as his trunke to speake out of QVEST. VI. Spirits doe not generate BUt much more absurd is the opinion of Paulus Burgensis that thinketh these which companied with the daughters of men were spirits called Incubi which doe assume bodies of the aire for a time representing the shape sometime of men sometime of women in the act of generation and then they are called Succubi and thus saith he were the Giants engendred and Tostatus approoving this conceit of Incubi and Succubi seemeth to give credit to that report of Merlin that he was begotten by a spirit In these assertions and uncertaine conjectures of men some what is true some part false 1. True it is that the Devill may appeare in the shape of man or woman and dissemble and counterfeit the act proper to both not that the spirits have any delight in such carnall acts having no true but assumed and counterfeit bodies but they doe it more strongly to delude men and women and entice them to that abominable sinne of the flesh which they know hath corrupted the hearts of many excellent men as of David Salomon 2. Though spirits can take upon them the shape of bodies yet they are but so to the eye they are not true bodies being easily
by 9. which is the height will produce the said number of an 135000. whereas fodder for the cattell occupieth not above 90000 ex Perer. QVEST. VIII Whether the ravenous beasts lived of flesh in the Arke WHereas it is also questioned whether the ravenous beasts were fed with flesh according to their naturall use while they were in the Arke 1. Neither is it like that all the beasts did eat of one common food for the text saith Genes 6.21 take with thee of all meat that is eaten 2. Neither is it like as Origen thinketh of which opinion also is Bucer that Adam brought into the Arke a great number of cattell to be food for the ravenous beasts for there came no more but two of the uncleane and seven of the cleane 3. Neither is it probable that these beasts did not live of flesh but herbs and other fruits of the earth before the floud as I have shewed at large quest 23 in 1. cap. of Genes 4. Wherefore I approve rather Augustines resolution to the which Mercerus subscribeth which is to this effect 1. that these devouring beasts as they doe live of flesh so also they use to eat of the fruits of the earth 2. That it might be revealed to Adam what food besides flesh was convenient and apt for them 3. That hunger will enforce beasts to eat that which otherwise is not usuall 4. But his best answer is quid non suave faceret Deus qui etiam ut sine cibo viverent divina facilitate donaret What could not God make pleasant who could have given them power to have lived without meat much more then could God by his power dispose them to live for that time of other food than flesh QVEST. IX How the yeare is to be counted wherein the floud came Vers. 10. SO it came to passe after seven dayes that the floud was upon the earth in the six hundred yeare of Noahs life in the second moneth c. 1. Noah went seven dayes into the Arke before the floud came not as the Hebrewes conjecture to lament for the death of Mathuselah for it is certaine that Mathuselah died the same yeare the floud came so whether hee died seven dayes or seven weekes before it is uncertaine but it is more like that Noah entred before to dispose of every thing in the Arke before it should be tossed of the waters as also as Ambrose noteth that the rest of the world seeing him enter before there was yet any apparant danger might have beene drawne to repentance 2. Neither was the 600. yeare of Noahs age now onely begun as Lyranus Tostatus with others thinke but complete for otherwise there should not bee 1656. yeares from the creation to the floud neither should Noah have lived 900. and fifty yeares whereof he lived but 350. after the floud if hee had not beene full 600. yeare old before 3. This second moneth was neither the second moneth of the yeare considered a part from Noahs age as Rupertus thinketh for it hath a coherence with the 600. yeare of Noahs life whereof mention is made immediatly before neither is it to be taken for the second of Noahs 600. yeare without respect of the season of that instant yeare as Cajetan seemeth to thinke but it was both the second moneth of the usuall yeare and of Noahs 600 yeare which concurred both together for Noah his 600. yeare was the 1656. yeare of the age of the world from the Creation Mercer QVEST. X. Whether the floud came in the Spring or Autumne THis second moneth some thinke to have beene in the Spring answering to the moneth of May. 1. That it might be the more griefe to the wicked to be taken away from their pleasure as our Saviour sheweth that they were taken away in the middest of their mirth Matth. 24.37 Luther 2. That the floud might not be imputed to any naturall causes but onely to the power of God the waters increasing in the time of Summer which is a season of drought and decreasing in Winter when as the waters naturally increase 3. And againe because the Dove brought the leafe of an Olive in the 11. moneth after the floud beganne some doe gather that the floud came in the Spring Rupertus 4. But better arguments than these may be produced to shew it more probable that the floud came in the Spring because that then the world is supposed to have taken beginning as is before proved Quest. 10. in 1. chap. Gen. and from the creation to the floud are reckoned 1656. even yeares 5. The floud came in the second moneth of the yeare now it cannot be shewed in any place of Scripture where the moneths are accounted in order the first second third but from Nisan which answereth to part of March part of Aprill Moses ordaining this moneth to be the first Exod. 12. doth make no new institution but reneweth the old account which was discontinued in Egypt by reason that the Egyptians indeed beginne their yeare from the moneth Pthoâ— which answereth to our September And this reason from the order and account of the moneths I confesse hath much prevailed with me to thinke it more likely that the floud came in the Spring 6. And if it had beene Autumne when the Cattell came forth of the Arke when the herbs and plants doe fade whence should they have had food till the Spring 7. As also the cattell presently increasing and multiplying after their comming out of the Arke this might seeme rather to fall into the Spring time which is the aptest season for the copulation and ingendring of cattell but most especially of the fowles Of this opinion are most of the Ecclesiasticall Writers though divers of the Hebrewes hold the contrary as Ambrose among the rest thus resolveth Secundum mensem verni temporis fuisse non ambigitur quando augentur nascentia ager parturit c. tunc ergo fecit diluvium quando dolor eorum major foret qui in abundantia puniebantur c. It is not to be doubted but that the second moneth was in the Spring time when things increase and grow the field bringeth forth c. God therefore then sent the floud when their griefe should be the greater to be punished in their abundance The chiefest reason that moved Ambrose thus to thinke was the account of the moneths which alwayes in Scripture are reckoned from the Spring yea that moneth which some would have the beginning of the yeare when the feast of blowing the Trumpets and of Tabernacles was kept is called the seventh moneth Levit. 23.24.34 Of thâ—s opinion also is learned Mercerus that when the second or third moneth is simply named it must be accounted from Nisan which is in the Spring QVEST. XI What is vnderstood by the great deepe and the windowes of heaven Vers. 10. THe fountaines of the great deepe were broken up 1. By the deepe here is not understood the Tartarean waters about
the eldest sonne of Noah must be an hundred and two yeare old it remaineth then that Iapheth was the eldest Sem the next C ham the youngest Mercer Iunius But Sem is named first because of his prerogative as Isaach before Ismael and Iacob is set before Esau. Cajetanus to make his opinion good is forced to say that Sem might be an hundred and two years old when he begat Arphacsad and Pererius is also driven to this shift to say that Noah might not be five hundred yeare old precâ—sely but five hundred and two both which evasions are manifestly contrary and repugnant to the text as hath beene shewed QVEST. XXVI Of the sonnes of Sem. Vers. 22. THe sonnes of Sem Elam Ashur c. Elam from whence came the Elamites or Persians Iosephus Hieron as Susan the head City of Persia was in the Province of Elam Dan. 8.2 2. Ashur gave the name to Assyria 3. Arphacsad of whom the Chasdim that is the Chaldeans Pererius derideth this derivation and yet bringeth no other in stead thereof hence was named the Countrey Arphaxitis in Assyria Mercer 4. Lud the founder of the Lydians in Asia minor of the which Country rich Croesus was King there was another Lud one of the sonnes of Misraim father of the Lydians in Africa as is shewed before quest 20. 5. Aram of whom came the Aramites or Syrians whereof it is that the Scythians after their returne out of Asia and Syria were called Aramai Aramites Plin. lib. 6. cap. 17. This Country of Aram or Syria was divided into sundry regions as the Scriptures make mention of Aram of Damascus 1 Chron. 18.6 of Aram Maharaim that is of the flouds Aram Maachah 1 Chron. 19.6 Padan Ara Gen. 28.6 QVEST. XXVII The sonnes of Aram. Vers. 23. THe sonnes of Aram c. 1. Vz or Huz the founder of the region Trachonitis Iosephus Hier whose posterity inhabited the land of Vz Iobs Countrey Iob 1.1 which belonged to Idumaea Ierem. Lament 4.22 the Septuagint call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hausitis 2. Chul which Iosephus and Hierome take for Armenia but it is rather the region Palmyrâ—nâ— where Ptolimie placeth the Towne Cholle 3. Gether which Iosephus taketh for the Bactrians Hierome for the Carians or Acarnanians but it is most like to bee the middle part of Syria about Cassiotis where Ptolome findeth the Towne Gindarus whence are the people Gindareni Plin. lib. 5. c. 23. which may very well be derived of Gether by an epenthesis the interlacing of u. 4. Mesch Hierome saith they are the Mocones Moenians Iosephus the Mesanci now the Inhabitants of Pasinum in Susianna Iunius taketh it for that Countrey that lieth betweene Cilicia and Mesopotamia and that part of the hill Amanus which they call Masium which may very well take beginning of Mesch Luther thinketh that the region Massa in India tooke denomination from hence QVEST. XXVIII Of Heber whether the Hebrewes were named of him Vers. 25. VNto Heber were borne two sonnes Hence it appeareth that of this Heber were the Israelites called Hebrewes and not as some thinke were they so called of Abrahams passage or comming over the River Euphrates and dwelling on this side because the Hebrew gnabbar signifieth a passage or going over Hence also of this Heber the Hebrew language is named which continued in Hebers stocke in the division of languages Mercer QVEST. XXIX Of Phaleg Whether the division of tongues happened in his time THe name of the one was Phaleg for in his dayes was the earth divided Phaleg signifieth to divide 1. Some thinke that this name was given to Phaleg at his birth by way of prophesie and that the division of tongues happened in the end of Phalegs age who lived 239. yeares and was borne ann 103. after the floud so that this fell not out in their opinion till 340. yeares after the floud some ten yeares before Noahs death who lived 350. yeares after the floud of this opinion seemeth Hierome to be Tostatus Lyranus and divers other Hebrewes But this is not like that the divisions of tongues fell out so long after in the end of Pelegs dayes for why should it be said that in his dayes rather than of Reu or Serug or of the rest that the earth was divided for all these Reu Serug Nahor Terah were borne before Peleg died And againe whereas most of the Inhabitants of the world dwelt together before the building of the Tower of Babel and all concurred to set forward that worke it could not possible bee if this happened 340. yeare after the floud when the world must needs have beene exceedingly increased that such a multitude of people could either dwell together or assemble into one place to intend one worke 2. Mercerus judgement is that this division of tongues fell not out either in the birth or end of Peleg but about the hundred yeare or middle part of his age some 200. yeares after the floud because of Iocktans sonnes And although Reu and Serug might be then borne yet Moses rehearseth them not here because they were all of one family and language But if this be admitted the reason doth not appeare why this division should be said to be in Pelegs dayes rather than of the other fathers who were then alive but were not at that time borne as Peleg was 3. I rather approve therefore Augustines opinion to the which learned Iunius and Pererius subscribe that this division was made at the birth of Peleg about 100. yeares after the floud The onely doubt is that because Iocktan the younger brother of Peleg had 13. sonnes which all are supposed to have beene men growne and their languages divided at the building of the Tower of Babel this should seeme not to be done at the birth of Peleg Augustines answer here is not sufficient that Iocktan was elder than Peleg for if this were granted yet Iocktan could not bee many yeares borne before Peleg whom Heber begat at 30. yeares but for Iocktan to have 13. sons men of years when Peleg was a childe would require the oddes at the least of forty or fifty yeares Wherefore the better answer is that it is not necessary to thinke that all those sonnes of Iocktan should have their tongues divided but that most of them kept the tongue of Heber as the eleven sonnes of Canaan spake all the Canaanitish tongue And hereof it is that the posterity of Heber who consented not to that wicked enterprise at Babel were not punished with division of tongues nor dispersed into remote Countries as the rest but dwelt all toward the East Neither is it to be supposed that all Iocktans sonnes were borne before the building of the Tower seeing Moses stayeth in Peleg but he setteth downe all Iocktans sonnes at once that hee might proceed afterward in the righteous line without interruption QVEST. XXX Of the sonnes of Iocktan Vers. 26. THen Iocktan c. Concerning these thirteene sonnes
was a time of abstinency 2. Neither as some that for the more speedy increase of the world children were borne in a shorter time as at 7. moneths 3 Nor yet that Elam and Assur might bee twins both borne at a birth 4. But I rather thinke that Arphacsad might be either the eldest of all or the second of Sems sonnes for the scripture observeth not the order of time in setting downe names as we saw before in rehearsing of Sem Ham and Iapheth QVEST. XVIII Why it is here omitted in the genealog of these fathers and he died FVrther whereas in the Patriarkes lives before the floud it is added and hee died which is omitted here 1. Some thinke it is to shew that Henoch died not a common death as the rest did 2. Some to signifie that none of them perished in the floud 3. Some yet are more curious aâ— Bahai who thinketh this clause and he died to bee here omitted because Messiah was to come of this line whom they hold to be immortall and further he prescribeth Messiah his age that hee should live 837. yeares before the end of the sixt millenary or thousand yeare which hee would gather by the letters of the word Lemarbaty used by the Prophet Isay 9.7 which is of the increase of his government there shall bee no end where the first letter lamed signifieth 30. men 600. râ—sh 200. beth 2. he 5. which maketh together 837. But it is evident to all the world how they are deceived for the six thousand yeare is expired within lesse than 400. yeares and yet their supposed Messiah commeth not and againe Messiah came as well of the line of the fathers before the floud as of them after the floud 4. Wherefore this is more like to bee the reason because then after Adams transgression Moses would shew how the curse tooke place thou shalt dye the death in those long lived patriarkes that although they lived divers hundred yeares yet in the end they dyed Mercerus QVEST. XIX At what age of Terah Abraham was borne Vers. 26. TErah lived 70. yeares and begat Abraham c. Terah lived 205. yeares and died in Charran at what time Abraham was 75. yeares old Genes 12.5 Abraham then was borne when his father was an 130. yeare old not in his 70. yeare for the reconciliation then of these places 1. We need not with Hierome that followeth therein the Hebrewes to say that Abrahams age of 75. yeares is not counced from his birth but from his departure from Vr. of the Chaldes and his miraculous deliverance out of the fire wherein they cast him because he would not worship their Idols for beside that this tradition of Abrahams deliverance hath no sufficient ground to warrant it a great inconvenience will follow it if it bee admitted that Abraham was an 130. yeare old at this time when he is said to bee but 75. which must of necessitie followe if Abraham were borne in the 70. yeare of Therah then it would follow that Isaack borne when Abraham was an 100. yeare old was borne 30. yeare before hee came into the land of Canaan which is contrarie to the Scripture or if they will count those hundred yeares also from Abrahams departure out of Chaldea and that he was indeed an 160. yeares old when Isaack was borne and Isaack was 40. yeare old his father yet living when he tooke Rebeccah to wife Genes 25.20 Abraham should have lived above 200. yeares whereas the Scripture saith he lived but an 175. Genes 25.7 2 Neither is it a sufficent answer that Abraham went out of Charran at 75. yeares of his age long before his fathers death and that Moses doth recapitulate the story afterward as Aben Ezra for Steven saith that God brought him out after his father was dead Act. 7.4 And to say his father was spiritually dead not naturally because he staied still and refused to goe into Canaan living in idolatrie which is the devise of one Andreas Masins cited by Pererius is a forcing of Stephens words which in an historicall narration must be taken properly 3. And with Augustine to make two departures of Abraham into the land of Canaan the one when Terah was yet living being an 105. yeare old and Abraham 75. sojourning there 60. yeares while his father lived in Charran and another after Therâ—hs death whome Abraham might visite before going and comming into Canaan but now he came from thence his father being dead and returned no more that in the first departure his bodie remooved but his affection was toward that place where his father was but now his affection and all was removed This imagination of two departures into Canaan dissenteth from Stephens narration Act. 7. where indeed he speaketh of two journeyes of Abraham one out of Mesopotamia the other out of Charan But into Canaan the Lord brought him after his father was dead v. 4. and not before 4. That also is a meere fancy that the rest of Abrahams age is concealed who should be an 130. when hee is said to be but 75. to this intent because God would keepe secret the end of the world Calvin for this would nothing have helped to the knowledge of that secret the account of yeares past will not tell us what yeares are to come and our Saviour saith the Angels know not of that day and yet they knew very well the age of Abraham 5. Wherefore the best solution is that Abraham though he be named first because of the privilege and preeminencie of his faith yet was not the first borne Terah at 70. yeares began to have sonnes but Abraham was not borne till the 130. yeare of his fathers age for he was but 75. at his fathers death who was then 205. So Noah is said to be 500. yeare old when he begat Sem Cham and Iapheth yet was not Sem borne till two yeares after Gen. 11.10 beside Sarah is held to have beene Abrahams brothers daughther Abraham then could not be the eldest brother for Sara was but 10. yeares younger than Abraham Gen. 17.17 Iun. QVEST. XX. Sarai not sister but neece to Abraham Vers. 29. THe father of Milcha and of Iscah c. 1. Some thinke that this Iscah was not Sarai Abrahams wife but that shee was rather the daughter of Thare and Abrahams owne sister by the fathers side than the daughter of his brother Aran and that it was lawfull then for the halfe brother by the fathers side to marrie his sister sic Clement Alexand. Lippoman Cajetan Scotus 2. Others thinke that Sarai was not the naturall but the adopted daughter of Thare 3. But the truer opinion is that Sarai was the daughter of Haran sister to Lot and Milcah and the same that is called Iscah as may appeare by these reasons thus thinke Iosephus and Augustine Iunius 1. It is like that as Nachor married the one sister so Abraham married the other because it was their great care not to
60. yeares Gen. 25.26 and Iacob was an 130. when hee went into Aegypt Gen. 47.9 which all make 215. yeares the other 215. yeares may be accounted thus Cahath the sonne of Levi went downe with Iacob into Aegypt who as Eusebius thinketh begat Amram at 70. yeares Amram also at 70. might beget Moses who lived 80. yeares before the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt the whose summe maketh 220. yeares from the which we must detract five yeares of the age of Cahath when he came downe with Iacob into Aegypt so there remaineth 215. yeares which is the time of the sojourning of Israel in Aegypt ex Mercer 3. Though the Israelites dwelt in Aegypt 215. yeares yet they were not kept in thraldome and affliction above an 130. nor yet so much for all the time of Iosephs government after Iacob came into Aegypt must be accepted which was 71. yeares for Ioseph was then 36. yeare old 30. yeere old hee was when he stood before Pharaoh and expounded his dreame Genes 41.49 and the seven plentifull yeares were past and two of famine Gen. 45.11 And Ioseph lived in all 110. yeares if then 39. bee deducted from 110. there will remaine 71. yeares all this while Israel was not afflicted Beside whereas their affliction began not till Ioseph and all his brethren were dead Exod. 1.6 and Levi supposed to bee 44. yeare old when he came into Aegypt lived 137. yeare Exod. 5.16 was 39. yeares in Aegypt which being subtracted from 215. yeares the time of their dwelling in Aegypt there will remaine not above 122. yeares which was the time of their thraldome and bondage in Aegypt 4. Their foure hundred yeares of servitude in a land not theirs 1. must not be counted from Abrahams first comming into the land of Canaan as Chrysostome for from thence the 430. yeares mentioned Exod. 12.40 must take beginning and the text is thy seed shall be a stranger we must then begin to count from the birth of Isaak Abrahams seed 2. Neither is it like that God afterward seeing their extreme affliction shortned this time of 400. yeares which also is Chrysostomes conjecture for Gods word altereth not and S. Steven Act. 7.6 abridging this story setteth the same time of 400. yeares not of 430. as some latine copies have wherein the translation is corrupted 3. Neither is the land of Canaan here to be excluded as Oleaster thinketh for although it was promised to Abraham for an inheritance they were as yet strangers therin for Abraham had not so much as a breadth of a foot Act. 7.5 and Iacob counted himselfe a pilgrime and stranger there Gen. 47.9 4. Neither to make up these foure hundred yeares need we with Iosephus to count 170. yeares betweene Iosephs death and Moses birth which was not above 64. yeares Iosephus confuting Cheremons errour that would have Ioseph and Moses both of one time falleth into another rour himselfe 5. Wherefore this time of 400. yeares must begin at Isaaks birth though precisely they were 405. yeares which few odde yeares in so great a summe maketh no great difference Againe this land not theirs is not only Aegypt but Canaan and where the text rehearseth these three they shall be strangers serve and be entreated evill wee must joyntly not severally apply all these to the time limited of 400. yeares that this whole time they were either strangers or served or were afflicted and so Augustine well understandeth qu. 47. in Exod. Mercer QVEST. XV. How diversly a generation is taken Vers. 16. IN the fourth generation they shall come hither c. A generation is sometime taken for the whole life of man and continuance of an age as Matth. 24.34 this generation shall not passe till all these things be fulfilled that is some now alive may live to see it sometime it is taken for the succession of persons as Matth. 1.17 sometime for a certaine number of yeeres as for the space of ten yeares Baruch 6.2 the time of the captivity in Babylon which was 70. yeares is limited to seven generations for 20. yeares Euseb. lib. de praepar 10. c. ult for 33. yeares Herod lib. 2. for 30. Diodor. lib. 3. c. 13. for an 100. Dyonis Halicar lib. 1. Rom. antiquit According to these divers acceptions 1. Some doe understand here a generation for an 100. yeares but that cannot be for the Israelites came not out in the fourth hundred yeare but in the beginning of the fifth Iun. 2. Some take it for the space of seventy yeares out of the Psal. 90.10 and so after the Israelites had dwelt three generations that is thrice 70. yeares 220. yeares in Aegypt then in the fourth 70. yeare they entred the land of Canaan sic Iunius But the best computation of these generations is from the succession of persons yet we must neither begin from the eldest persons that entred into Aegypt as Cajetanus and Lyranus reckon these foure generations from Iacob to Iudas from Iudas to Pharez Pharez to Ezron Ezron to Caleb so also Mercerus which make foure generations which computation is a great errour for that Caleb which entred to Canaan was not the sonne of Ezron but of Iephunne Ios. 14.6 long after the other Caleb for we reade of three Calebs the first the son of Ezron 1 Chron. 2.9 the second the sonne of Hur ibid. v. 50. the third the sonne of Iephunne 1 Chron. 4.15 from Iudah to this Caleb were six or seven generations neither could Ezron bee the father of this Caleb for Ezron came downe with Iacob into Aegypt Gen. 46.12 and Caleb was about 40. yeare old when the Israelites came out of Aegypt Iosu. 14.7 and the time of the Israelites abode in Aegypt was 215. yeares take from that the 40. yeares of Calebs age and suppose Ezron to have beene but five yeares old at his comming to Aegypt by this account he should be 170. yeare old before he begat Caleb whereas Caleb the sonne of Ezron was borne long before his father was 60. yeares old 1 Chron. 2.21 wherefore that Caleb which lived with Iosua was not the sonne of Ezron Neither must we account only those generations that were borne in Aegypt as Perer. for so wee shall have but three generations Caath begat Amram in Aegypt Amram Aaron Aaron Eleazer who divided the land but the right reckoning is to begin from the youngest of those generations that went downe to Aegypt and so from Kohath to Eleazer are foure generations Cohath begat Amram Amram begat Aaron Aaron Eleazer 4. But Philo his allegoricall conceit I let passe who by the fourth generation understandeth the fourth age of mans life when after the simplicity of his childhood the riot of his youth the instruction of his middle age he commeth to yeares of gravity and judgement for who seeth not how unproper and disagreeing to this historicall prophecie such mysticall collections are QVEST. XVI Why God spared the wickednesse of the Amorites Vers. 16.
will finde grace with him CHAP. XXIII 1. The Argument and Contents THis Chapter treateth 1. Of the death of Sarah and Abrahams mourning for her vers 1 2. 2. Of Abrahams care for her buriall both of the communication had with the Hittites and of the purchase of the ground at the hands of Ephron vers 12. to 18. Lastly of the funerall it selfe vers 19. 2. The divers readings v. 1. In Ciriah Arbe C.B.G.P. the City Arbee H.S.T. Arbee which is in the vally S. the others have not this clause v. 3. Rose from the office of the funerall ab officio funeris H. from the dead S. from the fight of the dead or corps caeter v. 4. To bury my dead H. to bury my dead from me S. out of my fight or face caeter v. 5. Not so my Lord. S. the rest have it not v. 9. Cave of Machpelah G.B.T.P. double cave caet but it seemeth rather to be the proper name of a place vers 17.19 v. 10. Ephron dwelled H.G. stood in the middest C. sate in the middest caeter jashab signifieth both to dwell and sit he sate at this time in the middest among them v. 13. Because you are with me heare me S. I pray you heare me H. If you will shew me mercy Ch. B.G. if you be that man Tr. 1. If you be the ruler and Lord of the ground If you will give it B.G. heb if then without any other words v. 15. I have heard S. heare me caet v. 16. Which is received for merchandise in every Province G. which is currant among merchants B.G.S.H. which passeth among merchants Tr. 1. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the yeares of Sarahs life why noted Vers. 1. ANd Sarah lived an hundred twenty seven yeares c. 1. The Hebrewes note that the death of Sarah is immediately joyned to the birth of Rebecca according to that saying in Ecclesiastes The Sunne riseth and the Sunne setteth Mercer 2. She is the only woman whose whole age is recorded in Scripture 3. Because the words are she lived an hundred years twenty yeares and seven yeares some Hebrewes note by the dividing of the yeares that she was at an hundred yeares as faire as at twenty and as chaste as at seven But this is too curious seeing that the like phrase is used in setting downe Ismaels years Gen. 25.17 in whom the like constancie especially in goodnesse appeared not 4. Isaack was at this time thirty seven yeare old being borne in Sarahs ninety yeare therefore the Hebrewes observe that the letters of the first word vaiihu doe make thirty seven insinuating thereby that these were the best dayes of Sarahs life after the birth of Isaack in whom she joyed 5. But it is not like that Isaack was now thirty sâ—ven yeares old and Sarah died the same time when Isaack was offered up the Devill representing the manner thereof to Sarah as the Jewes fable whereupon shee tooke a conceit and died for whereas Abraham returned from Mount Moriah to Beersheba againe and there dwelled Gen. 22.19 but now he was removed to Hebron where Sarah died there must needs some good space of time come between Isaacks offering up and Sarahs death Perer. 6. Whereas the word is put in the plurall the lives of Sarah we need neither refer it to three lives in man the vegetative sensitive intellectuall life nor to the changes alterations wich seemeth to make one life many but the word is so used according to the phrase of the Hebrew language Calv. QUEST II. The City of Arba whence so called Vers. 2. SArah died in Kiriatharba Which City Arbah which signifieth foure was so called 1. Neither of the foure giants Ahiman Sheshan Talmai Anach Num. 13.23 for these were long after Abrahams time 2. Nor yet of the foure Patriarks Adam Abraham Isaack Iacob there buried for neither can it be proved that Adam was there buried and it was so called before the other were there buried 3. Neither was it so named of the forme and fashion of the City which should consist of foure parts 4. But the Citie bare this name of Arbah the father of Anak Iosu. 14.14 and 15.13 Mercer QUEST III. Of Hebron supposed to be the City of Iohn Baptist. THe same is Hebron 1. This City was not so named of Hebron which came of one of the sonnes of Caleb mentioned 1 Chron. 2.42 for it was so called long before his time 2. It is probable that this City Hebron was the place of Iohn Baptists Nativity for this City did belong to Iudah and was a City of the Priests 1 Chron. 6.55 it was also situate in the hilly Countrey Iosua 14.12 so was the City of Iohn Baptist both a City of Iudah belonging to the Priests where Zachary his father dwelt and had the situation in the hill Countrey Luk. 1.39 3. This Hebron is said to bee in Canaan as it is taken for the name of the whole Countrey for the Canaanites were also one of the seven Nations that inhabâ—ted that Countrey to whom Hebron belonged not but to the Hittites Perer. 4. Hebron signifieth a society or conjuâ—ction for there Abraham and Sarah â—saack Rebecca Iacob Lea lay buried together as honourable couples from hence then it seemeth the name was derived Muscul. QUEST IV. Whence Abraham came to mourne for Sarah Vers. 2. ABraham came to mourne c. 1. Neither is it like that Abraham at this time dwelled in Beersheba and Sarah in Hebron and that he came thence hither to bewaile Sâ—rah for Abraham as he bewailed Sarah being dead so he would not be wanting to her in her life 2. Neither did Abraham come from burying of his father Thare as some thinke whom Pererius would have to die two yeare before but the truth is that he was dead 62. yeares before for Abraham was now 137. yeares old who was borne in the 70. yeare of Tharehs age who lived 205. yeares in all so Abraham was 75. yeares old when his father died Gen. 12.5 to that adde 62. so shall we have Abrahams age of 137. 3. Neither doth this comming of Abraham signifie onely his addressing and preparing of himselfe to mourne Mercer 4. But Abraham commeth from his owne tent into Sarahs to mourne for her for they had their tents and habitations apart as it may appeare Gen. 24.67 Iun. QUEST V. Wherefore Abraham weepeth over the corps of Sarah Vers. 2. TO mourne for Sarah and to weepe for her 1. As Abraham by his weeping shewed his affection so by his mourning voice he set forth the vertues of Sarah and bewailed his losses Perer. 2. He weepeth over the corps not to provoke himselfe to weepe by the sight thereof being of late so much lightned with joy for Isaacks deliverance as some Hebrewes thinke but according to the use which then was and after continued among the Jewes which was to weepe a certaine time at the bodies or graves of the dead as
doe urge and induce another to speake the truth or doe or not doe any thing as Ahab adjured Michaias and charged him in the name of God to speake the truth 2 Chron. 18.15 or else it is used passively when we force another to take an oath as Abraham here maketh his servant to sweare The first kinde of adjuration is used two wayes 1. By way of deprecation and intreaty by the inferiour to the superiour as the devils doe impudently adjure Christ not to torment them Matth. 5.7 but it was by way of intreaty vers 10. 2. It is used by way of authority and command 1. Thus the Prince adjureth his subjects as Saul did the people that they should eat nothing till night 1 Sam. 14.24 2. Thus the Apostles charged and commanded the spirits to come out of men as Paul did Act. 16.18 By this kinde of adjuration which is with power and authority spirits may be adjured but by the other which is by intreaty and supplication to conjure them which is nothing else but to intreat them for their helpe as Magicians and sorcerers doe it is a great impiety and plaine idolatry 3. Yea by a power and authority given from God thus the senslesse creatures may be adjured and commanded as Iosua by the power of God commanded the Sunne to stand still and it obeyed Perer. The other kinde of adjuring which is by ministring an oath is to be used onely in grave and weighty causes either divine as Nehemiah tooke an oath of the people that they should not give their daughters in marriage to the heathen Nehem. 13.25 or in humane affaires 1. For the deciding of controversies and ending of strife Heb. 6.16 2. For the binding of one to the obedient or faithfull performance of his service As Abraham here taketh an oath of his servant so officers may lawfully be sworne for the upright execution of their office and subjects to be loyall and true to their Prince 3. For the establishing of a league or covenant as an oath was betweene Iacob and Laban Gen. 32.53 4. For the clearing of a suspition as the woman suspected of adultery was charged with an oath by the Priest Numb 5.21 5. For the satisfaction of our neighbour in a matter of trust Exod. 22.11 so by the law the debtor may be lawfully urged with an oath by his creditor 6. For the security of a mans life one may sweare to another as the Egyptian servant to the Amalekite required an oath of David for the safety of his life and estate Sweare unto me by God that thou wilt neither kill me nor deliver me into the hands of my master c. 1 Sam. 30.15 QUEST VI. Why Abraham refuseth to take a wife from the daughters of Canaan Vers. 3. THou shalt not take to my sonne of the daughters of Canaan c. The reasons why Abraham would not have his sonne Isaack be linked in mariage with the Canaanites are these 1. Because they came of cursed Cham Generis author maledictionis haereditatem transmisit in suos The author of their stocke for not honouring his father did bring a curse as an inheritance upon his posterity Ambr. lib de Abrah cap. 9. 2. Because the Canaanites were Idolaters and of corrupt manners Primum in conjugio religio quaratur Religion must first be sought in mariage Ambr. Againe Salomon was corrupted and perverted from his faith by his idolatrous wives for although Nachors stocke were not pure in religion having a smattering of imagery and idolatrous worship as Laban sought for his gods that were stolen from him Gen. 31.30 yet they had some knowledge and understanding of God as appeareth in this chapter vers 50. This thing is proceeded of the Lord c. And beside their manners were honest and commendable not like to the Canaanites as is evident by Rebecca her virginity and their humanity in entertaining of strangers Perer. 3. Another reason hereof was for that the Lord promised the Countrey to Abrahams posterity and to expell the Canaanites therefore Abraham as he refused to bury his dead among them so much lesse would mingle his seed in mariage with them Mercer QUEST VII Why Abraham sendeth not Isaack to chuse his owne wife Vers. 4. THou shalt goe 1. Though Abraham send his servant about this businesse of mariage yet it was not without Isaacks consent who knowing this servant to be the minister of his father will yeeldeth himselfe to his fathers choice 2. Isaack is not sent not to make a way unto a mystery as Rupertus thinketh to shadow forth Christ who not by himselfe went but by his Apostles sent to the Gentiles 3. And though Isaack afterward sent Iacob for the same end to chuse him a wife from his fathers kindred yet that case was not like to this for Isaack had two sonnes Abraham but one and besides Iacob fled from the wrath of his brother to save his life Perer. And further Isaack was but forty yeares old a youth â—n those dayes Iacob was about seventy seven yeares of age and so fitter to chuse for himselfe QUEST VIII In what sense Mesopotamia is called Abrahams Country seeing he was borne in Chaldea Vers. 4. GOe unto my Countrey and kindred This Countrey and place of Abrahams kindred is named to be Aram Naharaim that is Mesopotamia vers 10. where was the City of Nahor which was Charran Gen. 28.10 Now Charran in Mesopotamia is said to be Abrahams Countrey 1. Not that he was borne there as Ramban and Paulus Burgens thinke for the place of Abrahams birth was Ur of the Chaldees Gen. 11.28 2. Neither is it called his Country because as Tostatus thinketh he dwelled there a long time even 60. yeares till the death of his father which is a great errour for Abraham stayed not long in Charran Eucherius thinketh but one yeare Pererius not so much Mercerus some two years Iunius five yeares howsoever the time was not long for Abraham no doubt being called to goe into Canaan would make no long aboad by the way nor yet deferre to obey Gods commandement So then neither Pererius thinketh right that Terah lived 60. yeares in Charran after Abrahams departure for Abraham came not into Canaan till after his fathers death Act. 7.4 And Tostatus also is deceived that Abraham with Terah lived together 60. yeares in Charran for seeing Abraham was but 75. yeares old when he departed from Charran if he staied there 60. then was hee but 15 yeare old when he came first to Charran which cannot be for he was then married Gen. 11.30 But both these errors are builded upon a false ground that Abraham was the eldest sonne of Torah and borne in his 70. yeare whereas the truth is hee was the youngest and borne in the 130. yeare of his fathers age as hath beene before shewed in the questions upon the 11. chapter 3. Wherefore the solution is this that Abraham calleth all the region beyond Euphrates his
Assignes of THOMAS MAN PAVL MAN and IONAH MAN 1632. TO THE MOST HONOVRABLE LORD THE L. DVKE OF LENOX AND TO THE RIGHT Honourable the Earle of Marre Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privie Counsell Grace mercie and Peace from the Lord JESUS RIght Honourable as the highest Majestie in his wise providence hath united and conjoyned your Honours not onely in one consent and judgement of religion but also in the joynt administration and regiment of this Nation and Kingdome under his excellent Majestie so I thought good to make your Honours with other of your Honourable place united Patrons of these my labours and as he saith non debet charta dividere quos amor mutuus copulavit It was not fit that I should sever you in this my duty who are combined in your mutuall amity Men of noble birth delight much in antiquities and it is their glory to derive their bloud by many descents from their thrice renowned ancestors here I present to your Honourable view that noble and most ancient family of Abraham Isaack and Iacob who were in favour with God and in honour and great reputation with men whose children they are which imitate their piety and obedience that famous Matron Paula whom Hierome so much commendeth was by her father descended of Aeneas and the noble house of the Gracchi by her mother of Agamemnon of whom Hierome made this Epitaph thought her Christian profession more honourable than her noble birth and condition and so I doubt not but that it is also your honourable resolution to say with the Apostle who having rehearsed his great privileges after the flesh his birth parentage and profession thus concludeth I count all these things but losse for the excellent knowledge sake of Christ Iesus for whom I have counted all things as losse and doe judge them as dung that I might winne Christ as Hierome also saith well Summa apud Deum nobilitas clarum esse virtutibus I it is the greatest nobility with God to shine with vertue Here your Honours have the worthy example of the Patriarks to follow the Heathen presidents are but counterfeit and deceitfull they had the shadowes of vertues rather than the substance as Ambrose saith well of Polemo who of a drunken and riotous companion by hearing of Xenocrates became a Philosopher Siresipâ—ir a vino fuit semper tamen temulentus sacrilegio If hee were sober from wine yet hee was drunke with superstition But these holy examples are seasoned with grace and savour of true religion Abraham was famous in Pharaohs Court so was Isaack in Abimelecks and Iacob in another Pharaohs also for their piety and vertue So they which walke in their steps shall be great both with God and man Abraham told Abimelech plainly of the wrongs which his servants had done him Gen. 21.15 so is it the part of good Courtiers to shew unto the King the wrongs and oppressions that are done in the lanâ— to succour the poore to releeve the oppressed to countenance the truth to maintaine justice and equity Iacob being in Bethel saw a ladder which reached to heaven and the Angels ascending and descending upon it whereupon one thus noteth In the house of Bethel there is alwayes both going up and comming downe this I say not that the goers down should dismay you but the climers up incourage you So in the Princes Bethel and Court there be examples of both sorts of some that are declining and sliding backe onely seeking to make themselves great and to bee enriched by the Kings favour some there are though the smallest number which doe ascend upon this ladder not aspiring to their owne honour but using their favour to the glory of God and benefit of his Church Thus I trust your Lordships have learned to scale this ladder of honour to the which you are called to raise up those which are in the dust to set forward the truth to nourish and encourage the Preachers thereof to speake for the innocent to hold out your helpfull hand to the needy so shall your Honours ascend from step to step till you come to the top of the ladder where Christ sitteth who shall cast and tumble downe from thence all unfaithfull Stewards and cut them off to have their portion with hypocrites Matth. 24.51 but shall say unto you and all other that shall serve him faithfully herein in earth It is well done good servant and faithfull thou hast beene faithfull in little I will make thee ruler over much enter into thy masters joy Amen Your Honours ready to be commanded in the Lord ANDREW WILLET THE FIRST BOOKE OF THIS SECOND PART OF GENESIS Containing the Historie concerning the Patriarks ISAACK IACOB Hitherto hath beene continued the holy story of those three great Patriarks Adam before the floud Noah in the floud Abraham after the floud the rest of this Booke of Genesis followeth which setteth forth the life acts and death of the three other fathers Isaack Iacob Ioseph CHAP. XXV 1. The Contents of the Chapter IN this Chapter 1. Concerning Abraham his second mariage is declared with the issue thereof his children and their gifts vers 1. to 6. Then Abrahams yeares death and buriall vers 7. to 11. 2. Concerning Ismael his generations or off-spring are expressed his yeares of life his place of dwelling vers 12. to 20. 3. Of Isaack there is set downe his time of marriage the barrennesse of his wife the remedie by prayer vers 20.21 4. Concerning Esau and Iacob these things are rehearsed 1. Their manner of conception vers 22 23. 2. Of their birth 24. to 27. 3. Their divers education vers 27 28. 4. Esau his prophanenesse in selling his birth-right for a messe of pottage vers 29. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 1. Abraham had taken him another wife H.G. proceeding or adding tooke another wife caeter v. 2. Zambran Ioctan Madal Sebe S. Zimran Iocksan Madan Shuah caeter v. 3. The sonnes of Dedan were in holds tents and Islands â— the sons of Dedan Asshurim Letushim Leumim v. 4. Gephar Apher Raga S. Epha Epher Eldaha caeter v. 6. Sonnes of the Concubine C. of the Concubines caet v. 8. And fainting or wearing away H.S.C.B. he yeelded up the spirit or died T.G.P. jagaug signifieth to faint gavagh expirare to yeeld the spirit which word is here used v. 11. Isaack dwelt by the Well of the living and seeing H.B. the Well of vision S. Where the Angell of life appeared C. Beâ—r-lahairâ— G.P. the fountaine Lahoiro T. v. 12. Which Hagar the Egyptian Sarahs maid bare H. bare to Abraham caet v. 13. These the names of his sonnes H. of the sonnes of Ismael cat v. 13. Nadbehel Massa. S. Adbehel Mibsa cat v. 18. from Havilah to Agara C. from Havila to Sur. cat v. 18. he died in the presence of all his brethren H.B.P. he dwelt S.C. his lot fell T. G. naphal signifieth 〈◊〉 fall it
espousals contract consent of friends as Iacob tooke Lea and Rachel so did he not Zilphah and Bilhah the wife was taken into the house to be the mother of the family and governesse of the house the concubine was a servant still of the family as Hagar was to Sarah the wife was taken as an inseparable companion to the husband during his life the concubine might bee put away as Hagar was from Abraham the wife was chosen whose issue should onely be heires of the house but the sonnes of the concubine inherited not as the sonnes of Gilead said to Iephtah Thou shalt not inherit in our fathers house for thou art the sonne of a strange woman Iud. 12.2 2. Now where all these properties concurred she was properly and truly a concubine such an one was Hagar who was neither contracted to Abraham by any solemne espousals nor yet had the government of the house but was at Sarahs checke neither continued shee all her daies with Abraham nor her sonne admitted to be heire 3. But where all these properties are not seene together but some one of them there sometimes shee that is the wife by a certaine abuse of the word â—s called a concubine as the Levites wife before shee was yet solemnly espoused unto him with consent of her parents is called his concubine Iud. 19.1 for as yet she did commit fornication with him but afterward having her fathers consent he is called his father in law vers 4. so here in this place Keturah is called Abrahams concubine for that her children were not admitted to be heires with Isaack but otherwise she was Abrahams lawfull wife And for the same reason sometimes a concubine is called a wife as Zilpah and Bilhah are said to be Iacobs wives Genesis 37.2 because their children were coheires with the rest and fathers of the tribes 4. There appeareth then great difference betweene Hagar and Keturah Hagar was neither solemnly taken to be Abrahams wife but given him onely for procreation and while Sarah Abrahams lawfull wife was yet living shee remained a bond-woman still and was not made free she was cast out of the house But Keturah was solemnly taken to be Abrahams wife she was a free woman Sarah was now dead she left not Abraham while she lived wherefore Keturah was not properly Abrahams concubine but for that reason onely before alleaged But Hagar was verily his concubine as Leo well determineth Aliud est uxor aliud concubina sicut aliud ancilla aliud libera propter quod Apostolus ad manifestandum haruÌ„ personarum diseretionem testimonium ponit ex Genes c. A wife is one thing a concubine another a free woman is one thing a bond another and therefore the Apostle to shew the difference of these persons doth alleage a testimony out of Genesis where it is said to Abraham Cast out the bond-woman and her sonne for the sonne of the bond-woman shall not be heire with my sonne Isaack Leo epist. 90. c. 4. citatur par 2. c. 32. q. 2. c. 12. concil Triburiens c. 38. QUEST IX Why Abraham sent away the sonnes of Keturah ABraham gave them gifts and sent them away from Isaack c. The reasons of Abrahams so doing are these 1. because that countrey was not like to hold them Abraham knowing that his seed should exceedingly multiply Perer. 2. Abraham did it to take away all occasion of strife that might fall out betweene brethren as for that cause before Abraham and Lot were separated Calvin 3. lest that Isaack and his seed might have beene corrupted by their evill manners and false worship whom Abraham did foresee not to belong to the people of God Perer. 4. The greatest reason of all was because the inheritance of that land was promised to Isaacks seed which he would not have disturbed by his other sonnes Muscul. Mercer QUEST X. What East countrey Abraham sent Keturahs sonnes into SEnt them Eastward to the East countrey c. 1. Not Eastward in respect of Isaacks dwelling for some part of the land of Canaan was so towards the East 2. nor yet Eastward in respect of the situation of the world for so India is counted in the East whither indeed Hierome thinketh that they were sent but it is not like that Abraham would send his sonnes so farre off 3. They were then sent into the East countrey in respect of Palestina as into Syria Arabia where the Ismaelites Idumeans and Midianites inhabited which countries in the Scripture are usually called by the name of the East as Iacob going into Mesopotamia is said to goe into the East country Gen. 29.1 Balaam came from Aram out of the mountaines of the East Num. 23.7 Iob also is said to have beene the greatest of all the men of the East Iob 1.3 4. Into these East countries they were sent not because the people there were addicted to art magicke whereunto Abraham saw his sonnes inclined as the Cabalists coniecture but it is like that those countries to the which he sent them were as yet vacant and unpeopled Mercer QUEST XI Of the computation of the yeares of Abrahams life Vers. 7. THis is the age of Abrahams life 175. yeares Pererius upon this place gathering into a summe the storie of Abrahams life falleth into many apparent errours in Chronology which briefly shall be noted 1. He saith that Abraham was borne in the seventy yeares of his father Terahs age whereas it is cleare seeing Araham in his fathers two hundred and five yeare was seventy five yeares old Gen. 11.32 12.4 that he was borne in the hundred and thirty yeare of his fathers age 2. As one absurdity being granted many follow and one errour breedeth many so upon this false ground he buildeth other uncertaine conclusions as that Abraham was borne after the flood 292. yeares whereas he was borne 60. yeares after an 352. after the flood for so long after is the 130. yeare of Terahs age 3. He saith that Noah died in the 58. yeare of Abrahams age whereas Noah died 2. yeares before Abraham was borne 4. Further he affirmeth Terah Abrahams father to have died in the 135. yeare of Abrahams life whereas he must end his life sixty yeares before in the seventy five of Abrahams age for so old was Abraham when he went out of Charran whence he departed not till the death of Terah Act. 7.4 5. He proceedeth further in this his new coyned Chronologie that Abraham died in the 467. yeare after the flood and 2123. yeares after the creation whereas it was the 527. yeare after the flood and 2183 yeares from the beginning of the world wherein Abraham left his life 6. Further he saith that Abraham left Sâ—m alive behinde him whereas it is certainly gathered that Sâ—m died 25. yeares before in the 15â— yeare of Abrahams life and 502. yeares after the flood Genes 11.11 QUEST XII How Abraham yeelded up his Spirit Vers. 8. HE yeelded up the spirit
thinketh the word also signifieth to he Iud. 7.12 so that this is the sense that he lay that is dwelt as the Septuagint and Chalde translate before his brethren that is he bordered upon them his brethren the sonnes of Keturah not he onely in person but his posterity inhabiting this large countrey whereof the desart of Sur was the bounds on the south the land of Chavilah not that in India but another in Arabia where the Geographers place the Chaulateans on the East Assiria on the North so that this sheweth the accomplishment of that prophecie Gen. 16.12 he shall dwell in the presence of all his brethren Mercer Iun. QUEST XX. Why Isaack is againe said to be the sonne of Abraham Vers. 19. THese are the generations of Isaack Abrahams sonne c. 1. Although the birth of Iacob and Esau was long before Ismaels death for at that time Ismael was but 74. yeares old 14. yeare elder than Isaack who was 60. at the birth of his children but Ismael lived in all 137. yeare yet Moses finisheth and knitteth up briefly the story of Ismael because he maketh haste to set downe the story of Isaack and Iacob the Patriarkes of the Church and people of God 2. Yet hee dwelleth not long in the history of Isaack handling the life and acts of Iacob in the most part of this booke behinde and as it may appeare for these reasons 1. Because all the children of Iacob the twelve Patriarkes were founders of the visible Church whereas Esau came of Isaack 2. For that greater variety of temptations and changes happened to Iacob than to Isaack wherein he shewed experiment of his vertue 3. More excellent visions were manifested to Iacob than to Isaack six in all Genes 28.2 Genes 31.3 cap. 32.4 and 5. chap. 35.6 Gen. 46. whereas two onely were revealed to Isaack expressed c. 26. ex Perer. 3. Isaack is here againe called the sonne of Abraham not because some sorcerers of that time held him to be Abimelechs sonne and therefore to put the matter out of doubt hee is againe repeated to be Abrahams sonne thus the Hebrews conjecture but because Genealogers must beginne from the first famous author or father Moses beginneth with Abraham to whom such large promises were made concerning his seed QUEST XXI Why Isaack staid three yeares after Sarahs death for Rebecca Vers. 20. ISaack was 40. yeare old when he tooke Rebecca to wife c. 1. The Hebrewes doe but fable that Rebecca was borne about Sarahs death and that Isaack stayed for her 3. yeares after for though the report of Rebecâ—a her birth about that time came to Abraham Gen. 22. yet then it was not done and if Rebecca had beene then borne Isaack must have stayed longer for her than 3. yeares Rasi thinketh Rebecca was then 10. yeare old and that Isaack stayed for her three years more but it is more like that she was then 30. yeares of age ten yeares younger than Isaack as Sarah was to Abraham Mercer 2. Rupertus allegorie also is but forced that as Sarah died 3. yeares before the marriage of Isaack and Rebecca so from the baptisme of Christ three yeares before his passion the law began to die 3. Mention is here made of Bethuel and Laban to shew the grace of God toward Rebecca that was a rose between two thornes having a superstitious both father and brother Muscul. as also Laban is brought in to make a way for the storie following whose daughters Iacob married Iun. QUEST XXII Whence Mesopotamia was called Padan Vers. 20. OF Padan Aram. This was not the name of a city but a country for the name of Laban and Bethuels city was Charran 1. It was not called Padan Aram that is the region or countrey of Aram. 2. Neither because Padan in the Syrian tongue signifieth a paire is it so called because there were two countreys of Syria or Aram Aram Soba and Aram Naharaim or Mesopotamia and the name of Padan to be given to Mesopotamia as the chiefe 3. But a part of Mesopotamia was so called because of two floods which parted and divided the river Chaborah and Euphrates a monument of this name Padan appeareth in the name Aphadans given unto two townes one situate by Euphrates the other by the river Chabora Iunius ex Ptolem. QUEST XXIII Wherefore barren women were the mothers of the Church Vers. 21. BEcause she was barren We finde in Scripture that many excellent women appointed to be the mothers of holy men were barren as Sara Rebecca Rachel Anna the mother of Samuel Elizabeth the mother of Iohn Baptist the reasons are yeelded to be these 1. That we might know genus Israeliticum non naturali successione sed gratia esse multiplicatum that the Israelites were multiplied not by naturall succession but by grace Theodoret. qu. 74. in Genes 2. Vt ex mirabili partu sterilium foemmarum praestrueretur fides partus virginis that by the miraculous bearing of barren women a way mihgt be made to beleeve the birth of a virgin Chrysost. hom 49. in Genes 3. This was also done ad consolaâ—dos autmos sterilium conjugum to comfort the minds of barren couples Chrysost. ibid. 4 It might be that God would qualifie the excesse of Isaacks love by this meanes Calvin QUEST XXIV Why and how long Isaack prayed for his wife Vers. 21. ISaack prayed to the Lord for his wife 1. He knew that the impediment was in his wife and not in himselfe because of Gods promise made to Abraham Gen. 21.17 I will greatly multiplie thy seed and therefore he prayeth for Rebecca 2. It is not like that hee continued in this prayer twenty yeares so long as Rebecca was barren as Chrysostome thinketh hom 49. in Gen. for some experience Isaack first had of her barrennesse which could not be immediately after their marriage 3. Neither as Rasi did hee expect ten yeares as Abraham so long tooke triall of Sarah before hee tooke Hagar and hereupon the Hebrewes after ten yeares triall of barrennesse doe take liberty to repudiate their wives for the ten yeares after the which Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham are to be counted not from their marriage but from their comming into Canaan 4. The time therefore cannot be presently set how many yeares Isaack continued praying for his wife but it is like he continued and waited in prayer for so the word gnathar here used signifieth to frequent and multiply prayer 5. And where the word is nocach he prayed in respect or toward his wife we need neither to understand his wife alway to be present when he prayed or that they prayed together one in one corner the other in another as the Hebrewes but the meaning is that he prayed in the behalfe of his wife though it is not unlike but that sometime they prayed together QUEST XXVII Why Isaack did not thinke of second marriage as Abraham tooke Agar NOw Isaack seeing his wife to be barren did not take unto him another
birth of Esau and Iacob which was 15. yeare before Abrahams death and 63. yeares before Ismael died for Abraham lived 175. Ismael 137. yeares and where Isaack was younger than Abraham by 100. and than Ismael by 14. they are found so long to have lived after the birth of these twins from hence then it is evident that the order of time is not alwayes observed in the sacred histories but that sometime is set downe first which was done last 3. Doct. Against the casting of mens nativities Vers. 23. THe elder shall serve the younger This example is urged by Augustine against the Genethliakes that is casters of mens nativities for hereby the vanity of their observations appeareth in that these two twins conceived at once and borne together were of such divers natures and qualities August de civit Dei lib. 4. c. 5. And whereas they answer that in the birth of twins there may bee great diversity by reason of the swift motion of the planets which change their aspects and conjunctions every moment as one Nigidius Figulus would demonstrate by the example of a wheele which while it was swiftly carried about he marked twice with inke which markes when the wheele had left running were found not to be farre asunder whereby he would insinuate that in a small distance of time a great part of the celestiall globe may be turned about But to this fansie Augustine answereth that if the celestiall motions be so swift and continue not in one stay then hardly can any man discerne under what constellation any is borne and Gregory thus wittily derideth their follies that if Esau and Iacob were not therefore borne under one constellation because one came forth after another by the same reason neither can any be borne under one constellation because hee is not borne all at once but one part after another Hâ—m 10. sup Evangel 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against Limbus patrum Vers. 8. WAs gathered to his people c. This the Popish writers do understand of the fathers in Limbus patrum whither Abraham also went sic Lyran in Gen. 49. Rupert lib. 6. in Gen. cap. ult Contra. 1. The place to the which Abraham went is called Abrahams bosome Luke 16 which Augustine by no meanes thinketh to have beene a member or part of hell as they make Limbus 2. The Apostle sheweth to what people the faithfull are gathered Ye are come c. to the company of innumerable Angels c. to the spirits of just and perfect men Heb. 12.22 23. Where then the spirits of just men were there also were the Angels for so we read that Lazarus soule was carried by the Angels into Abrahams bosome But the Angels are not in Limbus patrum upon this reason Lyranus refuseth the interpretation of Augustine and Tostatus who by this people to the which Abraham was gathered understand the society of Angels which is in no place but heaven Lyranus also holding that all the just men from the beginning of the world went to Limbus is confuted by Paulus Burgens who saith that Abraham was the first that went to Limbus because of him first this phrase is used in Scripture That he was gathered to his people Thus we see that these Patrons of Limbus cannot agree among themselves for what certainty of opinion can there be which is not grounded upon Scripture 2. Confut. Election is not of good works foreseene Vers. 23. THe elder shall serve the younger S. Paul inferreth upon this text that wee are not elected by workes but according to the purpose of him that calleth Rom. 9.11 here then the errour of the Pelagians is confuted who taught that men were elected for their good workes fore-seene of God before But this errour is repugnant to Scripture Eph. 14. He hath chosen us in him that we should be holy he saith not because we were holy so that good workes are not a precedent cause of our election but a consequent effect thereof 3. Confut. The soules merited not before they came into the body HEre also that errour ascribed to Origen is overthrowne who thought that the soules have a being before the bodies and that they are disposed of in this life according to the merit of the former life which they lived in before they entred into the body for the Apostle expounding this place saith before they had done either good or evill and immediately before yer the children were yet borne Rom. 9.11 therefore before they were borne they had neither done good nor evill 4. Confut. S. Paul alleageth the examples of Esau and Iacob not for temporall election or figuratively onely of eternall but originally and properly IT is therefore evident 1. That neither Moses writing this prophecie The elder shall serve the younger did not only speake of the externall inheritance and preeminence of Iacob before Esau neither did Paul so understand Moses for then the example had not beene pertinent to S. Pauls purpose who goeth about to prove these two things that all are not the children of promise which are the children of Abraham after the flesh which he shewed by the instance of Ismael and Isaack vers 7. The other point is that Gods election is of grace not by workes as appeareth in the example of Esau and Iacob wherefore the one was hated of God the other loved before they had done good or evill If the Apostle then had brought in an example of temporall election it had been impertinent seeing thorowout the Chapter he treateth of eternall 2. Neither yet was this outward preheminence of Iacob and refusall of Esau a signe onely and figure of their eternall election and reprobation as Lyranus in 1. Malach. And therefore not directly implied in the words but so applied by the Apostle for as the Preacher saith No man knoweth either love or hatred of all that is before them Eccles. 9.4 that is Gods love or hatred is not discerned by the condition of outward things 3. Neither is it the literall and historicall sense only to shew that Esau was temporally rejected but. S. Paul by his divine spirit doth draw it to a mysticall sense as Pererius thinketh in 25. Gen. numer 45. for S. Paul understandeth Moses no otherwise than Malachy did Esau have I hated Iacob have I loved chap. 1.1 who out of Moses words inferreth a conclusion of Gods everlasting love toward Iacob 4. Wherefore the truth is that the very literall and proper sense of these words The elder shall serve the younger written first by Moses and cited by S. Paul doth principally describe the everlasting state and condition before God and are especially to be referred to the celestiall inheritance but secondarily the promise of the externall inheritance of Canaan is here also comprehended This may be made evident by these two reasons 1. That is the proper sense of the place which is principally and chiefly intended by the Spirit but so is this spirituall sense as the
his friends as Onkelos Lyranus Tostat. 3. Abimelech commeth a farre journey not of love or good will but partly pricked in conscience for the wrongs which he had offered to Isaack Chrysost. hom 52. in Gen. partly providing for their posterity that Isaack would doe them no hurt Mercer 4. Origen by these three that came to Isaack understandeth the tripartite wisdome of the Gentiles the morall naturall rationall which dissenting at the first from the Christian faith were afterward reconciled to it hom 14. in Genes QUEST XIII Why Isaack made a feast to Abimelech and his company Vers. 3. HE made them a feast 1. Isaack did this of a simple and sincere affection that they might know there remained no grudge or purpose of revenge in his minde for to invite unto feasts is a signe of remitting and forgetting of former wrongs as Augustus Caesar did bid Catullus the railing Poet to supper in token he had forgiven him though Alexander dissemblingly brought Philotas to his table to have the better opportunity to murther him as Absolom served his brother Ammon 2. Some thinke that the next morning the oath before betweene them made was againe ratified Mer. But it is more like that the oath was deferred till the next morning as being the fittest time for serious consultations it was the Persians barbarous manner in the middest of their cups to advise of their weightiest affaires Perer. QUEST XIV Wherefore the well is called Shibah Vers. 33. SO he called it Shiba 1. Some interpret this word abundance or saturity because of the plenty of water that was found as Hierome who findeth fault with the Septuagint because they translate it oath But sabang signifieth to abound not shabang which is here used 2. It is more like that this was both the same well which Abraham digged and the same name derived from the oath which was made betweene Isaack and Abimelech as before betweene Abraham and Abimelech for so this story saith that Isaack gave them the same names which his father gave them vers 18. Mercer Calvin QUEST XV. Of the marriage of Esau. Vers. 34. WHen Esau was forty yeare old c. 1. The Hebrewes thinke that Esau till hee was forty yeare old gave himselfe to a vitious and a licentious life which may well be and that to imitate his father who was married at forty he doth the like 2. This his marrying into the flocke of Canaan was abdicationis praeludium a fore-runner of his casting off and missing of the blessing as it followeth in the next Chapter Calvin 3. Tostatus thinketh that in the forty yeare of Esau which was the hundred of Isaack Sem died but Pererius thinking to correct his oversight falleth into a greater errour referring the death of Sem to the 50. of Esau and 100. of Isaack whereas they are both in a great errour for Sem died in the 50. yeare of Isaacks life 60. yeare before this time which was 502. yeares after the floud QUEST XVI The evill qualities of Esau his wives Vers. 35. THey were a griefe of minde 1. Some read rebellious of marah to rebell sic Chald. But it rather commeth of marra to be bitter 2. And so were the wives of Esau bitter unto Isaack and Rebeckah and a great offence of mind unto them both in respect of their corrupt manners and their divers profession being given to idolatry as the Canaanites were Tharg Hierosol 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. God maketh rich Vers. 12. THe Lord blessed him Gods blessing is given as a reason of Isaacks increasing and growing rich whereupon Augustine noteth Etiam ipsa bona temporalia nec dari posse nec sperari debere c. nisi ab uno Deo That these temporall goods cannot be given or hoped for but from the only God quast 76. in Genes as the wise man saith Prov. 10.22 The blessing of the Lord maketh rich 2. Doct. The soules of the righteous live with God Vers. 24. I Am the God of Abraham Abraham was now dead and yet the Lord professeth himselfe to be his God whereby we are taught that the soules of the righteous after this life doe live with God for as our Saviour saith He is not the God of the dead but of the living Matth. 22.32 Muscul. 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Against the breaking of covenants Vers. 15. THe Philistims filled all the wels c. Though that Abimelech had made a covenant with Abraham concerning the well Gen. 21.30 yet after Abrahams death they goe from the covenant such are the enemies of the Church of whom the Prophet speaketh Isa. 33.8 He hath broken the covenant c. he regardeth no man such are the Romanists which hold that faith is not to be kept with heretikes as they brake the safe conduct granted to Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage Mercer 2. Confut. Of restoring the ancient doctrine with the ancient names Vers. 18. HE gave them the same names which his father gave them The Philistims both stopped the ancient wels and abolished the names Isaack restoreth both so the Church of Rome hath abolished both the true ancient doctrine of the Sacraments as also taken away the name thereof calling it by an idolatrous name of their owne invention of the Masse Muscul. We therefore with Isaack have restored the pure doctrine of the ancient primitive Church together with the names as the Communion the Lords supper the Lords day c. As the Prophet saith Aske for the old way which is the good way and walke therein Ierem. 6.16 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Not to imitate our fathers infirmities Vers. 7. HE said she is my sister Abraham before had offended in the same kinde and yet Isaack cannot take heed so apt children are to imitate the infirmities of their parents Mercer But we should rather learne to decline from our parents errings as the Prophet saith If he beget a sonne that seeth all his fathers sinnes c. and feareth neither doth the like c. Ezek. 18.14 2. Observ. The punishment of adultery Vers. 11. HE that toucheth this man or his wife shall dye the death Thus by the light of nature they were taught that adultery was a grievous sinne and Abimelech pronounceth the sentence of death against such as should violate another mans wife as the Lord had said before to Abimelech Thou art but dead because of the woman which thou hast taken Genes 20. vers 3. 3. Observ. Adversity and prosperity tempered together Vers. 12. ISaack sowed c. Thus the Lord tempereth adversity and prosperity sorrow and joy together like as the night and day summer and winter doe one succeed another Isaack after these grievous tentations concerning his wife is increased and blessed of God likewise vers 20. when his servants had strived for two wels they peaceably enjoy the third calling it Rehoboth roomth as the Psalme saith Weeping may abide in the evening but joy commeth in the morning Psal.
v. 21. Leson Asar Risoâ— S. Dishon Ezer Dishan caeter v. 24. as she fed B. as he fed caeter this is that Ana that found Eanomin in the desart S. that found giants in the wildernesse C. hee waters H. that found mules T. B. G. P. ieenâ—m miles cat when he found the yoakes hupozugia of his father Sibeon S. when he fed his father Siâ—eons asses cater chamorim asses v. 32. Balac the sonne of Beor S. Bela the sonne of Beor cat v. 39. Arath the sonne of Barad regarded in his stead S. Adad H. G. Hadar cat the name of his citie Phogar S. Phaâ— C.H. Pan. G.B. Pahn T. P. sic heb the daughter of the goldsmith C. of Mezoab cater v. 40. Duke Gola S. Alâ—ba H. duke Alua. cater gnaluah v. 41. duke Olâ—â— S. duke Ela. caet v. 43. duke Mâ—bdiel cat H. Magdiel duke Zaphoim S. duke Hiron caet 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. The order of time of the things set downe in the chapter Vers. 1. NOw these are the generations of Esau. 1. These things which are declared in the chapters following from 35. to 41. are set downe out of their place as all going before the death of Isaack who saw his sonne Esau married and greatly encreased he knew of the incest of Iudah with Thamar and of Iosephs selling into Egypt Luther 2. For Esau was 120. yeares old when Isaack died at 180. therefore the history of this chapter was before Isaacks death Perer. 3. The selling of Ioseph into Egypt was 12. yeares before Isaacks death as is proved Quest. 21. of the former chapter who is thought to be delivered out of prison the same yeare that Isaack died thirteene yeare after he was sold by his brethren Mercer QUEST II. Of Adah Esaus wife Vers. 2. ADah the daughter of Elon 1. This Adah is not the same before called Iudith the daughter of Beeri Gen. 26.34 as some Hebrewes which they would have first so called because she professed God but afterward being given too much to the decking of her selfe she was called Adah of gnadi a iewel or ornament But this Adah is the other called Basemath which is there said to be the daughter of Elon the Hittite for it is no rare thing in Scripture for men and women to be called by divers names as Maacah the daughter of Absalom the mother of Abjah 1. King 15.2 is called Micajah of Vriel 2. Chron. 13.2 2. Concerning Aholibamah the second wife of Esau 1. these are neither other wives beside those which Esau maried before as Ramban thinketh who maketh Esau to have had 5. wives in all for the Scripture maketh mention but of three wives that Esau had and here it is therefore said not that hee tooke wives but his wives as having relation to those which were his wives before so that this Aholibamah is the same which is called Iudith before 2. Shee is said to be the daughter of Anah not the sonne as the Greeke and Latin readeth but daughter of Sibeon for the word is bath not ben neither is it meant that Anah was the daughter of Sibeon as some reade for Anah was Sibeons son vers 14. a man not a woman nor yet as the Hebrewes fable this Aholibamah is said to bee the daughter of Anah and of Sibeon two brothers as begotten in incest or of Sibeon the father of Anah But this is added by way of distinction because there were two called Anah one brother to Sibeon vers 20. another sonne of Sibeon vers 24. this Aholibamah was daughter to Anah sonne of Sibeon and so also is said to bee the daughter that is neice of Sibeon Iun. Mercer 3. And whereas her father is before called an Hittite but here an Hivite that is because the Hivites were the greater nation and comprehended also the Hittites Iun. or the one may be understood of the father the other of the grandfather Mercer 3. Basemath that is the same before called Mahalah Gen. 28.9 first so named because she was sickly of chalah to be sicke afterward Basemath of a pleasant smel Ramban others will have her so named for offring incense to idols Rasi but the derivations of names are uncertaine it appeareth that the daughter of Ismael whom Esau married was called by two names Iun. QUEST III. Whether this Eliphaz were one of Iobs friends Ves. 4. ADa bare unto Esau Eliphaz This is not like to be that Eliphaz which was Iobs friend though he might be of his posterity for these reasons 1. that Eliphaz is called a Temanâ—te but Teman was one of the sonnes of this Eliphaz who is not like to have taken denomination of his sonne Mercer 2. this Eliphaz could not be much lesse than 70. or 80. yeare old when Isaack died at 180. for Esau 60. yeares younger than Isaack married at 40. yeares then Eliphaz his first borne was not much more then 100. yeares younger than Isaack And by this it would follow that Iob that lived with Eliphaz should have beene many yeares before the departure of Israel out of Egypt which is uncertaine Muscul. QUEST IV. Why Aholibamah the second wife is last named Vers. 5. AHolibamah bare Leuâ—h c. Aholibamah is set after the other two wives whereas Esau married her before he took Ismaels daughter 1. Some thinke because she was the last of the three that bare him children but that is not like that she began to beare after 36. or 37. yeares having many children 2. It is more like that Aholibamah had children before which died and therefore they are not rehearsed 3. But the most like conjecture is that the other two are named first because they 〈◊〉 but each of them a sonne Aholibamah is named last because she had divers sonnes and therefore Moses was to insist longer in her generation or else seeing the Scripture doth often invert and change the order of time in history we need not much stand upon this point who are first or last named Mercer QUEST V. Corah how he is said to be the sonne of Esau by Aholibamah and the sonne of Eliphaz Vers. 5. WHereas Corah is named among the sonnes of Aholibamah vers 5. and yet is numbred also among the sonnes of Eliphaz of Adan vers 16. 1. neither for solution of this doubt need wee with the Hebrewes to imagine that Corah was the sonne of Eliphaz by Aholibamah Esaus wife who committed incest with her for then the Scripture would not before have set him downe as the sonne of Esau. 2. R. Levi thinketh that when Aholibamah was dead Eliphaz brought up Corah the youngest sonne of Aholibamah among his owne children and so he is reckoned with the rest of Eliphaz sonnes but in this case the Scripture would not have altered sometime making Corah the sonne of Esau sometime of Eliphaz 3. Therefore we thinke rather that there were two of this name one brother to Eliphaz by Aholibamah the other Eliphaz
then a briefe catalogue of Esaus of-spring comming betweene the story returneth to Iacob and his generations Iun. Among the which Moses insisteth upon Ioseph as the most worthy QUEST II. Ioseph sold into Egypt while Isaack was alive Vers. 2. WHen Ioseph was 17. yeare old c. 1. Whereas the death of Isaack is mentioned before c. 35. when hee was 180. yeare old and Iacob 120. who was but 60. yeare younger then Isaack this storie of Iosephs selling into Egypt when he was but 17. yeare old must needes goe before Isaacks death 12. or 13. yeare for if Iacob when Ioseph was 39. that is 30. yeare old when he stood before Pharao and nine yeare more that is counting 7. yeares of plentie and two of famine if Iacob were then 130. Gen. 47.9 then at Iosephs seventeene Iacob exceeded not 108. yeares But hee was 120. when Isaack died and then was Ioseph 31. yeare old or there about 2. Now where it is added beeing yet a childe 1. Neither need we with Ramban to transpose the word and ioyne it with his yeares and reade thus when Ioseph was a child of 17. yeares for the order of the text will not beare it to be so transposed 2. Neither is that the best reading to say and the child was with the sonnes of Bilha c. aâ— B.G. doe reade but with a parenthesis thus being yet a child 3. which is added not to signifie his age expressed before nor yet that he was as a servant and minister to his father and brethren as the word â—â—guar somtime signifieth as Iosua is called puer Mosis Moses boy Iun. but to declare the simplicitie of his mind that he did not of malice accuse his brethren Mercer and the puritie of his affection that at those yeares could not abide sinne Rupert and crueltie of his brethren that dealt so hardly with him being a child Chrysost. And beside his age is mentioned to shew how long a time Ioseph continued in miserable captivitie full 14. yeares from 17. till he was 30. for so old he was when he stood before Pharao Perâ—â— QUEST III. Why Ioseph keepeth with the sons of the handmaides Vers. 2. WIth the sonnes of Zilphah and of Bilhah Ioseph keepeth sheepe with the sonnes of Iacobs concubines rather than the other 1. Not because as Rasi thinketh the sonnes of Leah despised the sonnes of the handmaides and therefore Ioseph ioyneth himselfe unto them not scorning them for then these sonnes of the handmaides would haue beene the readiest to have delivered Ioseph whereas Ruben and Iudah the sonnes of Leah were his best friends 2. Therefore Iacob committeth Ioseph to their custodie because the other brethren of Leah could not well brooke the sonnes of Rachel whom Iacob loved better then their mother Ramban and beside Rachel beeing dead Ioseph was as Bilhas sonne and her children were as Rachels and so brethren to Ioseph as both by father and mothers side Muscul. he kept companie also with Zilphas sonnes because it seemeth the sonnes of the handmaides sorted together QUEST IIII. What sin it was whereof Ioseph accused his brethren to his father ANd Ioseph brought to their father their evil saying 1. The other brethren accused not Ioseph to theiâ— father as the Septuagint in some translations reade but Ioseph accused them whereupon they hated him 2. Neither did Ioseph only complaine of the handmaids sonnes as Cajetan though it may be thought that their servile nature was most prone to euil but of the rest also for they all hated him Iun. 3. That which he complained of was not 1. Either any wrong done to himselfe as Vatablus 2. Not of any particular sinne as the Latin translator readeth as either of the sinne of Sodomitrie as Rupertus 3. Or of the incest of Ruben as gloss interlinear for Ruben afterward was Iosephs best friend 4. Or of that horrible sinne of bestiall copulation as Tostat. Thom. it is not like that Iacobs sonnes though licentious enough were so filthilie geven 5. Or that they did eate raw flesh contrarie to the precept of Noah as the Hebrewes 6. But I rather thinke that he brought to Iacob their evil fame or report as the word signifieth that is complained generally of their evil life for the which they were infamous as either their contention among themselves or defiling themselves with the daughters of the heathen or such like Mercer Perer. QUEST V. Whether Ioseph did well in accusing his brethren to their father NOw lest Ioseph might be thought to have dealt uncharitablie with his brethren in accusing them to his father for this is one of the titles giuen unto Sathan who is called an accuser of the brethren Apocal. 12. 1. It is to be considered that Ioseph might first privately admonish them before he told his father although it be not in the scripture directly expressed Tostat. 2. Or it may seeme that praemonitiâ— non fuit necessaria cum crimen esset publicum admonition was not necessarie where the crime waâ— publike Thom. 3. Or Ioseph did perceive that his admonition would not prevaile but that they would have hated him the more as the wise man saith Reproove a scorâ—er and hee will hate thee Prov. 9. and in this case one may forbeare private admonition as Augustine well noteth Si vel opportuniâ—s â—â—mpus querit vel metuit â—e deteriores efficiantur if either hee watch a fitter time or bee afraid they should wax worse in such cases to refraine and not for feare of displeasure or any temporall losse it is consilium charitatis a charitable consideration 4. It may be observed that Ioseph did not publish or divulgate abroad to every one his brethrens sinnes but only informed his father for otherwise as Augustine Si coram omnibus â—is arguere non eris correptâ—r sed proditâ—r c. If thou wilt reproove before all what thâ—â— knowest by thy brother thou shalt not bee a reproover but a betrayer sâ—r 16. de verb. domin 5. Ioseph did not accuse his brethren of a maliâ—ious minde being yet in a manner but a childe but of a desire to haue them amended for as Augustine saith Debemuâ— amando corripere non nocendi â—viditute sâ—d studio câ—rrigâ—ndi Wee must reproove in lovâ— not in a desire to hurt but a studie to correct QUEST VI. Whether Iacob loved Ioseph chiefly because he was borne in his old age Vers. 3. ISrael loved Ioseph because he was the sonne of his old age 1. We need not with Rupertus to understand this mystically by Israels old age his perfection of vertue and that therefore he loved Ioseph best because he did imitate his fathers vertue 2. Nor yet with Onkelâ—s and Paul Burgens doe we referre it to Ioseph that he was the childe of old age that is a wise sober and grave childe for this is coact and strained 3. But indeed Iacob loved him because he had him in his old age being then 91. yeare old when Ioseph was borne
Secondly Iacob putteth on sackcloth which was a ceremonie used in the East Countreyes to testifie their humility as Benhadads servants presented themselves before the King of Israel with sackcloth about their loines and ropes about their necks suing for pardon 1 King 20. Perer. QUEST XXVIII Who were those sonnes and daughters that comforted Iacob Vers. 35. THen all his sonnes and daughters rose up c. 1. These were not properly Iacobs daughters as the Hebrewes imagine that with every sonne Iacob had a daughter borne which they afterward married for such marriages the world being now multiplied were not in use among the faithfull Mercer 2. Neither could Iacobs sonnes the eldest not exceeding twenty foure or twenty five yeares not above seven yeares elder than Ioseph have daughters of that age able to comfort their father as Musculus thinketh they were therefore Iacobs sonnes wives that were his daughters in law 3. Neither did Iacob refuse to bee comforted because as the Hebrewes thinke where wee know certainly of the death of our friend we cease mourning but not where it is uncertaine whether they be dead or no for Iacob did perswade himselfe here that some wilde beast had devoured Ioseph but the greatnesse of his griefe would admit no consolation Mercer 4. We see the hard and cruell hearts of Iacobs sonnes that willingly did suffer their father to continue in this griefe and that with fained words they seemed to comfort him concealing the truth Luther 5. So it is added his father wept for him not Isaack who indeed was yet living as some thinke Aben Ezra Iun. But Iacob mourned for Ioseph his brethren mourned not but the father sorroweth for his sonne Muscul. QUEST XXIX Potiphar how he is said to be an Eunuch Vers. 36. TO Potiphar an Eunuch of Pharaohs 1. This Potiphar was not indeed an Eunuch or gelded man as the Septuag reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he had a wife and a daughter married afterward to Ioseph 2. Neither for the same cause can that conceit of R. David have any likelihood that Potiphar was an Eunuch in part as retaining still the nerve or sinew though not the other instruments of generation 3. Neither is there any ground of that tradition of the Hebrewes that God caused Potiphars privie parts to wither and drie up because he thought to abuse faire Ioseph to his filthy lust 4. But whereas Eunuches were at the first used by Kings and Princes to wait upon their Queenes Esther 2.14 and so were as the Chamberlaines and neare unto their persons as Harbonah was to King Assuerus Esther 7.9 Hence the name of Eunuch was taken generally to signifie a Courtier Prince or great man toward the King as the word is used 2 King 8.6 The King commanded an Eunuch or one of his Princes to restore unto the Shunamite her lands and in this sense is Potiphar called an Eunuch that is one of Pharaos princes or courtiers as the word Saras signifieth sic Chal. Mercer Iun. with others QUEST XXX What officer Potiphar was to Pharao PHaraos chiefe Steward or master of the guard 1. For we neither reade with the Septuag Pharaos chiefe cooke although the word tabach be sometime used in that sense 1 Sam. 9.23 which reading Iosephus Philo and Ambrose follow 2. Neither yet was he Pharaos chiefe steward as some reade B.G. 3. Nor the chiefe captaine of his souldiers as both the Chalde and Hierome translate 4. But seeing the word tabach signifieth to kill and so the word is indifferently applyed both to Cookes and Butchers that are the slaughter men of beasts and to souldiers that kill men in battell and executioners that put men to death that are condemned by the law It appeareth that this Potiphar had the chiefe charge of those that were adjudged to imprisonment or death as Pharaos two officers his chiefe Baker and Butler were committed to his charge Gen. 40.3 and so may be well thought to be the chiefe Marshall or Captaine of the Guard unto Pharaoh Iunius Mercerus 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The father is as the Sunne and chiefe in the house Vers. 9. THe Sunne Moone and Stars did reverence unto me c. Ioseph by the Sunne and Moone understandeth his father and mother The father then of the house by Gods ordinance as the Sun from whom the wife as the Moone the children as Stars must receive their light and direction in every family Muscul. for the Apostle saith concerning wives If they will learne any thing let them aske of their husbands at home 1 Cor. 14.35 and concerning the rest the same Apostle saith Having children under obedience with all honesty 1 Timoth. 3.4 2. Doct. The Prophets did not forsee all things but what was revealed unto them AGaine he dreamed c. Ioseph as Bernard well noteth did by the spirit of prophecie foresee his exaltation yet his humiliation and captivity was not declared unto him though this was nearer than the other tractat de gradib humilitat Whereby we see that the Prophets did not foresee all things neither had they a propheticall spirit residing with them whereby to foretell what they would but they onely knew those things which it pleased God to reveale unto them as the Prophet Ieremie at the first did not perceive the falshood of the Prophet Hananie that prophesied of their returne from captivity after two years but wished that it might fall out even so till the word of God came unto him Ier. 28.6.12 3. Doct. True obedience followeth not the words but the minde of the commander Vers. 7. IOseph went after his brethren and found them in Dothan c. Yet his father sent him onely to seeke them in Sechem vers 12. Ioseph sheweth his prompt obedience in not strictly tying himselfe to his fathers words but fulfilling his minde Iacob spake but of Sechem to Ioseph but he knowing that it was his meaning that hee should seeke out his brethren followeth after them to Dothan that hee might finde them out Muscul. by which example we are taught what kinde of obedience is most accepted with God not to keepe onely the letter of the law as the Scribes did whose corrupt glosses our Saviour confuteth Matth. 5. but to observe the true meaning and sense thereof 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. The Latine text corrupt and not justifiable Vers. 2. WHen Ioseph was seventeene yeares old The Latine text readeth most corruptly When Ioseph was sixteene yeare old which reading Perer. would justifie by these reasons 1. The Latine text understandeth sixteene yeares complete the Hebrewes seventeene yeares now but begun 2. He thinketh that the Latine translator set downe divers things whereof no reason can bee given not without the secret instinct of the spirit Pererius disput 1. in Gen. cap. 37. Contra. 1. It is the manner of the Hebrewes when they set downe a number of yeares to make the account by full and complete yeares as is manifest by the phrase here used He
Now Abraham and Ismael had not the same people to goe unto the faithfull cannot be said to be Ismaels people nor the prophane sort to be Abrahams But if the meaning of the phrase were no more than that they were gathered and joyned to the state of the dead the faithfull and prophane sort should all goe to one people wherefore this phrase betokeneth a speciall disposition of the soules of the faithfull after this life in being associated to the company of the just and a laying up of their bodies in assured hope of the resurrection Calvin Muscul. Luther The Apostle also sheweth what it is for the righteous to be gathered to their people Wee are come to the celestiall Ierusalem to the innumerable company of Angels to the congregation of the first borne c. to the spirits of just and perfect men Hebr. 12.22.13 To all these are we joyned by faith while we live and really when we are dead now quoad spem in hope then quoad rem in deed 6. Places of morall use 1. Mor. Fathers must rebuke and chastise their children Vers. 4. THou shalt not be excellent Fathers may learne by Iacobs example to chastise their children for their sinnes as here Ruben is censured for defiling his fathers bed for this cause Heli and his posterity were punished because hee did not reprove his sonnes according to the quality of their offence Perer. 2. Mor. Gods vengeance though it be deferred will certainly come FUrther in that Rubens punishment had beene a long time suspended and deferred almost 40. yeeres after he had committed this uncleane sinne yet at the last it commeth let no sinner flatter himselfe in his impunity for if the long suffering of God draw him not to repentance it shall but increase his punishment as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 2.4 5. 3. Mor. The short pleasures of sinne deprive men of many blessings AGaine as Ruben for a little short pleasure lost his birthright and dignity so many for the vaine and momentany pleasures of this life are deprived of many and great blessings like to Esau that for a messe of pottage did part with his birthright 4. Mor. Contumely against parents never goeth unpunished WE see also what an high offence before God it is to offer any wrong or contumely to our parents such was Cham toward Noah Absalon toward David and here Ruben that polluted his father Iacobs bed 5. Mor. Against unjust and immoderate revenge Vers. 7. CVrsed be their wrath The Lord condemneth all kinde of revenge that proceedeth of wrath especially such as here was committed by Simeon and Levi. 1. It was done by craft and subtility under pretence of friendship 2. Against men unawares suspecting nothing 3. When they were in griefe of body 4. With a pretext and shew of religion 5. The revenge farre exceeded in greatnesse the quality of the offence Such a kinde of revenge is unjust and cruell Wherefore in this case wee should follow the Wise-mans counsell Say not I will recompence evill but wait upon the Lord and he shall save thee Prov. 20.22 Perer. 6. Mor. Every mans portion in the earth assigned of God Vers. 13. AS Zabulun shall dwell by the sea side Hence we learne that the lot of men for their habitation and dwelling in the earth falleth not out unto them by chance but by Gods providence and appointment for as it is in the Psalme The earth is the Lords and the fulnesse thereof Psal. 24.1 therefore every one should be contented with his lot and portion as assigned unto him of God Perer. 7. Mor. The Church shall overcome at last Vers. 19. ANd an host of men shall overcome him but he shall overcome at the last c. So the Church of God though it shall indure much trouble and sorrow in the world yet it shall triumph and have the victory in the end as our Saviour saith to his Apostles In the world yee shall have trouble but be of good comfort I have overcome the world Iohn 16.33 8. Mor. The quiet and peaceable end of the righteous Vers. 33. HE plucked up his feet into the bed Before Iacob had raised up himselfe as well as he could not having his legs hanging out of the bed as Perer. that had beene no fit lying for a man ready to dye but he had stretched out himselfe before as well as he could for reverence unto the word of God which he delivered but now feeling the houre of his death to be instant hee doth gather up his legs after a seemely and quiet manner not strugling or striving against death as many doe but as though death â—ere in his power he doth meekely and gently yeeld himselfe unto it such a peaceable and quiet kinde of departure God often granteth to his children Muscul. Howbeit this is not alwayes so for sometime a wicked man may dye like a lambe still and quiet as the Psalme saith There are no bands in his death Psal. 73.4 and a righteous man may have a strong death by reason of the extremity of his sicknesse and the manner of the disease but yet inwardly he hath a peaceable and quiet soule and therefore Balaam had good reason to pray as he did Let me dye the death of the righteous and let my last end be like his Num. 23.10 CHAP. L. 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter is set forth 1. Iosephs piety toward his father Iacob in causing him to be embawmed vers 2 3. in his buriall 1. He procured leave of Pharaoh vers 4 5 6. 2. He did honourably accompany him vers 7 8 9. 3. They mourned for him by the way vers 10 11. 4. Then they buried him as he had commanded 2. His humanity toward his brethren with their message in their fathers name vers 14 15 16. their humility vers 18. Iosephs friendly answer vers 19 20 â—â— 3. Iosephs prosperity in seeing his childrens children v. 23. 4. His faithfull departure buriall and age v. 24 25. 2. The divers readings v. 2. he commanded those which had charge of funerals S. commanded the Physitians câ—t v. 4. spake to potentates of Pharaoh S. spake to Pharaohs house caet v. 8. only their kinred they left their sheepe and oxen c. S. their children or little ones caet v. 10. they came to Goren Atad G. to the corne-floore or field beset with thistles T. to the corne-floore of Athad cat of Achad H. athad signifieth a thistle v. 11. Abel Mizraim G. the mourning of the Egyptians cat v. 13. beside Mamre G. before Mamre B. over against Mamre caet against or before the face of Mamre cat v. 19. feare not can we resist Gods will H. for I am Gods S. for I feare God C. am not I under God G. am I God B. am I in the stead of God T.P. 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions and places QUEST I. Of the divers fashions of buriall Vers. 2. ANd Moses commanded his servants
him 7. Iosephus is here deceived that Iosephs brethren refused to returne into Egypt with him but that hee gently intreated them for all this was done after that they were returned QUEST XI In what sense Ioseph saith am I God Vers. 19. AM I in Gods stead c. 1. Some doe read Am not I under God and make this sense if God be ready to forgive much more I. 2. Some I doe feare God or I am Gods S.C. therefore I will not seeke to revenge 3. But the best reading is Am I in Gods stead with an interrogation not without as Cajetane readeth I am in Gods stead that is I follow Gods will and sentence I looke not to your evill intent the word thacath signifieth both pro for and sometime it is a note of subjection but here it is taken in the first sense 4. The meaning then of these words Am I God is not 1. either that they should aske God forgivenesse and not him 2. or that he committed his revenge to God for hee thought of no revenge 3. or that he would not have them to worship him as God for he had divers times before received that reverence at their hands 4. neither doth he by this meanes excuse their fault because he referreth all to Gods will 5. But the meaning is that seeing God had turned their evill counsell against him to his good and theirs and of many beside he would not for his part be the man that should turne it to revenge Calvin Mercer and so the Latine Interpreter doth hit the sense though not the words can I resist Gods will Iacob after the same manner said to Rachel that said give me children am I God Gen. 30.2 that is it is not in my power to give thee children so here Ioseph saith am I God it is not in my power to hurt you whom the Lord intendeth by this meanes to blesse Iun. QUEST XII The computation of Iosephs age Vers. 22. IOseph lived an hundred and ten yeeres 1. Thus God recompenced Iosephs short affliction which endured 13. yeeres from the 17. yeere not from the 16. as Pererius saith following the corrupt Latine text of his age to the 30. when he stood before Pharaoh with a long time of prosperity for the space of 80. yeeres that is from the 30. yeere to the 110. yeares for so long he lived 2. Yet attained not Ioseph to the yeeres of his father which were 147. and some of his brethren overlived him as Levi who lived 137. yeares Exod. 6.16 nhether Ioseph dyed first of all his brethren as Pererius thinketh it is uncertaine the great affliction and hard imprisonment in his youth the cares and troubles of the government and administration of the kingdome might be some reason of the shortning of his dayes Perer. 3. This then was the age of Ioseph hee was 17. yeares old when he was sold into Egypt Gen. 37.2 at 30. yeares he stood before Pharaoh Gen. 41.46 he was 49. yeares old when Iacob came into Egypt for the seven yeares of plenty were then past and two of famine Gen. 45.6 at Iacobs death who lived 17. yeares in Egypt Gen. 47.28 he was 56. yeares old and 54. yeares he lived after which make 110. in all 4. By this age of Ioseph it may appeare how long hee dyed before Moses was borne namely 64. yeares and 144. yeares before the departure of Israel out of Egypt as may be thus gathered from the promise made to Abraham to the going out of Israel are 430. yeares Exod. 12.40 Galat. 3.17 of this time 215. yeares were run when Iacob came downe to Egypt for Abraham was 75. yeares old when the promise was first made Gen. 12.4 Isaack was borne when Abraham was 100. yeares old Gen. 17.17 Isaack at 60. had Esau and Iacob borne Gen. 25.26 Iacob at 130. came downe to Egypt Gen. 48.9 these yeares put together 25. of Abrahams age 60. of Isaacks 130. of Iacobs make 215. exactly there remaineth then the other halfe of 215. of the which time Ioseph lived 71. yeares for he was 49. when Iacob came downe to Egypt and lived 110. yeares there remaineth then 144. yeares take from this 80. yeares for so old was Moses when Israel went out of Egypt and the remnant is 64. from Iosephs death to Moses birth 5. Here appeareth Tostatus errour that would have 66. yeares from the death of Ioseph till Moses and 146. from thence to Israels departure wherein he faileth in 2. yeares But Iustinus the historiographer is in a greater error who would have Moses to be Iosephs son lib. 36. and in the same place he hath other untruths as that Ioseph was his fathers youngest sonne that his brethren sold him for the excellency of his wit whereas they did it of malice that he got his skill of interpreting dreames by art magicke whereas the Magitians and wise-men of Egypt could not do it but he by the spirit of God was enabled thereunto ex Perer. QUEST XIII How many generations Ioseph saw of Ephraim Vers. 23. IOseph saw Ephraims children to the third generation 1. Thus most doe read that Ioseph onely saw Ephraims childrens childrens children in the third descent from Ephraims proâ—epotes his grand-nephewes which were abâ—epotes to Ioseph nephewes in the fourth degree but of Manasseh he saw onely his childrens children so that Manasseh was only a grand-father Ephraim a great grand-father while Ioseph lived so that Ephraim was forwarder in his posterity than Manasseh by one descent 2. But I rather thinke that Ioseph saw Ephraims children in the fourth generation from Ephraim in the fift from himselfe 1. Because they are called in the originall the sonnes of the third namely from Ephraim the sons of the third are in the fourth generation and so Iunius translateth well abnepotes that is nephewes in the fourth descent 2. Because we finde that Ephraim though younger than Manasseh exceeded him by two descents for Iosuah was the seventh from Ephraim who was the sonne of Nun the son of Elishama of Ammihud of Hadan of Shutelah of Ephraim 1 Chron. 7.26 27. But Zelophehad who lived with Iosua and dyed in the wildernesse of Hepher of Gilead of Machir of Manasseh was but the fift from Manasseh Numb 29.1 Therefore when Ioseph saw the sonnes of Machir of Manasseh in the second degree from Manasseh he might see Elishama in the fourth descent from Ephraim and thus Iacobs prophecie more fully tooke effect even in Iacobs time that Ephraim should be greater in number than Manasseh QUEST XIV The meaning of this phrase to be brought up upon the knee Vers. 23. WEre brought up on Iosephs knees The Scripture useth three phrases of this kinde 1. As to come from betweene the feet which is taken for education and bringing up Genâ—s 49.10 though sometime it be specially applied to the birth of women Deuter. 28.57 2. They are said to beare upon his knees that is to receive the children newly borne and to
Such things as went before as The occasion which was their grievous oppression in Egypt chap. 1. The preparation of the instruments of their deliverance of Moses chap. 2 3 4. and Aaron chap. 4. with their message to Pharaoh chap. 5 6. The meanes procuring their deliverance those ten severall plagues which were sent upon Egypt described from chap. 7. to chap. 12. 2. Their deliverance it selfe consisting of their Departure out of Egypt with the manner thereof and institution of the Passeover chap. 12. and their going forward in their journey c. 13. Their passing thorow the red sea with the destruction of the Egyptians chap. 14. Their thanksgiving chap. 15. â— In the constitution of the Church is set forth 1. The provision of things necessarie for them as 1. Their foode chap. 16. and water for their thirst chap. 17. 2. Defence from their enemies as the Amalekites chap. 17. 3. A politike order set for government c. 18. 2. The prescription and promulgation of lawes Morall chap. 20. with the preparation thereunto chap. 19. Judiciall belonging to the policie of the Common-wealth chap. 21. to 24. Ceremoniall touching The sacred things of the Tabernacle chap. 25.27.30 The Tabernacle it selfe c. 26.27 The Ministers of the holy things the Priests and Levites Their institution with their holie garments chap. 28. Consecration ch 29. The workmen and instruments chap. 30. 3. The execution and practice of their people partly in Their disobedience to the Morall law in their apostasie and idolatrie chap. 32. with their reconciliation chap. 33.34 Their obedience concerning the ceremonials Of the people in bringing stuffe to make the Tabernacle and other holy things chap. 35.36 Of the workmen in making all things according to the patterne chap. 36. to 39. Moses in approving the worke chap. 39. and disposing it chap. 40. 3. Certaine generall questions out of the whole booke explaned QUEST I. Concerning the inscription of the booke THis booke is called in Hebrew of the first words velle shemoth that is and these are the names of the Greekes it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exodus of the miraculous going of the Israelites out of Egypt Simler The inscription of the bookes of Scripture is of three sorts for it is taken either from the persons that wrote them as the bookes of Esay Ierem. c. or whereof they be written either in generall as the bookes of Ioshuah and of the Judges or in part as the bookes of Samuel or else from the things entreated of as the booke of Leviticus Numbers c. or of the first words of the booke as Genesis is called of the Hebrewes beresheth in the beginning Leviticus veâ—â—kra and he called c. which are the first words of the text and so also is this booke named as is said before Iun. and the reason of it may be this because where the writer of any booke of Scripture left it without name they of elder time for reverence and religion sake did forbeare to give it any title Simler QVEST. II. Of the computation of yeeres comprehended in the storie of Exodus COncerning the continuance of time and number of yeeres which are comprehended in this booke they are found to be 142. as may bee thus gathered From the death of Ioseph to the birth of Moses are yeeres 60. from the birth of Moses unto the departure of Israel out of Egypt are yeeres 80. chap. 7.7 from the departure of Israel thence unto the Tabernacle erected was one yeere chap. 40.17 Iun. These two latter numbers are certainly gathered out of the Scripture only the first may be doubted of which is thus also warranted all the time of the peregrination of Abraham and his seed in Egypt and Canaan maketh 430. yeeres Exod. 22.40 this time beginneth when Abraham was called out of his countrie and 30. yeeres was run at the birth of Isaack who at 60. begat Iacob Gen. 25.26 who at an 130. went downe into Egypt unto Ioseph Gen. 47.9 who being then 39. yeeres old and dying at an 110. Gen. 50.26 lived after that yeeres 71. then put hereunto 80. yeeres of Moses age all maketh joyning the summes of 30.60.130.71.80 together yeeres 371 there remaineth then the summe of 59. yeeres or 60. to make up the whole summe of 430. yeeres QUEST III. Whether Moses were the writer of this booke NOw that Moses was the pen-man and writer of this booke the spirit of God being the author and inspirer thereof it is diversly evident 1. for Moses testifieth of himselfe that he wrote all the words of the Lord Exod. 24.4 which are contained in this booke 2. The Scripture so divideth the bookes of the old Testament that they were written either by Moses or some other of the Prophets Luk. 16.31 3. Our Saviour alleaging a certaine place out of this booke doth call it the booke of Moses Mark 12. 26. Have you not read in the booke of Moses so also Luk. 20.37 And that the dead shall rise againe even Moses shewed it beside the bush when he said c. QUEST IV. Whether Moses Iudiciall lawes do now necessarily bind the Civill Magistrate BUt whereas in this booke divers both morall ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes are prescribed whereof the two first there is no question but that the one doth bind us still and the other is abrogated only concerning the Judicials of Moses it is controverted whether Christian Magistrates are bound to observe them which Judicials being of three sorts either such which are annexed to the Morall law as the punishment of adulterie and murther and disobedience to parents with death and such like or such as were appendant to the Ceremoniall law as the punishment of those that touched any dead thing or that came neere a woman in her monethly course and such like or such as belonged to the peculiar policie and state of that Common-wealth as concerning the yeere of Jubile the raising up of seed to the brother departed in marying his wife and such like of the two latter there is no doubt made but that the one is abrogated together with the ceremonies whereon they attended the other as proper to that government are now determined only the third kinde of Judicials remaineth about the which great question is made how farre Christian governours are obliged to the same For the discussing of which question 1. I neither am of their opinion which thinke that the Judiciall law is left to the libertie of the Christian Magistrate to adde to it and take from it and to alter it as shall â—e thought fit for the time and manner of the countrey for this were 1. to be wiser than God to leave altogether those directions and rules of justice which he hath set downe and the Apostle saith the foolishnesse of God is wiser than men 1. Cor. 1.25 that which seemeth to be meanest of the Divine orders is farre beyond the wisest humane inventions 2. And there is but one Law-giver that
can save and destroy Iam 4.12 Onely God that gave unto man his life hath power to take it away and therefore otherwise than God hath given direction either by particular precept or generall rule the life of man is not to bee taken away 3. And seeing Magistrates are but Gods Ministers Rom. 13.4 they must execute justice according to his will for it is required of a disposer that he bee found faithfull 1. Cor. 4.2 but Gods will otherwise appeareth not than in his word 4. And seeing whatsoever is not of faith that is firme perswasion is sinne Rom. 14.23 and faith must be grounded upon the word as being wrought by the word Rom 10.17 how can the Magistrate approve his acts of justice as in the sight of God unlesse hee can warrant the same by the word 2. Neither yet can I consent with those which thinke that the punishment inflicted by Moses for the breach of the morall law together with the morall law is imposed upon Christian Magistrates as it is not lawfull to punish adulterie otherwise than by death nor simple theft by death but by restitution Piscator praefation in Exod. for if this were so then the Gospell should overthrow the policie and institution of divers Common-wealths which of a long time have continued but God is the author of peace not of confusion 1. Cor. 14.33 2. Mardoche and Daniel having place of government under the Persian Kings did no doubt minister justice according to the lawes of that countrey 3. Our Saviour Christ commanding to give tribute to Caesar and injoyning obedience to the higher powers which did beare the sword and that for conscience sake Rom. 13. seeme to give approbation to the lawes of nations maintaining right and tending to equity 4. Our Saviour himselfe observed not the judicials belonging to the morall law for whereas he that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath was stoned to death by Moses yet out Saviour excuseth and defendeth his Apostles who did as much as the other in rubbing the eares of corne for their necessity Matth. 12. yea hee giveth a rule that for fornication onely and adulterie it was lawfull for a man to put away his wife Matth. 19. which exception needed not if either in fact then or in right afterward adulterers and adulteresses were to bee punished by death If it be answered that Christ tooke not upon him the office of the Civill Magistrate to impose corporall punishment yet would not our Saviour have defended his Apostles nor yet by silence have left them unreproved for neglect of the law 3. Wherefore the best resolution is that the morall judicials of Moses do partly bind and partly are left free they do not hold affirmatively that we are tied to the same severity of punishment now which was inflicted then but negatively they doe hold that now the punishment of death should not be adjudged where sentence of death is not given by Moses Christian Magistrates ruling now under Christ the Prince of peace Isai. 9. that is of clemencie mercie may abate of the severitie of Moses law mitigate the punishment of death but they cannot adde unto it to make the burthen more heavie to shew more rigour than Moses becommeth not the Gospell to extend more favour is not unbeseeming of these two assertions my reasons are as followeth 1. That which Ambrose urgeth out of the mouth of Luke how our Saviour reproveth his Disciples because they would have had fire come downe upon the Samaritanes upon the which example hee thus inferreth Ostenditur nobis non semper in eos qui peecaverunt vindicandum quia nonnunquam amplius prodest clementia tibi ad patientiam lapso ad correctionem It is shewed us that alwayes vengeance is not to bee taken of those that offend because oftentimes clemencie is more profitable for patience in thee and amendement in the offender And this collection is ratified by the answer of our Saviour in that place The Sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives but to sâ—ve them Luk. 9.55 2. Augustine urgeth the example of Christ who suffered the woman taken in adâ—â—tery to escape without punishment of death Ioh. 8. Whereupon hee inferreth that the adulter◠〈◊〉 not now to bee put to death but to live rather to be reconciled to her husband or to come 〈…〉 the usuall answer is that our Saviour doth not here abrogate the Law against adultery 〈◊〉 only to meddle with the Magistrates office Piscator Ans. Neither doe wee say that Christ abrogateth that law but leaveth it free and taketh away the necessitie of it And though Christ exercised not the Magistrates office in his owne person yet in this case it had not beene impertinent to have given direction to have her before the Magistrate as in another case he sendeth the leper to the Priest Matth. 8.4 if it had pleased him to impose still the severitie of the law yea our Saviour sheweth by his answer Let him that is amongst you without sinne cast the first stone at her Ioh. 8.7 that hee would not have them such strait executors of the rigour of Moses law upon others but rather to bee severe judges of themselves and with charitable affection to support the frailty of others to the which themselves were subject 3. Further the difference betweene the times of the Law and of the Gospell must be considered then they received the spirit of bondage to feare but now the spirit of adoption Rom. 8.15 then they which came neere the mount where the morall Law was given were stone or stricken thorow with darts whether man or beast Heb. 12.20 but it is not so now then the bloud of Abel cryed for vengeance but the bloud of Christ now calleth for mercie and so speaketh better things than that of Abel Heb. 12.24 Therefore to mitigate the severitie of Moses Law in some cases yet not leaving sinne unpunished nor by connivence cherishing the same it is more sutable to the profession of the Gospell of peace and mercie Wherefore I here say with Chrysostome Vbi paterfamilias largus est dispensator non debet esse tenax Where the master of the house is bountifull the steward must not be sparing Melius est propter misericordiam rationem reddere quà m propter crudelitatem It is better to be called to account for too much pitie than for cruelty 4. The continuall practice of the Church sheweth as much that the rigour of Moses judicials is mitigated S. Paul willeth the incestuous man only to be excommunicate 1. Cor. 5. it seemeth then there was no law in force to put such to death nor in Cyprians time who thus writeth Quidam episcopi in nostro provincia c. Some Bishops in our province have altogether shut up penance against adulterie Nor after that in the time of the Eliberin Councell which was held under the reigne of Constantine where it was decreed can 9. Moechatus post
what sex the infant was better than see them on their stooles G. them is added or see them in their birth time V.S. B. looke in the stooles A. P.H. that is into them the word abenim signifieth the stooles of women in travell so called of banim children T.P. 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Why the twelve Patriarkes are so often rehearsed Vers. 1. THese are the names of the children of Israel The names of the twelve Patriarkes are so often rehearsed in Scripture 1. because of them came the twelve tribes the Priestly also and the Kingly order sprang from thence 2. And this mysticall number of twelve is used in Scripture to describe the spirituall state of the Church under Christ as twelve thousand are chosen out of every tribe Apoc. 7. and the new Jerusalem is set forth by the twelve gates and twelve foundations Apoc. 21. Simler 3. And to shew the truth and constancie of Gods promises in increasing the seed of Iacob of twelve fathers into so many thousands Pellican 4. And beside the dignitie and prerogative of the children of God herein appeareth who are chiefely remembred in Scripture where mention is made of the wicked it is by the way and as it were by accident and in a manner besides the proper intention of the Scripture Ferus QUEST II. Why Iacobs sonnes are not alwayes rehearsed in the same order Vers. 3. ISsachar Zebulon and Benjamin the Patriarkes are seldome rehearsed in the same order for Gen. 46. first Leahs children then her maide Zilpaehs then Rachels sonnes and lastly Bilhah her maides are numbred but here Benjamin Rachels sonne is set before the sonnes of the handmaides the like order is kept Genes 35. So Reuben is here named first but in the order of the campe Iudah hath the first place Num. 2. and when the spies are sent out Numb 13. another order is observed Simler The reasons hereof may be these 1. because in the old Testament for the most part the order of nature not of grace is followed for though Reuben were the eldest in birth yet Iudah had the regall preeminence Bor. 2. This is done that we should not be curious observers of numbers or mens nativities Pellican 3. The Patriarkes had now all received their fathers blessing and were incorporate into one holy people to shew therefore their equalitie and that there was no difference of the tribes before God sometimes one is named first sometime another Ferus 4. But here and Gen. 35. all the children of Iacobs wives as sonnes of free women are rehearsed before the sonnes of the maide servants Iun. Vatab. QUEST III. How they are said to be seventie soules that went downe with Iacob into Egypt Vers. 5. SO all the soules that came of Iacobs loynes were seventie 1. They were beside Iacob 66. with Iacob 67. with Ioseph his two sonnes 70. so then in this number Iacbos wives are not reckoned but onely those which came out of his loynes but Ioseph must be included and therefore it is added but Ioseph was in Egypt Iunius readeth cum Iosepho with Ioseph in the same sense 2. Whereas the Septuagint read 75. whom S. Luke followeth in Stephens storie Act. 7. because it was not safe to depart in a matter of number from the received translation Iunius thinketh that in that number all are comprehended beside Iacob that are rehearsed in that catalogue as Iacobs two wives Er and Onan which all make 75. But why should Iacob be left out in the number of 75. and included in the number of 70. and to what purpose should Er and Onan be comprehended in that summe seeing they were dead before and went not downe into Egypt But seeing the Septuag Gen. 46. doe rehearse five nephewes of Ioseph Machir and Gilead his sonne of Manasses Sutalam and Edem his sonne and Taam of Ephraim it is more like that S. Luke for the reason before alleaged therein followeth the Septuagint Aretius See more of this upon that question Gen. 46. QUEST IV. Of the wonderfull multiplying of the Israelites in Egypt 7. ANd the children of Israel fructified c. 1. The people increased exceedingly which is here expressed by foure words of like significations pâ—ru they fructified ijsrezu they brought forth in abundance as the fish ijrbu they were multiplied and jagghatzuus they waxed strong Simler 2. and so accordingly they multiplied that of 70. persons there came 700000. of every one tenne thousand Pellican Yea whereas above sixe hundred thousand of men able to goe to warre from twentie yeeres old and upward were numbred that came out of Egypt Numb 1.46 out of which number were excepted all the males under twentie and all the old men beside the women which were not so few as the men seeing it was not unusuall in those dayes for one man to have divers wives it may be supposed and is so judged by some that the whole number could not bee lesse than thirtie hundred thousand Perer. 3. QUEST V. In what time the Israelites so exceedingly increased FUrther this multiplying of the Israelites to take the longest time from the first going downe of Iacob to the returne of the Israelites thence was in the space of 215. yeeres Some thinke that the greatest increase was the first hundred yeere after that generation was dead vers 6. which is usually taken in Scripture for the space of an hundred yeeres Simler But there by that generation are understood onely the men of that age Vatab. Augustine taketh all the time after the death of Ioseph which Perer. counteth an 145. yeeres But the chiefe time of this increase was after Iosephs death before the time of their servitude how they increased also in the time of their bondage is declared afterward vers 12. Neither need this seeme strange that in the space of 215. yeeres the Israelites did so wonderfully increase seeing that forren authors doe write that Ninus who began to reigne 250. yeeres after the floud did lead in his armie against the Bactrianes 700. thousand footmen and two hundred thousand horsemen Diod. Sicul. lib. 3. cap. 2. ex Ctesia Perer. QUEST VI. By what meanes the Israelites increased HOw this wonderfull increase should be wrought 1. we neither need to thinke with Augustine that it was miraculous 2. nor with the Hebrewes to imagine that every one of them brought forth two or three at a birth Pellican For although it be often seene that women may have many at a birth as Aristotle maketh mention of one that had twentie at foure times five at every birth and that it is usuall in Egypt for the women to have two and three and sometimes five at a birth Trogus reporteth that in Egypt they bring forth sometimes seven at once Bor. yet this is not usually nor often seene 3. Therefore supposing as is most like that all the Hebrew women were very fruitfull that they bore betimes and were child-bearing long being not cut off by
untimely death or sicknesse it seemeth not unpossible that such a number by ordinarie meanes in the circuite of 215. yeeres might be multiplied for seventie persons in thirtie yeeres if they beget every one but one in a yeere will have 2100. Cut off the odde hundred and admit that the third part onely of the other number was apt for generation that is sixe hundred which make 300. couples or mariages those will beget in thirtie yeeres more which is the 60. yeere from their comming into Egypt nine thousand the third part hereof three thousand maketh fifteene hundred couples which having but every yeere one will beget the next thirtie yeeres which makes 90. in all 45000. hereof the third part 15000. will make 7400. couples leaving the odde hundred which will beget by the 12. yeere 222000. the third part whereof 74000. maketh 37000. couples and will beget by the 150. yeere 1110000 the third part hereof 370000. maketh 185000. mariages which will beget the next thirtie yeeres by the 180. yeere 5550000. whereof the third part 185000. which maketh beside the five odde thousand 920000. mariages which will beget by the 210. yeere 27600000. that is 27. thousand sixe hundred thousand Simler Though herein no miracle be admitted yet could it not be done without the exceeding blessing of God especially that notwithstanding their cruell bondage and sore labour yet they multiplied without number Perer. Somewhat about this time the children of Ephraim being increased went against the men of Gath to take away their cattell but presuming before the time they were slaine and Ephraim mourned for them 1 Chron. 7.21 Osiander QUEST VII Who this new King was that knew not Ioseph Vers. 8. THere arose a new King in Egypt 1. This new King was neither an Assyrian borne as Cajetano conjectureth upon these words of Isay chap. 52.4 My people went downe into Egypt to sojourne there and Asshur oppressed them without cause but the Prophet in this place toucheth both the oppressions of the Israelites in Egypt and under Asshur neither in the Egyptian Chronicles was there any Assyrian King either before Moses or for a thousand yeeres after till the reigne of Cambises the Persian 2. Neither could this King be Mephres in whose ninth yeere Ioseph should die and the bondage of Israel begin as Vincentius For seeing all the Patriarkes were dead before their affliction began of which number Levi elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6. and so survived Ioseph who died at 110. yeeres 23. yeeres then could not Mephres be this King that began to reigne before Ioseph died 3. Neither was this King Ramesses as some thinke because one of the cities which the Israelites built was called by that name for Ramesses was King of Egypt in the time of the Trojane warre Plin. lib. 36. cap. 8. which was three hundred yeeres after the death of Moses if he reigned in Egypt in the time of Deborah as thinketh Eusebius he was 140. yeeres after Moses 4. But it is more probable that this King was Amemphis in whose 18. yeere Eusebius thinketh Moses was borne so also Hierome in Chronicis some call him Memnon the speaking stone whose image did use to speake at the Sunnes rise and so continued untill Christ Perer. Simler QUEST VIII Why this Pharaoh is called a new King HE is called a new King because he came of another family Ioseph or for that he brought in a new kind of government altering and changing the lawes as the Chalde Paraphrast and ruling after his owne pleasure Simler He knew not Ioseph either being borne after his time or having forgotten his benefits as Darius had Mardoches faithfulnesse Esther 6. Iunius Wherein his great ingratitude appeared for two great benefits Ioseph had procured one in generall in saving the whole land in the time of the famine the other to the Crowne in annexing to it the fift part of the revenewes of Egypt Perer. As also herein Iosephs modestie appeared that did not in his long time of honour which continued 80. yeeres raise up an honourable and wealthie state to his posteritie seeing his house was so soone obscured but as is most like he and his sonnes joyned themselves unto their brethren not hunting after the wealth of Egypt where they knew they were but strangers Simlerus QUEST IX The causes of the affliction of the Israelites Vers. 10. COme let us worke wisely with them c. 1. There were three causes why the Egyptians consulted to oppresse the Israelites first they envied their happinesse and prosperitie for God every way blessed them then they hated them for their religion in which regard the Hebrewes were an abomination to the Egyptians for they sacrificed those beasts which the Egyptians worshipped see Gen. 46.34 and Exod. 8.26 Thirdly they were afraid of them lest they should joyne with their enemies and rebell against them Perer. 2. And three things they feared lest they might take part with their enemies or rebell by their owne strength or make an escape out of the land Iun. They feared all these joyntly and every one in particular therefore it is better read disjunctively see before in the divers readings 3. They worke wisely or cunningly câ—â—ftily for so the word Chacham is taken both in the good bad part not as the Hebrewes imagine because they would not destroy them with the sword or fire lest God might be revenged of them in the same kind but devised by the water to destroy them whereby the Lord promised never to destroy the world againe but their craft is seene in attempting divers wayes to keepe them under that if they prevailed not by one meanes they might by another and in respect of themselves they worke wisely providing both for their owne securitie and for their profit in the service of the Israelites Simler Likewise they opprest them cunningly that they might not be accused of open and manifest tyrannie Osiander 4. Iosephus alleageth another cause of this affliction that about that time one of the Egyptian Priests foretold unto the King of one that should be borne who when hee once came to yeeres should worke much harme to the Egyptians and greatly exalt the people of Israel lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. But this being his conjecture no such thing here insinuated by Moses may be more safely rejected than credited QUEST X. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites 12. THerefore they did set taskmasters over them c. 1. Divers wayes were the Israelites most grievously oppressed in Egypt 1. Philo writeth that they were caused to carrie burthens above their strength that they were forced to worke night and day that the same were constrained to be both workmen and servers they were employed in making brick digging and building insomuch that many of them died under their burthens and were not suffered to be buried and beside the most cruell men were set to be their taskmasters Phil. lib. 1. de vita Mosis 2.
Iosephus addeth further that the Israelites made ditches and trenches to convey the river and built the great Pyramides of bricke yea they carried the filth and dust out of the citie lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. 3. Eusebius out of Eupolimus writeth that to make the Hebrewes more odious they were commanded to go otherwise apparelled than the Egyptians 4. But we need not seeke further than in the Scriptures as the businesse of their worke is set forth vers 14. they wrought in clay and bricke and in all manner of rurall workes Exod. 5. they were compelled to seeke straw themselves to make their bricke with and yet nothing was diminished of their daily taske if they failed their officers were beaten And therefore in respect of their hard servitude the Lord saith he brake the bands of their yoke Levit. 26.13 and tooke them out of the iron fornace Deut. 4.20 5. Thus the Egyptians three wayes kept them under they exacted of them tribute to empoverish their wealth Bor. they laid burthens upon them to weaken their bodies and by this meanes they thought to hinder their generation and increase Simler QUEST XI Of the cities Pithom and Rameses which the Israelites built for Pharaoh Vers. 11. ANd they built the cities of munition Pithom and Ruhumses 1. The word is Mischenoth which signifieth not Tabernacles as the Latine translation readeth being deceived as is like by the similitude of this word and succoth which signifieth Tabernacles most reade the cities of treasures as sochen is taken for a treasurer Isa. 22.15 the Hebrewes take them to bee granaries where the Egyptians laid up their store of corne which was the riches and treasure of Egypt so Vatablus readeth repositoria storehouses Lyranus thinketh they were called cities of treasures because they were so sure that they might serve for the keeping of treasure Oleaster deriveth the word of suchan to enclose or shut up as it is taken Psal. 139.3 Thou hast shut up all my wayes and so mischenoth should signifie places made to keepe or shut up any thing and in this sense they may be taken cities of defence inclosed with walles Pererius And so it is most likely that these were cities of munition as the Septuagint read and as the word is taken 1 King 9.19 sic Iun. 2. Pithom some thinke to bee the towne Butis or Buto at one of the mouths or dores of Nilus famous for the Oracle of Latona but it is rather the towne Patraion in the borders of Egypt toward Arabia Petraea whither reached the great ditch made from Nilus to the red Sea supposed to be the worke of the Israelites which Herodotus falsely ascribeth to Pharaoh Necho Iun. 3. The other citie Rahamses Tostatus thinketh to be the same with that in the land of Gosen mentioned Gen. 47.11 by anticipation not bearing then that name but so called when Moses wrote that booke Hierome thinketh that it is there the name of a Province here of the chiefe citie of the Province Perer. which is most like because the Israelites tooke their journey from Rameses but from one citie being so many they could not goe it seemeth by the Hebrew points to be a divers place from the other for that is called Rahmeses this Rahamses and so thinketh Iunius 4. The Septuagint beside these two cities make mention also in this place of On which is Heliopolis but this citie was not now built by the Israelites as Hierome well observeth seeing long before in the storie of Ioseph Pâ—tipherah is said to be the Prince of On and the Septuag Gen. 41. doe make it to be Heliopolis QUEST XII How many yeeres the affliction of the Israelites is supposed to have continued NOw concerning the continuance of the servitude of the Israelites 1. It was neither so long as Iosephus thinketh foure hundred yeeres for seeing the whole time of their being in Egypt could not be above foure hundred and thirtie yeeres Exod. 12.40 and Ioseph lived seventie yeeres after Iacobs comming into Egypt it would follow that this affliction began fourtie yeeres before Iosephs death and beside Iosephus is herein contrarie to himselfe who in the same booke lib. 2. antiquit maketh the whole time of the Israelites abode in Egypt but two hundred and fifteene yeeres 2. Neither yet was the time so long as Eusebius conjectureth 144. yeeres from the death of Ioseph for not onely Ioseph but the rest of that generation were dead before their oppression began of the which number was Levi who lived 23. yeeres after Ioseph for he was foure yeeres elder than he and lived 137. yeeres and Ioseph died at 110. yeeres 3. Neither is the conjecture of the Hebrewes certaine that the affliction tooke beginning at the death of Levi from whence to the going out of the Israelites were 122. yeeres or thereabout for not onely Levi but all of that generation were dead whereof some came very young into Egypt as Phares not then above a yeere old who is like to have survived Levi long ex Perer. 4. Nor yet did their servitude continue an hundred fifteene yeeres beginning after one hundred yeere of their being in Egypt which was a full generation Simler for Phares was of that generation who is likely to have exceeded an hundred yeeres 5. Wherefore seeing all that generation was first dead of the which Phares was one who being a yeere old at Iacobs comming into Egypt may be supposed to live according to the rate of the yeeres of mans life then which was about 130. as Levi lived 137. Kohath 133. Aaram 137. Exod. 6.16 20. then it will follow Phares age of 130. being subduced from 215. the time of the Israelites being in Egypt there will remaine about 86. or 87. yeeres of their affliction when the Hebrewes supposed Miriam Moses sister to have beene borne so called of the bitter affliction which was all her time ex Perer. QUEST XIII The reasons why the Lord suffered his poeple to be afflicted in Egypt WHy the Lord suffered his owne people to be thus hardly entreated 1. It was not chiefly or onely for their Idolatry which they learned and practised in Egypt as Thostatus thinketh Quest. 7. in Exod. For though it is like that they learned some corruption that way of the Egyptians as the Prophet sheweth that the breasts of their virginitie were pressed and they committed fornication in their youth in Egypt Esa 23.2 it appeareth by their setting up of the golden calfe which was a resemblance of the Egyptians god Apis yet it is not like that they practised Idolatrie while Ioseph lived nor generally were corrupted for then the Egyptians in all likelihood would not have so hated them if they had beene conformable unto them in their Idolatrous worship 2. Other reasons therefore may be better yeelded why the Lord suffered his people to be thus tried 1. That the Israelites should hate the impure manners and superstitions of Egypt 2. That by this meanes they
masculine gender better than to read it in the feminine as V.L.I.A.P. Vers. 18. When they came to Revel their father I.G.B. cum câ—ter not Iethro L. Vers. 22. Here the Latin and Septuagint make mention also of the birth of Eliezar transposing it out of the 18. chapter but no such thing is in the Hebrew Vers. 23. It came to passe after these dayes I.A.P.S. rather than in processe of time G. B. or when many dayes were past V. the sense rather than the words dayes are here put for yeeres for this was 4â— yeeres after 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of Amram Moses father Vers. 1. THere went a man of Levi. This was Amram the sonne of Kabath the sonne of Levi who lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6.20 he was borne as Eusebius writeth 14. yeeres before the death of Ioseph that is 55. yeeres after Iacobs going downe into Egypt who saith he begat Moses at 77. yeeres Perer. Moses yet maketh no mention of his parents names lest he should seeme to boast of his parentage Ferus 2. The Hebrewes have here a notable fiction that this Amram lived unto the time of Ahiah the Silomite who was in the dayes of Ieroboam that is above sixe hundred yeeres for from the going of Israel out of Egypt unto the fourth yeere of Salomons reigne are numbred 480. yeeres adde unto these 77. yeeres of Amrams age when he begat Moses and 80. yeeres the age of Moses at the returne of Israel out of Egypt so we shall have above 600. yeeres whereas the Scripture testifieth that he lived but 137. yeeres 3. But that which Ioseph reporteth is more probable that this Amram being a faithfull man praying unto God for his people had a vision wherein hee was bid to bee of good comfort and that the childe whose life was sought should be his sonne who should be preserved from the Egyptians rage and be the deliverer of his people Ioseph lib. 2. cap. 5. but seeing the Scripture maketh no mention we may bee at choise whether we will receive this report QUEST II. Why it is said he went and tooke NOw it is said he went not that he went to any other place or Citie for seeing his wife was of the same familie of Levi it is like that they did dwell not farre asunder 2. Neither it is understood of his returning to his wife from whom he had sequestred himselfe to fasting and prayer as Ferus for this text evidently speaketh of his first taking of her to wife 3. But hereby is shewed his advised purpose and determination in taking her to wife as also some notable thing insinuated to follow as it is said that Ruben went and lay with his fathers concubine Gen. 25. Simler QUEST III. Of Iacobed Moses mother whether she were aunt or cosine German to Amram TOoke to wife a daughter of Levi. This was Iocebed 1. who was not the daughter of Amrams uncle and so cosine Germane to Amram as the Septuagint Latine translator to whom consent Lyranus Montanus Cajetanus Pererius with others for though it should be granted that the Hebrew word Ded doth sometime signifie the uncles sonne as Ierem. 32.12 Hananâ—el is called Ieremies uncles sonne yet the word sonne may be supplied as before vers 8. he is called his uncles sonne yet seeing the Scripture evidently saith that Iocebed was borne unto Levi Numb 26.59 it is without controversie that she was Levies daughter sister to Rahath and Aunt to Amram being his fathers sister Exod. 6.20 2. But yet the Hebrewes are farre wide that would have Iocebed borne about that time that Iacob went downe into Egypt for then she should have beene about 135. yeeres old elder by fortie yeers than Sarah when she bore Isaack and if Moses birth had beene so miraculous the Scripture would not have concealed it ex Perer. And the Scripture beside saith that she was borne to Levi in Egypt Numb 26.59 3. Neither was this Iocebed another of the same name beside the daughter of Levi as some thinke seeing that the she is said to be Dodatho his that is Amrams Aunt Exod. 6.20 4. The sounder opinion then is that this Iocebed was the naturall and proper daughter of Levi the Scripture so testifying and of this opinion are Vatablus Paguine Iunius with the Chalde Paraphrast and Simlerus with others Thostatus conjectureth well that Levi might beget her at 100. as Abraham begat sonnes at 137. after Sarahs death who lived 127 yeeres being 10. yeeres younger than Abraham and Iacob at 107. begat Benjamin And it is not unlike but that Iocebed at 68. yeeres might beare Moses in those dayes women might continue child-bearing till then but howsoever this computation be counted yet it is evident out of Scripture that Iocebed was daughter unto Levi and therefore all disputation to the contrarie is needlesse QUEST IV. Why such mariages were tolerated in those daies NOw though afterward such mariages betweene the aunt and the nephew were forbidden by the Law directly Levit. 19. yet it need not seeme strange that then such mariages were in use even among the faithfull 1. Because as Thostatus saith it was ante legem datam before any law was published As Abraham married his brothers daughter Iacob married two sisters 2. The paucitie and the fewnesse of the righteous seed is to be considered and the confusion of those times which made those things to be tolerated Iun. Annot. 3. They had a desire to match in their owne kindred as Abraham Isaack and Iacob did and by that meanes they joyned often mariage in neere degrees of kindred Simlerus QUEST V. When Amram married his wife COncerning the time when this man of Levi tooke his wife though it be mentioned after Pharaohs cruell edict yet it was done before 1. Because Aaron was elder than Moses by three yeeres Exod. 7.7 and Miriam Moses sister elder than he for she was of discretion to watch what should become of the babe the conservation therefore of these children sheweth that this cruell edict tooke no place then 2. Neither is it likely that it continued long after Moses birth for if all the male children had beene cut off after Moses birth who was 80. yeeres old when Israel came out of Egypt then there should have beene few or none under that age that went out and although by some secret provision some infants might have escaped yet considering the strait and diligent search which was made as the Hebrewes thinke every three moneths such a multitude in all likelihood could not have beene preserved as went out of Egypt therefore it is not unprobable that Iosephus writeth that an Egyptian Priest told Pharaoh that about that time a child should be borne which should bee the ruine of him and his Kingdome and that Pharaoh thereupon did especially at that time give charge to destroy the infants to meet with that childe as Herod did cause to bee put to death all the children in
Bethlem and the coasts thereof from two yeere old and under Matth. 2.16 thinking also among the rest to surprise that holy babe 3. Now it may seeme strange that Amram would take a wife in this miserable time not being ignorant that they should beget children to be bondslaves but hee being a faithfull man and beleeving verily that the Lord would remember his people to bring them into the promised land doth therefore take the married estate upon him both for mutuall comfort in those heavie times and to increase the people of God Simler QUEST VI. Of the time of Moses birth compared with the times before and the times after Vers. 1. ANd the woman conceived and bare a sonne 1. Moses is borne the seventh from Abraham another Enoch who was the seventh from Adam Iud. 14. buried also of God another Noah who was saved also in the Arke and preached to the world 120. yeeres for so long Moses lived â— For the time of Moses birth First to compare it with the yeeres which went before and the notable accidents therein it was from the beginning of the world 2430. yeeres not 2370. onely as Pererius and from Noahs floud 714. from the birth of Abraham 425. after the going downe of Isaack into Egypt 135. and from the beginning of the Egyptian servitude 7. yeeres The truth of this computation may appeare by gathering the summes of yeeres together From the beginning of the world to the floud are yeeres 1656. Gen. 5. from thence to the birth of Abraham 352. not 292. as Pererius for hee reckoneth Abraham to be borne at the 70. yeere of Terah whereas hee was begotten 60. yeeres after at the 130. yeere of his father being 75. yeeres old when Terah died at 105. as it is evident by comparing Gen. 11.32 and 12.4 From the first promise made to Abraham to the giving of the Law in Mount Sinai S. Paul counteth 430. yeeres from the going downe of Isaack into Egypt untill the returne of Israel thence are 215. yeeres and Moses was borne 80. yeeres before their going out of Egypt 3. The time of Moses birth thus agreeth with the computation of the yeeres following Moses was borne 80. yeeres before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt Exod. 7.7 120. yeeres before their entrance into Canaan Deut. 34. before the reigne of David 517. yeeres before the building of Salomons Temple 560. yeeres for from the going out of the Israelites untill the fourth yeere of Salomon when the Temple was built are counted 480. yeeres 1 King 6.1 to which adde 80. yeeres of the life of Moses before the captivitie of Babylon 990. yeeres for from the building of Salomons Temple untill the captivitie are yeeres 430. which put unto the aforesaid summe 560. maketh 990. And before their returne out of the captivitie of Babylon which was 70. yeeres after 1060. yeeres before the comming of the Messias 1620. as Pererius but with others more truly not above 1500. Concent Pererius to justifie his computation maketh his account by the Greekes Olympiades Christ was borne in the last yeere of the 194. Olympiade that is from the beginning of the Olympiades 776. yeeres And the Olympiades begun about the 8. yeere of Ahaz King of Judah about 280. yeeres from the building of Salomons Temple But seeing the computation of yeeres unto the Messiah is expressed in Scripture there is no need to take any direction from forren Chronicles So then whereas before the summe of yeeres from the building of the Temple unto the captivitie meaning the last captivitie of all under Zedekiah was said to be 430. from this must be abated 20. yeeres from the third yeere of Iehoiakim when the first captivitie begun Dan. 1.1 and there the 70. yeeres captivitie tooke beginning so we have 480. yeeres unto this number must be added Daniels 70. weekes unto the death of the Messiah which make 490. yeeres and thirtie and odde yeeres must bee substracted the space betweene the birth and the death of the Messiah so we shall have about 940. yeeres from the building of the Temple to the birth of the Messiah unto which adde 560. yeeres from Moses birth to Salomons Temple so the whole summe of yeeres from Moses birth untill Christs will bee 1500. as it is said before 120. lesse than Pererius by his Olympiades accounteth 4. To compare Moses time with forren accidents Moses was borne before the beginning of the Olympiades 840. yeeres which began in the 8. yeere of Ahaz and after Ogyges floud 180. yeeres for Eusebius out of Iulius Africaâ—us sheweth that Ogyges floud was 1020. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades Moses birth was 430. yeeres before the Trojane warre which was 407. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades and Moses was borne before the building of Rome 865. yeeres for Rome was founded in the beginning of the 7. Olympiade that is the 25. yeere after they begun ex Perer. QUEST VII Of the antiquitie of Moses who is found to be the most ancient of all writers either sacred or prophane COncerning then the antiquitie of Moses it is evident that hee is the first and most ancient of all either sacred or prophane writers 1. The prophesie of Enoch mentioned in the Epistle of Iude is not from a more ancient writer than Moses which was either kept by certaine or undoubted tradition or else was framed by the Doctors of Iudah from the short speeches which Moses hath of Enoch The booke of the Lords warres Sihoâ—s victorie Numb 21. was after the Law and it was some rehearsall of the battels which the Lord fought for Israel made much about the time but being not now extant it is without compasse of this question 2. For prophane authors and writers Moses farre exceedeth them all as it may be thus shewed 1. The Greeke Chronicles have nothing more ancient than the times of Iâ—ichâ—â— and Phoroneus the first Kings of the Argives when Ogyges floud happened as witnesseth Dionys. Halicarness and Plato in Timao reporteth that Solon contending before the Egyptian Priests for the antiquitie of Greece goeth not beyond Phoroneus and Niobe About this time Ptolomeus Mendesius the Egyptian Chronicler writeth that Moses reigned among the Jewes but as is before shewed he could not be above 180. yeeres after Ogyges floud 2. From this floud unto the time of Cecrops the first Athenian King Athens lay desert almost two hundred yeeres and long after Cecrops were Deucalions floud Phaetons burning Cadmus that builded Thebes Esculapius Thesius Hercules so that Moses being before Cecrops is found to be farre more ancient than any of these 3. Moses is elder than Homer the most ancient Greeke writer as Iosephus sheweth lib. 1. cont Appion who was long after the Trojan warre Plinie thinketh 250. yeeres after Solinus 270. Cyrillus 160. Herodotus three hundred yeeres but it is certaine that heâ— was at the least one hundred yeeres after But Moses was borne 430. yeeres before the battell of Troy as
text is against his conjecture and Zipporah calleth him a bloudy husband because shee was forced to draw her owne childs bloud with that cutting which she was not put to before 2. Some therefore thinke that Moses had left one of his sonnes with his father in law as a pledge of his love and sincere affection so that he had one only child with him Hugo But the text also is against this conceit for Moses tooke both his sonnes with him vers 20. 3. Some thinke that Eleazar Moses youngest sonne was borne but a little before Moses tooke his journey and that for haste thereof he deferred his circumcision Lyranus Thostatus Pererius But if Moses had it in mind to circumcise his child he would not of purpose have transgressed the law of circumcision which exactly requireth every male to be circumcised the eight day 4. Wherefore the more probable conjecture is that Moses seeing the circumcision of his first child to have beene so offensively taken did in gratiam uxoris to content his wife forbeare this deferring then of circumcision proceeded rather of his humane infirmity and forgetfulnesse than of any set or deliberate councell And this the circumstance of the text will beare seeing Zipporah as not yet thorowly acquainted with this mystery doth cast away the foreskin with such indignation Iunius Pellican Piscator QUEST XXVIII At whose feete Zipporah and what she cast Vers. 25. CAst it at his feet c. 1. The Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell downe at his feete so also Cajetane whose meaning is that Zipporah fell downe at the Angels feete intreating to spare her husband but so soone as the child was circumcised Moses recovered and the Angell left him 2. Rupertus readeth after the same manner shee fell downe thinking that shee was prostrate at Moses feete intreating him to dismisse her But Moses rather sent her backe in his owne discretion unto his father with her children it had beene an unwomanly part and not commendable for the wife to desire to depart from such an husband Simler 3. But whereas the Hebrew word tagangh signifieth she caused it to touch that is cast some say she cast the circumcised foreskin at the feete of the Angell to appease him so the Chalde Paraphrast and Tharg Hierâ—solymitan but the words following in the next verse shew that she cast it at his feete whom she called bloudy husband Perer. 4. Some referre it to the child that shee cast it at his feete and Kimhi saith it was an use among the Hebrewes to call the infant circumcised the spouse or husband But to what end should Zipporah say thus to a young infant that understood her not Simler 5. Therefore she cast it at Moses feete whom in indignation she calleth bloudy husband Simler Iun. Perer. QUEST XXIX Why Zipporah calleth Moses husband of bloud Vers. 26. THou art indeed a bloudy husband unto mee 1. The Septuagint translate the bloud of my sonne stetit is stayed which translation having no ground at all or colour out of the originall but Augustine to great businesse quaest 11. in Exod. and maketh him flie unto allegories and mysteries for it seemeth to make a contrary sense unto the originall seeing she called Moses a bloudy husband because of shedding of her sonnes bloud it is like then it stayed not 2. Rabanus thinketh that shee called Moses so and accuseth him of cruelty for commanding her to circumcise her child so also Vatablus But seeing shee by this meanes redeemed her husbands life shee no doubt did not thinke much of her childs circumcision in that behalfe but thought it well done to save his life 3. Some thinke shee by bloud meaneth not only this present griefe but other troubles which she was like to endure as if shee should say if our journey began with such a hard hap what is the end like to be 4. Aben Ezra will have Zipporah thus to say unto the child whom they used to call chatan husband spouse because of the joy of circumcision whom she first calleth husband of bloud because she feared that her husband would dye but when she saw he was escaped then she correcteth her speech and calleth him husband of bloud because of the circumcision but this name of husband who seâ—th not better to agree to Moses than to her child Ex Perer. 5. Wherefore she thus saith unto Moses calling him husband of bloud both because shee was faine to redeeme him with the bloud of her child and in respect of circumcision it selfe which she held to be a bloudy law being not yet thorowly instructed in these rites sic Thostatus Iunius Ferus but shee calleth him not man of bloud which name in Scripture is given to cruell and bloudy men but husband of bloud QUEST XXX Whether those words rehearsed againe were uttered by Zipporah or by Moses the writer Vers. 26. BVt shee had said husband of bloud because of the circumcision 1. Piscator because the word is put in the plurall circumcisions thinketh that she so speaketh in respect of the circumcision of both her sonnes but seeing one of them only is here circumcised and because at this time only Zipporah was put to doe it her selfe which caused her thus to say shee so speaketh because of the circumcision of this child 2. Some thinke that these are the words of Zipporah and that shee either qualifieth her former speech turning her words which she had uttered of the bloud and death of her husband for so Aben Ezra taketh them to be spoken to the child that he was circumcised with the death and losse of her husband and after that by this circumcision she perceived her husband to bee recovered shee applied her speech to circumcision Iunius in his Analysis saving that hee holdeth these words to be uttered to Moses and not to the child expresseth the same meaning that Zipporah expoundeth and excuseth her former words that by bloud she understandeth circumcision whereby the young infant being upon the way and in an Inne might bee put in danger 3. But I rather approve Iunius judgement in his annotations that these are the words of Moses rather than of Zipporah shewing a reason of her speech for that shee repeated the same words being uttered with indignation twice it is not like especially after that the danger was over shee had small cause to expostulate with Moses for then she had shewed that shee had preferred the childes health before the life of her husband so also Zeiglerus QUEST XXXI How Zipporah knew that Moses was striken for the neglect of circumcision BUt another question will be here moved how Zipporah knew that Moses was in danger for neglect of circumcision 1. Some thinke that the Angel appeared in a visible shape and both by signes and words threatned Moses because his child was uncircumcised Cajetan But to devise words or speech to be said beside Scripture it is not safe 2. Some thinke that Moses was put in mind
is inserted Vers 14. THese bee the heads of their fathers houses c. Moses setteth downe the genealogie of certaine tribes that it might bee knowne for the more certaintie of the storie of what stocks those two famous Prophets Moses and Aaron came the Lords Ambassadors to Pharaoh and instruments of these great works and wonders wrought in Egypt and of the deliverance of the people Borrh. 2. And Moses setteth downe the generation of Reuben and Simeon which were the two elder that he might orderly proceed to Levi lest hee might have beene thought onely to set downe his owne petigree Simler 3. And these three tribes are specially named because they of all other were most hardly censured by Iacob Reuben for his incest and the other two for their murther lest they might have beene thought utterly to have beene rejected Perer. 4. Moses most insisted upon the genealogie of Levi because that tribe was afterward chosen for the dignitie of the Priesthood Simler QUEST IX How Reuben is said here to be the first borne Vers. 14. THe sonnes of Reuben the first borne 1. He was the first borne by nature but he lost the prerogative of the first borne by his incest unto the which belonged a double preeminence the one of a double part which right was transferred to Ioseph of whom came two tribes the other of dignitie and authoritie over the rest of the brethren which was conveyed to Iudah Perer. 2. Of Reuben and Simeon onely those are rehearsed that came downe with Iacob unto Egypt because Moses doth make haste to set downe at large the offspring of Levi descending even unto Phinehes the sonne of Eleazar the sonne of Aaron Iun. 3. Some names are elsewhere otherwise termed as he which is called Iemuel is named in the Chronicles Nemuel and Sahar Zerah Ohad here named is there omitted either because he died in Egypt or else his posteritie was extinct and ceased in the wildernesse Simler QUEST X. Of the age of Levi. Vers. 16. THe yeeres of the life of Levi were 137. Levi was elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres for hee was the third sonne of Lea borne in the third yeere of the second seven of Iacobs service in the end whereof Ioseph was borne hence divers certaine conclusions concerning the Chronologie of the Scripture may be inferred 1. That Levi was 43. yeere old when he came downe with Iacob into Egypt for then was Ioseph 39. 2. That Levi lived 23. yeeres after the death of Ioseph who lived an 110. yeeres for Levi was 4. yeere elder than Ioseph and lived 137. 3. That Levi lived after he came into Egypt 94. yeeres unto the which if we adde 43. yeeres which was his age before he went into Egypt we shall have the whole life of Levi 137. yeeres 4. Levi died 121. yeeres before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt for all the time of their aboad in Egypt was 215. whereof Levi lived 94. in Egypt which summe being deducted from 215. the residue is 121. yeeres 5. It is gathered that Levi died before Moses birth 41. yeeres for Moses was 80. yeeres old when Israel was delivered out of Egypt but Levi died 121. yeeres before that then it will follow that he died 41. yeeres before Moses ex Perer. QUEST XI Of the age of Kohath Vers. 18. KOhath lived 133. yeeres 1. Thus read both the Latine Septuagint and Chalde agreeable to the Hebrew So that Eugubinus is deceived that saith Kohath according to the Septuagint lived but 130. yeeres 2. Hence it is evident that Kohath died 2. yeere before Moses birth and 82. yeeres before the deliverance of Israel for Kohath comming downe with Levi into Egypt may be supposed to be borne the same yeere from whence to Moses birth are 135. yeeres unto which adde 80. yeeres of the life of Moses and we have the whole summe of 215. yeeres the whole time of the Israelites being in Egypt But hee lived onely 133. yeeres then he must be dead two yeeres before Moses birth 3. Hence Alexander Polyhistor is found to be in error who holdeth as Eusebius reporteth Kohath to bee but 40. yeere old when Levi died who was rather than 94. yeere old but 43 yeere younger than his father being borne the same yeere when Levi went downe into Egypt QUEST XII Of the age of Amram Vers. 20. ANd Amram lived 137. yeeres If Amram were borne 14. yeeres before Ioseph died and begat Moses in the 77. yeere of his age as Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius accompteth then it is evident that he died 21. yeeres before the departing of Israel out of Egypt and in the 60 yeere of Moses age as may bee thus gathered Ioseph lived after Iacob came downe into Egypt 71. yeeres being then 39. and his whole age was 110. so Ioseph died 144. yeeres before the departure of Israel for the foresaid numbers of 71. and 144. put together make the above said summe of 215. yeeres it will then follow that Amram borne 14. yeeres before Iosephs death and living 137. yeeres died 121. yeeres before the going forth of Israel ex Perer. QUEST XIII Why the sonnes of Korah and Aaron are set downe Vers. 21. ALso the sonnes of Izhar 1. Moses in the rest of Levi his posteritie descendeth but to the fourth degree saving in Aaron and Korah because of the one came famous Phinehes and the sonnes of the other are expressed because they died not in their fathers rebellion Numb 16.11 2. Hebron or Chebron his posteritie is not set downe it may be he was obscure and therefore not mentioned Borrh. 3. The rest here also are expressed because elsewhere they are spoken of for the manifestation of the history as Nadab and Abihu Levit. 10.1 Mishael and Elzaphan Levit. 10.4 Eleazar Numb 20. and Ithamar Exod. 38.21 Iun. QUEST XIV Why Aaron tooke a wife of the tribe of Iudah Vers. 23. ANd Aaron tooke Elishebah daughter of Aminadab 1. These two Aminadab and Nahashon his sonne were Princes of Judah 2. Thus Levi and Iudah doe match in marriage together to signifie the conjunction and affinity that should bee betweene the regall and priestly office Simler 3. Hitherto the positive law of not confounding the tribes by marriage was not made and yet afterward notwithstanding it was lawfull for the Priests of Levi to take unto them wives of other tribes for because the Levites had no inheritance given them by such marriages there could follow no inconvenience by confusion of their inheritance So Iehoiadah the high Priest married the King of Judahs sister and Elizabeth wife to Zacharie the Priest was Cousin to Mary the blessed Virgin of Judah Simler QUEST XV. How Moses without ostentation setteth forth his owne commendation Vers. 27. THese are that Moses and Aaron c. 1. Some thinke that these words should be inserted by Ezra who digested the Scriptures into order because it seemeth not to stand with the modestie of Moses and Aaron to set forth such a
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enchanters R. Levi taketh them to be those which by naturall meanes seeme to doe strange things while their craft is not perceived as here they seeme to make serpents of rods R. Saadias would derive it of chor and atam which signifieth an hole and secret because they did hide in secret holes and places as in graves those whom they consulted with and which gave answer unto them but this seemeth to be curious The fourth word is lahate of lahat which signifieth fire or the blade of a sword as Gen. 3.24 because Magicians use not onely words to enchant with but other instruments Aben Ezra But their enchantments are rather so called because they deceive men making them to take one thing for another as the fight is easily deceived in shaking of a bright sword Borrh. QUEST VIII Of the divers kindes of magick BEsides these here named there were other kindes of Magick as Plinie rehearseth divers as how they divined by water by the aire by the starres by basons shadowes talke with the dead lib. 30. c. 11.2 Augustine out of Proclus and Porphyrius sheweth that they made two kindes of Magick the one was thourgia which by certaine sacrifices and a fained purity of the body and by other rites did invocate as they thought the good spirits the other was called goetia because they used mourning in invocating of spirits and Necromantia because they consulted with the dead 3. Suidas maketh three sorts Mâ—gia art Magicke which was by invocating of the spirits for the effecting of some good worke as they were made to beleeve Goetia which by mourning called upon the spirits of the dead Pharmacia when they used or applied any venomous or poysoned thing Ex Perer. 4. But to know the divers devilish devices which Magicians used we can have no better direction than from the Scripture it selfe Deut. 18.10 Where beside these two kindes before rehearsed of jidgeni the wisard and casheph the Jugler or deceiver there are six more magicall practices set downe The first is Kasam the diviner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Septuagint such as tooke upon them to tell of things which were lost and to declare hid matters and things to come such as divined by visions as Micah 3.6 The next is meghonen an observer of times Planetarius a Planetary such as by the aspect of the starres moving of the cloudes and by such like tooke upon them to prognosticate not of naturall things but of civill and humane affaires so is the word used Isai. 2.6 They are Southsayers as the Philistims and what the Philistims were we may read 1. Sam. 6. who by the going of the cart and by the way it tooke did take upon them to finde out the author of the plagues that were sent upon them the Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as observe words and use spels The third is nachash an Augur or Conjecturer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as by the flying of birds or such like doe make conjectures as they that count the crossing of a hare the way ominous and such like The fourth is casheph the plurall whereof is cashphim deceivers touched before The fift is chober chaber the Inchanter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Septuagint that useth inchantment as it is expounded by another word Psal. 58.6 lachash which signifieth to mutter or whisper such as take upon them to charme Serpents and adjure Devils and to doe great cures by hanging inchanted things about the necke or such like the word chabar signifieth to joyne because such have a league and conjunction with evill spirits The sixt is shoel obh that asketh of familiars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ventriloquus Septuagint that give answers as though a spirit or familiar spake within them for obh signifieth a bottle or the belly swelling and puffed up and ready to brast as Iob. 22.20 The seventh is jâ—dgoni the Wisard spoken of before The eight is doresh el hamethim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that inquireth of the dead such as make men beleeve they can raise up the dead to consult with them whereas it is the Devill in their likenesse as the witch of Endor brought up the Devill in likenesse of Samuel 1. Sam. 28. QUEST IX Of the first author and inventor of art Magick Vers. 11. THese Charmers of Egypt Though Egypt was much given to this devilish invention of Magicke yet neither were they the first founders nor the onely professors of it 1. Most Writers doe make Zoroastres of Persia the author of it as Plinie and Diogenes Laertius Iustinus Plinie writeth of him that hee only of all men that ever were laughed the same day hee was borne and his braine so moved up and downe that it would remove or put off the hand laid upon it which they say was a signe of his great and mysticall knowledge the author of the Scholasticall history saith that this Zoroastres was Ninus who wrote this art Magicke and the seven liberall Arts in fourteene pillars seven of brasse and seven of bricke to preserve them from the destruction of the world one by water the other by fire 2. Concerning the antiquity of Zoroastres hee was neither so ancient as some write that hee was 600. yeeres elder than Plato or five thousand yeeres before the battell of Troy as Hermippus as Laertius citeth him nor yet was he so late as Xantus Lydius maketh him to be but six hundred yeeres before Xerxes expedition into Greece For Zoroastres was in the time of Ninus when Abraham lived from whose birth to the first Olympiad are counted 1268. yeeres and the battell of Troy was 407. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades But Xerxes passage into Greece followeth in the 75. Olympiade and Plato his death in the 108 Olympiade by this it is evident that Zoroastres was neither so many yeeres before the first nor so few as the rest imagine 3. But Cassianus deriveth the first invention of Magicke from before the floud for whereas Adam having the knowledge of the celestiall bodies and elements taught the same unto Seth which kinde of knowledge continued uncorrupt in the righteous seed till they joyned in marriage with the posterity of Cain then they abused and prophaned the same to the finding out of superstitious and Magicall devices which wicked inventions they say were preserved by Cain and by him graven in certaine plates of mettall sic Cassianus collat 8. cap. 21. So these devilish practises continued along and were dispersed in the world they were rice in Canaan in Moses time as may appeare by the Lawes made against such in divers places but especially Deut. 18.10 And afterward about the time of the Trojane warre these Magicall studies were much followed as Homers fable of Circes sheweth Orpheus among the Thessalians and Osthanes that accompanied Xerxes in his warre against Greece were famous in this kind Pythagoras and after him Empedocles Democritus Plato seemed to make great account of
hard hearted and incorrigible as is evident in the example of Pharaoh 3. God also teacheth men by his example to be patient and long suffering one toward another 4. This patience of God though some abuse it yet other profit by it and their hard hearts are mollified as though Pharaoh by Gods sparing of him became more obstinate yet Nebuchadnezzar at the length by the Lords lenity and goodnesse and fatherly correction was brought to know himselfe and to confesse the true God 5. And though the evill and wicked should reape no profit by the Lords wonderfull patience yet the elect and such as are ordained to salvation are thereby called and brought unto grace as S. Paul sheweth of himselfe For this cause was I received to mercy that Iesus Christ should first shew on me all long suffering unto the ensample of them which in time to come should beleeve on him 1. Tim. 1.16 QUEST XX. How God is said to harden by the subtraction of his grace BEside there is another way whereby the ancient fathers understood God to be said to harden mens heart namely by the subtraction and withdrawing of his grace as Chrysostome God is said to give over unto a reprobate sense to harden to blind and such like Non quòd hac a Deo fiunt quippe cùm à propria hominis malitia proveniant sed quia Deo justè homines deserente hac illis contingunt Not because these things are done by God which proceed of mans malice but because while God doth justly forsake men these things doe happen unto them So also Augustine ludurare dicitur Deus quem mollire noluerit God is said to harden whom he will not nullifie excacare dicitur quem illuminare nolverit And he is said to blind him whom he will not iluminate Gregorie also upon these words of the Lord to Moses I will harden Pharaohs heart thus writeth Obdurare Deus per posâ—â—iam dicitur quando cor reprobum per gratiam non 〈◊〉 God is said by his justice to harden the heart when he doth not by his grace mollifie a reprobate heart So Thomas Aquinas Excacatio obduratio duo important c. The blinding and hardning of the heart implieth two things one is the internall act of the minde adhering unto evill and being adverse from God and so God is not the cause of the hardnesse of the heart The other is the subtraction of grace whereby it commeth to passe that the â—ind is not illuminate to see God c. and in this respect God is the cause of induration This exposition also is true but it expresseth not all that seemeth to be contained in this phrase that God is said to harden Pharaohs heart QUEST XXI How God is said occasionaliter by ministring the occasion which the wicked abuseth to harden the heart THere is then a sixt way of interpreting these words God is said to harden mans heart occasionaliter by way of occasion when the wicked take occasion by such things as fall out and are done by Gods providence to be more hardned and confirmed in their sinne 1. For as all things as prosperity adversity life death fulnesse want and whatsoever else doe worke together unto good to those that feare God as the Apostle saith Rom. 8. So on the contrary all things fall out for the worst unto the wicked and impenitent so the wonders which God wrought in Egypt served to confirme the Hebrewes in their faith but Pharaoh through his owne malice was thereby hardned 2. The things which the Lord doth whereby the wicked take occasion to be hardned are of three sorts either inwardly in the mind as by stirring their affections as of anger feare hope desire which they by their corruption turne unto evill or else such things as are done about them as admonitions corrections mercies benefits which they also ungratiously abuse or they are things externall or without them as the objects of pleasure honour and such like whereby their hard heart is puffed up and swelleth And all these things being good of themselves they through the hardnesse of their heart pervert unto their destruction as S. Peter speaketh of some which through ignorance and unbeleefe doe pervert the Scriptures 2. Pet. 3.16 And S. Paul sheweth that sinne tooke occasion by the commandement and wrought in him all manner of concupiscence Rom. 7.8.3 Thus Pharaoh was hardned by occasion of Gods workes the plagues and wonders which were shewed in Egypt by the wonders because he saw his Magitians could doe the like by the plagues because they touched not him but happened without they came not all at once but with some respite betweene and because he saw that they continued not long but were soone removed 4. To this purpose Augustine Vt tale cor haberet Pharaoh quòd patientia Dâ—o non mâ—veraâ—ur ad pietatem propriâ— sunt vitii quòd vero facta sunt ea quibus cor suo â—itio jam malâ—gnum divinis jussionibus resisteret c. dispensationis fuit divina In that Pharaoh had such an heart which could not be moved by the patience of God unto piety it was his owne fault but that such things were done whereby his heart being evill of it selfe did resist the commandement of God it was of the divine dispensation quaest 18. iâ— Exod. This exposition also of Augustine may bee received but yet there is somewhat further to be considered in Gods concurring in the hardning of Pharaohs heart QUEST XXII God 〈◊〉 sâ—â—d to harden the heart as the event is taken for the cause THere is further a seventh exposition for in the Scripture that is often taken for the cause of a thing which is but the event of it a Chrysostome noteth upon these words Ioh. 17. None of them perished but the child of perdition that the Scriptures might be fulfilled here the Scripture Quae eventus sunâ— pro causa ponit putteth that for the cause which was the event for Iudas did not perish to that end that the Scripture should be fulfilled but it so fell out that the Scripture in Iudas perishing was fulfilled Damascen giveth the like instance in the 51. Psalme Against thee only have I sinned and done evill in thy sight that thou maist be justified in thy sayings and cleere when thou art judged But David did not sinne to that end that God might be justified God had no need of his sinne to set forth his glory So it fell out that God spared David and by his mercy overcame his sinne yet hee sinned not to that end like as when a man is at his worke and one commeth and so he breaketh off he should say my friend came to day to hinder my worke whereas his friend had no such end in his comming So Iacob said to his sonnes Wherefore dealt yee so evill with me as to tell the man whether yee had yet a brother or no Gen. 43.6 Iacobs sonnes in so telling intended no evill or
house Gen. 14. Simler 2. It is probable this mixed company consisted partly of Egyptians and other nations sojourning in Egypt that were converted to their religion partly of their servants Calvin 3. This mingling of divers other nations with the Lords people was a lively type and evident demonstration of the calling of the Gentiles Borrh. Osiander And beside whereas this confused company seemed to consent with the Israelites in their religion and come out of Egypt with them yet were they not truly called for they afterward fell a lusting and murmuring Numb 11. 4. This sheweth that many are called to the outward society of the Church but few are chosen Ferus QUEST LIII What moved those divers sorts of people to goe out of Egypt with Israel THis confused company came forth with the Israelites 1. not so much because of the tyranny and oppression of the land which being chiefly intended against the Israelites might be grievous also unto others Simlerus nor yet being weary of Egypt which now in a manner of a fertile and pleasant countrie became barren and desolate with the late plagues laid upon it Calvin as for that they being moved and prepared with those mighty wonders and miracles which they saw in Egypt were thereupon resolved to joyne themselves to the people of God Iun. 2. And it need not seeme strange that the Egyptians suffered so many to goe out with Israel for either they through feare and griefe minded it not or else these having a long time dwelled among the Israelites and so skilfull in their language could hardly bee discerned from the Hebrewes Perer. QUEST LIV. Whether the Israelites went out of Egypt in the evening in the night or in the morning Vers. 42. THis is a night to bee diligently kept unto Iehovah c. 1. Sometime the Scripture seemeth to say that the Israelites went out of Egypt in the night as in this place and Deut. 16.1 In the moneth of Abib the Lord thy God brought thee out of Egypt by night yet did they not goe out in the very night for they were charged that none should goe forth of their doores till the morning vers 22. Cajetane thinketh that Moses gave this charge not then knowing what time would be spent in the slaughter of the first borne nor at what houre the Israelites should be bid to goe out but afterward when the first borne were slaine and Pharaoh called to Moses in the night to be gone and the Egyptians hastned them forward then Moses gave the people liberty not onely to goe out of their houses but to addresse themselves to depart out of Egypt Conâ—r 1. It is not like that Moses when he gave that charge was ignorant of the counsell of God for the time was assigned when the Lord would smite the first borne about midnight which worke the Lord would not be long about neither is it to be thought that Moses would reverse the first charge neither is it safe so to imagine the Scripture affirming no such thing 2. Therefore Rupertus solution is rather to be received that because the night was now spent and it was toward day when the Israelites set forward out of Egypt therefore they were bid not to goe forth of their houses untill the morning 2. Sometime the Scripture seemeth to affirme that the Israelites went out of Egypt in the evening about the Sunne set when they killed the Passeover as Deut. 16.6 There shalt thou offer the Passeover aâ— even about the going downe of the Sunne in the season that thou camest out of Egypt But this could not be that they departed in the evening both because they were charged not to goe out of their houses till the morning and afterward about midnight the first borne were slaine till which time the Israelites were not dismissed by Pharaoh And therefore the word mogned which signifieth an appointed time or season is not to be restrained to that very instant of the killing of the Passeover but generally it betokeneth the time of their going out and so comprehendeth the whole night in the beginning whereof they eat the Passeover and in the end thereof they departed Perer. 3. Therefore the truth is that it was toward day the night being well nye spent when the Israelites departed as it is evident Numb 33 3. where it is said that they departed the morrow after the Passeover and in the sight of the Egyptians and while they were burying of their dead which it is like they did not before the day appeared Beside the order of the history sheweth as much for it was midnight before the first borne were slaine then there was a crie in Egypt and as Iosephus writeth they ranne unto the Kings palace unto Pharaoh and he called to Mosâ—s and Aaron and the Egyptians then hastned them and gave them their precious jewels and they trussed them up and laid them upon their sonnes and daughters while all this was in doing a great part of the night must needs be spent Further that the type and shadow may be answerable to the body as our blessed Saviour arose for our redemption out of the grave betimes in the morning when it was yet darke Ioh. 20.1 before the Sunne was risen Mark 16.2 so the Israelites did about the same time rise as it were out of the grave and prison of their servitude and were redeemed about the same time Pellican Ferus 4. Now how the Israeliâ—es could bee ready themselves with their cattell and substance upon so short warning Iosâ—phus well sheweth that Moses had before willed them to be in a readinesse for their journey and thereupon they were gathered as neere as they could into one place Perer. Of the time of the dwelling of the Israelites in the land of Egypt QUEST LV. Whether the Israelites dwelt in Egypt more than 430. yeeres Vers. 40. SO the dwelling of the children of Israel while they dwelt in Egypt was foure hundred and thirty yeeres First it will bee questioned whether the Israelites dwelled no longer in Egypt than foure hundred and thirty yeeres seeing the Lord said unto Abraham Thy seede shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs foure hundred yeeres and shall serve them Gen. 15.13 For if the Israelites were in servitude foure hundred yeeres which time of their servitude began not untill after Iosephs death who lived after the comming of Israel into Egypt 71. yeeres being then 39. yeeres old and he lived in all an hundred and ten yeeres then the whole summe will make 471. But this doubt is easily removed for that prophesie delivered unto Abraham concerning the hard usage of his seed consisting of three branches shall bee a stranger in a land and shall serve there and be evill entreated must be understood conjunctè not disjunctè joyntly together and not sunderly that they should not all that time be in servitude but partly all that while sojourne and partly be in servitude Pererius And so Augustine giveth
the solution of this place Non itaque quod ajit in servitutem redigent eos c. ad quadringentos annos referendum est c. In that it is said they shall hold them in servitude it must not bee referred to the foure hundred yeeres as though they kept them in servitude so many yeeres but the foure hundred yeeres must bee referred to that which is said thy seede shall be a stranger in a land not theirs August quaest 47. in Exod. QUEST LVI That the Israelites dwelt not 430. yeeres in Egypt only SEcondly it is not to be supposed that the Israelites dwelt in Egypt all this space of 430. yeeres which is the opinion of Genebrard who thinketh that this terme taketh beginning from the comming of Iacob into Egypt and expireth with the time of their deliverance and departure thence his reasons are these 1. Because in this place it is so affirmed that the Israelites dwelt so long in Egypt 2. As also that it is not like that in the space of 215. yeeres which is the time according to the common opinion of their abode in Egypt of seventy persons they could increase into so great a multitude Contra. 1. In this place a figurative speech must needes be admitted for wee must understand not only the time of Israels sojourning in Egypt but of their fathers also in the land of Canaan as Augustine saith these words must be expounded Manifestum est computandum esse tempus Patriarcharum Abrahâ— c. It is manifest that the time of the Patriarks Abraham Izhak Iakob must bee accounted when they began to sojourne in the land of Canaan quaest 47. in Exod. But of this more afterward 2. Neither is it impossible or improbable even without a miracle for so many thousands in the space of 215. yeeres to bee multiplied as is shewed before at large quest 5. in chap. 1. And Augustine giveth two reasons thereof Si fâ—cunditas hominis consideretur adjuvante illo qui illos valde voluit multiplicari reperietur non esse mirum The fecundity of men considered God also helping who would have them exceedingly to increase it will bee found not to be strange Now that the Israelites could not continue 430. yeeres in Egypt these two arguments doe evidently convince 1. Whereas Caath was one of those which came with Iacob into Egypt who lived 133. yeeres and his sonne Amram 137. yeeres and Moses his sonne was 80. yeere old at the departure of Israel out of Egypt all these yeeres put together make but 350. from which summe must bee deducted the yeeres wherein they lived together Genebrard answeres that their yeeres are only reckoned after they begat children and that some may be omitted that came betweene as S. Matthew leaveth out in his genealogy three Kings Ahaziah Ioas and Amasiah This answer of Genebrard may easily be taken away for neither is it the use of Scripture when it setteth downe the yeeres of a mans life to name onely the yeeres when he begate children and seeing in that line from Levi to Moses no other persons are elsewhere named that came betweene beside Caath and Amram it is a conjecture without ground to imagine any other But the omission of these three in S. Matthewes genealogy is evident because wee finde them elsewhere in the stories of the Kings to be set downe Perer. 2. S. Paul beginneth these 430. yeeres from the promise and covenant that was made to Abraham Galath 3.17 Therefore Israel stayed not all those yeeres in Egypt Genebrard here answereth that where the Apostle saith the law which was 430. yeeres after this word after is not referred to the covenant but to the law that came 430. yeeres after that is from the departure of the Israelites Contra. But this is a manifest wresting of the Apostles words who of purpose maketh a comparison betweene the law and the covenant of grace shewing that salvation dependeth not of the law but of the grace and promise of God which came 430. yeeres before And whereas the Apostles words in that order which hee set them downe are these This I say that the covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed afore of God the Law made after foure hundred and thirty yeeres could not disanull what other sense can be made of these words but that the law was given so many yeeres after the promise for after must of necessity have relation to that which is said to have beene before which was not the departure of the Israelites not here so much as mentioned but the covenant said to be before ratified and confirmed of God Pererius QUEST LVII The Israelites dwelt in Egypt 215. yeeres only FUrther that the Israelites neither stayed in Egypt under 200. yeeres as Chrysostome thinketh nor yet 210. only as the Hebrewes to whom Lyranus and Cajetanus give consent nor yet 230. yeeres as Calvin but 215. yeeres only it may be thus made to appeare First from the first promise made to Abraham unto the going of Israel out of Egypt are 430. yeeres according to the Apostles account of this summe there were 215. yeeres gone before Iacob descended into Egypt Abraham at 75. received the promise 25. yeeres after when Abraham was 100. yeere old was Isaack borne he at 60. begate Iacob Iacob at 130. went downe into Egypt these yeeres put together 25.60.130 make in all 215. yeeres there remaineth then the other halfe of the summe 215. yeeres more for the sojourning of Israel in Egypt Thus Augustine reckoneth approving Eusebius account quaest 47. in Exod. Secondly whereas the yeeres of Coath Amram and Moses when Israel came out of Egypt doe make as is before shewed all together 350. yeeres but from this summe must be subtracted the yeeres wherein they lived together as from Coaths age of 133. yeeres who at 65. yeeres begate Amram as Epiphanius thinketh the residue wherein he lived together with Amram that is 68. yeeres must bee deducted and from Amrams age of 137. who at 70. yeeres begat Moses as Epiphanius the residue must likewise bee defaulked which are 67. yeeres adde unto these yeeres 65. of Coath and 70. yeeres of Amram 80. yeeres of Moses life and wee shall have the said summe of 215. yeeres all the time of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt QUEST LVIII That the Israelites were not in bondage and servitude in Egypt all the foresaid terme of 215. yeeres THis being then made plaine that the Israelites after Iacobs comming downe thither continued in Egypt 215. yeeres yet were they not so long in servitude and bondage 1. Augustine thinketh that they served in Egypt 144. or 145. yeeres for from the whole summe of 215. yeeres hee onely deducteth 71. yeeres of Iosephs life after Israel came into Egypt after whose death hee thinketh their bondage immediately began But that cannot bee for not onely Ioseph but all his brethren also were first dead Exod. 1.6 of the which Levi being about foure yeere elder than Ioseph who died at
110. yeere and Levi at 137. survived Ioseph 23. yeeres all which time the Israelites were not oppressed with servitude 2. Rupertus thinketh that the Israelites served 144. yeeres after the death of Ioseph untill the going forth of the Israelites so recompensing tenfold the 14. yeeres of Iosephs servitude in Egypt who was 16. yeere old when hee was sold into Egypt by his brethren and there served till he was 30. yeere old But Rupertus is in two things deceived for Ioseph was not sixteene as the vulgar Latine corruptly readeth but 17. yeere old when he was sold into Egypt Gen. 37.2 so that hee served but 13. yeeres in Egypt neither was the time of their servitude so long as is shewed before 3. Some thinke that after Levi his death who lived 23. yeere after Ioseph their affliction began which continued 121. yeeres Neither can this be so for not onely Levi and the rest of Iosephs brethren but all that generation also died before their servitude and affliction entred of which generation Pharez being one supposed to bee one yeere old when hee went downe with Iacob into Egypt and to have lived 130. yeeres according to the usuall age then it will bee found that their affliction indured not an hundred yeeres if the age of Pharez being supposed to be 130. be deducted from the summe of 215. the full time of the Israelites sojourning in Egypt See before quest 12. in chap. 1. Exod. QUEST LIX Moses understandeth all the time of the sojourning of Israel and of their fathers in Egypt and in Canaan NOw then for the right understanding of these words of Moses 1. A double figure called Synecdoche is to be admitted both in the persons and in the place a part being taken for the whole for not only the sojourning of the Israelites but of their fathers also Abraham Isaack and Iacob must bee understood and not only the sojourning in Egypt but in Canaan also and other places Thus the Septuagint very well interprete this place The dwelling which the children of Israel dwelt in Egypt and in the land of Canaan both they and their fathers was 430. yeeres so also Augustine expoundeth it quaest 47. in Exod. and Iosephus lib. 2. de Antiquit. Iudaic. cap. 6. 2. Eugubinus doth disdainfully reject this opinion with this reason that if it be taken for the time of their sojourning not onely in Egypt but elsewhere there will be found to be many more yeeres Contra. 1. It shall even now appeare that in a precise and strict account there are just so many yeeres from the first promise made unto Abraham when hee came out of Chaldea into Canaan unto the returne of Israel out of Egypt 2. This figure Synecdoche to name part for the whole is not unusuall in Scripture as Gen. 35.26 all the sonnes of Iacob Benjamin being also reckoned among them are said to have beene borne in Padan Aram because most of them were there borne Iunius QUEST LX. Why the dwelling only of Israel in Egypt is named the rest being also understood THe reasons why their sojourning and dwelling in Egypt is only mentioned the other being also understood are these 1. Lyranuâ— giveth this reason because their dwelling in Egypt was the last and things doe commonly take their denomination from the end 2. But these reasons rather may be yeelded first because their sojourning did not only end in Egypt but there it began for thither Abraham at his first comming into Canaan was constrained to flee in the time of famine Gen. 12.2 there was the longest time of their sojourning the other Patriarkes at divers times sojourned in Canaan 295. yeeres and Iacob in Mesopotamia 20. yeeres but in Egypt Israel continued 215. yeeres 3. Their habitation in Egypt was more famous than any of the rest both for the honorable advancement of Ioseph in Egypt the wonderfull multiplying and increase of the Israelites and the strange signes and wonders there wrought for their deliverance Perer. Some question also there is when this computation of 430. yeeres should begin 1. Epiphanius would have them begin at such time as the Lord told Abraham what should befall his seed and how hardly they should bee intreated so also Ferus Pellican But that cannot be for both in that place the Lord nameth another summe of 400 yeeres And S. Paul counteth this space of 430. yeeres from the promise made to Abraham unto the giving of the Law QUEST LXI Where the 430. yeeres must take beginning 2. ZEiglerus in his Commentaries beginneth this terme of 430. yeeres from the tenth yeare after Abrahams comming into Canaan when he saith the Lord made a covenant with him But this computation cannot stand 1. We doe not find that Abraham received any promise about that time but then when he had beene ten yeeres in Canaan Sarah gave unto him his maid Agar Gen. 16.2 2. Also by this account wee shall want ten yeeres of the whole summe of 430. from Abrahams 75. when hee first came into Canaan unto the 80. yeere of Moses when the Israelites went out are just 430. yeeres as is shewed before if then this terme should begin ten yeeres after in the 85. yeere of Abraham wee shall want ten yeeres of 430. 3. Beside Zeiglerus to make this computation good committeth apparent errors in Chronology as that Iacob went downe into Egypt 207. yeeres after the covenant which was 215. yeeres and if it began 10. yeeres after as he reckoneth then it could be but 205. yeeres further he saith that Ioseph died 285. yeeres after the covenant which cannot bee after his owne account for Ioseph lived 71. yeeres after Iacobs descending into Egypt being then 39. yeeres old which two summes of 71.39 make up the whole age of Ioseph an 110. if then there were but 207. yeeres gone after the covenant made at Iacobs comming into Egypt then at Iosephs death 71. yeeres after there were but 278. yeares runne not 285. as he collecteth here then he addeth 7. yeeres too much to make his account agree 3. Procopius as Pererius collecteth thinketh that the 430. yeeres should begin at the birth of Isaack But that cannot bee for from thence the other summe of 400. yeeres taketh beginning 4. Genebrard reckoneth them from the time of Iacobs going downe into Egypt whose opinion is refuted before quest 55. 5. Iunius and Borrhaius account these 430. yeeres from the departure of Abraham out of Vr of the Chaldes from whence to the birth of Isaack were thirty yeeres and Iunius supposed that hee stayed 5. yeeres in Haran Contra. 1. It is not like that Abraham being called of God to goe out of his country would stay 5. yeeres in Haran but that he made all haste to obey the calling of God 2. If the account of 430. yeeres should begin 30. yeeres before Isaacks birth we shall have 435. yeeres in all for from the 75. yeere of Abraham which was but 25. yeeres before the birth of Isaack untill the time of
foreseeth all things did set unto Abraham this terme of 400. yeeres â—ee no doubt most faithfully kept his promise and as he had decreed so after 400. yeeres expired he delivered his seede from their oppressors 3. Moses act in killing the Egyptian was an act of faith not of presumption as both S. Stephen witnesseth Acts 7.25 Hee supposed 〈◊〉 brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance as also the Apostle to the Heb. 11.25 By faith Moses when hee was come to age refused to be called the sonne of Pharaohs daughter and chose rather to suffer adversity with the people of God and againe vers 27. By faith he forsooke Egypt c. If Moses then of faith shewed himselfe to be the deliverer of his people as when he killed the Egyptian and cares not for the favour and honour of Pharaohs court then was it not a presumptuous act for the which he should be punished 4. And how standeth it with Gods justice to punish all the people of Israel with the captivity of 30. yeeres longer for the sinne and presumption of one man if Moses had offended and trespassed therein 5. Neither is that observation of forty perpetuall neither David for his sinne nor Peter for his deniall of Christ nor the incestuous young man among the Corinthians were injoyned any such time of penance and Nebuchadnezzars time of repentance farre exceeded this proportion which continued seven yeeres Dan. 4.20 for true repentance is not measured by the number of dayes but by the weight of the contrition and sorrow of heart neither is it found in Scripture that any one man had 40. dayes penance imposed upon him There was another reason of the 40. yeeres wandring of Israel in the desert for according to the time wherein the spies searched the land which was 40. dayes they have a yeere set for a day for the punishment of the sinne of the spies in raising a slander upon that good land all but Caleb and Iosuah and of the people in giving no credit unto them see Numb 14.34 QUEST LXV The time of the Hebrewes departure out of Egypt compared with the Chronology of the Heathen NOw in the last place it shall bee declared how this time of the departing of Israel agreeth with the â—orren computations according to the Chronology of the Heathen 1. They therefore observe five notable periods of times from whence they use to make supputation of their yeeres from the monarchy of Ninus and Semiramis in Abrahams time from the floud of Ogyges and from Inachus and Phâ—râ—neus about the time of the Patriarke Iacob from the battell of Troy which fell out in Sampsons dayes or under Helâ— the high Priest from the beginning of the Olympiades which began in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz from the building of Rome in the 1. yeere of the seventh Olympiade which concurreth with the 16. yeere of the reigne of Hesekiah 2. According then to these divers kindes of computations there are also divers opinions concerning the time of Israels departure out of Egypt Apion the Gramarian a professed adversary to the Jewes against whom Iosephus wrote two bookes will have Moses to bring the Israelites out of Egypt in the time of the seventh Olympiade when the City Carthage was built by the Tyrians in Africa thus Iosephus reporteth the opinion of Apion in his 2. booke But this to bee apparantly false Iosephus sheweth proving that the Temple of Salomon was built 143. yeeres before Carthage and the Israelites came out of Egypt 480. yeeres before that 1. King 6.1 so that their leaving of Egypt was above 600. yeeres before the building of Carthage 3. As Apion commeth farre short in his computation so Porphyrius goeth as much beyond who in the fourth booke of those which hee wrote against the Christians will have Moses to be before the times of Semiramis which is a grosse error for it is without all question that Abraham was borne under the monarchy of Ninus and from Abrahams birth untill the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt are 505. yeeres whereof an 100. are counted from Abrahams birth to Isaacs and 405. from thence unto Israels redemption as hath beene shewed 4. Lactantius lib. 4. cap. 5. thinketh that Moses was 900. yeeres before the battell of Troy whereas it will be found that he was only 356. yeeres or thereabout elder than those times 5. Manethon an ancient Writer of the Egyptian affaires maketh Moses more ancient by 393. yeeres than when Danaus went to Argos that is about a thousand yeeres before the battell of Troy But that cannot bee seeing the Trojan warre is held to have beene in the time of Sampson or Helâ— not above 356. yeeres after the returne of the Hebrewes out of Egypt 6. Some Christian Writers thinke that the Hebrewes were delivered out of the Egyptian Captivity in the time of Ogyges floud as Iustinus Martyr Clemens Alexandrinus 1. lib. Stromatum Iulian Africanus But that is not like for the same Iulian African by the testimony of divers Heathen Writers sheweth that Ogyges floud was 1020. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades But from the departure of Israel out of Egypt untill the Olympiades began which was in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz are counted but 760. yeere or thereabout so that Moses should bee above two hundred and fifty yeeres after Ogyges floud 7. This is then the right computation compared with the Chronology of the Heathen that the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt was 356. yeere before the Trojan battell and 764. yeeres before the Olympiades 788. yeeres before the building of Rome 910. yeeres before the Captivity of Babylon 980. yeeres before the reigne of Cyrus 1200. yeeres before Alexander the Great 1496. yeeres before Herod under whose reigne Christ was borne And according to the sacred Chronologie this redemption of Israel from the Egyptian bondage was 2453. yeeres after the creation of the world 797. yeeres after Noahs floud 505. yeeres after the death of the Patriarke Ioseph 480. yeeres before the building of Salomons Temple and 1536. yeeres before the birth of our blessed Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus Ex Perer. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. How the Lords holy dayes should be kept Vers. 16. IN the first day shall be an holy convocation The word is mikra which also signifieth reading which sheweth how holy and festivall dayes ought to be spent in assembling the people together and in reading and preaching unto them the mercies and benefits of God Pellican And this was the use among the people of God as S. Peter saith Moses hath of old time them that preach him in every City seeing he is read in the Synagogues every Sabbath 2. Doct. A particular application of our redemption by Christs death needfull Vers. 21. CHuse out of every of your households a lambe God would as it were by a speciall application have every private house and family admonished of this singular
and smoke by day and the shining of flaming fire by night c. and a covering shall be for a shadow in the day for the heate c. Isai. 4.5.6 QUEST XX. How this cloud differed from other clouds THis piller of the cloud was much differing from all other cloudes 1. In respect of the substance it was cleere and lightsome not darke and thicke as other cloudes are 2. It was in figure and shape as a piller the nether part thereof descending unto the Tabernacle the upper part reaching aloft unto heaven whereas other cloudes descend not as low as the earth 3. It alwayes kept this figure and fashion of a piller whereas other cloudes doe alter and vary in shape and appearance 4. This cloud moved of it selfe whereas other cloudes are moved by the wind and of themselves have no motion this way or that way but only as they ascend and goe up in vapors but this cloud both ascended and descended 5. Other cloudes are made of naturall causes as of vapors and exhalations but this cloud was raised by the Lord beside the ordinarie course of nature 6. The effects were divers for other cloudes are apt to engender raine and drop downe moisture but this was not ordained for that end but to shew them the way in going before them 7. This cloud differed in motion from all other cloudes for they are carried all one way with the wind this sometime went forward when the camp removed sometime it came backe and stood upon the Tabernacle it went sometime to the right hand sometime to the left according as the journies of the people were appointed out 8. The motion of it was alwayes certaine it went before the campe as they were able to endure to follow whereas other cloudes are carried swiftly that they cannot bee followed 9. The situation of it was divers not carried aloft as other cloudes which can be no direction to leade a man in his journey but this cloud was of such equall distance as it did part out their way before them like as the starre that guided the Wise men appeared below in the aire to conduct them Matth. 2.10 Lastly whereas other cloudes are not durable but are soone dissipated and dissolved by the wind and weather this cloud remained firme and so continued for the space of 40. yeeres Ex Perer. QUEST XXI· When the cloud began first to appeare BUt concerning the time of the first and last appearing of this cloud it is not like as Hierome thinketh that it went not before them till they came unto the third station in Etham because mention is first made of it there 1. For they had need as well before of a guide to direct them the way as afterward and therefore it is like that they had this direction in their first setting forth out of Egypt 2. As it is in the Psalm He made his people to goe out like sheepe and led them in the wildernesse like a flocke Psal. 78.52 where the Prophet alludeth unto the fashion of those countries where the shepheard goeth before and the sheepe follow after as our Saviour saith in the parable Ioh. 10.27 So the Lord went before his people as a shepheard in the cloudy and fierie piller even when he brought them out of Egypt 3. The Prophet Esâ—y also alluding unto this cloud saith That upon every place of mount Sion and the assemblies thereof shall be a cloud Esay 4.5 So that hence it may be gathered that the Israelites in every place and in all their assemblies and campes had the presence of this cloud 4. Then like as the Wise men saw the starre that brought them to Christ in the beginning of their journey as they say Wee have seene his starre in the East and are come to worship him Matth. 2.2 they first saw the starre and then came forth so it may bee thought that the Israelites saw this cloud in their first setting forth 5. The people had need to have had all encouragement in their first going forth and to be animated in their journey and therefore it is like that the Lord did at the very first shew these comfortable signes of his presence QUEST XXII When the cloud and fiery piller ceased ANd as the cloud appeared not so late as Hierome supposeth so neither was it taken out of their sighâ— so soone as the Hebrewes imagine for they say that after Aarons death who died on the first day of the first moneth in the 40. yeere after their departure out of Egypt Numb 33.38 the piller of the cloud and of the fire were no more seene and their reason is because that after that time no more mention is made of them Contra. First this is no sufficient reason for neither is there mention made of them a good while before 2. The words of the text are against their opinion for it is said That the Lord tooke not away the piller of the cloud by day nor the piller of fire by night from before the people Vers. 22. So then as long as they had need of this direction the Lord failed them not 3. Seeing the use of these pillers was to leade them the way that they might goe by day and by night it is like so long as they were in the way and travelled in the wildernesse they had the presence of the cloud the same cause remaining the meanes are like to have beene still continued But from the mount Hor where Aaron died untill they came to the plaine of Moab in the borders of the land of Canaan there were many solitary desert and waste places thorow the which they passed for divers of their stations were yet behind as appeareth Numb 33. that they had after they came from Mount Hor eight severall stations therefore it may well bee gathered that as they had the direction of the cloud in their other stations so also in these Perer. 4. Then like as the starre left not the Wise men till it had brought them to the very house where the holy 〈◊〉 was Matth. 2. So we may judge that the cloud left not the Israelites till they came into the land of Canaan whither the Lord intended to bring them QUEST XXIII Of the foure great miracles which the Lord wrought for the people in the desert THis extraordinary leading of the people by the going before of the piller of the cloud and fire was one of the great miracles which the Lord wrought for his people in the desert for as foure things are chiefly necessary for those that travell strength and health of body foode rayment and a guide so the Lord in every one of these wrought wonderfully for them 1. Their feete did not swell for the 〈◊〉 of forty yeeres Deut. 8.4 And of all that great multitude there being not so few in all as 2000. thousand seeing the third part of this number even 600. thousand were fighting men above twenty yeere old there was not one feeble
word nahal signifieth to carry which sheweth both the tender caâ—e of God that carrieth his children as the mother doth her infant in her bosome and the weaknes infirmity of the people that had need to be carried yea which is more Christ hath not only carried us but hath carried our sins Fer. 3. Two reasons Moses here useth to encourage the people not to doubt but that the Lord will protect them still because to that end he had redeemed them and beside the Lord is of great power and strength to carry them thorow all difficulties and lets whatsoever Calvin QUEST XIX What is meant here by Gods holy habitation VNto thine holy habitation 1. Some understand here mount Sinai where the tabernacle was first erected Vatab. But they were not planted in mount Sinai there they continued not as Moses saith they should be planted in Gods inheritance vers 17. 2. Some doe referre it unto the tabernacle which Moses saw by the spirit of prophesie should be erected and builded Osiander But the tabernacle was set up in the desert where they dwelt 40. yeeres in tents and boothes they were not there planted and Moses speaketh of a certaine place to the which the Lord would bring them but in the desert the tabernacle had no certaine place but was removed from one station to another 3. Some apply this speech to mount Zur Borrh. But there the tabernacle was not pitched till many yeeres after their comming to the land of Canaan 4. Therefore by the habitation of his holinesse or by his holy habitation the whole land of promise is better understood Iunius So called both because there was the Lords tabernacle where the Lords presence and as it were dwelling was and that was the land promised so often to the Fathers Pellican And the Lord wrought his signes and wonders there evident demonstrations of his presence and it was the place of the incarnation and birth of Christ. Simler QUEST XX. What nations should be afraid of the Israelites Vers. 16. THen the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed 1. Moses here sheweth by the spirit of prophesie that feare shall come upon the nations the Moabites whose feare is evident Num. 22. when Balaak hired Balaam to curse Israel the Cananites as Rahab testifieth Iosâ— 2.11 When wee heard it our hearts did faint and there remained no more courage in any of us The Edomites also were affraid which was the cause why they denied the Israelites passage thorow their country least they might have surprised it Simler 2. For the manner of their feare they shall be as still as a stone both because as a stone maketh no sound or noise so they shall not once mutter or move the tongue against the Israelites Osiand And as a stone is still without any motion or action so they shall suffer the Israelites to passe over Jordan without any resistance as is evident Iosuah 2. Iun. Obmutescent fient immobiles ut lapis They shall hold their peace and be immoveable as stones Pellican The Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they shall become as stones that is dead hearted cold as stones through feare as it is said Nabals heart through feare died within him and was as a stone 1. Sam. 25.37 Simler QUEST XXI Why the Lord is said to plant his people Vers. 17. THou shalt plant them in the mountaine of their inheritance 1. This word of planting sheweth both the care which the Lord had of his people as the husbandman with care labour and diligence setteth his plants Simler It signifieth also the firme and sure possession which the people of God should have of that country that they should as plants take deepe rooting there as the Prophet saith in the Psalme 44.2 That the Lord had driven out the Heathen and planted them in Calvin 2. It is called Gods inheritance because it was prepared for his people adopted to be the Lords heires to whom he had given the right and privilege of the first borne before all the people of the world Exod. 4.22 Perer. 3. The whole country of Sion is understood by the mountaine of Gods inheritance because it was a land of hilles and mountaines Deut. 11.11 Iun. And with speciall relation also unto mount Sion which the Lord had chosen for his habitation as Psal. 132.13 The Lord hath chosen Sion and loved to dwell in it saying This is my rest for ever here will I dwell Calvin 4. The Land of promise is here set forth by three names It is called The mountaine of Gods inheritance prepared for the habitation of his people the place Where the Lord would dwell it should be as the palace of the great King the Lord would protect it and watch over it It is also called the Sanctuary of God for to this end had the Lord chosen that land therein to erect a tabernacle and the publike worship of God Cajetan QUEST XXII In what sense the sanctuary of the Iewes was called a firme and sure tabernacle THe place which thou hast made to dwell in 1. The Latine translator here readeth In firmâ—ssimo tabernaculo In the most sure tabernacle which thou hast made but the word is macon which signifieth a place not nacoâ— that is sirme sure yet this sense and interpretation is true that it is called a sure tabernacle as the next words shew Which thy hands have established And the Lord promised to dwell for ever Psal. 132.14 2. It was then a firme and sure habitation not as some doe take it promised so to be conditionally that if the Jewes had continued in the obedience of Gods Commandements he would have dwelt among them for ever for the tabernacle was not appointed to continue for ever but the Sanctuary and the ceremonies and rites thereof were to give place unto Christ. But it was a firme and sure tabernacle because there the Lord was publikely worshipped at Jerusalem above a thousand yeeres from the first to the last as may thus appeare At the first the Sanctuarie with the Arke was in Shilo for 300. yeeres and more from the first entrance of the Israelites untill the time of Heli the high Priest then the Philistims tooke the Arke where it stayed seven moneths after it was placed in the house of Aminadab where it continued about 50. yeeres till the eight yeere of the reigne of David then it abode three moneths in the house of Obâ—d Edom from thence it was removed to the city of David where it remained 42. yeeres till it was carried into Salomons temple where it continued about 420. yeeres from the 11. yeere of Salomons reigne till the captivity of Babylon and after the captivity the temple being reedified endured for the space of about 500. yeeres till 42. yeeres after the death of our Saviour So that from the first setling of the Arke in the temple in the 11. yeere of Salomons reigne untill the dissolution thereof 42. yeeres after Christ were about 1000.
of his place which was done after Tostat. He therefore resolveth that Moses did write this propheticè by a propheticall instinct so also Iun. But this may be rather thought to be added by Ioshua or some other of the Prophets afterward as likewise the story of Moses death and buriall Deut. 34. which is not like to have beene penned by himselfe Piscator 2. Till they came to a land inhabited Augustine thus expoundeth Non quia continuò ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem c. Not because as soone as they came to a land inhabited they left eating of Manna Sed quia non ante But because not before But what land inhabited it was is expounded afterward namely the land of Canaan for though the Israelites possessed before the land of the Amorites on the other side of Jordan yet the Manna ceased not till they had passed over Jordan and were entred into the bounds and borders of Canaan which was the promised land that flowed with milke and hony Tostat. quast 15. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the excellencie and prâ—â—ogative of the Lords day Vers. 5. BVt the sixth day c. it shall be twice so much Origen upon this place well collecteth the prerogative and excellencie of the Lords day beyond the Sabbath of the Jewes proving that the Manna began first to fall upon that day his words are these Si sex diâ—bus continuis ut scriptura dicit collectum est à septima autem die quae est Sabbati cessatum est sine dubio initium ejus à die prima qua est dies Dominica fuit c. If the Manna were gathered six dayes together as the Scripture saith and it ceased upon the seventh which is the Sabbath without doubt it began on the first day which is the Lords day 2. Doct. That it is lawfull to lay up in store so it be done without distrust in Gods providence Vers. 19. LEt no man reserve thereof till the morning Though the Israelites were bound unto this precept because every day they received Manna from heaven and so the Compassions of God were renued every morning as the Prophet Ieremie saith Lament 3.23 yet this taketh not away all store and provision to be laid up aforehand for the sluggard is condemned for his sloth and carelesnesse and is sent by the Wise man to learne of the Ant which gathereth her meat in summer Prov. Our blessed Saviour also commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the remainder of the meat to be kept And the reason is not alike for then they received Manna every day and therefore needed not to lay up any thing in store But now the fruits of the earth are onely gathered in summer wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letter of this precept is not to be urged but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense and morall equitie bindeth us still that we take heed of an immoderate distrustfull care in making provision for the time to come but depend upon Gods fatherly providence Pelarg. 3. Doct. How Manna was a type and figure of Christ. Vers. 31. THey called the name of it Man c. The holy Apostle S. Paul maketh this Manna an evident type of Christ calling it their spirituall meat 1 Cor. 10.3 And in many things the type and figure agreeth unto the bodie and substance 1. In the causes of sending this Manna 2. In the conditionâ— and qualities thereof 3. In the manner of the gathering 4. In the use thereof Ferus First touching the causes 1. The Lord had compassion of his people when they were in want and almost famished in the wildernesse so Christ was given unto us that by faith in his bodie and bloud our hungrie soules should bee nourished Marbach 2. The Lord in sending Manna shewed his power his mercie goodnesse and love to his people and in nothing more appeareth the love of God to us than in sending his onely Sonne into the world to die for us 3. The Lord by sending Manna did prove whether his people would walke in his law or no vers 4. So the Lord maketh triall of the obedience of the world in receiving the law of his Sonne Christ that is the Gospell Ferus Secondly concerning the qualities and properties of Manna 1. It was but a small thing yet had great vertuâ—â— and Christ though in the low degree of a servant was of great power 2. The Manna was white and Christ was pure and unspotted 3. The Manna was ground in the mill or beaten in a morter and Christ was beaten and bruised for us Ferus 4. The Manna came from heaven so the Sonne of God descended and tooke upon him our flesh Simler 5. The Manna was sweet and pleasant as hony so is Christ unto the soule 6. The Manna fell with the dew so Christ brought with him abundance of spirit and grace 7. The Manna fell every day and Christ hath promised to be with his Church unto the end of the world 8. The Manna ceased as soone as they came into the land of Canaan and in the next world there shall be no use of the Word or Sacraments Ferus Thirdly in the gathering of Manna these conditions were observed 1. It was lawfull and free for all men and children male and female young and old master and servant to gather the Manna so there is neither bond nor free male nor female but all are one in Christ Gal. 3.28 Simler 2. They were commanded to gather every day and we must all our life long gather of the heavenly Manna 3. They were to goe out of their tents to gather it and wee must depart from our old conversation Ferus 4. They which gathered much had not the more nor they which gathered little the lesse so both those which are strong and they which are weake in faith are admitted to this Manna Marbach Fourthly for the use both good and bad did eat of the Manna so men of all sorts come unto the Word and Sacraments but not all to the same end for as the Manna putrified to those which kept it contrary to Moses commandement so the Word of God and the Sacraments are the savour of death unto death to those which unworthily receive them Ferus But it will here bee objected if this Manna were spirituall and heavenly food to the Israelites as S. Paul saith how is he reconciled with our Saviour Christ who saith Moses gave you not bread from heaven but my father giveth you true bread from heaven Ioh. 6.32 The answer here is ready that our Saviour speaketh according to their capacity and understanding with whom he there dealeth who had a carnall imagination of Manna and could see therein nothing but corporall food Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the carnall presence in the Eucharist Vers. 5. THe people shall goe out and gather Rupertus hath upon these words this glosse applying them to the Eucharist Si digne manducare
yea the land it selfe is polluted and defiled with bloud Numb 35.36 Galas 6. Mans bodie is the temple of the holy Ghost 1 Cor. 6.16 If any then destroy the temple of God him will God destroy 1 Cor. 3.17 7. The murtherer also sinneth against Christ whose member his neighbour is whose life hee hath sought So reasoneth the Apostle but in a divers case that he which causeth the weake brother to perish for whom Christ died sinneth against Christ himselfe 1 Cor. 8.11 QUEST XI How diversly murder is committed THis kinde of externall and actuall murther is committed two wayes either by a man himselfe or by another 1. The first is done two wayes either by the cruell shedding of mans bloud which is the most grievous sinne of all or by neglecting the meanes and not preserving our neighbours life either by helpe or counsell when it is in our power as the rich man suffered Lazarus for want of reliefe to perish at his gate Luk. 16. So the Priest and Levite passed by the man that had beene wounded of the theeves and was left for halfe dead and had no compassion of him Luk. 10. So the Wise-man saith in the Proverbs chap. 24.11 Deliver them that are drawne to death and wilt thou not preserve them that are led to bee slaine Isidore saith Qui incurrit in nudum esurientem c. He that meeteth with a man readie to perish for hunger and cold if he doe not give him meat and raiment homicida tenebitur shall be counted a murtherer So Gloss. interlinear A man committeth murther manu vel mente vel subtrahendo auxilium aut consilium c. with his hand with his heart and when he withdraweth his helpe and counsell 2. A man killeth by another two wayes consensu by giving consent as Saul did when Stephen was put to death keeping their garments that stoned him Act. 7.58 And the people crucified Christ calling unto Pilate Crucifie him Mandato voluntate By willing and commanding ones death as David did contrive Vrias death and Iezabel Naboths Bastingius QUEST XII Of the divers kinds of murder THere are divers kinds of killing 1. There is a lawfull killing or taking away of the life by the Magistrate as either in putting malefactors to death or in just warre where much bloud is shed 2. There is another kinde altogether unlawfull and inexcusable which is called wilfull murther when any of hatred smiteth a man that he die or of purpose lie in wait for him Numb 35.20 So Ioab wilfully killed Abner and Amasa 3. There is a third kinde of involuntarie murther when a man lieth not in wait but God offereth him unto him Exod. 21.13 For though such things seeme to us to fall out by chance yet all things are ordered and disposed by Gods providence and with him nothing happeneth by chance of this kinde there are three sorts 1. When two doe of a sudden having no purpose before fight together and the one killeth the other as striving upon the way or falling out upon any other sudden and unthought of occasion this is called manslaughter as Abner killed Asahel that met him and pursued him in battell this kinde is not so hainous as wilfull murther yet it far exceedeth these other kinds that follow 2. Sometime one is killed by chance which is of two sorts either a chance which falleth out by meere oversight and negligence as if a Physitian through carelesnesse mistake the medicine and so kill his patient which might by his care have beene prevented or it falleth out by meere chance which could not be helped as when one heweth wood and the axe-head flieth off and killeth one that standeth by 3. But that kinde which deserveth most favour and may best be excused is when one is forced to kill another se defendendo by defending of himselfe which was the womans case that with a milstone pashed out cruell Abimelechs braines when he attempted to set fire upon the tower and to burne the woman and all the rest of the people there Iudg. 9. QUEST XIII Magistrates are not guiltie of murder in putting malefactors to death ALl kinde of killing is not then unlawfull whereof there are three sorts there is divina vindicta heroica ordinata divine revenge heroicall ordinarie 1. The divine is which is directly and immediatly commanded by God as Abraham at the Lords bidding would have sacrificed his sonne Abraham non solum non est culpatus crudâ—litatis crimine sed laudatus est pietatis nomine Abraham was not onely 〈◊〉 blamed for his crueltie but commended for his pietie therein So Ioshua had commandement from the Lord to destroy the Canaanites 2. The heroicall kinde of killing is when any being inflamed with the zeale of Gods glorie and extraordinarily stirred by his spirit doe take revenge of the Lords enemies as Sampson upon the Philistims in his death Phineas in zeale killed the adulterer and adulteresse and Samuel hewed Agag the King of Amalek in peeces Marbach 3. The ordinarie killing is by the Magistrate who by direction of the word of God and according to wholesome lawes grounded upon the same doth give sentence of death against malefactors or wageth just battell upon these occasions the Magistrate sinneth not in shedding of bloud The reasons are these 1. Hierome saith Homicidas punire non est sanguinis effusio sed legis ministerium To punish murtherers and other malefactors it is no effusion of bloud but the execution of the law in Ieremiam c. 22. So Gloss. interlinear Index non occidit reum sed lex quae jubet The Judge killeth not the guiltie partie but the law which commandeth 2. Thomas saith Id quod licitum est Deo licitum est ministro ipsius per mandatum ejus That which is lawfull unto God the author of the law is lawfull unto Gods Minister by his Commandement But the Magistrate is Gods Minister Rom. 13.4 2. Places of Doctrine upon the sixth Commandement 1. Doct. Of the generall contents of this Commandement THou shalt not kill This Commandement consisteth 1. Partly in prohibiting all kinde of hurt or wrong to our neighbour either in leaving or forsaking him or in doing him hurt either outwardly by murder rayling reviling or by any injurie whatsoever or inwardly by anger hatred desire of revenge 2. Partly in commanding the preservation of our neighbours life either in not hurting whether provoked or not provoked or in helping either by the depulsion of wrongs and injuries offred or by the collation of benefits 2. Doct. The particular vertues here commanded THe vertues then prescribed in this Commandement are of two sorts either such as doe not hurt or such as are beside helping also Of the first kinde are 1. A particular justice and equitie in all our acts and doings not to hurt or molest any in word or deed by violence fraud or negligence or by any other meanes such an one was Nathaniel a true Israelite in whom there
the reason thereof is because shee was sold upon hope of marriage which hope because shee is frustrate of this provision must be made by way of recompense But this maid is not like to have beene abused for then it had not beene enough to let her goe out free but he should endow her also according to the Law chap 23.16 3. Oleaster thus resolveth this text This maid either her master had company with or had not if the first either she displeased afterward and then he was to redeeme her that is to set her free or shee pleased then the father either tooke her to wife and so he was to use her as his wife on his sonne then hee should use her as his daughter or if he tooke another wife he was to provide all necessary things for her Now if her master had not knowne her she was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile unlesse shee before redeemed her selfe Contra. Oleaster faileth here in these points 1. Hee taketh redeeming for setting her free without money whereas redemption of a servant was not without money 2. If he had defiled her he was not only to set her free but to endow her as before is shewed 3. If â—he maid was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile the maid servants should have lesse privilege than the Hebrew men servants that were to serve but six yeeres whereas this Law intendeth them greater favour 4. This then is the summe of the Law A man buyeth a maid servant an Hebrewesse he was either to suffer her friends to redeeme her or to marry her himselfe or give her to his sonne if none of these he was either to keepe her still providing all things necessary for her or to let her goe out free for nothing Iun. QUEST XXXIV Of the end scope and intent of this Law NOw concerning the end of this Law it is to be considered 1. That the father which should either of any unnaturall affection or compelled by necessity sell his daughter might by this meanes be punished by losing all his right and interest in his daughter who did now being sold out of her fathers power in familiam Domini transire passe and was as incorporate into her masters family Iun. And so the father should be as it were bridled hereby from selling of his daughter 2. Beside this Law imposing such hard conditions upon the master in such liberall sort to provide for his servant so bought thereby also provideth ut aut non emerentur ancillae that either maids should not be bought at all though their fathers were so hard hearted to sell them aut meliore conditione servirent or they should serve with better condition otherwise than as common servants Osiand Marbach And so this Law taketh order ut nunquam capite vacent that maids should never be without an head Iun. And so taketh care for them as the weaker sex 3. Further in that the master was permitted to take his maid to his wife though he had another before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temporis licitum erat that was lawfull by the sufferance and toleration of those times Pelarg 4. Againe though it were simply unlawfull for the parents to sell their children sed ne progrediatur impietat ad intolerabilem iniquitatem c. but lest such impiety should proceed to intolerable iniquity and injury this Law provideth for such as were oppressed pro tanto sed non in totum though not wholly and totally yet to keepe them within some measure Lippom. 5. But this Law was much more equall than that Law of the ancient Romans in the 12. Tables which permitted fathers to sell their sonnes not once but againe and the third time only he was excepted which had married a wife with his fathers consent which was afterward forbidden C. de lib. posth or then that Law of Constantine that one might sell his sonne for extreme need and poverty though the sonne might afterward redeeme himselfe for the condition of children so sold was more tolerable among the Hebrewes their service being but for a time Simler This Law also is more reasonable than that constitution of Iustinian tit 6. de manumission that unlesse the maid servant were married within six moneths ab hero non dimittebatur shee was not at all to be dismissed from her master Pelarg. QUEST XXXV What kinde of smiting is here meant Vers. 12. HE that smiteth a man that hee dye 1. Here percussio accipitur pro occisione smiting is taken for killing Lyran. For if a man were smitten and died not of it there was another punishment than by death vers 19. Tostat. 2. Quamvis aliquo pòst tempore meriatur c. Although he dye not presently but some while after that is so smitten he shall suffer death for it Galas 3. The words are generall He that smiteth a man whether he were an Hebrew or no Hebrew his enemy or friend ex re percussa intquitas percutientis manifestatur the iniquity of the smiter appeareth by the thing that is smitten Cajetan 4. The Latine reads he that smiteth a man volens occidere having a purpose to kill him shall dye But two exceptions are taken to this reading for if a man did smite one non animo occidendi sed animo percutiendi not with a minde to kill him but to smite him only he should dye for it Cajetane And againe if a man intended to kill and did not he was not to dye for it for although before God he be a murtherer that intendeth it in his heart yet the Law of Moses doth not punish the intent only of murther but the effect Simler QUEST XXXVI Why the murtherer was to dye the death SHall dye the death c. 1. That is shall surely dye for this doubling of the word importat majorem certitudinem importeth greater certainty Tostat. The Interlinearie glosse expoundeth Morte spirituali vel corporali Death spirituall or bodily but I preferre the other sense 2. This Law is set downe in generall that whosoever smiteth so that death follow five intendat occidero sive non whether he purposed to kill or not should dye for it but afterward follow certaine exceptions from this Law Oleaster This then is a generall Law that he which killeth should be killed againe Lippom. 3. And this Law is grounded even upon the Law of nature for like as it is agreeable to nature Vt putridum membrum abscindatur ut reliqua conserventur that a rotten member should be cut off that the rest be preserved so a murtherer is to be killed ne plures occidentur lest more should be killed Lippom. This Law is given unto Noah Genes 9. when the world was restored and here it is but repeated and renued Pelarg. 4. The Lawes of other nations herein consent with Moses the Athenians did severely punish murther expelling the murtherer from the Temples of the gods and from all society and colloquy of men till he had
as here Contra. 1. By neighbour any man whosoever is understood 2. And expresse mention is made here of the will and intention because it is an explanation of the former law Simler 3. Iunius thinketh that not he onely which killeth sed qui conatus est occidere but went about to kill is comprehended in this law as Deut. 19.19 Ye shall doe unto him as he had thought to doe unto his brother Contra. 1. It seemeth by the generall law vers 12. that this constitution is onely for murther committed and not intended onely for such smiting the law speaketh of whereupon death followeth 2. That law given in instance Deut. 19. is touching false witnesses whose false testimonie breaketh out into action into false witnesse bearing so that there is not an intention onely for the false witnesse by his false testimonie acteth as much as in him lieth to take away the life of his brother that place therefore is impertinent to this purpose I approve here rather the judgement of Cajetane Nec describuntur haec intus in animo sed prodeuntia extra in actiones Neither are these things described onely in the minde but proceeding without into action QUEST XLI Of the difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie murther and the divers kinds of each HEre then there is a manifest distinction of involuntarie and voluntarie murther or killing grounded upon the law of Moses· 1. Involuntarie killing is of two sorts there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chances unlooked for and sudden events as when one shooteth an arrow and killeth one unawares as Peleus killed his sonne being in hunting with him There are beside these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errors and oversights as the father beateth his childe purposing onely to chastise him and hee dieth of that beating a Physition ministreth physick to his patient intending to cure him and doe him good and he dieth of it Borrh. 2. There are likewise two kinds of voluntarie or wilfull murther ex proposito of purpose ex impetu animi in heat or rage These kinde of murthers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iniquities one may be slaine ex proposito purposely either per insidias by lying in wait when one watcheth for the life of a man and taketh him at advantage as Ioab killed Abner and afterward Amasa they suspecting no such thing so Ismael killed Gedoliah Ierem. 41. Or els per industriam when one of set purpose picketh quarrels and seeketh occasions to provoke a man that he may kill him both these kinds are touched here Tostat. quaest 16. Then one may bee killed in heat and rage when there was no purpose before as Alexander the Great killed Clitus Pelarg. This kinde though not so grievous as the other yet is a kinde of voluntarie killing So there is extant a constitution of Hadrian the Emperour against him qui per lasciviam causam mortis praebuisset which was the cause of anothers death through wantonnesse and riot though there were no enmitie before that such an one should be banished five yeeres Simler QUEST XLII Why the wilfull murtherer was to be taken from the Altar Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar 1. This may bee understood either of the Altar of incense which was in the holy place or of the Altar of burnt offring rather which was without the Tabernacle in the Court for thither every one might easily flee that had committed any such offence but to the Arke no escape could be made because there was no entrance thither 2. R. Salomon saith that this is meant even of the Priest that sacrificed at the Altar who after he had finished his service at the Altar might be taken thence and judged by the law as other malefactors and murtherers Which collection of his may be received saving that it is not like they would suffer a murtherous Priest to minister at the Altar 3. But that other conceit of R. Salomon whom Lyranus followeth hath no good ground that he that had killed an Hebrew wilfully might be taken from the Altar as Ioab was but if he had onely killed a Gentile as a Moabite or Ammonite though of set purpose he was not to be taken thence but was privileged by the Altar But the contrarie appeareth that this law forbiddeth all voluntarie and wilfull murther whether of Hebrew or Gentile for it was more to kill a Gentile being free then a Gentile that was a servant or bondman but the master was to die for it if he beat his servant to death so that he died under his hand vers 20. which law must be understood of strangers and aliens that were servants not of Hebrewes for they were not to deale so cruelly with them Levit. 25.38 Iun. much more therefore were they to die if they of purpose killed any free stranger Tostat. 4. If therefore the wilfull murther as well of strangers as Hebrewes be here forbidden then both for the one murther and for the other might they be taken even from the Altar 5. And the reason thereof was this because they which did flee to Gods Altar eum tanquam patronum judicem innocentiae suae implorabani did sue unto God as the patron and Judge of their innocency therefore they therein abusing Gods name were to be expelled thence Gallas QUEST XLIII What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father and mother c. 1. The very smiting of the father or mother deserveth death although they die not of such smiting Cajetan Iun. as may appeare vers 12. where is directly expressed concerning the smiting of another if hee die then the smiter shall bee put to death Piscator 2. R. Salomon understandeth that this is not meant of every smiting but when upon the smiting â—he effusion of bloud followeth or some scarre or wound is caused But the very smiting of either of the parents sheweth the malice and disobedience of the childe for the which he is worthie to die as Deut. 21.18 the sonne for his stubbornnesse and disobedience was to be stoned to death Indeed for every blow or smiting the childe was not to die if it were done unwittingly or unawares but if it were done of purpose he deserved death 3. And the reason is because of the authoritie of the parents which is the next unto God Simler Deo parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia c. Wee can never make amends unto God and our parents Cajetan As also they seeme not to be worthie of life which are injurious to those by whom they received their life Gallas QUEST XLIV Of the grievous sinne of paricide THough there be no expresse mention here of those that kill their parents yet it followeth necessarily that if it be a sinne worthie of death to smite them much more to kill them 1. This even among the Heathen was counted so hainous a sinne that they thought none so wicked that would commit paricide and therefore Solon
Allaricus when Rome was taken gave commandement that all they which fled to the Churches of S. Paul and S. Peter should have their lives Simler 3. But on the contrary thus it is objected against such Sanctuary places 1. That by this meanes the â—ourse of Justice is hindred when malefactors are sheltred and rescued from the Magistrate by the immunity and privilege of the place 2. Servants are encouraged to be contemptuous and disobedient to their masters finding succour elsewhere 3. And anthrifty and carelesse debtorâ— by such devises will seeke to defraud their creditours 4. And herein was a great abuse committed in former times of superstition that their Sanctuary places were open to all kinde of malefactors As thus it standeth deciâ—ed Aâ—reâ—aneus 1. c. 3. Homicidas adulteros fures sive quoscunque reâ—â— c. Murtherers adulterers theeves or any other trespassers as the Ecclesiasticall Canons decret and the Romanâ— Law appointeth it is not lawfull to draw out of the Church or the Bishops house but upon oath first given 〈…〉 poenarum gâ—nere sint securi that the parties so taken out should be secure from all kinde of punishment 4. Now then to moderate the excesse and abuse herein neither is it fit that all such Sanctuaries should be stripped of their privileges as Tibeâ—iâ—â— the Emperour did as Sâ—â—â—onius and Tacitus doe write But such places of Gods service are meet still to be had in reverence according to that Law of Arcadius Irruens in Templum vel Menistros capite punitur c. That hee which did assault the Church or the Ministers should be capitally punished Cod. lib. 1. tit 6. leg 10. Yet the privilege of such places would thus be moderated and limited 1. That they should not bee open to all offenders but onely to such as trespassed of ignorance and sinned unwittingly and such as were empoverished by casualty rather thâ—◠〈◊〉 owne default 2. That the number of such privileged places should be restrained as it is already in the refoâ—â—ed Churches seeing to all the 12. Tribes of Israel there were allowed but six Cities of 〈◊〉 3. He which was rescued in the Cities of refuge was but there a while till his cause was tried 〈…〉 guilty he was delivered up so it is fit that such as sought the Sanctuary should notwithstanding ansâ—er the Law As it was decreed by the Imperiall Lawes as Cod. 1. l. 1. tit 15. leg 5. Iudaei confugieuâ—es ad Eâ—â—â—â—sias suscipi non debent c. Jewes fleeing to the Churches ought not to be received unlesse first they pay their debts Ibid. leg 5. maneri possunt vel citari in Ecclesia c. they may be summoned and cited in the Church and being so cited they are bound to make answer c. 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Of the love which parents ought to beare toward their children Vers. 5. I Love my wife and my children c. Hence appeareth the great love which a man ought to beare toward his wife and children that he should endure much wrong yea and chuse rather to serve with them than to have his liberty and freedome without them Oleaster which condemneth the carelesnesse of such parents which preferre their owne case and pleasure before the safety of their children worse herein than the bruit beasts even then the savage and cruell Beare which rageth being robbed of her whelpes Prov. 17.12 2. Obser. Of the duty of children toward their parents Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father or his mother vers 17. and he that curseth his father c. shall dye the death He that abused his parents in word or in deed that gave them but a tip or a reviling word was to be put to death which sheweth how much the Lord abhorreth stubbornnesse and disobedience to parents Little thought of by too many in our dayes and the rather because that continually in the Church there is not a beating of these points of Catechisme into childrens heads and hearts by carefull Ministers O that they would bee once drawne to doe this duty in their severall Churches soone should they find the fruit of it and the greatnesse of their sinne in so long neglecting it B. Babing 3. Observ. Masters not to be cruell toward their servants Vers. 20. IF a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod and he dye c. Upon this text Rabanus thus noteth Sicut disciplina opus est in eruditione subjectorum c. As discipline is needfull in the erudition of those that are in subjection Ita discretione opus est in exhibitione correpâ—â—onum c. So also discretion is needfull in the exhibiting of correction c. neither parents should provoke their children by too much rigour nor yet masters shew themselves cruell toward their servants as here the Law punisheth the immoderate severity of masters yea the Apostle would have masters put away threatning from their servants Ephes. 6.9 4. Observ. A wrong in deed must be recompenced in deed Vers. 26. HE shall let him goe free for his eye Chrysostome hereupon thus inferreth If thou hast chastised any beyond measure Injuriae peccatum beneficio est dissolvendum c. The sinne of wrong must be dissolved by a benefit Alioquin nisi quem factis laesisti factis placaveris siue causa eras 〈◊〉 Dominum Otherwise whom thou hast wronged in deed if thou doest not appease by thy deeds in vaine doest thou pray unto God c. Hom. 11. in Matth. As then the wrong is done so the amends or recompence must be made he that hath offended in word must by his words and confession acknowledge his fault but he which hath offred wrong in deed must also make some satisfaction for iâ— in deed as here the master for putting out his servants eye was to give him his liberty and freedome for it 5. Observ. Superiours are charged with the sinnes of inferiours committed by their negligence Vers. 29. IF the oxe were wâ—nt to push in time past c. As by this Law the owner of the oxe was to make good the hurt which was done by his oxe through his negligence because he kept him not so God imputeth the sinnes of the children to their fathers and of the subjects to the Magistrate si 〈◊〉 negligentia cessatum fuerit c. if through their negligence that is of the parents or governours the children or subjects faile in their duty as is set forth in the example of Holâ— 1 Sam. 2. who was punished for his remisnesse toward his children by which meanes he was made accessary to their sinne Lippoâ—â—â— CHAP. XXII 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter other politicke and civill Lawes are delivered which are of two sorts either concerning every ones private duty to vers 28. or the publike vers 27. to the end of the Chapter The private duties are of two sorts either touching prophane or sacred actions Of the first sort are these 1. Concerning theft either
that is none that is not of Aarons family 3. Tostatus giveth this solution That Kings are not here excluded because Kings when they were anointed did not use this ointment ad delectationem for delight which is here only forbidden sed ad cultum Dei but for the service and worship of God because as the Lord appointed Priests for his service so he ordained Kings in his stead to rule and governe his people Tostat. quaest 13. But it was not lawfull for any of the people to use this oile upon any occasion at all whether for delight or otherwise to consecrate any thing privatly nor upon any person not here excepted which are the Priests only for the words are generall 4. Wherefore the best answer is this God forbiddeth any other to be anointed with this ointment saving the Priests nisi scilicet aliter jusserit unlesse he otherwise command the Lord reserveth unto himselfe a liberty above his Law Simler As yet there were no Kings in Israel and therefore no mention is made of their anointing So that this ointment was afterward used to anoint both Kings and Priests sed non sine novo Dei mandato but not without a new commandement from God Pelarg. QUEST XXXVI What it is to be cut off from his people Vers. 33. HE shall be cut off from his people 1. Pellicane seemeth to understand this of the penalty of death to be publikely inflicted upon him that should prophane this holy ointment prohibetur profanus usus sub poena mortis the prophane use is forbidden under paine of death 2. Some of the separation of them de coetu sanctorum from the society and company of the faithfull Gloss. interl 3 Some of the punishment divinitus by God himselfe to be imposed upon them Osiander as Vzzah for the like transgression was smitten with sudden death 4. Tostatus both understandeth the extraordinary punishment by the Lords hand and the sentence of death to be denounced by the Magistrate if any did continue in this offence nec desistere vellet and would not cease or give over 5. Vatablus referreth it to the spirituall and everlasting punishment of the soule anima ejus peribit his soule shall perish 6. But all these three are better joyned together that both God shall cut off such an one by sudden and extraordinary death in this world and punish him eternally in the next as in this sense it is said that hee which was not circumcised should be cut off from his people because he had broken the Lords covenant Deut. 17.16 Iunius ibid. For as the faithfull are said to be gathered to their people when they died as Abraham Gen. 25.8 and Iacob Gen. 49.33 so the wicked and prophane shall be cut off from their people that is from the fellowship of the Saints in the next world Tostat. qu. 18. unlesse they doe repent Pelarg. Likewise if such prophane persons did obstinately persist in their sinne they were to die also by the hand of the Magistrate in which sense it is said that he that did sinne with an high hand that is presumptuously shall be cut off from among his people Numb 15.30 QUEST XXXVII The spirituall application of this holy ointment THis holy ointment made of these foure simples Myrrh Cinamom Calamus and Cassia 1. Some apply unto the senses by Cinamom understanding two of them the senses of seeing and hearing ut a sordibus repurgati that they should be purged from filthinesse c. Procop. 2. Some by these foure would have signified the foure morall vertues which must be tempered together Gloss. ordinar 3. Other by the Myrrh the mortification of the flesh by the Cinamom of ashy and earthly colour mortality by the Cassia growing in moist places Baptisme Gloss. interlinear 4. But these applications are too curious and impertinent therefore this holy ointment better setteth forth that holy ointment of the Spirit wherewith the Messiah was anointed who is said Psal. 45.8 to be anointed with the oile of gladnesse above his fellowes Thus Hierome applieth it in 3. cap. Hab. and Cyril lib. 12. in Levit. 5. But it signifieth not only the holy Ghost which was powred upon Christ without measure but that portion of grace wherewith every one of Christs members is anointed Osiander that as without this ointment neither the Tabernacle nor any part thereof was sanctified so without the operation of the holy Ghost all our labours and endevours are unprofitable Marbach 6. Pelargus more particularly applieth every one of these foure severall ingredients by the Myrrh which is good to joyne and as it were glue wounds together and helpeth a stinking breath and cleereth the voice he understandeth the merit of Christs death which healeth our wounds and cureth our evill thoughts and words by the Cinamom which is good against poisonfull beasts the spirituall force of Christs death which prevaileth against Satan by the sweet Calamus charity is signified which covereth a multitude of sinnes by the Cassia which healeth the biting of vipers the holy Sacrament of the Eucharist which is a spirituall medicine to the soule But we have no direction in Scripture for any such particular application It sufficeth that this ointment prefigured the spirit of grace wherewith the faithfull are anointed as the Apostle saith Yee have an ointment from that Holy one and know all things 1 Ioh. 2.20 QUEST XXXVIII Of the spices whereof the holy perfume was made Vers. 34. TAke these spices stacte c. Now followeth the composition of the perfume 1. The first is called in Hebrew nabaph which signifieth a drop distilling R. David Vatablus Oleaster take it for balm which distilleth from the tree some for storax liquida liquid storax But liquid things could not be beaten to powder as this was vers 36. Some interpret it pure myrrh Genevens But that was prescribed before for the oyntment called there mar Rab. Salomon thinketh it was a kinde of gum But there is great difference betweene stacte and gum it was therefore the distilling of myrrh indurata being hardned Lippom. Which the Septuagint called before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flower of myrrh Simler 2. The next is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shâ—cheleth which Oleaster would derive of shachal a Lion or Cat a mountaine the sweat or ordure whereof is of great savour that which we call muske R. David and Papias take it for the root of a certaine odoriferous and fragrant herbe But the most thinke it to be a little shell like unto a small oyster or cockle of the bignesse and colour of ones naile which is found in India in the lakes where nardus groweth where the small shelfish doe feed of nardus and thereupon the shels become to be of an excellent sweet smell Dioscorides lib. 2. cap. 20. So Lyranus Tostat. Pelargus Some take it for cleare gum Genevens But that is not so apt to be beaten and pounded Vatablus calleth it ungulam cabellinam or aromaticum which
also is in the same minde Faciem Dei juxta naturae sua proprietatem nulla videt creatura No creature can see the face of God in the propertie of his owne nature 6. But whereas Iacob saith I have seene God face to face Gen. 32.30 which is here denied unto Moses Thomas Aquinas well interpreteth that place that whereas it is said that Iacob saw God face to face Referendum est non ad ipsam essentiam sed ad figuram in quo representabatur Deus It must be referred not unto the essence of God but unto that figure wherein God was represented c. Otherwise it is not to be doubted but that Moses saw more than Iacob did and there is no question but that this was the most cleere sensible vision of Gods glorie that is to be found in all the old Testament for none of the Fathers saw the Lords back-parts but only Moses Oleast yet neither Iacob there nor Moses here saw the divine essence Nunc majus aliquid prastantius obtinet non tamen ut Deum perfecte videat c. Moses obtained a more excellent thing than Iacob yet not to see God perfectly as he is in himselfe but as the capacitie of humane nature was able to beare Calvin 7. Alcuinus giveth this reason why Moses when it is said the Lord spake with Moses face to face saw not the divine essence for then hee would not have said afterward Ostende mihi teipsum Shew me thy selfe or thy glorie Apparuit ergo ei Deus in ea specie qua voluerat non ipse autem apparuit illi natura propria God therefore appeared unto him in that manner hee would not in his owne nature c. 8. Simlerus addeth further hee saw onely the back-parts of God Non vidit igitur naturam substantiam Therefore he saw not his nature and substance And whereas notwithstanding the Lord is said to have talked with Moses face to face that is only to shew a difference betweene that cleere vision which Moses had and other visions shewed to other Prophets not so cleere Simler 9. Lyranus then here is deceived who affirmeth that though the vision or sight of the divine essence was not now granted to Moses Tamen alias fuit concessa in vita praesenti Yet it was granted at another time in this life present But the reason here used by the Lord that no man can see God and live is generall excluding all men while they live here from the vision of Gods nature and essence And as Tostatus reasoneth Non videtur esse aliud tempus inconvenientius c. There seemeth no time to be more convenient for Moses to see Gods essence in than this when Moses made that request unto God qu. 17. yet Tostatus likewise is deceived who thinketh that Moses at this time did see the divine essence QUEST XLIX Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live Vers. 20. THere shall no man see me and live 1. Gregorie Nyssenus giveth this sense of this place not that the sight of that glorious face should be the cause of death Nam quomodo vitae facies causa mortis esse poterit For how should the face of life be the cause of death to those that approach or come neere unto it But to shew because the divine nature exceedeth all knowledge that he which thinketh God to be any of those things which are seene and knowne vitam non habet hath no life Non est ergo vita quod cognoscitur That then is not life which is seene or knowne and so cannot give life c. Hee maketh then in effect this to be the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live thinke not that which thou seest of one to be God able to give life But the Lord speaketh here not of any inward opinion but of the present sight and contemplation of God which Moses decreed and by face he meaneth not any thing beside himselfe that is seene of him but his essence and nature that which himselfe is no man can see that and live 2. Procopius seemeth to approve this sense that they which live here according to the flesh cannot see God but they may see him Non secundum carnem ambulantes Which walke not according to the flesh But Procopius may answer himselfe by a distinction that there is prima Dei facies the first face of God which is his divine essence which is indeed invisible neâ—ini mortalium visa and never seene of any mortall creature there is secunda Dei facies as second face of God which is his grace and favour which is seene by faith of this sight of God our blessed Saviour speaketh Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God c. But the Lord speaketh here of the sight of his first face which is invisible for Moses lived not according to the flesh and yet he is denied this sight and afterward he is granted to see the back-parts which he could not have seene if he had beene carnall not spirituall 3. Rupertus thinketh that as before the Lord spake unto Moses in the person of the people Pro parte electorum In respect of the elect among them I will cause all my good to goe before thee so he speaketh this pro parte reproborum in regard of the reprobate and wicked among them that they should not see Gods glorie and live because they were appointed to die So Rupertus maketh the force of this speech to consist in the word Then thou canst not see my face that is the wicked and unbeleevers among the people But this exposition cannot stand 1. Because the reason is generall No man shall see me and live no man whatsoeveâ— 2. The emphasis lyeth in the word face for his back-parts it is granted Moses to see 3. And the Lord meaneth here Moses person not in him the person of the people as the whole narration following sheweth how the Lord would put Moses in a cleft of a rocke and cover him with his hand while he passed by c. 4. Another exposition is this Qui ex opposito Deum aspicit non vivet He which doth see Gods face as opposite and comming against him shall not live Discat homo Deum sequi Let a man seeke to follow God c. not as it were to meet God in the face or to oppose himselfe against him for vice is opposite to vertue So also Gregor Nyssen 5. Augustine thus interpreteth No man can see God and live Nemo potest eum in hac vita videre vivens sicuti est No man can see him while he liveth in this life as he is So also Lyranus Vatab. Iun. annot But thâ—n this should onely be a repetition of the same thing Thou canst not see my face for no man living can see my face It better containeth a reason of the Lords former answer why Moses could not see
where the sides joyned together for then the bars could not conveniently have beene thrust thorow them but by the corners are meant the sides neere unto the corners as it is said afterward that the barres were in the rings by the sides of the Arke Tostat. qu. 1. QUEST II. Why it is said He made where the Lord said before to Moses Thou shalt make Vers. 6. HE made the Mercie-seat c. The phrase must be observed that whereas chap. 25. the Lord saith to Moses Thou shalt make an Arke thou shalt make a candlesticke thou shalt make a table and so of the rest here it is said He that is Bezaleel made the Arke he made the table he made the candlesticke The reason hereof is to shew the obedience of Moses and the people lest they might have beene thought to have received many precepts of the Lord and performed few of them In that therefore the Lord said to Moses Thou shalt make there the charge and commandement is given But now where it is thus rehearsed and he made the dutifull and carefull performing is expressed of that which was given them in charge Pellican QUEST III. In what forme the branches of the candlesticke went up Vers. 18. SIx branches came out of the side thereof 1. Pellican seemeth to thinke that these branches went up erectis calamis with their stalkes upright 2. But their opinion seemeth more probable who thinke that the branches in their going up semicirculos effecisse made halfe circles for both that forme and fashion was more comely to sight and beside if they had gone upright this inconvenience would have followed that the lamps above where the oyle was put for the lights would not have stood right up but leaning one way which had been unfit both for the droppings of the oyle and the lights would not have burned so cleare nor so bright if the lamps had not stood even and levell Gallas The rest of the questions concerning these instruments and ornaments of the Temple which are described in this chapter are before discussed chap. 25. and chap. 30. in the beginning of the chapters 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Christ our true propitiatorie and Mercie-seat Vers. 6. HE made the Mercie-seat The Mercie-seat signified Christ our true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Propitiatorie who hath reconciled us to God his Father The Cherubs upon the Mercie-seat doe represent the holy Angels whose ministerie Christ useth in the government of his Church Pelargus As the Apostle saith They are sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of salvation Hebr. 1.14 Marbach 2. Doct. Christ both God and man THe making of the Arke of wood within and gold without did set forth the two natures in our blessed Saviour joyned together in one person the divine and humane Simlerus In the Propitiatorie and Mercie-seat are typically set forth the benefits that we have by Christ that as the Propitiatorie covered the Arke wherein was the Law so Christ Legem nos accusantem tegit doth cover and hide the Law which accuseth us Simler But more particularly the Apostle rehearseth the benefits which we have by Christ saying that he is made of God unto us his wisdome righteousnesse sanctification redemption 1. His wisdome in that Christ hath revealed unto us the will of his Father to give his Sonne for us That whosoever beleeveth in him should have eternall life 2. He is our Iustice in that hee imparted to us both his active righteousnesse in fulfilling the Law and his passive obedience in bearing the punishment due unto our sinne so the Apostle saith Christ is the end of the Law for righteousnesse to everie one that beleeveth 3. Christ is our Sanctification in that hee doth not only impute unto us his righteousnesse by faith but doth also sanctifie and regenerate us by his Spirit inabling us in some measure to keepe his Commandements as the Lord saith by his Prophet I will put my Spirit within you and cause you to walke in my statutes 4. He is our Redemption in that he hath by his innocent death appeased the wrath of God toward us as the Apostle saith Who shall condemne us it is Christ which is dead c. Marbachius 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against such hereticks as erred concerning Christs divine or humane nature AS Christ is shadowed forth in the Arke to be both God and man so all such are condemned which doe erre concerning the divine or humane nature of Christ. As touching Christs divine nature 1. Some utterly deny it making Christ a meere man and not to have beene before he was conceived of the Virgin Marie in which heresie were Cerinthus Ebion contrarie to the Scripture which saith that the Word which was made flesh was in the beginning c. Ioh. 1.1 2. Some confesse another nature in Christ beside his humanitie but not of the same substance with God yet of an higher nature than any creature so held Carpocrates Basilides Arrius but our blessed Saviour himselfe saith I and my Father are one Ioh. 20.30 3. Some affirmed that Christ beside his humane nature consisted also of a divine yet not begotten of the Father but making one person with God the Father as well as being of one substance so the Sabellians and Patropassians whereas the Apostle saith God sent his Sonne made of a woman Gal. 4.4 The person then of the Sonne and not of the Father was made man for us Concerning Christs humane nature 1. Some affirmed that he was not a true man but onely in outward appearance as the Manichees and Marcionites who are confuted by Christs owne words Luke 24.39 Handle me and see for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as yee see me have 2. The Valentinians and Anabaptists hold that Christ had not his flesh of the Virgin Marie but brought it with him from heaven contrarie to the Apostle who saith That hee was made of the seed of David according to the flesh Rom. c. 3. 3. Some taught that Christ had a true humane nature but in respect of his body onely not of his soule as Apollinaris Bishop of Laodicea who is convinced by the words of our Saviour Matth. 26. My soule is heavie unto death 4. Some grant that Christ tooke upon him our whole nature but not our humane infirmities But the Apostle teacheth the contrarie that Christ was in all things tempted in like sort as we are yet without sinne There are two kinde of infirmities some are personall as leprosie blindnesse sicknesse diseases these Christ was not subject unto there are naturall infirmities which doe belong unto the whole humane nature as wearinesse hunger griefe and such like these our blessed Saviour undertooke that he might be in all things like unto us 5. Some hold that Christ had a true humane nature but after the uniting thereof in one person to his Godhead it was absorpt of his divine nature which only remained this was
superstition of the Egyptians in worshipping their god Apis. Reconciliation of some difference in the genealogie of the Belahites in the Chronicles Benjamin a grandfather at Iacobs going downe to Egypt Hebrewes conceits The Septuagint whether here in an errour Why 70 persons descended into Egypt Whether Iacob or Ioseph fell one upon the others necke T.G.r. H. alt T.B.G.r. H. cor divers sig H.S. cor divers sig H. cor T. mut num H. alt T.B.G. divers signif Perer. error in the chronologie How Iacob did know that he should not attaine to the yeares of his father Aug. lib. 1. de civit c. 12.13 Heb. 11.21 How and when the Apostles doe follow the Septuagint H.S.C. mut voc S.c. S.H.c. H.S.c. diff verb. H.S. det H.S.C. mut voc Canterp S. ap f. pro. C. cor 1 Tim 3.3 Tit. 1.8 Offic. 2.27 Christs-church in Oxford In obit Satyr Master Gibbons upon Genesis dedicated to the L. Bishop of Duresme Orat. pro Archia 1 〈◊〉 2.21 1 Pet. 3.9 Romana apud Hieron H.S.c. H.S.C. cor H.S.C. cor T.B.r. S.H.C. â— T.r. divers signif S.c. T.p.r. T.r. T.r. T.C.r. C. cor H. cor Ch. c. B.G.T. â— G. cor S. cor Ch. c. C.c. C.c. C.H.S. cor C. cor C.c. S. dâ—v signif H.S.C. div signif H.S. div signif S.C.H.c. C. cor S.c. H.S.c. T.B.r. T.B.r. C. cor S.c. C.c. S.c. T.H.r. T.G.r. S.c. C.c. inter S. mut pâ—rs H. det How Moses came to the knowledge of Iacobs will Iacobs testament depraved and abused The last times how taken in Scripture The error of Isidor Pâ—lusioâ—a Of Ruben Of Simeon and Levi. The greatnesse of the sinne of Simeon and Levi. How Christ is the expectation and desire of the Gentiles The prophecies touching the Messiah absolute not conditionall No King of the tribe of Iudah after Ieconiah How the scepter should not depart from Iudah till Shiloh come Moses prophecie of Gad compared with thiâ— of Iacob â—â—wes S.c. S.c. T. r. G. pr. f. app H.T.r. Herodot lib. 2. Diodor. lib. 2. Histor. scholast c. 114. in Genes Why the Egyptians are noted to have mourned Of the dayes and time of mourning for the dead Hebrewes curious observations When and upon what occasion this message was sent to Ioseph Joseph lib. 2. antiquit How long Joseph died before Moses was borne Iustinus the historiographer detected of sundrie untruths Hebrewes fables How Stephen might know that the rest of the Patriarkes were buried in Sechem Bellar. de purgato lib. 1. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Stobaâ— ser. â—â— Psal. 113.5 Prov. 20.8 â— Sam. â—3 11 Ambros. in obitum Valentin Ambros. ser. 40. Iudg. 9. Iudg. 1. 1 Sam. 21.18 2 King 11. â—eneâ— 2. de iâ—a Hierom. ad Oceanum Hexamer lib. â— cap. 21. Iudg. 9.19 Numb 16. Ierem. 22.19 2 Chron. 20. Esth. 9.19.22 Esther 9.18 1 Maâ—h 4.59 Ioâ— 10.22 Zach. 2.5 Iob 28.7 Iob 34.25 vers 22. Psal. 91.5 Numb 21.17 Iudg. 5.31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 14.3 Anthistenes Apolog. 2. in Ruffin Galath 4.16 Hieron ad Rustic 2 Cor. 10.18 Philip. 1.18 Serm. 79. de verbi Apostolis * Galath 3.19 Iosephus Origen Cyprian Cyril Chrysostom Hierom. Augustine Gregorie Theodoret. Damascene Lyranus Thom. Aquin. Hugo Cardinalis Isidore Hugo de S. Vict. Burgensis Rupertuâ— Rabanus Calvin Pagnin Iunius annot Arias Moâ—taâ— Iunius Analys Pellican Simlerus Gallasius Marbachiuâ— Pelargus Borrhaius Osiander Arâ—tius Zeiglerus Cajetanus Lippomanâ—â— Tostatus Ferus Pererius Vatablus Olâ—aster Piscator Genevens Ambros. 〈◊〉 in Luc. Moses Iudicials of thâ—ee sorts Moses Iudicials noâ—â—eft absolutely free unto Christian Magistrates The Christian Magistratie not necessarily tied to Moses Iudiciali How far Moses Iudicials doe bind Ambr. lib. 7. commâ—nt in 9. cap. Luc 〈…〉 is cite◠〈…〉 Piscat de abrogation Iudicial ration 2. The â—igour of Moses law mitigated * Or rather the author of â—per imperfect 〈◊〉 43. in cap. â—â— Matth. and it is alleaged Caus. 27. qu. 1. cap 12. Câ—prian lib. 4. â—â—istol 2. Epistol ad Innocentium Whether adulterie necessarily is to be punished by death Annot. in Heb. epist. Hieron ad Innocentium Cyprian lib â— epâ—st 2. Some kinds of theft punishable by death by the word of God Simple theft deserâ—eth not death Cod lib 6. â— 2. l. 11. leg 18. Cod. lib. â— tit 1. leg 3. Caus 17. qu. 4. c. 17. Annot. Erasâ—i in Hieron epistol ad Innocentium A.P.B.G. cum caeter T. T. S· G.A.P. T. Lib. 1â— de Ciâ— â—itaâ— Deic 7. Lib. 7. de histor 〈◊〉 cap. 4. How Pharaoh is said to dealâ— wisely that is subtilly with Israel Hierom. lib. de locâ— Hebrâ—iâ— August libr. contr mendaâ—iâ—m c. 15.16 â—ib contra mendacium Câ—p. 10. Greg. lib. â— moral Hierom. in cap 65. Isai. Hier. in cap 65. Isai. Rup lib. 1. Exod. cap. 7. Epist. ad Hâ—w the 〈◊〉 is said to turne the hearts of the Egyptians to hatred Theod. in Psalm 105. August in Pâ—â—â—m 104. V.I. G.I. I.C. I. L.c. L.S.c. I.A.P. Pharaohs edict against the children continued not long Pererius deceived in the computation of 120. yeeres â—useb lâ—b 10. de 〈…〉 Evang. 〈◊〉 ult The time of Moses birth compared with forren stories Appion the Grammarian that wrote against the Jewes of two grosse erroâ—â— Philo lib. 1. de vita Moses Ioseph lib. 2. Antiq. cap. â— Euseb. lib. 9. de praepâ—rat Evangel cap. ult Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. â—ib de civitate Dei 18. cap. 59. Whether Moses found out the use of letters â—risteus in his historie of the 72. translations Lib. 18. de civ Dei cap. 40. Why 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 and I 〈…〉 not Thâ—â— secund secund q. 61. artic ult Hierom. de 〈◊〉 Hebraic Hierom contra Heluidium Pererius deceived I.V. cum caeter I.S. â— I.G.B. cum caeter I.V.B.G. I.V.A. I.G. cum caeter Why Moses went thither Why it was caâ—led the mountaine God Ambâ— lib. 7. Comment in 〈…〉 â—ypr lib. 1. advers Iud. cap. 19. 〈…〉 in cap. 〈…〉 Iosephus lib. 5. Antiquâ—â—â—â— Of the wonderfull fruit of Palestina called the Apples of Paradise Hier. Epist. 129. ad Dardonum Thâ—m 〈…〉 3. Dionys. Whether Plato and other Philosophers received any light from Moses bookes 1. doct That there is but one God â— doct That Christ is God 3. doct God doth not alwayes shew his immediate power but worketh by meanes Perer. Distâ— 3 cap. Exâ—d Numer 2â— Epist. How places are to be respected I.V. I. I. V. I.V. B.G. cum caeter I.G. I.L.S. I. Serm. 86 â—e tempore Reconcilâ—ation Hebrewes fâ—â—bles Lib. 3â— â—or cap. 23. Epist. 142. ad â—ardaâ— Wherein Moses sinned How God is angry with his Children Zach. 9.9 God Satan and man himselfe are said to harden the heart but diversly August â—eâ— â—â— De â—empore Aâ—gust serm 141. de tempore Bernard 1. ser. de câ—rcumcis Hug. lib. 2. de sacram 12. Thostat in Exod. Thom. 2. par 4.70 resp ad secund Lib. 2. cont epist. Parâ—â—en câ—p 13. I.P. I. A. P. I.S. I. A. P. I.A.P. I.
gave him a name Edom Calvin this action was governed by Gods providence and the prophecie began now to take place the elder shall serve the younger QUEST XL. Whether Iacob offended in causing Esau to sell his birthright Vers. 31. SEll me now thy birthright 1. Iacob may be thought to have dealt cruelly with Esau and uncharitably that would give him no releefe being ready to die but upon such hard conditions but the answer is that Esau coveted Iacobs pottage not of necessity for there was other meat in the house whereby he might have satisfied his hunger but of an unsatiable greedinesse 2. But Iacob was too covetous to cause Esau to sell for so small a trifle so rich a thing as his birthright which included many priviledges as the priority and government of his brethren a double portion to the rest the priesthood and right to sacrifice Exod. 19.22 and 24.5 and beside was a type and figure of everlasting life Vatabl. here the answer is not as the Hebrewes thinke that Iacob gave a greater summe and this to be onely as an earnest for no such thing appeareth in the Scripture but the true answer is this that Iacob knew by the instruction of his mother that the birthright by Gods appointment belonged unto him and therefore as a wise man he taketh this occasion to recover his right from him that was an usurper of it 3. But seeing this birthright was a sacred thing for otherwise Esau should not be counted a profane person for selling it how could Iacob buy it without sinne Answer Iacob intelligitur suam vexationem redemisse Iacob did but redeeme his owne vexation he buyeth not a thing which was not belonging to him but onely recovereth that which was his owne and this is not simoniacal in sacred things for a man to redeeme his quietnesse and peaceable possession 4. But seeing Esau sinned in selling his birthright how could Iacob be without sinne yes Iacob offended not being hereunto no doubt stirred and incited by the spirit of God and sparing from his owne belly to obtaine such a blessing preferring things spirituall before temporall but Esau sinned in setting so light by the blessing of God as shall appeare in the next question Mer. yet this extraordinary fact of Iacob is not to be drawne into imitation QUEST XLI Whether before the law the first borne did alwaies exercise priesthood BUt whether the priesthood did goe with the birthright and that the first borne did execute the priests office it is questioned among the learned for the solution whereof 1. I neither thinke with the Hebrewes that the first borne of the family alwayes had the preheminence of the priesthood for Abel the younger brother offered sacrifice as well as Cain 2. Neither with Oleaster that this was never practised whose opinion is that the priesthood was not due to the first borne before the law of Moses in hunc loc for the contrary is evident Exod. 24.5 3. Neither do I wholly assent to Hierome who thinketh that omnes primogeniti ex stirpe Noe that all the first borne of Noahs stocke were priests epist. 126. ad Evag. for then Iapheth rather then Sem should have had that prerogative for hee was elder than Sem being borne in the 500. yeare of Noahs age Gen. 5.32 Sem two yeare after Gen. 11.10 yet Sem was the Priest of the most high God supposed to be Melchisedeck and Noah saith Blessed be the Lord God of Sem Gen. 9.26 4. Neither doth the Apostle call Esau prophane only as Pererius thinketh because he sold the Priesthood annexed to the birth-right for it was a holy thing in respect of the spirituall blessing annexed unto it In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed Gen. 22.18 5. This then is our opinion rather that before Moses the father of the house was the Priest for the family as wee read that Iob every day offered sacrifice for his sonnes but after the father was deceased then the first borne succeeded both in the inheritance and priesthood and so after Isaacks decease the birth-right should also have conveyed with it the Priesthood Mercer But that ordinance that the first borne should exercise the Priesthood and offer sacrifice though he were not the father of the family is no older than Moses Exod. 19.22.24.5 Who then were sanctified and set apart unto God Exod. 13.2 QUEST XXXVII How many wayes Esau offended in selling his birth-right Vers. 32. LOe I am almost dead c. Esau diversly offended in selling his birth-right 1. Because he esteemeth his birth-right only by the present commodity and pleasure of this life for whether he meane in respect of his daily danger in hunting he was subject to death as Iun. Or generally speake of his mortality as Mercer Or which is most like of his present faintnesse Calvin Hee onely limiteth his birth-right to this life as though it could not profit him afterward whereupon the Hebrewes gather that hee denied the resurrection 2. Esau offended in his intemperancy and ravenous desire that preferred his belly before so great and rich a birth-right 3. In that for so meane a value hee would forgoe such an inheritance for whereas Aben Ezra would excuse the matter because Isaack was now become very poore and therefore Esau set the lesse by his patrimony it hath no ground at all for whereas Abraham was very rich and left all to Isaack and God blessed Isaack beside how is it like that Isaack in so short a time could bee wasted 4. Another sinne was Esau his profanenesse noted by the Apostle Heb. 12.16 that parted with a spiritual blessing for a temporal and momentany pleasure 5. His unthankfulnesse to God appeareth in that he no more regarded the dignity of the first borne given unto him 6. His obstinacy in that he repented not his folly but after he had done went away carelesse and therefore it is said Esau contemned his birth-right vers 34. 7. His falshood and persidious nature appeareth who though hee had passed over his birth-right to Iacob with an oath yet seemed to make but a scoffe of it and purposed not in his heart to performe it Perer. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the immortality of the soule Vers. 8. WAs gathered to his people Theodoret from hence well concludeth the immortality of the soule and the hope of the resurrection for if men wholly perish and did not passe to another life Moses would not have said He was gathered to his people qu. 109. in Genes our Saviour also useth the like argument to prove that Abraham was alive to God because the Lord calleth himselfe the God of Isaack Abraham and Iacob God is not the God of the dead but the living Matth. 22.23 2 Doct. Order of time not alwayes observed in the sacred histories Vers. 20. ISaack was 40. yeare old c. Whereas Moses setteth downe the death of Abraham and of Ismael before he describeth the
should contemne all things in respect of him and refuse no labour nor spare cost to gaine Christ as S. Paul counted all things dung to win Christ Philip. 3.8 5. Mor. Religion must not be professed for gaine but for Religions sake Vers. 23. SHall not their flocks and substance be ours They accept of circumcision not of any love to the worship of God but of a covetous mind for their owne profit for the which cause God was angry with them It is therefore a dangerous thing to dally with God and to make religion a cloake for our covetous and carnall affections S. Paul noteth some that thinke gaine to be godlinesse 1. Tim. 6.5 such are they which professe the Gospel not for conscience but for gaine and advantage Mercer CHAP. XXXV 1. The Contents IN this chapter first are declared such things as befell Iacob to vers 23. then mention is made of his sons their names and number and of the buriall of his father vers 23. to the end The things which concerne Iacob specially are set forth by the places where they were done 1. In Sechem God appeareth to Iacob and biddeth him goe to Bethel vers 1. then Iacob reformeth his house and hideth their strange gods under an oake vers 2. to 5. then he taketh his journey prosperously 2. In Bethel Deborah dieth and is buried under an oake vers 7.8 And there God appeareth to him againe and confirmeth the promise made where Iacob builded an altar for a memoriall vers 9. to vers 16. 3. Neere unto Ephrah Rachel dieth in travaile Benjamin is borne Iacob setteth up a pillar to vers 20. 4. In Migdalâ—eder Ruben lay with Bilha vers 21.22 2. The divers readings v. 2. Iacob his whole house being called together said H. Iacob said to his house and all that were with him caeter v. 3. His word was my helpe in the way which I walked C. he was with me in the war c. caeter v. 4. They gave Iacob the Idols of the people C. strange gods caet the gods of strange people â— for strange nechar is put in the singular number and so cannot be the substantive to gods celâ—be which is in the plurall under a terebinth H. S. under an oake caeter â—elab signifieth both and he lost them to this day and Israel went from Sechem S. v. 5. they durst not follow after them going away H. they did not follow the sonnes of Iacob caeter v. 8. she was buried in the plainâ— of the valley Ch. under an oake caeter and he called the name of it the oake of mourning H.S.B. the valley of mourning C. Allon Bacâ—tâ— caeter alun an oake â—elon a plaine v. 11. I am thy God S. I am God almighty caeter shadai heb v. 13. and he went away from him H. and the glory of God ascended in that place where he spake with him Ch. and God ascended from him in that place where he spake with him caeter v. 15. he called the name of the place Bethel H. Iacob called the name of the place where God spake with him Bethel caeter v. 16. Iacob pitched his tent beyond the tower of Hader S. this is transposed out of the 21. vers and inserted here which clause the rest have not v. 16. He came in the spring to the ground which leadeth to Ephrata H. when he came neare to Cibrath to come to Ephrata S. there was a fields breadth or space of ground to come to Ephrata C. T. B. about halfe a daies journey G. about a mile P. he Cibrath of Barah to eat which signifieth a space of ground which may be gone before the time of the first eating or baiting v. 21. He pitched his tents beyond the tower of the flocke H.C. the tower of Eder caet Migdal Eder G. v. 22. Israel heard it and it seemed evil in his sight S. and Israel heard it caet v. 27. to Mamre a citie of the field S. kiriah Arbe B. a citie of 〈◊〉 caeter 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. How the Lord spake to Iacob and when Vers. 1. THen God said to Iacob 1. Whether God spake to Iacob by dreame or manifest â—ision it is not expressed whether way we take there is no inconvenience but it is most like that God spake to Iacob immediatly as he used to doe to the patriarkes without the ministery of prophets Mercer 1. This was some thirty yeares after God had appeared to Iacob in Bethel for he had beene 20. yeares in Labans house 8. yeares in Sichem 2. yeares in his journey so that he was now about 106 yeares old whereupon Ramban thinketh that God punished Iacob in the ravishing of his daughter because he had forgotten his vow and so long deferred it ex Mercer QUEST II. What strange Gods Iacob putteth away and why so called Vers. 2. PVt away the strange Gods c. 1. These might be those idols which Rachel stole from Laban as also such as were taken in the spoyle of the city of Shechem Mercer 2. Iacob neither winked at the superstition of Rachel of a blind love toward her as Calvin neither need hee to bee instructed by revelation of this misdemeanour of his house as Rupertus Iacob was not such a stranger in his owne house but that it might otherwise come to his notice 3. They are called strange Gods not because they estranged mens minds from God or because they were the idols of devils that were alienissimi estranged in affection from men Perer. or because they were strange that is unknowne Gods that were not able to helpe in the time of adversity ut Hebrâ—â— but because they were the Gods of strange people from Israel and so are the words truly translated the Gods of strange people Iun. QUEST III. Why Iacob did choose to bury not to burne the idols Vers. 4. ANd Iacob hid them under an oake c. 1. This is not to be imputed to Iacobs infirmity that burned not those idols but buried them as Calvin 2. Nor yet did he burie them that the matter thereof might afterwards serve for some profitable use as some thinke that David found them and imployed them toward the building of the temple histor scholastic 3. Nor yet is it like that Iacob melted them into one lumpe and after buried them in a deep pit as Tostatus 4. But it is more like that Iacob for haste of his journey wanted opportunity to consume them with fire Cajetan or hee rather chose in silence to burie them for feare further to offend and exasperate the Canaanites Mercer and hee did it in a secret and unknowne place that his familie should not doat after them againe Iun. QUEST IV. Why mention is made of the death of Deborah Rebeckahs nurse Vers. 8. DEborah Rebeckahs nurse died c. 1. She is called Rebeckahs nurse not because she suckled her but was her bringer up and instructer 2. Deborah was at this
time about 180. yeares of age for it was 170. yeares since she came first with Rebeckah into Canaan when shee may well bee supposed to have beene 50. yeare old having the charge and government of Rebeckah 3. It is very like that Rebeckah was now departed for otherwise Deborah would not have left her so long as shee lived 4. There is no mention of Rebeckahs death not because she was buried obscurely and in the night as the Hebrews imagine Isaack being blind and none to bury her but Esau but it is the use of Scripture to make rare mention of the death of women in this place Deborahs death is recorded as an accident that fell out by the way Mercer QUEST V. How Deborah came to be in Iacobs company NOw whereas the question is moved how Deborah came to be in Iacobs company 1. Neither is it like that after she had accompanied Rebeckah into Canaan she went back againe and was now desirous to goe aad see Rebeckah as Chrysostome for shee was sent with Rebeckah to remaine with her 2. Neither did she goe with Iacob at the first when he went into Mesopotamia as Calvin for he was alone in Bethel 3. Neither was she sent as a messenger to fetch Iacob out of Mesopotamia as the Hebrewes for he returned at Gods commandement not at his mothers call 4. Neither as Ramban is it to be supposed that Rebeckah had more nurses then one 5. But it is like that Deborah was sent to meet Iacob being returned Mercer or went to him of her owne accord after Rebeckahs death Cajetan QUEST VI. Of the number of the visions wherein God appeared to Iacob Vers. 9. Againe God appeared unto Iacob c. Not as though this were the second vision in all which Iacob had but it was another vision beside that mentioned in the beginning of the chapter where he is bid to goe up to Bethel or it was the second time that God appeared unto him in Bethel for otherwise to count all the visions that Iacob had this was in number the seventh 1. God appeared unto him in Bethel in the vision of the ladder 2. When in a dreame he was shewed the parti-coloured sheepe Genes 31.11 3. When the Lord bade him returne into his owne countrey Gen. 31.3 4. When the Angels met him Gen. 32.2 5. When the Angell wrestled with him 6. When God bid him goe up to Bethel 7. God appeared againe unto him in Bethel Perer. QUEST VII Whether the name of Israel is here new imposed or but renewed Vers. 10. THy name shall be no more called Iacob but Israel c. 1. Neither iâ— this the same vision which Iacob had when he wrestled with the Angel as Oleaster because the same name is imposed for the text saith that God appeared againe to Iacob vers 9. that is in Bethel 2. Neither as Hierome thinketh was the name of Iacob onely foretold then and imposed now tradit in Genes as Peters name is designed Iohn 1. but actually given him Matth. 12.16 Thom. Anglic. for before this Iacob is twice called by the name of Israel Genes 33.10 and Gen. 34.7 3. Neither as Tostatus and Lyranus thinke is the same name imposed in both places but upon divers reasons for in the first place hee is called Israel because hee prevailed with God and therefore much more with men to signifie his fortitude in the active life but here is named Israel that is seeing God in respect of the contemplative life the which he had now atchived But there appeared no difference at all in the reason and signification of the name for as there by the name Israel hee is comforted and fortified against Esau so here against the Canaanites that thought to have revenged the slaughter of the Sichemites 4. Wherefore wee say that the same name upon the like occasion is here imposed and that this is but a repetition and confirmation of the other vision and thereupon Iacob being confident doth now more openly call himselfe Israel Mercer Iun. And so it is not unusuall in Scripture to have the same promises often repeated as those made to Abraham of the multiplying of his seed and possessing of the land of Canaan which were often revived and renewed as Gen. 15.17.22 Perer. QUEST VIII How it is said thy name shall bee no more called Iacob FVrther whereas the Lord saith thy name shall be no more called Iacob and yet hee is afterward called Iacob 1. Augustine thinketh that he was called Iacob in respect of this life onely where he should wrestle as his name signifieth with many temptations but hee was called Israel in respect of the life to come quast 114. in Gen. But this solution beeing mysticall and this mutation of Iacobs name historicall satisfieth not Much like is the solution of Tostatus that he was called Iacob in respect of his active life but Israel for his contemplative neither is this answer sufficient to say he should be called by both names but in a diverse sense for the text denieth unto him the name of Iacob any more 3. Nor yet doe wee approve the solution of Cajetan Vatab. that for vltra no more put in tantum thou shalt not onely be called Iacob for thus the text is forced 4. Pererius thus interpreteth not that he should be so much called by the name Israel as have the thing thereby signified as strength and power with God as it is said of Christ he should be called Emanuel that is God with vs yet was not Christ so called who was indeed God with vs But this sense is not so proper for Iacob was usually called by the name of Israel 5. Therefore the meaning is rather this that although the name of Iacob should remaine yet the last was more honourable and excellent and should obscure that other Muscul. Mercer 1. In respect of the author the name Iacob was given by men the name Israel by God 2. In signification it was more excellent Iacob signifieth a supplanter because hee held Esau by the heele but Israel is interpreted one that prevailed with God 3. The name Israel was given to the whole nation and posteritie of Iacob who of Israel were called Israelites not of Iacob Iacobites QUEST IX What Kings came out of Iacobs loynes Vers. 11. KIngs shall come out of thy loynes c. 1. The Hebrewes specially referre it to Saul and Isboseth that were Kings of Benjamin and to the tribes of Ephraim and Manasses 2. But because that Saul and his house were rejected of God and the kingdome of Israel was but an usurpation it is specially to be applied to David and the other kings of Iudah Calvin 3. It may also be understood of the kings of the Gentiles converted to the faith who spiritually were borne of Iacob Mercer 4. These nations that came out of Iacobs loynes were the twelve tribes that multiplied increased as so many seueral nations QUEST X. How the land of Canaan is given to
of death so also publike backbiting and detracting Publice enim detrahens perinde est ac si palam detraheret For he that openly backbiteth his parents is as if he did it to their face but it is otherwise in private backbiting and speaking evill of them for detractor reveretur eum cui detrahit c. the privie detractor doth feare and reverence him whom he speaketh evill of but he that curseth to the face is impudent and shamelesse c. QUEST XLVIII What manner of strife the law meaneth Vers. 18. WHen men strive together 1. As contention is in words so rixa strife properly is in deeds cum ex rixa invicem se percutiunt when striving they fall to blowes Thom. 2. The case is put of men but if either a woman should strike a man and wound him or one woman should hurt another they are subject to the same law Tostat. qu. 19. 3. And this law must be understood of those which strive and fight one with another each offending the other not when one defendeth himselfe one cannot offend another without mortall and grievous sinne but one may defend himselfe without sinne and yet notwithstanding he may sinne sometime more sometime lesse in defending himselfe if he onely seeke in his owne defence to repell the wrong that is offered it is no sinne si cum animo vindictae odii c. If with a minde of revenge and hatred he defend himselfe he sinneth either lesse when he findeth his anger kindled and his patience violated or more when he bindeth himselfe wholly to bee revenged Sic Thom. 2.2 qu. 41. art 1. 4. By smiting with stone or fist is understood all kinde of assaulting one either afarre off with stone arrow dart or such like or neere hand as with sword staffe in the hand Simler or all kinde of hurting either with weapon or instrument or without Tostat. 5. And the law meaneth such hurting where no member was perished for in that case they were to give eye for eye hand for hand foot for foot vers 24. Simler QUEST XLIX What punishment the smiter had if he which were smitten died Vers. 19. IF he rise againe c. then shall he that smote him goe quit 1. That is he shall be freed from the sentence of death though he be not innocent before God nor yet altogether free from all civill punishment for in this case he is to allow his charges for his resting and to pay for his healing 2. But here the doubt is what punishment he should have that in striving so smote his brother that he died of it Cajetane thinketh that in this case he should flie unto one of the Cities of refuge Quia non ex intentione sed ex repentina rixa percussio facta est Because the blow or stroke was given not of purpose but occasioned by a sudden brawle c. But if it had beene so as if death had followed upon such smiting the smiter should goe free so neither death not following but some other hurt that he is constrained to keepe his bed should he have beene taxed so much as with the charges if the taking away of the life in this case had not beene punishable much lesse any lesse hurt being not mortall 3. Therefore I preferre here the judgement of Tostatus that if he which was thus smitten in a fray or brawle died he that smote him was to die whether hee were Hebrew that was so killed or stranger whether bond or free for it was not lawfull for them to kill a Gentile or stranger sojourning among them and if a free man killed a free man or a servant a free man he was to die without all question and if a free man killed anothers servant hee was to die also for if a master killed his owne servant outright he was punished by death vers 20. much more if he killed anothers servant Tostat. quast 19. And that in this case they which in strife killed one another deserved to die it is evident both by the generall law before vers 12. He that smiteth a man that he die shall die the death and by a necessarie consequence here If he rise againe that is smitten and walke he that smote him shall goe quit that is from the punishment of death it followeth then if he doe not rise againe but die that he shall not goe quit QUEST L. What should become of the smiter if the other died after he walked upon his staffe Vers. 19. ANd walke without upon his staffe But what if he die after he hath risen and walked upon his staffe 1. R. Salomon thinketh that the smiter was to bee apprehended and kept till he that was smitten were perfectly recovered and if he did not the other was to die and by walking upon the staffe he saith is meant the perfect recovery of his health as Ezech. 4. the staffe of bread is taken for the vertue and fulnesse of bread by a metaphor But though such metaphoricall speeches are usuall in the Prophets yet in the setting downe of lawes words must be taken in their literall sense Tostat. 2. Therefore because the law saith If he walke without or abroad upon his staffe the other shall goe quit the meaning is though he lie downe upon his bed againe and afterward die yet the other shall goe quiâ— and the reason is because after hee sitteth up and walketh and seemeth to be past the danger and falleth downe againe Magis probabile est quod mortuus est â—x negligentia c. It is more probable that he died by his owne negligence and carelesnesse in keeping of himselfe or by some other occasion than of the smiting Lyran. 3. But if he did not rise at all from his bed and being risen walked but a little about the house upon his staffe and come not abroad and afterward died then the other should not goe quit Tostat. qu. 20. QUEST LI. Of the equetie of this law in bearing of the charges Vers. 19 HE shall beare his charges for his resting and pay for his healing c. 1. That is he shall pay all manner of charges which he was put unto about his healing as to the Physitians and for the physicke and medicines which he used and for his diet which upon this occasion was extraordinary and so more chargeable Tostat. qu. 22. Likewise he was to beare the charges of the ministers and keepers that attended upon him during the time of his lying Simler 2. The intendment of this law is that full recompence and satisfaction should be made for any dammage or losse which happened unto another and yet so as that such recompence being made the Lord would have one to forgive another that charitie should not be violated nor any grudge or purpose of revenge remaine Oleaster 3. This law was more equall indifferent than that law of the Romans contained in the 12. tables that if any man did beat and batter another he should