56. 3. Controv. That Nero the Emperour shall not be the great Antichrist Severus Sulpitius writeth lib. 2. sacr histor that it was the opinion of some that Nero should come againe in the ende of the world to be that great Antichrist his words are these Nero creditur etiamsi seipsum gladio transfixerit curato vulnere eius servatus Nero is held although he did thrust himselfe through with a sword beeing healed of his wound to be preserued and to that purpose they alleadge that place Apoc. 13. 3. I saw one of his heads as it were wounded to death but his deadly wound was healed which they vnderstand of Nero his wound healed againe But the same Sulpitius dialog 2. reporteth an other opinion that Nero should come againe in the ende of the world and tyrannize in the West parts compelling men to worship the idols of the heathen and Antichrist should rage in the East whose seat should be at Ierusalem commanding men to be circumcised and making himselfe the Messiah Augustine likewise remembreth this opinion of the comming againe of Nero in the ende of the world Nonnulli Neronem resurrecturum futurum Antichristum suspicantur alij â—um non occisum putant sed subtractum potius c. diuers doe thinke that Nero shall be raised againe to be that Antichrist some thinke that he was not slaine but rather taken away and preserued in the same state of yeares c. lib. 20. de civit Dei c. 13. But Augustine misliketh this opinion and saith it is mira praesumptio a wonderfull presumption for any so to thinke And beside there is no probabilitie of it for it is not like that God would worke such a miracle for so notorious a wicked man as either to raise him from the dead before the generall resurrection or to preserue him aliue we read onely of two that were translated Henoch and Elias both holy men for such a wicked man to be translated it neither hath probabilitie neither yet is there any example for it That place in the Revelation is indeede vnderstood of Nero but not in that sense in him the stocke of the Cesars was extinguished and so the Imperiall succession receiued a deadly wound but it was cured in that the dignitie of the Empire was restored in the Emperors succeeding though not lineally descended from Cefar 4. Controv. That Antichrist shall be a deceiuer rather then a victorious conqueror Pererius concurring with other Romanists thinketh that Antichrist shall be the greatest Monarch that euer was and that he shall ouercome three kings of Egypt Africa Ethiopia and all the rest shall submit themselues vnto him lib. 14. in Daniel in v. 24. Of the same minde was Lactantius that Antichrist should ouercome three kings qui tum Asiam obtinebunt in societatem assumetur à caeteris which shall then raigne in Asia but he shall be admitted to the societie of the rest c. Lactant. lib. 7. c. 16. But Lactantius here saith that the three kings which Antichrist shall subdue shall be three kings of Asia whereas Pererius and so likewise Bellarmine suppose them to be in Africa so well men agree together when they follow their owne fansies 2. Whereas Pererius would haue Antichrist to be the greatest Monarch that euer was in the world because it is said v. 24. that he should doe that which his fathers had not don nor his fathers fathers that place is vnderstood of Antiochus who is not simply saide to doe that which his fathers had not done for there were of his predecessors mightier then he as Seleucus Nicanor and Antiochus the great but none had made such spoile of Egypt before as he should doe as hath beene further shewed qu. 31. 3. But that Antichrist shall insinuate himselfe rather as a craftie deceiuer then as a mightie conqueror is euident by S. Pauls description 2. Thess. 2. 9. Whose comming is by the working of Sathan with all power and signes and lying wonders in all deceiueablenes of vnrighteousnes and v. 11. God shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies He shall deceiue rather with lies and false doctrine then conquer by force and violence So S. Iohn describeth the Antichrists in his time by their corrupt doctrine 1. Ioh. 2. 18. and 4. 3. see more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err 64. 5. Controv. Of Antichrists miracles 1. It is also an old opinion that Antichrist shall worke many strange miracles as Hyppolitus thus setteth them downe Leprosos mundabit paraclyticos sanabit daemones expellet c. he shall clense the lepers heale them that haue the palsey cast out deuills he shall tell things farre off as if they were present raise the dead remooue mountaines walke with his feete vpon the sea bring downe fire from heauen he shall turne the day into darkenes and night into day and bring the Sunne about which way he will and he shall shew that all the elements are obedient vnto him so also Lactantius saith l. 7. c. 17. that he shall stay the sunne from his course and cause images to speake 2. Pererius also deliuereth his opinion thus speaking more distinctly of these miracles Some are profitable miracles as such as Christ did in healing of the lame and sicke some are curious as to cause images to speake and to cause ignorant persons and children to speake with diuers tongues some are powerfull miracles as to bring downe fire from heauen and to command the Sunne all these things he thinketh Antichrist shall doe But yet there are some miracles which are done by a supernaturall power as to raise the dead which onely God can doe and these shall be exempted out of Antichrists power yet whatsoeuer may be wrought by naturall causes Antichrist the deuill concurring with him shall doe though they be neuer so strange 3. But these are mens phansies and dreames 1. to heale diseases naturally incurable as to make men see or heare that are naturally blind is beyond any naturall cause and onely the Creator can heale those defects in his creature 2. much more supernaturall is it to command the Sunne and to change the season of the day or night the Deuill can doe none of these things 3. Neither can he by his owne power raise lightning and tempest for the Lord brought vpon Egypt by Moses ministerie the great thunder and lightening and the fire which came downe from heauen and destroied Iobs sheepe is called the fire of God wherein it pleased God to vse the ministerie of Sathan for if this were in Satans power then Baals priests that serued the Deuill might haue brought downe fire from heauen to consume the sacrifice as Elias did 4. The Deuill yet when the naturall causes beginne to worke can applie them and remooue them from place to place as the fire and lightning beeing caused by Gods power he might bring it downe vpon Iobs sheepe and the winds first raised he directed vpon the house where Iobs children were though of
God and not held to be his people 2. this prophesie of the tyrannie of Antiochus was accomplished before Christ came in the slesh 2. Osiander thus interpreteth that first before the ende be populus Dei per Evangelij praedicationem colligendus est c. the people must be gathered together by the preaching of the Gospel but the text speaketh of dispersing and scattering not of gathering together the people of God 3. Of the second sort some doe thus interpret that before the ende of the world the Church shall be afflicta lacerata contrita afflicted rent as it were in sunder and troden downe Bulling Oecolamp But they read in the passive when the dispersion of the hand that is the power of the holy people is accomplished c. whereas it must be read actively when he hath accomplished to scatter c. and it hath beene before shewed that this prophesie concerneth not the ende of the world 4. Some referre it to the comming of Antichrist in the ende of the world and make this the sense when as Antichrist beeing destroied the faithfull which were before dispersed are returned to their place and freely professe the Gospel then shall an ende be of these things Perer. But this were to make the signe and the thing signified one the same for the thing signified is the peace and restitution of the Church this then cannot be giuen as a signe 5. Hierome expoundeth it of the oppression of the people of God by the hand of Antichrist ista generalis populi dispersio this generall dispersion of the people of God is giuen as a signe of the end of these things Perer. when Antichrist shall be killed Hug. Card. then shal be the resurrection of the dead Lyran. But neither doth this prophecie concerne the end of the world neither yet shall there be such a singular Antichrist as they imagine 6. Some vnderstand these words of the dispersion of the Iewes in the end of the world after the death of Antichrist to whome they did cleaue as their Messiah then the persecution of the Christians shall cease Hug. Card. But this deuise of the Iewish Messiah and Popish Antichrist is of like truth and certentie the one as the other 7. Of the third sort which applie these things vnto the time of Antiochus some vnderstand the hand of the holy people passively manum prementem the hand that oppressed the people of God that is Antiochus that after his end and destâ—uction there should be an end of these troubles Iun. M. Br. in comm Polan But 1. it seemeth an harsh interpretation the hand of the people that is the hand which was against the people 2. neither did all the troubles of the people ende after the death of Antiochus as the storie of the Macchabees sheweth 8. Wherefore I take rather Calvins sense for the generall meaning of the words that when the people shall be brought to so low an ebbe as that they shall seeme to haue no strength ac si manus illis contritae essent as though their hands were weakned and when there shall be such a persecution of the people of God vt nullus apparere audeat in publico that none daâ—e to appeare openly then shall these things come to passe Lyran. And this sense Pâ—ppus well confirmeth by the like place Apoc. 6. 11. where vnto the like question the like answer was made it was said vnto them that they should rest for a little season vntill their fellow seruants and their brethren which should be killed as they were were fulâ—illed the same thing is here meant by accomplishing to disperse the hand that is the power of the holy people that is when they are at the loweâ—t and there is small hope of any deliuerance and the Lord hath fulfilled the number of the faithfull which he purposed to trie then shall an ende and consummation be of all these things which came to passe vnder Antiochus when the faithfull were dispersed the Sanctuarie lay wast and small hope remained then the Lord looked vpon his people and sent them deliuerance and this is that which is saide c. 11. 34. that when they shall fall they shall be holpen with a little helpe when their state seemeth most desperate then God shall raise them vp an helper which was Iudas Macchabeus who was but small in respect of the power of Antiochus 21. Quest. What it was that Daniel vnderstood not v. 8. 1. Some thinke that Daniel here enquired of the ende of the world as the Apostles asked of Christ and as Christ answered his Apostles that the day and houre of his comming was not knowne no not to the Angels the like answer is made to Daniel here Bulling Oecolampad But as hath beene often fhewed before this prophesie concerneth not the ende of the world Daniel onely desireth to know what should befall his owne people 2. Pappus thinketh that Daniel vnderstood not what was meant by the time two times and halfe or a part of time that he tooke it not for any certen time for otherwise interrogationis illius nulla fuisset necessitas there had beene no necessitie of that interrogaâ—ion or question But if Daniel had beene altogether ignorant hereof he might haue asked the same question before c. 7. 25. where mention is made of a time two times and an halfe 3. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was ignorant of the particular circumstances of the former Propheticall narration as of the persons times and place of those seuerall prophesies of the battells of the kings of the North and South reuealed vnto him c. 11. so also Lyran. Hugo But Daniel enquired not of those particular circumstances which he might be ignorant of for that had beene too great curiositie but he asketh What shall be the ende of these things that is it then whereof he was ignorant As M. Calvin saith well haec ignorantia restringitur ad eius interrogationem this ignorance is restrained vnto the interrogation or question 4. Calvine further thus saith that Daniel was not altogether ignorant of the meaning of this prophesie but yet he vnderstood not in euery respect as afterward it was fulfilled he did not fully conceiue what should be meant by the time two times and a part of time Iun. in commentar that is though he did know how long the time of this great persecution should continue yet he was ignorant where it should beginne and where ende M. Br. and therefore his question is when shall be the ende of these things 22. Quest. Whether Daniel had altogether a repulse in his demaund 1. Some thinke whereas this answer is made to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel that because his question was curious to enquire of the ende of these things quod illum non exaudiâ—rit Angelus that the Angel did not heare him Calvin and that the Angel staied Daniel curiositie here as Christ did the Apostles Act. 1. It is not for you to know the times and
vnto the Law of God but followed his owne irefull affection the proceeding was vniust Polan beside their deuillish profession it seemeth they were ambitious and insolent and enuious against Daniel and the rest of the people of God therefore in respect of themselues their punishment was iust Bulling 2. Lyranus excuseth the Kings fact because he had beene at great cost in maintaining these Inchanters and Soothsayers he had raised them to honour giuen them great gifts and now when he requireth some seruice of them they are able to say nothing 3. But yet Nabuchadnezzer was diuers waies faultie in this action 1. in his rash and inconsiderate sentence which he pronounced against them in his rage and furie whereas the sentence of death should proceede with mature deliberation and aduice for like as Saturne the highest of the Planets hath the slowest motion of them all so Princes which sit in their high thrones of maiestie should be most considerate in their actions And as a musitian doth not presently cut away his strings if they be out of tune but doth wind them to and fro to bring them to a right harmonie so neither should a Prince punish euery disorder in the Commonwealth presently with death Pintus 2. An other point of iniustice is that he had not yet called all the wise men of Babylon and yet vnheard and vncalled commandeth them to be slaine 3. It was also vniust for some few mens fault to take reuenge of the whole profession and so to punish one for an others offence Osiand 16. Quest. v. 13. Whether the wise men in deede were slaine 1. Some thinke that praeparabantur tantum occidi they were onely prepared and appointed to be slaine not that they were indeede slaine so Lyran. gloss interlin Hugo Car. But the contrary is euident in the text for the sentence being gone forth that is proclaimed and published it islike some execution followed otherwise the proclamation should haue seemed to be ridiculous Caluin And beside seeing Daniel was also sought to be slaine it seemeth that all they which were in the way and at hand and needed not to be sought for were put to the sword 2. Wherefore it is certaine that many of these wisemen were smitten with the sword though the execution of many of them were deferred vpon Daniels offer and vndertaking to expound the dreame v. 24. Genev. like as vnder Ahab and Iehu Baals priests were put to death And Galerius Maximinus beeing ouercome of Licinius he caused the Idol Priests to be slaine as impostors and deceiuers Bulling Quest. 17. What office Arioch had to whom Daniel maketh this motion vers 14. 1. R. Shelemo taketh the word tabacaia for carnifices executioners he thinketh that Arioch was set ouer these which had the charge to put others to death but it seemeth that he had a better office for he was a chiefe man about the king and brought Daniel in to the king vers 25. 2. The Septuag interpret here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefe cooke but it appertained not to that office to see execution done vpon men 3. Some call him the kings chiefe steward Genevens but neither is it incident to that office to ouersee the punishment of offenders 4. The vulgar Latine interpreteth praefectum militiae captaine of his armie but here was no armie leuied or battell proclaimed 5. Therefore rab tabachim is better interpreted praefectus satellitum the captaine of the guard or high Marshall such an one was Potiphar vnto Pharaoh Gen. 37. 36. who had the chiefe charge of the kings prisoners Gen. 40. 3. Polan Iun. Quest. 18. vers 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsayers 1. Some thinke that Daniel of purpose did forbeare to goe with the rest least he might seeme ambitiously to haue sought honour and reward which was promised to them which should interpret the kings dreame gloss ordinar but there was no such reward promised till they appeared before the king and if Daniel had receiued any message with the rest of the wise men he might easily haue gessed at the cause of that hard sentence 2. But it is like that the Chaldeans concealed this matter from Daniel whereof two reasons may be giuen it proceeded ex inuidia cupiditate from their enuie and couetousnes Lyran. their enuie in that they thought great scorne that so young a man as Daniel should be called to counsell with the graue sage counsellors who were in great estimation with the king for their long experience Iun. their couetousnesse also herein appeared that they might haue the reward onely to themselues soli ingressi tanquam soli praemia percepturi they onely went in that they onely might receiue the reward Bulling they were also ambitious they were loath that any strangers should be admitted to the kings presence or any had in reputation but themselues Iun. annot 3. But specially this fell out by Gods prouidence that Daniel beeing sought for vnto death might by this meanes be brought forth and the gift of wisedome in him be made manifest and that by this meanes his life should be preserued Polan 4. And herein appeareth the malice of the Chaldeans qui in periculo voluerunt habere consortes which would haue Daniel and his fellowes partakers of their punishment whom they refused to haue any part before in the reward Pellican Quest. 19. vers 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night 1. Some thinke that this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by an Angel because such reuelations are vsually made by the ministrie of Angels Pintus ex Dyonis But Daniel acknowledgeth in his thanksgiuing that he receiued this reuelation onely from God and to him onely he giueth the praise 2. And for the manner Hierome thinketh that it was shewed vnto him by dreame in the night so also Glosse ordin somnium regis discit suo insomnio he learneth the kings dreame by his dreame so also Osian Lyran. giueth this reason because the night is fittest for such reuelations the senses beeing quiet ab exterioribus tumultibus from all outward tumults and that the vision in the night is by dreame he would prooue by that place Iob. 33. 15. God speaketh c. in dreames and visions of the night when sleepe falleth vpon men c. But this place prooueth not that euery night vision is by dreame but that in the night when sleepe falleth vpon men the Lord sometime speaketh vnto them by dreame sometime by vision 3. Albertus magnus as Pintus reporteth his opinion thinketh that Daniel had this reuelation vigilia noctis as he watched in the night and this is the more probable opinion 1. because it is called a vision now visions and dreames are distinguished as the two vsuall waies whereby the Lord reuealeth himselfe vnto his Prophets Numb 12. 6. Polan 2. Daniel and his three fellowes were occupied in praier while other slept Pellic. and it seemed as they praied that this vision
Regi Daniel summi creatoris notitiam insinnaret plebs in seruitute captiuitate posâ—a aliquod solatium haberet c. this was done that both Daniel might insinuate to the king the knowledge of the high Creator and that the people beeing in seruitude and captiuitie might haue some helpe and comfort Quest. 37. vers 31. Of the vision which the King sawe in his dreame the manner and parts thereof First Daniel rehearseth the kings dreame what he sawe and then he giueth the interpretation thereof from vers 36. to ver 45. The vision consisteth of two parts of the image which the king sawe in his dreame to v. 34. and then of the stone which broke it in peices ver 34. 35. The image is described first by the adiuncts then by the matter The adiuncts are fiue 1. it was but one 2. it was great 3. glorious and excellent 4. it stoode before him 5. it was terrible The matter was either distinct as the head of gold the armes and breast of siluer the thighs and bellie of brasse the legges of yron or else mingled together as the feete were part of yron part of clay Then followeth the description of the stone by fixe arguments 1. of the place it was taken out of a mountaine which though it be not expressed here is supplied ver 45. 2. of the manner it was cut out without hands 3. by the effects it brake the image in peices 4. by the euent the image became as nothing it was as the chaffe which the winde carrieth away 5. by the adiunct it became a great mountaine 6. by the effect it filled the whole earth 2. This vision representeth two kingdomes the image the earthly and the stone the heauenly in the earthly 4. things are obserued 1. the varietie of administration and great difference of gouernement in respect of time and place 2. the great pompe and glorie 3. the terrour and tyrannie 4. the vncertaintie and mutabilitie In the spirituall kingdome of Christ 4. things are also expressed 1. the beginning thereof from heauen 2. the administration thereof not by any humane or worldly meanes 3. the encrease thereof through the world 4. the continuance thereof for euer when all other earthly kingdomes and regiments shall be dissolued Quest. 38. Of the diuerse kinds of signes of things to come and of which kind this image was The Lord vseth 4. kind of signes to foreshewe and signifie things to come 1. the first is of those which are onely signes and serue to no other ende then to shadowe forth things to come such were the signes shewed vnto the Prophets in visions and dreames 2. There are signes which are not onely types and figures of things to come but serue also to other purposes such were the ceremonies of Moses law which were shadowes of sprituall things but had also their present vse seruing as rites and ceremonies of the lawe 3. Some signes did signifie something which was presently done and effected as Naamans washing of himselfe seuen times did betoken that he was in that instant cured of his leprosie 4. Some figures did not onely shewe a present effect but did also shadowe forth some more excellent worke afterward to be effected as the blowing of the trumpets of rammes hornes about the walls of Iericho did not onely assure them of the present subuersion and ouerthrow of Iericho but it signified the ouerthrow of idolatrie by the preaching of the Gospel so the setting vp of the brasen serpent did not onely giue present health of bodie to them that looked vpon it but it did also promise spirituall health of soule to all which with the eyes of faith should behold Christ now this vision which Nabuchadnezzer saw was of the first kind it was a meere signe seruing to no other purpose then to signifie and shew vnto the king what should come to passe afterward Perer. 39. Quest. What kingdomes of the earth are not comprehended in this vision 1. Those kingdomes which were alreadie destroyed as the Assyrian Monarchie whose chiefe citie was Ninive are not contained in this propheticall vision hic agitur de rebus futuris this vision chiefly concerneth things to come Calvin 2. The petie and smaller kingdomes of the world are omitted as of the Sycionians Athenians Lacedemonians Lydians which though they were flourishing kingdomes and had command ouer the countries next adioyning yet they had not such vniuersall dominion as the great Monarchies of the Chaldeans Persians Grecians had 3. Such Monarchies and kingdomes are here described which had some coherence and dependance with and of the other the ruine of the one was the raising of the other as the Persian Monarchie subdued the Babylonian the Greekes the Persian therefore the great and flourishing kingdomes of the Scythians Egyptians Carthaginians are exempted which had not that succession one to another as the great Monarchies of the world had 4. Those great kingdomes are onely here decyphered which ruled in the world till Christs comming who was the stone cut out of the mountaine without hands therefore the kingdome of the Gothes and Vandals Saracens and Turks which haue risen vp since Christs beeing in the flesh are without the compasse of this vision Perer. 40. Quest. Why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold v. 38. Thou art this head of gold 1. Thou and thy succession for this is not onely vnderstood of Nabuchadnezzers person but of his sonnes Euilmerodach and his sonne Balthazar who succeeded him vnder whose raigne the Chaldean Monarchie flourished for the space of 70. yeares And that not onely Nabuchadnezzer but the rest of his successors are here comprehended is euident Ierem. 27. 7. where the Prophet saith All nations shall serue him and his sonne and his sonnes sonne 2. He is compared to the head because the Babylonian Empire was primum temporum ordine the first in order of time as the head in the image was the first part thereof Iun. 3. It was likened to gold 1. propter maximas divitias because of their great riches Lyran. and abundance of gold in which respect it is called golden Babylon Hug. Card. 4. Because their gouernment was more tolerable toward the people of God though hard enough yet it was more equall then the regiment of the Persians in generall 5. Beside beeing compared with the rest it was more golden-like in respect of their flourishing peace for after that Nabuchadnezzer had subdued the nations round about that Monarchicall state enioyed tranquilitie and peace 50. yeares twentie yeares of Nabuchadnezzers raigne and thirtie yeares vnder Evilmerodach his sonne Bullinger 6. So in this short sentence Thou art the head of gold there are as many figures as words 1. Thou that is thy kingdome as v. 39. it is said After thee shall rise an other kingdome that is after thy kingdome not after his death 2. Thou art that is signified and represented by this head of gold as the Apostle saith The
such like 2. by their impotencie they could neither see heare nor vnderstand 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God which is aggrauated by two benefits the giuing him of his life and breath and in protecting him in whose hand is thy breath and all thy wayes c. 3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame v. 25. to 29. Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speach to the king v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinuaâ—ion or salutation to the king were these 1. In respect of his age and grauitie such a simple and plaine beginning became him for he was 90. yeare old if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office beeing a Prophet and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts Iun. 3. hoc ipsâ— monstrauit abiectum c. in that he saluteth him not as a king giuing him his titles he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God no longer to be king Oecolampad 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impiâ— desperatâ— he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man of whom there was small hope and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne and searcheth it to the depth Calvin Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 1. That was not onely the reason in respect of his office because he was a Prophet least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift as Polan and to fulfill that saying in the gospel ye haue freely receiued freely giue Lyran. Pellican for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar 2. Neither was this the cause tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciperâ— it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts gloss ordinar for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar after he had expounded the dreame of theimage which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome 3. And to say that Daniel affected no such honours because he was now old is an insufficient reason for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places but onely for the good of the Lâ—rds people 4. But the speciall reasons are these two noluit ab homine impiâ— c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man Osiand as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman who was a stranger As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat the time of subiection vnto this king and of his gouernment was at an ende Caluin and therefore he refused these honours at his hand who was as no king but reiected of God Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar and refuseth them from Balthazar 1. The reason of this difference is because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome which the Lord had giueâ— to him and to his sonne and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead But the case was now otherwise for he knewe that Balthazar 's kingdome was at an ende and these honours vnder him he could not long hold and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende he could not thereby aduantage the people of God Polan 2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar then there was in Nebuchadnezzar ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre quam avo and therefore he sheweth that he doth not so much respect and honour him as his grandfather Calvin Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him which before he in words refused 1. It is like that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still it would haue beene thought quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer and therefore to take away that suspition he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards so also Occolampad Bulling 3. An other reason was qui mundi diuitias contempserat ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur least he which had despised the riches of the world should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught he accepteth of the kings offers Pintus 4. If he had still obstinately refused he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis into suspicion of treason Calvin as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king if he had refused Balthazar 's rewards and offers 5. signum fuisset timiditatis it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still and so escaped the danger beeing called to no publike place he therefore in accepting of these honours ostendit se imperterritum sheweth himselfe without feare Caluin Quest. 30. Whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement as though he put to death the innocent and spoyled men of their goods without iust cause or equitie for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power the next v. following sheweth But when his heart was puft vp this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar and his heart not yet lifted vp 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger that it is like that Nebuchadnezzar non iniuste suum administrauit regnum did not vniustly administer his kingdome for the contrarie appeareth c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause for that they could not tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp 3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place that princes haue authoritie to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure for euen kings themselues must remember serationem summo regi reddituros that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king Calvin 4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate of the kingly power Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power for the which he was feared of all This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects 1. the one is in his subiects they feared and stood in awe
God who was the principall author and chiefe worker in the plurall it is vnderstood of Gods iustruments in this worke the Medes and Persians Polan 2. And in the word pheres there is an euident allusion vnto the word paras which signifieth the Persian 3. It is also put in the preter tense he hath deuided to shewe the certanitie thereof before the Lord it was as alreadie done 4. Two things are here prophesied that this kingdome should be deuided and between whom the Medes and Persians for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were deuide the kingdome betweene them Darius had Babylon and Cyrus Assyria leauing Babylon to Darius himselfe going in expedition against the Scythians 5. This Isaiah prophesied of aboue 200. yeares before as Pererius rather an 170. yeares as Polanus that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stirre vp the Medes against them Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall that is the morall application of this vision 1. By the hand writting vpon the wall is signified the iustice of God which both praescribit supplicia suo tempore infert prescribeth aforehand punishments due vnto mens sinnes and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them it also may be applyed vnto the iudgement of the conscience wherein are written and as it were scoared vp the sinnes which one committeth as Iob saith c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me and makest me to possesse the sinnes of my youth 2. And by the three words may be signified the three last things which shall come vpon sinners the remembrance whereof vseth to be most grieuous vnto them death finall iudgement and bell By the numbring of the dayes and the fulfilling of them men are brought to thinke of their ende as Iob saith c. 14. 5. are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths is with thee by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect iudgement of God in the last day And by diuision the punishment of hell where the wicked and reprobate shall for euer be diuided and separate from Gods presence Perer. Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 1. Iosephus giueth this reason that although Daniel had told heauie things vnto the king yet he kept his promise and seemed not much to be mooued thus thinking with himselfe quod non bona audierat sui fati culpani esse non prophetâ— that it was his owne fate and destinie not the Prophets fault that he heard no better newes the Prophet did but discharge his dutie But it is not like that the king had any such thought or so equall consideration 2. Hierome giueth two other reasons hereof aut post long a tempora credidit futura he did thinke that these things might come to passe long after or in honouring the Prophet he might thinke to obtaine pardon of his sinne But the citie beeing now besieged if the king had not beene altogether besotted might haue put the king in minde of his present danger and it seemeth by his securitie that he had no such good thought as to thinke how his sinne might be forgiuen him 3. Some thinke the king kept his promise ne coram hominibus mendacij argâ—eretur leaft he might before men haue beene found in a lie Lyran. And it was the constant vse and custome of the kings of Persia to keepe their word intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare he vnderstoode it was the propertie of a king to keepe the truth Pintus so also Occolampadius sanctissima esse c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred 4. The king might haue some care of his credit to keepe his princely word as Herod had to performe his wicked oath But this the king did rather beeing caried with great admiration of the diuine wisedome which was in Daniel Osiand And herein the king shewed his carnall securitie incolume regnum sibi promisit he still promised vnto himselfe a safe estate and prosperous kingdome Bulling Caluin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat mooued with this commination yet he caused Daniel to be honoured to set a good face vpon it ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis that he should not seeme to shewe any signe of fearefulnesse But it rather shewed his stupiditie and great securitie as before is noted Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here vpon Daniel The honours and fauours here conferred vpon Daniel are either the ensignes of honour or the gouernement it selfe vpon which the other ornaments attended 1. The ornaments of honour are two purple raiment and a chaine of gold Lyranus here noteth that there were fowre kind of ensignes and ornaments of estate the purple to be or other pretious garment a chaine a ring of gold and a crowne all these things concurring together did signifie the regall dignitie but beeing more or fewe and not all designabant participationem honoris regij they did but shewe the participation of the kingly honour as Ioseph had three of them when he was aduanced of Pharaoh a ring costly raiment and a chaine of gold Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crowne or diademe So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment and a diademe but mention is not made of the kings ring and chaine of gold Esther 6. 9. 2. The honour it selfe which is bestowed vpon Daniel is to be the third man in the kingdome which Iosephus expoundeth that the third part of the kingdome should be giuen vnto him but that is not like that the king would giue away any part of his kingdom Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three which was set ouer the kingdome as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had beene in that place before then Darius needed not to haue aduanced Daniel againe to be one of the three rulers Therefore Theodoret taketh it he was the third man in honour and authoritie next to the king so also Lyran the king was the first the Queene or heire of the kingdome might be the next and Daniel the third Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 1. Though Daniel were vnwilling to receiue these honours yet seeing they were forced vpon him he is content to accept of them least if he had refused still in suspitioneÌ„ proditionis veniret he might haue beene brought into suspicion of some treason or practise against the king Polan 2. And beside foreseeing that the kingdome should come vnto the hands of the Medes and Persians he accepted of them vt postea notiâ—r fieret Persiâ— in solatium filiorum Dei that he might thereby be better knowne vnto the Persians for the comfort of the children of God gloss ordinar Oâ—â—â—lamp 3. And beside these ornaments beeing a signe of freedome and of dignitie it was fit that Daniel to whom the king had obiected before his serâ—itude and captiuitie should not refuse them whereby he was now made free and honourable
thunder vpon the captaine But it is euident that Antiochus is vnderstood by the captaine v. 13. 14. Albeit the captaine and they which were with him seemed inuincible yet they were slaine in the Temple of Nanea for Antiochus as though he would dwell with her came thither to receiue money vnder the title of a dowrie It was Antiochus himselfe that pretended mariage with Nanea or Diana as the like is reported of Tiberius Nero Heliogabalus that would make marriages with the goddesses he therefore came himselfe in person to receiue as a dowrie the treasure of the Temple 4. But Bellarmine and Pererius likewise doe most approoue this solution who thus interpret these words v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae the captaine with his host fell in the temple of Nanea that is they were smitten not slaine Bellarmine giueth instance of the like place Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodome and Gomorrah fell there in the slimie pits that is were discomfited they were not killed for the king of Sodome met Abraham afterward Pererius obiecteth that place Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romanes should come against Antiochus and he should be smitten yet he was not killed Contra. 1. The word vsed 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not they fell but they were smitten or slaine concisi sunt they were hewen and cut in pieces as Vatablus and Iunius translate 2. in that place Gen. 24. 10. it is onely said they fell but here more is expressed they were cut in pieces v. 16. 3. and in the other place the word is better translated by Vatablus consternabitur he shall be grieued or terrified not smitten 5. This then remaineth to be saide that this is an vncerten and vntrue report of Antiochus death as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid and when Nehemias sent to set it they found thicke water in stead of fire And therefore that other report of Antiochus death beeing twice set downe 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9. is to be receiued as the more probable Iun. 34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus 1. As the apostasie of the Iewes was a forerunner of the tyrannie and persecution of Antichrist So when persecution is raised in the Church many doe fall away as when Constantius fauoured Arrius and persecuted the orthodoxall professours Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to Arrianisme And of late daies when Charles the fift made warre against the Protestant Princes in Germanie many gospellers either fell to Poperie or receiued the Interim And in England in Queene Maries daies many forsooke the Gospel and turned Papists 2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance and full of craft such were the persecutors of the Gospel as Iulian the Apostata Valens the Emperour the Duke of Albanie in the low countries 3. As Antiochus encreased by the treacherie of others that helped him so it is vsuall for the enemies of the Gospel to preuaile if they can by treacherie as many treasons against Queene Elizabeth and our noble Soueraigne that now is haue beene set forward by some forren Popish princes 4. Antiochus by flatterie and vnder colour of peace deceiued many so did the Duke of Albania in the lowe countries and king Philip when he intented the inuasion of England ann 1588. yet made shewe of peace by the Prince of Parma vnto Queene Elizabeth 5. As Antiochus was taken away by Gods hand not by mans So the Lord himselfe encountreth the wicked as he did Pharaoh and Herod Polan Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning v. 26. 1. Some vnderstand it thus the vision quae per successiones temporum complenda est which is to be fulfilled in succession of time Hugo 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth by the morning he would haue vnderstood the time of Antiochus by the euening the time of Antichrist who was prefigured by Antiochus 3. the vulgar Latine readeth the vision of the morning and euening as though this were spoken of the time when this vision appeared 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. dayes vnto the euening and morning that is so many naturall dayes this vision which is expressed by part of the subiect taken for the whole is said to be true Cal. Polan Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision 1. Some by fealing vnderstand the committing to memorie Hugo 2. Some the committing of it to writing Lyran. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the vse of men which seale and confirme those things which are true and so Daniel is bid to seale it as a thing most certaine 4. Some thinke that hereby is signified that he should conceale this vision least the Iewes hearing what affliction they should endure in their owne countrey might be slack to returne thither 5. Chrysostome giueth this sense that he should keepe it faithfully ne temporis prolixitate dispereat that it perish not in continuance and length of time 6. The Hebrewes referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah would haue it therefore sealed because the time was long before it should be fulfilled 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seale vp the vision were these 1. that he should not communicate it vnto the Chaldees whom it concerned not or to any other carnall men or vnbeleeuers that would not giue credit vnto it but that he should conceale it from such yet vnto the faithfull he might impart it As the Prophet Isay saith to the same purpose 8. 16. bind vp the testimonie seale vp the lawe among my Disciples and this is according to the rule of our Sauiour not to cast things holy vnto dogges Matth. 7. 6. Polan 2. By this sealing of the vision is signified that it was not presently to take effect but after a long time about 300. yeares after yet it should be most certainely fulfilled in the appointed time Iun. in commentar so he is not bidden simply to conceale it but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof and that be should not measure it ex vulgi sententia by the opinion of the vulgar sort Calvin 37. Quest. What kings busines Daniel did v. 27. v. 27. I did the kings busines c. 1. Some doe thinke that this was king Darius busines that caried Daniel with him into Media Lyr. and they thinke this worke was the building of the great tower which Iosephus maketh mention of Hug. But this can not be so for Iosephus saith that Darius caried Daniel with him into Media but Daniel was at this time at Shushan v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane as Iosephus writeth lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad and Pellicane in that it is said when I rose vp I did the kings busines doe inferre non
super notat oppressionem this word vpon noteth their oppression who finally were destroyed by the Romanes some giue this sense within this time all these things shal come to passe which belong vnto the eternal saluatioÌ„ of the people Osi. But both rather are signified both the mercie which should be offred vnto this people in taking away their sinnes by the comming of the Messiah and the iudgement which should befal them for their contempt reiecting of the Messiah for both these are afterward touched the benefits which the Messiah should bring vnto them vers 24. and the calamiti ewhich should be sent vpon them vers 26. And both these Iunius in his commentarie ioyneth together Quest. 20. The meaning of these words v. 24. to finish or rather restraine wickednesse 1. R. Salamon who endeth these 70. weekes at the second destruction of the citie and Temple by Titus thus interpreteth that then the Iewes should endure a longer captiuitie then before and thereby should learne to leaue off their sinnes and by their long punishment merit forgiuenesse of their sinne Contra. 1. Lyranus thus refelleth the Rabbine that the Iewes are so farre off from leauing their sinnes by this long captiuitie that they are rather worse for their periuries vsurie profane oathes are notoriously knowne And seeing God punished their idolatrie but with captiuitie of 70. years and now they haue endured captiuitie more then twice 7. hundred yeares it must needs be a greater sinne for the which they sustaine so long a time of punishment which can be none other then their killing the Lord of life the Blessed Messiah 2. Paulus Burgen addeth further that this finishing of iniquitie must be within the 70. weeks but that ceasing from sinne which the Rabbine imagineth must follow after these 70. weeks expired 3. adde hereunto that no man by the workes of the law is iustified or can doe any thing acceptable vnto God how then can the Iewes without the Messiah obtaine remission of sinnes And againe men by their punishment though it be neuer so long and great cannot satisfie for their sinnes for then they which are tormented in hell might at length satisfie for their iniquitie Polan 2. Some following the Latine text to consummate or finish sinne doe thus interpret it to make perfect sinne as the Iewes were come to the height of sinne when they crucified Christ in this sense our Sauiour saith Matth. 23. Fulfillye the measure of your fathers thus expound Chrysostome orat 2. cont Iudaeos Theodoret vpon this place and Eusebius lib. 8. de praeparat Euang. but the next words following to seale vp 〈◊〉 and reconcile iniquitie doe shewe that this phrase signifieth rather the consumption then consummation of sinne 3. Some reading to finish sinne vnderstand it of the consumption of sinne and taking of it away by the death of Christ as a candle is said to be ended when it is consumed Hugo so is the word finishing taken Isa. 40. 2. Speake comfortably to Ierusalem c. that her warfare is finished and her iniquitie is pardoned Perer. so also Calv. Genevens Vatabl. Pintus this sense is not to be misliked sauing that the word is not well interpreted which signifieth not to finish but rather to restraine or shut vp 4. The word cala with aleph which is here vsed signifieth to shut vp but calâ—h with he is to finish and consummate the meaning then is to restraine sinne which Iunius and Polanus following him doe interpret of the preseruing of the elect from that generall defection and falling away of the Iewes which began in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes 5. But seeing the words following to seale vp sinnes c. are generall not of any speciall iniquitie or of some speciall nation but of the sinnes of all these words are better vnderstood also generally that by the comming of Christ and preaching of the Gospel there should be a generall restraint of sinne as many which made no conscience before of adulterie idolatrie couetousnes and such like should be reclaimed by the Gospel Bullinger as the Apostle saith hauing made mention of idolaters fornicatours adulterers and such like who shall not inherit the kingdome of God addeth but such were some of you but ye are washed ye are sanctified c. 1. Cor. 6. 10. 22. Quest. Of the sealing of sinnes 1. The Latine translatour readeth to finish sinne whereupon Pererius taketh occasion to shew how diuers waies sinne was finished by the death of Christ in that he paied the ransome for our sinne abolished idolatrie conquered Sathan So M. Lively preferreth this reading and expoundeth it by that place Ioh. 1. 29. Behold the lambe of God which taketh away the sinne of the world 2. But seeing the word is chatam which signifieth to seale vp and so the Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sealing therefore this reading is to be preferred to seale vp sinnes that is to binde vp as it were and to seale and cloase them as neuer any more to be opened read or declared against vs for as writings are vnfolded and opened to be rehearsed and read so they are sealed vp to be concealed and buried in obliuion which S. Paul calleth the putting out of the hand-writing c. which was against vs Coloss. â— 14. Polan Quest. 22. What it is to reconcile iniquitie 1. The vulgar Latine readeth to take away sinne so also Lyranus Hugo Pintus with others and hereupon Pererius sheweth how three wayes a thing may be taken away by washing and wiping by scraping as a blot in writing and by dissipating or dissoluing as when a cloud or mist is dispersed and so in all these phrases sinne is said to be taken away as Dauid saith Psal. 51. wash away my sinne and S. Paul that Christ hath rased out the hand-writing of our sinne Colos. 2. And Isay 44. 22. the Lord saith I haue put away thy transgression as a cloud This sense is true but it is not well grounded for the word caphar signifieth to expiate reconcile not to take away 2. Some by this expiation and reconciliation vnderstand the taking away of the guilt of sinne whereby we are made guiltie of eternall damnation Polan but that seemeth to be signified before in the sealing of sinnes that they should not be had in remembrance to ouâ— condemnation 3. Hereby then rather is signified that Christ hath made reconciliation for sinne that is he satisfied in his death vpon the crosse pro culpa poena c. for the fault and punishment Bulling 4. Thus by these three words here vsed peshagh chataoth ghaven which are translated wickednesse sinnes iniquitie all manner of sinnes whatsoeuer are implied sinne onely against the holy Ghost excepted Bulling which may thus be distinguished wickednesse against God sinne in our selues and iniquitie against our neighbour Hugo And here this benefit of taking away sinne is set forth in three degrees in restraining the act in sealing them vp in respect of
time according to Origens supputation will exceede the time of the Messiah almost 900. yeares 3. It is euident that these 70. weekes must beginne at such time as the word went forth to build againe Ierusalem and the Temple they must not then take beginning so long before 4. Neither are they to be extended vnto the destriction of Ierusalem as shall be shewed when we come to examine the seuerall opinions for the ende of these 70. weekes 41. Quest. That the 70. weekes must not beginne before the peoples returne out of captiuitie 1. Hippolytus as Hierome setteth downe his opinion in his Commentarie vpon this place beginneth the 70. weekes fiftie yeares before the dissoluing of the captiuitie and endeth them in Christs natiuitie but this opinion can not stand for 1. the Angel sheweth that these weekes must then beginne when the people returned out of captiuitie 2. from thence vnto the Messiah are 490. yeares but if we should beginne fiftie yeares before the number will arise to 540. yeares By the same reason may be confuted the opinion of Lyranus Burgens Galatinus who beginne the 70. weekes at the 4. of Zedekiah because then they say the promise was made from the Lord by Ieremie for the returne of the people as is shewed before quest 34. for 1. by this reckoning there will be 70. yeares within fowre all the time of the captiuitie added to Daniels propheticall weekes 2. if they will fetch the beginning from that word and promise why may they not as well beginne an eleuen yeares before when Ieremie in the 4. yeare of Iehoiakim shewed them of the captiuitie of 70. yeares Ierem. 25. 1. 11 or yet they may beginne further off from that promise made concerning Cyrus Isa. 45. that he should cause Ierusalem to be builded againe from which time to the ende of Daniels weekes are aboue 700. yeares Likewise R. Salamons opinion is confuted by the same reasons who beginneth the 70. weekes from the first destruction of the Temple in the 19. yeare of Nebuchadnezzer and endeth them at the destruction of the citie for 1. so there will be found aboue 50. yeares more then the 70. weekes from the destruction of the Temple vnto the going forth of the commandement to build againe Ierusalem 2. seeing the Angel pitcheth the beginning at the going forth of the word to bring againe the people and to build againe Ierusalem it is absurd to set the beginning when the people were carried into captiuitie and the citie and Temple destroied 42. Quest. That the 70. weekes doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus 1. From the second or 20. yeare of Darius Hystaspis the 70. weekes cannot beginne 1. for we doe not read of any decree made by that Darius for the reedifying of the Temple and citie it is Darius Longimanus in whose 2. yeare the worke of the house of God went forward who is mentioned Ezr. 4. 24. As it may be thus gathered there are named in that chapter v. 6 7. two kings of the Persians after Cyrus Assuerus and Artashasht then after them followed Darius But Darius the sonne of Hystaspis was the third king of Persia. 2. In Darius decree mentioned Ezr. 6. there is no speach of building the citie but of the Temple onely here the Angel speaketh of the going forth of the word to build Ierusalem Perer 2. Neither can the computation beginne from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia by whom Iosephus thinketh first Ezra to haue beene sent and afterward Nehemiah who is called Artaxerxes Ezra 7. and Nehem. 2. for Xerxes is held by the most to haue raigned but 20. yeares onely Clemens affoardeth him 26. yeares but mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes Nehem. 5. 14. 3. Neither can their computation stand which beginne at the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus when Ezra was sent with the kings letters to Ierusalem for Sulpitius well obserueth Ezram nihil super reficienda vrbe fecisse comperio c. I doe not finde that Ezra did any thing in repayring of the citie his greatest care seemeth to haue bin to reforme the corrupt manners of the people c. And whereas the king doth furnish him with siluer and gold that was rather employed for the sacrifices and seruice of the Temple then for the building thereof Bullinger setteth downe diuerse reasons to confirme his opinion as 1. he prooueth that Ezra was sent to Ierusalem by Artaxerxes 2. that Nehemiah liuing vnto Alexanders time as appeareth by the names of Iaddua and Samballat who liued in Alexanders raigne was sent by this Artaxerxes not by Darius Hystaspis for then he should exceede an 194. yeares 3. the commission giuen vnto Ezra c. 7. 23. thou Ezra c. set iudges and arbiters which may iudge the people c. agreeth with the Angels speach here the going out of the word c. 4. the time agreeth from the 7. of Artaxeres to the death of Christ are found iust 490. yeares Contra. 1. The first is graunted beeing euident out of the Scripture but that is nothing to the purpose 2. It is also confessed that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus not Darius Hystaspis that reason then is impertinent 3. Ezra his commission sheweth that he was to reforme the manners of the people and to set them in order not to build the citie or Temple and therefore it was not the going forth of the word here spoken of which was to build Ierusalem 4. It can not be shewed that this agreeth with the iust computation of the 490. yeares for therein lieth the question 4. Pererius with others as namely M. Lydyat lib. de emendat temp ann mund 3553. would haue the 70. weekes beginne from the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus by whome Nehemiah was sent to repaire the citie Nehem. 2. 8. which agreeth to the going forth of the word here spoken of to build Ierusalem And for the which enterprise Nehemiah is commended Ecclus. 49. Contra. 1. Nehemiah did not first build the citie and lay the foundations of the walls which was done long before in the raigne of an other Artaxerxes Ezr. 4. 12. which is held to be Cambyses he onely viewed and repaired the breaches of the citie Nehem. 2. 15. there is mention made both of gates and walls before his comming 2. The Temple was builded and finished before the 20. yeare of Longimaniu namely in the sixt yeare of his raigâ—â— but it is not like that the building of the Temple beeing the most speciall thing which the people of God longed after should be excluded out of the compasse of the 70. weekes 5. Their opinion also may be refelled who count the beginning of these 70. weekes from the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus when by the commandement of the king the building of the house went forward and was finished in the sixt yeare Ezr. 6. 15. from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem are found iust 490. yeares the particulars
the rest because of the intermission of the worke of the Temple 2. Iunius in his first edition annot in Ezr. 4. 24. was of opinion that this Darius that sent Ezra was Artaxerxes Longimanus sonne of Darius Hystaspis by â—â—sther so also Melancthon And this is most like for if the building of the Temple be driuen further off then vnto this kings daies Daniels 7. weekes set apart for the building of the Temple will no waies agree see more qu. 59. following 3. Iunius in his last edition thinketh otherwise that it was Darius Nothus in whose sixt yeare the house of God was finished which Iosephus Scalliger would prooue by this argument because this Darius hath an Artaxerxes next before him Ezr. 4. 7. and an other next after him Ezr. 7. 1. and so hath no other Darius among the kings of Persia But the first Artashasht was Gambyses who was not the next before Longimanus and the other Artashassht is the same with Darius called also Artaxerxas Longimanus as is further shewed qu. 59. following 46. Quest. What Artaxerxes it was in whose senenth yeare Ezra was sent and in his 20. Nehemiah 1. Iosrphus thinketh lib. 11. Antiquit that this was Xerxes by whome Ezra first and afterward Nehemiah was sent but this can not be for Xerxes is not held to haue raigned aboue 20. or 32. yeares now mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes Ezr. 5. 14. Beside Iosephus manifestly erreth in two other points 1. he saith that Nehemiah was sent in the 25. yeare of this Artaxerxes whereas it is euident that it was the 20. yeare Nehem. 2. 1. 2. he saith the walls were finished in two yeares and 3. moneths whereas they were repaired in the space of 52. daies Ezr. 6. 15. 2. Pererius therein consenting with some auncient writers holdeth this to be Artaxerxes Longimanus the sonne of Xerxes wherein he thinketh right sauing that this can not agree with his former opinion that it was Darius Hystaspis in whose sixt yeare the Temple was built which Darius in truth was Artaxerxes Longimanus as is further declared qu. 58. following M. Lydyat also thinketh well that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus by whome Ezra and Nehemiah were sent in ann 3553. but from hence he doth not well beginne Daniels 70. weekes as is shewed before qu. 42. 3. Some thinke that this was Artaxerxes Muemon which gaue libertie vnto Ezra and Nehemiah to returne to Ierusalem and repaire the citie because no other Artaxerxes but he of the kings of Persia immediatly succee dâ—da Darius Ioseph Scallâ—g Iun. The Artâ—shasht mentioned Ezr. 7. 1. who sent Ezra and afterward Nehemiah succeeded not Darius but was that Darius in whose 6. yeare the Temple was builtâ— See qu. 58. following 47. Quest. That Daniels 70. weekes were determined neither before Christs passionâ— nor at the destruction of the citie 1. Euseb. lib. 8. de demonstr Euangel in his first account beginneth the 70. weekes in the first of Cyrus and endeth 69. of them about Hyrcanus time when Pompey the great tooke Ierusalem and defiled the Temple 2. In an other account he beginneth the 69. weekes in the 6. of Darius when the Temple was reedified and maketh them to ende at Herod the last weeke he beginneth at Christs haptisme 60. yeares after and endeth it 3. yeares and an halfe after his passion Both these accounts of Eusebius Oâ—calâ—mpadius indifferently followeth But neither of these râ—ckonings can stand 1. because Daniel saith that after 7. weekes and 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine that is in the 70. weeke next after but in the first account the Messiah was slaine aboue 90. yeares in the second aboue 60. after the expiring of the 69. weekes 2. the 70. and last weeke must immediatly follow the other because they are made one whole number of 70. weekes vers 24. though afterward they be diuided 3. Some ende these 70. weekes at the natiuitie of Christ as Origen beginning them in Darius raigne others beginne at the instautation of the Temple vnder Darius and end the 69. weekes at the birth of Christ counting vntill then 483. yeares Tertullian But both these opinionâ— are contrarie to the text which ende these 69. weekes at the passion and death of Christ not at his birth after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine beside as the first account commeth short aboue 30. yeares of the 490. so the other ouerreacheth aboue 60. yeares as shall be showed in the particular account 4. Some ende these weekes at the baptisme of Christ Melancth but the text will not heare it for before these weekes are expired or togither with the expiration of them shall the Messiah be slaine 5. As these ende Daniels weekes somewhat too soone so some extend them somewhat too farre as to the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus and Vespasian wherein not withstanding they do much differ Tertullian beginneth the account at Darius the Mede and endeth at the subuersion of Ierusalem so also Clem. Alex. beginning at Cyrus Chrysostome there ending beginneth at the 20. yeare of Darius Longimanus Some beginne form the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus and ende at the destruction of the citie by the Romanes Iun. Bulling Polan M. Lively But the first beginning right ouershoote the 70. weekes almost 40. yeares from the passion of Christ to the taking of the citie by the Romanes The other neither beginne right seeing it is prooued before that the beginning of the weeks must be from the first going forth of the word vnder Cyrus qu. 43. neither doe they ende well for immediatly after the 69. weekes the Messiah must be slaine in the last weeke then can it not be extended 40. yeares after Christs death to the destruction of the citie these words after 69. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine are otherwise expounded by Iunius and Polanus which shall be further examimed when we come vnto the handling of that verse Now the reasons that these weekes must be extended to the finall destruction of Ierusalem are these 1. The Angel saith Seuentie weekes are determined ouer the people and ouer the holy citie that is within which time there shall be a destruction of both Iun. anâ—otat 2. Our blessed Sauiour doth apply this prophesie of Daniel vnto the desolation and destruction of Ierusalem Matth. 24. 15. Polan 3. Daniel first maketh mention of the destruction of the citie and Sanctuarie and then speaketh of the confirming of the couenant in one weeke and of the ceasing of the sacrifices in the middes of the weeke which if it be vnderstood of Christs death it were a preposterous order that after the destruction of the citie which happened 40. yeares after he should returne to speake of the Messiahs death M. Lively Persian Monarch p. 225. 4. To what purpose should mention be made here of the destruction of Ierusalem if it be not within the compasse of these weekes Ans. 1. The Angel expoundeth himselfe afterward how these words are to
to the course of the Sunne otherwise by this reason the 70. yeares of the captiuitie must likewise be cutt short see before quest 17. 2. in great numbers sometime odde yeaes are omitted but so it is not here because these seuentie weekes are said to be cut our that is precisely they shall fall out to be so many weekes of yeares 3. That distinction hath no place here for seeing the account is made by weekes if any part thereof should be reckoned inclusiuely or exclusiuely it must be done by weekes of yeares not by single yeares as M. Liuely well obserueth pag. 187. 2. It remaineth then that these yeares must take their ende precisely at the time of the death and passion of Christ as Iulius Africanus Beda Ruperius Bullinger H. Br. doe determine them and then whereas it is said in the middes or halfe weeke the sacrifice shall cease the sense is that Christ by the sacrifice of himselfe in the latter halfe of the weeke shall abolish all other sacrifices in right and whereas it is said he shall confirme the couenant in one weeke the meaning is not that all the last weeke this couenant should be in confirming but the couenant shall be confirmed first by the preaching and then by the death of Christ in the last weeke which was done in the last middle or halfe part thereof Bulling Now for this precise determining of these weekes in the verie passion of the Messiah the reasons are these 1. The last weeke endeth at the confirmation of the couenant or Testament as the Prophet saith he shall confirme the couenant with many in one weeke the weeke then must end with that confirmation for not the beginning but the ende is counted for the weeke But the Testament was ratified by the death of Christ Hebr. 9. 17. the Testament is confirmed when men be dead therefore this last weeke endeth in Christs death Bulling 2. The death of Christ was to fall out in a yeare of Iubile that the bodie may answer vnto the figure therefore it is called the acceptable yeare of the Lord Isay. 6102. the great yeare of remission of sinnes and of the redemption of prisoners and captiues And so the yeare wherein Christ died was a Iubile yeare beeing the 28. Iubile by iust computation from the 8. yeare of Iosuah when the first Iubile was kept for so many Iubilies fall but in 1400. yeares It is most probable then that Daniels 70. weekes should ende with the last Iubile H. Br. in 9. Daniel 3. M. Liuely though he ende not the 70. weekes in the passion of the Messiah yet he holdeth so many weekes preeisely gathering so much by the Hobrewe phrase Sexentie weekes is cut out where a verbe of the singular number beeing put to a word of the plurall sheweth that euerie one of the weekes particularly from the first to the last shall be precisely and absolutely complete Persian Mon. pag. 159. 4. If any of these weekes should be extended beyond Christs death it is more like they should reach to the destruction and desolation of the diâ—ie which is by name expressed for there is no other cause to extend them further the preaching of the Gospell continued longer then three yeare and a halfe after Christ therefore in that regard the halfe weeke is not to be extended beyond Christs death 5. Burgens alleadgeth this reason to shewe that the last ende of these weekes must concurre with the passion of Christ nam deletie iniquitatis consummatio praevaricationis c. the taking away of iniquitie and the finishing of transgression which are propounded by the Angel in his first speach are the proper effects of Christs passion c. vpon this reason Burgens is so confident that he concludeth the ende then of these weekes est nobis notus de fide is knowne vnto vs as of faith that is certainely Thus then the argument may be framed the finishing of iniquitie and taking away of sinne were accomplished in the passion of Christ but seuentie weekes are determined for the finishing of iniquitie therefore 70. weekes are determined at the passion of Christ. 6. Melâ—ncthon addeth further that the 70. weekes must not extend beyond Christs passion because the Iewes reiecting of him were no longer his people neither tooke he protection of them Thus hauing the beginning of these 70. weekes at Cyrus and the ende at the passion of Christ it remaineth then to be shewed how by a iust computation these 70. weekes may be brought from Cyrus vnto Christ. Quest. 50. Of the iust and exact computation of yeares from Cyrus first vnto the passion of Christ. 1. Tertullian beginning in the first of Darius counteth but 490. yeares to the destruction of Ierusalem the 62. weekes and an halfe he would haue ended at Christs natiuitie which make 437. yeares and from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem he reckoneth 7. weekes and an halfe more that is 53. yeares But Tertullian committeth diuerse errors in this account 1. he maketh but 5. kings of Persia. 2. he giueth but an 106. yeares to the whole Monarchie of the Persians 31 he fayleth in the particular account of the yeares of the kings of Persia he alloweth vnto Darius the Mede 19. yeares whereas he raigned but one and to the last Darius 22. yeares who raigned but sixe in all and to Alexander be giueth 12. yeares after who liued but sixe yeares after Darius ouerthowe 4. he counteth but 53. yeares from Christs natiuitie to the destruction of Ierusalem which in true account were 70. yeares at the least for Christ was borne in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad and the citie was taken by Titus in the 4. yeare of the 212. Olympiad 2. Lyranus beginning his account the 5. yeare of Zedekiah when as Ieremiah promised deliuerance after 70. yeares reckoneth from that yeare to the destruction of Ierusalem 6. yeares from thence the Hebrewes to the first of Cyrus count 52. yeares then to Cyrus and Cambyses he giueth 9. yeares to Assuerus and Darius in whole 6. yeare the Temple was built 45. yeares betweene them all these yeares make beeing put together 112. yeares then the second Temple is held by the Hebrewes to haue stood vnto the second destruction by Titus 420. yeares all make 532. from whence 42. yeares beeing diducted which come betweene the blessed passion of our Lord and the destruction of Ierusalem there will remaine iust 490. yeares Paulus Burgens agreeing with Raimundus beginning and ending as Lyranus doth yet proceedeth an other way from the 4. of Zedekiah which was in the 12. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar who raigned in all 45. yeares there remained of his raigne 34. yeares and of Evilmerodachs 32. and 3. yeares of Balthazar 's raigne all these make 60. yeares then Darius raigned two Cyrus 30. Assuerus 14. Darius his sonne had raigned 6. when the Temple was finished these yeares make 52. and the second Temple stood 420. yeares as is the generall opinion of the Hebrewes
writeth lib. 5. Agrippa was confederate with the Romanes and Iosephus also testifieth that he tooke part with the Romanes after be could not perswade the Iewes to giue ouer their intended warre and that the said Agrippa suruiued after the destruction of the citie 2. Beside here is a great error in Chronologie for from the beginning of the 70. weekes which he maketh 52. yeares before Cyrus to the destruction of Ierusalem are in the most compendious reckoning almost 600. yeares 2. Theodoret and Eusebius by the Messiah vnderstand Hyrcanus who was the last anointed gouernour of the Priests and after him the Herodians vsurped the kingly authoritie vnto the destruction of the citie But the Messiah here spoken off must reconcile iniquitie and finish sinne but so could not any of the anointed Priests 3. M. Liuely by Messiah taking the singular for the plurall would haue meant the anointed gouernours for all lawfull rule and authoritie ceased a little before the taking of the citie by the Romans there was hauock made of the rulers and Elders and a generall disorder and Anarchie brought in first vnder Albinus then Florus Persian Monarchie pag. 212. and p. 241. And this reason he vrgeth why the Messiah is not here Christ because it were an vnproper speach to take the last weeke for the Messiah as they are forced thus to interpret these words after 62. weekes shall the Messiah be slaine that is in the 70. and last weeke Contra. 1. Whereas the Prophet here speaketh of one Messiah by this interpretation we shall haue many and a succession rather of gouernours then any one certain gouernour in which sense I thinke it cannot be shewed that the word Messiah is taken throughout the whole Scripture 2. and by this exposition of Messiah we are depriued of one of the most pregnant prophesies of Christs holy passion 3. neither doth it follow that the 70. weeke in that sense should be taken for the Messiah no more then he himselfe taketh it where he saith that after 69. weekes counted from the commandement thâ— Messiah whom he interpreteth the annointed gouernour should be cut off the citie and Temple destroyed leauing the last weeke of the seuentie for the accomplishment thereof pag. 224. for doth not he likewise vnderstand the 70. weeke after the 69. wherein the Messiah should be cut off 4. euen to admit his owne sense the lawfull anointed gouernours ceased in Ierusalem long before the destruction of Ierusalem about the birth of Christ in the 30. yeare of Herod when that tyrant slew all the Sanedrim as the L. of Plessie sheweth out of Philo whereupon he inferreth that to be the time wherein the soueraigntie and Iurisdiction of Iudsh did cease And so was Iacobs prophesie fulfilled Gen. 49. 10. that the scâ—ptâ—r should not depart from Iuda nor a law-giuer from betweene his feete vntill Shiloh come M. Liuely hereunto answeareth that this prophesie was rather fulfilled in the destruction of Ierusalem which he calleth the beginning of Christs second comming to iudgement the ende and accomplishment whereof shall be in the last day of iudgement and therefore all the time afterward is called the last daies and this is the reason why our Sauiour Matth. 14. treateth in the same place of the destruction of Ierusalem and of the end of the world So M. Lively p. 251. But 1. this is a strange exposition to vnderstand Christs comming in the flesh when he was gone out of the world and to make his going his comming 2. Iacob prophesieth of the first comming of Christ in the flesh as Iunius noteth out of the word Shilob which he interpreteth her sonne the word properly signifying the matrice or wombe because Christ was borne of a woman without the helpe of man Iun. annot in Gen. 49. 3. The reason why our Sauiour treateth of both those questions together is because the Apostles had propounded two questions both of the time of the destruction of the citie and Temple and of the ende of the world for thus they say Tell vs when these things shall be and what signe shall be of thy comming and of the ende of the world Matth. 24. 3. therefore our Sauiour satisfieth them in both their demands 4. These very words last rehearsed shew that the second comming of Christ and the ende of the world should be ioyned together 4. Iunius who vnderstandeth this place of the true Messiah yet referreth the ende of these 70. weekes to the destruction of the citie is forced to vse a kind of zeugmatical construction as he calleth it by supplying the word after in this sense after 62. weekes after the Messiah is slaine so also Polanus which words they thus interpret not that after the 62. weekes the Messiah should be cut off but after such time as the Messiah should be slaine which was within the 69. weekes and after the said 62. weekes then should follow the destruction of the citie But who seeth not how in this exposition the text is strained for the nominatiue is turned into the accusatiue after the Messiah slaine or the ablatiue the Messiah beeing slaine and the word after is inserted which is not in the text And the very first reading of the words after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine doe euidently giue this sense that after that time and not before he should be slaine 5. Iunius hath an other interpretation in his annotations shewing the accomplishment hereof in the members of Christ how that after the Messiah himselfe was slaine his members were persecuted for in the ende of the 69. weeke about the 7. yeare of Nero Iames was put to death and a grieuous persecution was raised against the Church But the members and seruants of the Messiah can not be the Messiah and this cutting off must be after the 69. weekes not in any part of them neither as is shewed before doth the 69. weeke extend to the 7. of Nero beeing expired before the baptisme of Christ. 6. Oecolampad yeeldeth this as a reason why this cutting off can not in his iudgement be referred to the death of Christ because the word signifieth so to cut off as the thing cut off be in a manner extinguished and perisheth but so was not Christ cut off who hanging vpon the crosse was written in the superscription king of the Iewes But M. Calvin answereth this obiection well quâ—ad communem sensum quia putabant homines prorsus esse abolitum this was true according to the common sense because men thought that Christ was wholly abolished So that he was in the opinion of men as quite cut off as the Prophet Isay faith c. 53. 8. he was cut out of the land of the liuing 2. And the word here vsed caâ—ath signifieth to cut off either by death or banishment as Amos. 1. 5. I will cut off the inhabit aâ—ts of Bikeath-auen c. the sense then is no more but this that the Messiah shall be an off that is slaine
7. Wherefore the plaine and proper meaning of these words is that after these weekes the Messiah out Blessed Sauiour should be put to death for our sinnes And this is an euident proofe of this sense because it is said v. 27. He shall confirme the conenant which euen in M. Liuelies iudgement is vnderstood of the Messiah p. 218. Then the Messiah to whom this word he hath reference vnto must be expressed and spoken of before Quest. 64. Of the meaning of these words and he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe 1. There are diuerse expositions of these words 1. Oecolampad referreth them to the people of Ierusalem nothing to him that is the people shall haue neither king nor Priest nothing shall be left vnto them but the Messiah beeing spoken of immediately before these words veenâ—o and not to him must haue reference to the Messiah 2. Iunius in his first edition thus interpreteth nihil ad illum nothing to him that is death shall haue no power vpon him neither for all this shall his iudgements be staied which he purposed to bring vpon the citie 3. In his last edition in his annotations and in his commentarie he thus expoundeth that all shall depart from him he shall not haue in Ierusalem any disciple for a little before the besieging of the citie they of the Church were admonished by reuelation to goe out of Ierusalem vnto a towne in Petrea called Pella Euseb. l. 3. hist. Eccl. c. 5. 4. Not much differing here-from is the interpretation of Lyranus Hugo Pintus with others following the Latine translation non erit ei populus qui eum negaturus est they shall not be his people which denied him for the Iewes said they had no king but Cesar Ioh 19. 15. and as for this man say they we know not whence he is Ioh. 9. 29. 5. M. Calvin thus interpreteth nihil ei erit he shall haue nothing so also Genevens that is he shall haue a contemptible death and be counted as nothing as the Prophet Isai saith c. 53. 3. He hath neither forme not beautie 6. Vatablus thus expoundeth there shall be none to helpe him or deliuer him 7. But the fittest and best sense is this the Messias shall be slaine but not for himselfe Bulling B. translation H. Br. vpon Daniel And this sense best agreeth to the prophesie of Christ Isa. 53. 4. We did iudge him as plagued and smitten of God but he was wounded for our transgressions c. And to the Apostles doctrine 2. Cor. 5. 25. He hath made him sinne for vs that knew no sinne that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him But seeing here mention is made of the death of Christ before we goe any further it shall not be amisse briefly to handle the questions of the time both of the birth baptisme and passion of our blessed Sauiour 65. Quest. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour There are three accounts to finde out the birth of Christ 1. by the Romane Chronologie 2. by the Greeke Olympiads 3. by the Hebrewes computation 1. The Romane account of yeares is either by the yeares of the building of Rome by the Consuls or by the yeares of the Emperours for the yeares of the citie Pererius casteth the time of Christs birth into the 752. yeare which he prooueth out of Dions Chronologie who placeth the 15. yeare of Tiberius when Christ at 30. yeares was baptized in the 782. yeare But therein he is somewhat deceiued for setting the 1. yeare of Christ in the 752. of the citie in the 782. beginneth the 31. yeare of Christ as M. Bullinger casteth it and the 15. yeare of Tiberius was in the 781. yeare M. Lively in his table setteth downe the birth of Christ in the 751. yeare but the receiued opinion is that it was in the 752. yeare which was the 42. of Augustus raigne Concerning the computation by the yeares of the Consuls it is vncertaine Sulpitius thinketh that Sabinus and Ruffinus were then Consuls lib. 2. sacr histor Cassiodorus nameth C. Lentulus and M. Mâ—ssalinus but these are placed by others in the 749. yeare not the 752. of the citie Onuphrius in chronie and Epiphanius in hares 51. and Eusebius in chronic doe hold that Augustus was the 13. time Consul and Syllanus when Christ was borne which Carolus Sigonius in his commentaries agreeth vnto as the most probable yet M. Liuely setteth them in the yeare of the citie 750. the yeare before he supposeth Christ to haue beene borne This account then by Consuls we leaue as vncertaine The surer way then by the Romane computation is to count by the yeares of the raigne of the Emperours Augustus Cesar is held to haue liued 75. yeares and 10. moneths and 20. daies beeing borne as Dio doth cast his natiuitie in the yeare of the citie 691. and ending his life in the yeare 767. But others doe place his birth in the yeare of the citie 689. as Eutropius lib. 6. and Orosius lib. 6. when Cicero and Antonie were Consuls together which was in the yeare 689. Bulling M. Lively by this latter account Augustus should be two yeare elder and so liued in all 77. yeares and odde moneths But Plinie is wide who placeth the Consulship of Cicero and Antonie in the 700. yeare which should be aboue tenne yeares after lib. 9. c. 39. Now for the time of his gouernment he raigned alone after he had ouercome Antonie at Actium 44. yeares 12. he had the ioynt gouernment with Antonie so that from the beginning of his first Consulship and regiment he gouerned 56. yeares some say 58. yeares Tacit. dialog de clar oratorib some 57. as Iosephus counteth l. 18. c. 3. but the most Chronologers agree that he raigned in all 56. yeares 6. moneths so Epiphan in Anchorat and Beda lib. de 6. atâ—tib Fererius thinketh he raigned not full out 56. the difference is not great The yeare then of Christs birth compared with Augustus raigne beeing in the 752. yeare of the citie falleth out to be in the 42. yeare of Augustus sole gouernment the 62. of his age and the 30. yeare after the conquest of Antonie Beda thinketh it was the 27. yeare so also Ioseph Scalig. Clemens the 28. lib. 1. stromat Onuphrius the 29. but it was the 30. yeare iust from the victorie of Antonie which was the 42. yeare from the beginning of Augustus first Consulship as it may be thus gathered Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius Cesar was 30. yeare old Luk. 3. 1. 23. then put vnto that number 15. more of Augustus 56. and we shal come iust to the 42. yeare of Augustus Thus much of the Latine computation 2. By the computation of the Greeke Olympiads Christs birth fell out in the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad as Eusebius in chronic and Beda lib de 6. aetat and Iosep. Scalig. so also M. Lively but other cast it to be in the 4. yeare of the 194.
word importeth a doubtfull and imperfect number 2. that place of Daniel is by some referred not to Christs preaching but to the destruction of Ierusalem 3. neither is it certen that Christ preached iust 3. yeares and an halfe Ioseph Scaliger maketh the time of his preaching foure yeares some make it lesse as is shewed before qu. 69. 2. The Grecians and Egyptians beganne their yeare in September in remembrance of Alexanders victorie against Darius and the Imperiall indictions began then because Constantine at that time began his raigne 3. In the third reason many things are vncerten 1. whether the Priests courses began in March 2. whether they serued by weekes or moneths 3. in the Iewes ancient chronicle called Seder olam in the last chap. it is affirmed that Iehoiaribs course which was the first after the destruction of the first second Temple fell out in the 5. moneth Ab which is in some part answerable to our Iuly M. Lydyat also here answereth that the courses of the Priests were changed after the captiuitie p. 157. Ans. Though I am loath to contradict so generall receiued an opinion cōcerning Christs birth neither wil I take vpon me to set down any thing positiuely affirmatiuely therein yet I will shew the vnsufficiencie of this answer and propound certaine doubts out of the Scripture which I wil leaue to the Readers consideration The 2. argument alleadged by Beroaldus taken from the Grecians beginning of their yeare and the Imperiall indictions receiueth full satisfaction and therefore I will not replie To the 3. argument also a reasonable answer is made sauing that it is not to be doubted but that the moneth Nisau answering in part to our March was the beginning of their yeare for all Ecclesiasticall busines as was appointed by Moses Exod. 12. 1. and it is most like that the 24. courses went ouer euery yeare and so two serued monethly and notwithstanding that testimonie out of the Iewish chronicle the authoritie of the Scripture is more to be waighed which testifieth that the orders of the Leuites were renued after their returne frō the captiuitie in Nehemiahs time according to the ordinance of Dauid the man of God But the first reason taken from the age of Christ when he was baptized is not in mine opinion sufficiently answered 1. whereas S. Luke saith that Iesus began to b◠about thirtie yeares of age that particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iosephus Scaliger taketh to be here not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word of doubting but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word of asseueration and affirming and what doubt can be here made but that Iesus beganne then to be 30. yeare old according to the very words 2. that this prophesie of Daniel of the 70. weekes determineth in Christs death is shewed before quest 49. neither can it haue any other meaning without much wresting as either with Iunius to read after 62. weekes after the Messiah is slaine whereas the words are after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine or with M. Lively to say that Messiah in this prophesie is not to be taken for Christ both which may seeme in any mans iudgement to be hard constructions of the text 3. If this place then be vnderstood of the Messiah there must of necessitie be halfe a weeke allowed for his preaching and it is the generall receiued opinion of old and new that Christ preached 3. yeares and a halfe and it is more inconuenient to denie that then that Christ was borne in December Now then though for mine owne part in a matter indifferent and probable I am loath to goe against antiquitie yet this first reason I must confesse grounded vpon the authoritie of Daniel for the space of 3. yeares and an halfe from Christs beginning to preach vnto his death and of S. Luke for Christs entring into 30. yeares when he was baptized hath so preuailed with me that I thinke it very probable that Christs birth was nearer September then December And howsoeuer it is there must needes be some error in the account of time in keeping Christs natiuitie day the 25. of December seeing in the reuolution of 16. hundred yeares there may well be lost so many daies of the iust reckoning from hence now may be gathered the true distance betweene the baptisme and the passion of Christ which shall be distinctly handled in the next question 72. Quest. Of the space and distance of time that was betweene Christs baptisme and his passion 1. Epiphanius whose opinion was seene in the beginning of the former question maketh the baptisme of Christ 60. daies before that season of the yeare wherein he was borne the day of Christs birth he thinketh to haue beene borne the 6. of Ianuarie and 60. daies before that falleth out in the beginning of November But herein is Epiphanius error he placeth Christs baptisme toward the ende of the yeare whereas it was in the beginning of Christs 30. yeare and againe he setteth Christs baptisme in this account but 4. moneths distant from his passion 2. Some bring the baptisme of Christ nearer vnto the Passeouer by 73. daies then Epiphanius as they hold Christ to haue beene vpon the 25. of December and then his baptisme to haue beene solemnized about 13. daies after the season of his birth about the sixt of Ianuarie in the beginning of Christs 30. yeare so Pererius as before is shewed qu. 68. And to this purpose he alleadgeth Maximus hom 1. de Epiphan ferunt Christum hodie vel stella duce à gentibus adoratum c. they say that Christ this day namely the Epiphanie was either adored of the Gentiles by the leading of a starre or beeing inuited to the marriage to haue turned water into wine or to haue receiued Iohns baptisme and to haue consecrate the flood of Iordan c. So August serm 27. de tempor maketh mention of these 3. opinions that some held the wise men to haue come vpon that day to worship Christ some that he turned water into wine some that he was vpon that day baptised c. But 1. these Fathers speake hereof vncertenly not determining any thing as Maximus in the former place concludeth quid potissimum praesenti hac factum sit die noverit ipse qui fecit but what was chiefly done vpon this day he knoweth that did it so then this tradition had no certen ground 2. Pererius himselfe thinketh with others that the halfe weeke which Daniel speaketh of wherein the Messiah should cause the sacrifices to cease beganne at Christs baptisme then must there be iust 6. moneths from the time of Christs baptisme vnto the Passeouer for how els shall the halfe yeare be made vp 3. Iosephus Scaliger lib. 6. de emendat tempor bringeth Christs baptisme yet nearer vnto the Passeouer for he thinketh that the miracle of conuerting the water into wine was done 3. daies after Christs baptisme the 1. day after Andrew and Peter followed Christ the 2.
7. But by two wayes chiefely was this couenant ratified and confirmed by the declaration and publishing thereof by his preaching and by the sealing thereof by his most precious blood like as a Testament is first declared and written and then confirmed by the death of the Testator So in the death of our Blessed Sauiour was the couenant before set forth by his preaching fully established as Oecolampad Scimus c. in morte ipsa proprie foedus confirmari c. we know according to the author of the epistle to the Hebrewes that the couenant was properly confirmed in his death c. And this further may be made plaine thus 1. by the type and figure as Moses tooke the booke of the lawe and reade in it and then sprinkled the blood vpon the people saying this is the blood of the couenant Exod. 24. 8. so the booke of this couenant declared by Christs preaching was made sure in his blood 2. This also appeareth by the institution of the Lords supper where Christ saith of the cuppe representing his blood this is the newe Testament in my blood c. Luk. 22. 20. that is a signe seale and representation thereof 3. the Apostle sheweth this also by the nature and condition of a Testament which is confirmed when men are dead Heb. 9. 17. and so in this place the Septuagint translate the Hebrewe word berith by the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 testament for the word signifieth both a couenant and a testament as Budeus sheweth in his commentaries for the ratifying then and confirming of this will and Testament of our Sauiour his death and passion was necessarie with the shedding of his most pretious blood for the remission of our sinnes Quest. 84. When this testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ. 1. Pererius deliuereth it as an auncient tradition and a receiued opinion that Christ beganne not to preach and worke miracles till a yeare after he was baptised for the first miracle which he wrought in Cana of Galile they hold to haue beene done the same day tweluemoneth wherein he had beene baptised 2. But this opinion may be easily refuted 1. the words of S. Peter Act. 1. 21. are directly against it of these men which haue companied with vs all the time that the Lord Iesus was conuersant among vs beginning from the baptisme of Iohn vnto the day that he was taken vp from vs must one of them be made a witnesse with vs of his resurrection Here it is euident that Christ beganne to preach after he had receiued Iohns baptisme Pererius by the baptisme of Iohn here thinketh all that time to be vnderstood wherein Iohn baptized till he was imprisoned but that can not be for Iohn beganne to baptize before Christ came vnto his baptisme and before Christ was baptized he preached not neither shewed himselfe publikely therefore the beginning can not be vnderstood to be from Iohns baptisme in that sense 2. Seeing Christ was publikely in his baptisme called from heauen to the office of teaching in that it is saide Heare him it is not like that our blessed Sauiour would intermit that holy function a yeare together 3. Before that miracle in Cana of Galile he entertained Disciples as is euident Ioh. 1. as Andrew and Peter Philip and Nathaniel therefore euen then he beganne to be a publike teacher 4. If Christs preaching beganne a yeare after his baptisme in the beginning of his 31. yeare then could he not preach and confirme the Couenant halfe a weeke that is 3. yeares and a halfe seeing he is generally held to haue died in his 33. yeare wherefore euen presently after his baptisme as soone as his 40. dâ—â—â—s fast was ouer Christ beganne to preach and shew his power in working of miracles 85. Quest. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease when this halfe weeke beganne 1. R. Shelamo thus interpreteth the halfe weeke that a little before the destruction of Ierusalem after the Iewes had violated the truce taken betweene them and the Romanes for 7. yeares then in the middes of the weeke that is in the fourth yeare of those seuen the Romanes came and besieged the citie But it is shewed before qu. 82. that this is but a Rabbinicall conceit that any such truce was made betweene the Romanes and the Iewes 2. Some doe likewise refetre this halfe weeke to the destruction of Ierusalem that in the middes thereof that is the 5. yeare before the ouerthrow of the citie the Romanes came laid siege vnto it Iun. Polan M. Lively But this sense can not be admitted because it hath beene prooued alreadie qu. 49. that these 70. weekes and euery part thereof determined in the death of Christ. 3. Iosephus Scaligor hath a conceit by himselfe that this 70. and last weeke must be deuided the one part thereof he alloweth for the time of Christs preaching namely 4. yeares and an halfe the other for the destruction of the citie two yeares and an halfe more But here two exceptions may iustly be taken 1. he diuideth this weeke the one part aboue 30. yeares from the other whereas euery part of these weekes must one succeede an other 2. he diuideth two yeares and an halfe from the rest but that maketh not halfe a weeke 4. Some beginne this halfe weeke at the death of Christ and continue it afterward when the sacrifices and rites of the law beganne to be abolished by the Apostles as we read Act. 15. Perer. Pint. Melancth M. Lydyat in ann 4043. Osiand sauing that Osiander maketh it the first halfe of the last weeke the other the latter But it hath beene prooued alreadie that these yeares must ende in Christs death 5. This halfe weeke then is better taken for the latter halfe part of the weeke which beginneth at the baptisme of Christ and endeth at his passion so Bullinger saith per praedicationem Euangelij mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi constat legem esse abrogatam by the preaching of the Gospel and by the death of Iesus Christ it is euident the law was abrogated so also Hugo beginneth this halfe weeke in the 15. of Tiberius at Christs baptisme for then in the baptisme of Christ hostiarum legalium purificatio paulatim coepit vilescere the purifying of the legall sacrifices beganne by little and little to waxe vile Thus also expoundeth the author of the Scholasticall historie as Pererius sheweth in the very ende of his 10. booke vpon Daniel and vnlesse we ende the 70. and last weeke at the passion of Christ it will not ende in a yeare of Iubile for Christ is held to haue died in a yeare of Iubile that the shadow may agree vnto the bodie see before qu. 66. toward the ende 86. Quest. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished 1. R. Shelamoh thinketh that this is vnderstood of the ceasing of the sacrifices in fact when
make but 70. persons to descend into Egypt with Iaakob to answer vnto the 70. languages which they thinke to haue beene spread ouer the earth Gen. 10. Hierome thinketh that the speciall principles of our faith they either omitted in their translation or interpreted after an other manner to the intent to conceale the secrets of their faith 2. Ireneus Iustinus Chrysostome Hilarie Augustine doe ascribe verie much vnto this translation and thinke that the interpreters were put into so many seuerall celles and yet agreed together except only in some certaine places But Hierome praefat in pentateâ—â— thinketh that to be a fable of their 70. celles at Alexandria 3. But there is great vncertaintie beside 1. Hierome writeth that it is the generall opinion of the Iewes that the Septuag onely translated the 5. bookes of Moses in 5. cap. Ezech. 2. And there were diuerse copies of the Septuagint Alexandria and all Egypt followed Hesychius copie Constantinople and all vnto Antioch vsed Lucianus edition And the middle Prouinces betweene them preferred the translation amended by Origen and set forth by Pamphilus Hierome praefat in Paralip 4. And beside the translation of the Septuag whereof there were so many editions there were other translations of the Scriptures into the Greeke tongue as by Aquila Symmachus Theodotian wherefore in so great varietie and vncertaintie of translations the most sure way is to haue recourse vnto the originall as Hierome and Augustine doe well aduise ex Bulling Quest. 23. Who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits 1. Theodoret giueth this interpretation here these warres here prophecied of he vnderstandeth of the warres betweene Ptolomeus Philopator and Antiochus the great by one of his captaines before spoken of v. 6. he would haue vnderstood Scopas generall of Philopators armie who wunne diuerse places out of Antiochus iurisdiction and ioyned them to his kingdome After this Ptolome gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Antiochus but she was returned home againe yet there came a bud of her she had a sonne that became an enemie vnto her father Contra. This exposition cannot stand 1. the warres betweene Antiochus the great and Philopator are afterward spoken of in this chapter 2. It is vnlike that one of his captaines should be said to be greater then the king himselfe seeing all his endeauour was to aduance the honour and dominion of the king 3. neither did the king of Egypt giue his daughter to Antiochus the great but he gaue his daughter Cleopatra in mariage to Ptolome Epiphanes 4. beside this bud here spoken of inuadeth the kingdome of the North whereas Theodoret vnderstandeth this bud to rise vp an enemie to the king of the South 2. This then is the true interpretation 1. This bud of her that is Berenices rootes was Ptolome surnamed Euergetes her naturall and Germane brother who rose vp to reuenge his sisters death 2. He came with an armie and invaded Syria and wunne the strong holds many cities abhorring the cruell fact and parricide of Callinicus reuolted and submitted themselues to Ptolome who tooke possession of the countrey and caused himselfe to be crowned king 3. but hearing of some commotion in Egypt he returned and carried away with him many nobles captiues and a verie great spoile beside 40. thousand talents of gold and many pretious vessels and 2500. images of their gods and among them those which Cambyses before had carried out of Egypt whereupon the superstitious Egyptians called him Euergetes benefactor Hierome 3. After Ptolome was returned Seleucus prepared a great nauie which was ouerwhelmed in the Sea and he himselfe hardly escaped with a fewe of his companie hauing nothing left of all that great preparation in so much that his case was pitied of those which before had reuolted from him Then he craued aid of Antiochus Hierax his brother which Ptolome perceiuing made peace with Seleucus for 10. yeares Oecol Melanct. ex Iustin. 4. Hierax seeing this then turneth his force against his brother Seleucus which warre tended to the ruine and destruction of them both for Hierax was slaine of certaine robbers and theeues and Seleucus died of a fall from his horse 5. All this beeing thus reported by forren writers Iustin. lib. 27. Polybius lib. 5. agreeth with this prophesie of Daniel both of the preparation and expedition of Ptolome Euergetes against Callinicus v. 7. his successe in carrying away much spoile and captiues v. 8. and his returne into his countrey v. 9. 6. But where it is said v. 8. he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North some referre it to the time of their raigne Calvin saith whom the Genevens followe that Euergetes raigned 46. yeares Oecolamp 26. whereas Callinicus raigned but 20. yeares but it is better vnderstood that Euergetes continued diuerse yeares in this victorious estate hauing the chiefe dominion in Syria Iun. Polan for this best agreeth with the former words wherein his victorie and prosperous successe is described And Polybius writeth that Euergegetes and Callinicus died much about the same time lib. 5. 7. Iâ— his returne which is mentioned v. 9. Iosephus writeth that Euergetes comming to Ierusalem did offer sacrifices vnto God for his great victorie and bestowed great gifts vpon the Temple lib. post aduers. Appion yet afterward he demaunded the ordinarie tribute 20. talents of siluer which was detained by the couetousnesse of Onias the high Priest Euergetes sent vnto him threatening that if the tribute were not paid he would diuide their countrey among his souldiers Then Iosephus Onias sisters sonne went in the name of the Iewes in embassage vnto Ptolome and pacified him and grewe in great fauour with him Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 3. Quest. 24. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. This battell is described in three parts 1. the preparation made by the king of the North and their diuerse attempts v. 10. 2. the resistance made by the king of the South with his good successe v. 11. 3. the euents that followed vpon this victorie v. 12. 1. The attempts made are either ioyntly by the two sonnes of Seleucus Callinicus namely Seleucus Ceraunus and Antiochus surnamed Megas the great in these words his sonnes shall be stirred vp and shall assemble a mightie great armie or seuerally by Antiochus Megas onely in the latter part of the verse First Ceraunus and Megas ioyning together partly to reuenge their father Callinicus and their grandmother Laodices death partly in hope to recouer Syria out of Ptolome Philopators hand who succeeded Euergetes whom some thinke he killed and therefore was called Philopator that is a louer of his father by the contrarie they first set vpon Ptolomies captaines which held Syria for Philopator But Cerannus passing ouer the mount Taurus to goe against Attalus who possessed the countrey beyond Taurus was slaine by the treason of Apaturius and Nicanor in the 2. or 3. yeare of
by words rather then swords the matter must be handled Among the Protestants none are put to death for religion but for their rebellion and sedition and practising against the state 8. Doctr. The ende of persecution is to trie and purge the faithfull v. 33. Some shall fall c. to trie and purge them and make them white There are two ends of persecution the one is that triall may be made of the constancie and faithfulnes of the seruants of God the other to purge out that drosse which is in them and to wash them white whereby we see that the most faithfull seruants of God haue their blemishes errors and imperfections and therefore had neede to be purged Calv. 5. Places of controversie Here follow certaine controversies concerning Antichrist 1. Controv. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist Many of the auncient writers as they liuing many yeares before the manifestation of Antichrist in the world were deceiued in these particulars so also they were much out of the way in true vnderstanding of other points belonging to this mysterie of iniquitie 1. Hyppolitus thought that Antichrist should be a Deuill incarnate and be begotten by fornication phantastica carnis substantia organi vice vtetur and should vse a phantasticall bodie as his organe c. he thinketh that he should not haue a true bodie but onely in appearance 2. Damascen thinketh not that Antichrist should be a Deuill incarnate yet he saith that illum inhabitet Diabolus c. the deuill should dwell in him lib. 4. de fide orthodox c. 18. that the Deuill should possesse him both bodie and soule that in him and by him he should exercise and practise all his malice But these are mens fansies 1. S. Paul calleth him the man of sinne therefore a man he shall be and not a deuill in mans likenes 2. and his comming shall be by the operation of Sathan 2. Thess. 2. 9. not by the possession and habitation of Sathan Sathan may worke by those whome he possesseth not and he may possesse their bodies by whome he worketh not 3. An other opinion of some auncient writers is that Antichrist should be borne in Babylon as Gregorie would gather so much out of the 2. of Numbers where it is saide that Dan pitched his tents toward the North for Babylon Antichristi patria Aquilonaris est c. for Babylon the countrey of Antichrist is North to Iudea Gregor lib. 31. moral c. 10. But this is a very slender collection 1. there onely the situation of the seuerall tribes is described how they were placed in respect of the Tabernacle which marched in the middes among them and not onely the tribe of Dan but of Asher also and Nepthali did campe Northward 2. Babylon is not now standing but is come to perpetuall desolation according to the prophesie of Isai c. 13. 19. that Babylon should be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha 4. But it is almost a generall opinion among the auncient writers that Antichrist should be borne of the tribe of Dan thus thought Ireneus Hyppolitus Hierome Augustine Prosper Ambrose Beda â—upertus with many others which they would prooue by these three places of Scripture as Gen. 49. 10. Dan shall be a serpent by the way biting the horse heeles Ierem. 8. 16. The neying of his horses is heard from Dan and because Apoc. 7. where 12. thousand are reckoned of euery tribe Dan is left out the reason whereof they say is this because Antichrist should come of Dan. Pererius subscribeth to this opinion and alloweth of these reasons But Bellarmine reiecteth this opinion as a fansie and very sufficiently answereth all the former places obiected for the first place is vnderstood of Sampson who was of the tribe of Dan the second of Nebuchadnezzers comming to destroy Ierusalem and so Hierome also expoundeth it and in the third place Dan is left out and so is Ephraim because Ioseph is named for the latter and Levi for Dan. Thus Bellarmin lib. 3. de Roman Pontif. cap. 12. Thus in this question one Iesuite or if you will Iudasite is opposite to an other 2. Controv. That Antichrist shall not be one particular man All these aforesaid which affirme that Antichrist shall be a Deuill incarnate shall be borne in Babylon and come of the tribe of Dan they likewise hold that he shall be one particular man And this generally is the opinion of the Romanists at this day so Pererius Pintus Bellarmine with the rest for if this could be prooued the Pope should be freed from the imputation of Antichrist But this opinion hath as small ground as the other and it may thus be refelled by Scripture 1. S. Paul saith that the mysterie of iniquitie beganne euen then alreadie to worke in his time 2. Thess. 2. 7. and S. Iohn also agreeth Of whome ye haue heard namely of Antichrist how that he should come and now alreadie he is in the world If Antichrist begunne to shew himselfe by his Antichristian doctrine euen in the Apostles time which is aboue 1500. yeares since then can he not be one singular or speciall man 2. S. Iohn againe saith 1. Ioh. 2. 18. Babes it is the last time and if ye haue heard that Antichrist shall come euen now are there many Antichrists whereby we know that it is the last time out of this place two conclusions may be inferred the first is Antichrist was to come in the last times but Antichrist is now come therefore these are the last times If then Antichrist was come in his members and forerunners he could not be one man to haue so many forerunners and so long before The other conclusion is this that one Antichrist is many Antichrists which is thus prooued those are the last daies wherein the Antichrist shall come but in these last daies there are many Antichrists therefore many Antichrists are that one Antichrist 3. S. Paul saith further 2. Thess. 2. 3. There must come a departing first and that man of sinne must be disclosed from hence we may reason thus There shall be a generall departure from the faith when Antichrist commeth but a generall apostasie or departure from the faith can not be in one particular enemie therefore there shall not be one particular enemie to Christ when Antichrist commeth But whereas the Scripture speaketh of the Antichrist in the singular number the reason thereof is because the Antichrist shall be the head of that Antichristian bodie which shall set it selfe against the Church whereof Christ is the head which Antichristian headship shall not rest in the person of one particular man but shall adhere to a personall succession of particular men who shall be the captaines and ring-leaders vnto all Antichristianisme Antichrist then vpon the foresaid reasons shall rather be an Antichristian bodie politike as are the Popes and Bishops of Rome then any particular bodie See more of this question Synops. Centur. 1. err
part of time mentioned c. 7. 25. and c. 12. 7. which containeth the precise time of three yeares and 10. dayes during the which the daily sacrifice was discontinued 3. here is one time of 1290. dayes which endeth at such time as religion was fully restored after the purgation of the Temple 4. and there is mentioned a fourth time of a 1335. dayes which endeth at Antiochus death Quest. 27. Of the last words spoken to Daniel goe thy waies vnto the ende v. 13. 1. Melancthon hence inferreth because mention is here made of the last resurrection that Daniel shall stand vp in his lot that the prophesie of Daniel reacheth vnto the ende of the world But this followeth not because the resurrection is here spoken of that therefore Daniels prophesie comprehendeth the last times no more then it can be hence concluded that Daniel should himselfe liue vnto these times yet we denie not but that typically many things in this prophesie may be applyed vnto the persecutions of the Church in the latter dayes 2. Chrysostome thinketh that by this speach the Lord reuealed vnto Daniel that he should not returne into his owne countrey but die in Babylon in the land of the captiuitie as the Lord told Moses that he should not goe into Canaan But though thus much is not here signified it is true that Daniel died out of his owne countrey and he is forewarned of his ende which could not be farre off Daniel beeing now verie old of more then an 100. yeares 3. These words goe thy way vnto the ende doe put Daniel in minde of diuerse things 1. contentus sis hac mensura be content with this thy lot Calvin he should from henceforth expect no more visions 2. that he should perseuere and continue vnto the ende Bulling 3. and that he should set all things in an order and not trouble himselfe any further with curious searching out of these things but prepare and make himselfe readie for his ende Iun. in comment 4. that which God had yet further to reueale for the comfort of his Church he would reserue for other times as Ezra Zacharie Haggie Malachie were raised vp afterward the Lord would adorne his Temple at the reedifyiâ—â— thereof with some propheticall visions M. Br. in commentar Quest. 28. Of these words thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy lot Here two things are promised vnto Daniel 1. his rest that should followe immediately after his death both in bodie and soule 2. his reward he should stand vp in his lot in the ende of dayes 1. He shall rest both in bodie in the graue and in soule being taken vp into euerlasting ioy the wicked doe not rest after their death for their soules goe immediately to the place of torment as is shewed in the parable of the rich glutton Luke 16. But this is the priuiledge of those which die in the Lord they doe rest from their labours Apocal. 14. 13. 2. He shall stand vp in his lot 1. Melancthon thus interpreteth docebis confirmabis Ecclesiam c. thou shalt teach and confirme the Church in the last times but it is euident that he speaketh of his standing vp in the resurrection because mention is made before of his rest 2. he shall stand vp for the wicked beeing condemned of their owne conscience shall not be able to stand in iudgement Psal. 1. 5. But the righteous shall stand forth and appeare with boldnesse before the Lords tribunall seate Perer. 3. And the lot and portion of the righteous is euerlasting life which is called a lot because it is giuen freely and cast out vnto them without any desert of theirs Perer. and because euerie one hath his lot all shall not haue the same measure of glorie Polan And vnto this gracious promise made vnto Daniel answeareth that holy and comfortable saying of S. Paul I haue fought a good fight I haue finished my course I haue kept the faith from hence forth is laid vp for me a crowne of righteousnesse which the Lord the righteous iudge shall giue vnto me at that day and not vnto me onely but vnto all them that loue his appearing 2. Tim. 4. 8. God graunt vnto vs so to keepe the faith and to fight a good fight that we may obtaine that crowne of righteousnesse through the merits of our blessed Lord and Sauiour Christ Iesus to whom be praise for euer 4. Places of doctrine Doctr. 1. Of the person and office of Christ. v. 1. Michael shall stand vp the great Prince which standeth for the children of thy people here are three things shewed concerning Christ 1. his person he is called Michael that is as God one equall vnto God a distinct person from the Father but of the same essence power eternitie who is the brightnesse of the glorie and the engraued forme of his person Hebr. 1. 3. 2. His office is described he is the great Prince the gouernement is vpon his shoulder Isa. 9. 6. the Lord of Lords and the King of Kings Apocal. 17. 14. the mightie protector and defender of his Church 3. The benefit which we haue is this this Michael standeth for his people to defend them from the rage of Sathan and of his ministers as our Blessed Sauiour saith I giue vnto them eternall life and they shall neuer perish neither shall any pluck them out of my hand Ioh. 10. 28. Doctr. 2. Of the resurrection of the dead and the manner thereof v. 2. Many of them which sleepe in the dust of the earth shall awake c. 1. Here is confirmed that article of our faith concerning the resurrection of the dead the like hath Iob. 19. 26. Isay. 26. 19. Ezech. 37. 12. and this is the first place in the old Testament wherein euident mention is made of eternall life 2. The diuerse state and condition is described of those which shall rise againe some vnto euerlasting life and some to perpetuall shame as our Sauiour saith in the same manner Ioh. 5. 29. they shall come forth of their graues that haue done good vnto the resurrection of life but they that haue done euill vnto the resurrection of condemnation 3. The easines and facilitie of this work is shewed with God that it is no more for him to raise the body out of the graue then for the body to awake froÌ„ sleep to rise out of the bed so the righteous are said to rest in their beds that is in their graues Isa. 57. 2. sleepe then is an image of death then the awaking from sleepe should put vs in mind of our resurrection and assure vs thereof as Tertullian well saith cum evigilaverit corpus redditum officijs eius resurrectionem mortuorum tibi affirmat when thy bodie is awaked beeing restored vnto the duties thereof it doth affirme and testifie vnto thee the resurrection lib. de anim c. 43. the same Tertullian concludeth the resurrection by the example of the Phoenix which is said to rise out
vseth manifest words of digression from the former historie of Antiochus v. 35. thatâ—â— is yet an appointed time or period p. 128. 2. The Prophet had absolued all the acts of Antiochus before both against Egypt and especially his attempts against the people of God excepting onely that clause concerning his death when then and at what time should these things be done by Antiochus which are contained in those ten verses following 3. There is a manifest difference in the phrase the Prophet vseth certaine strange words and tearmes which doe insinuate some deeper mysterie then of Antiochus p. 131. 4. And if these exploits were done by Antiochus they must fall out within the compasse of 2. yeares which could not be vnles we wil make an other Alexander of Antiochus p. 131 5. If all these things were determined in Antiochus and his doings against the Iewes it may seeme strange that the Prophet maketh no mention of the restitution of the Temple and religion p. 132. 6. And if nothing were intended beside the historie of Antiochus the Prophet would not haue counted them such great wonders as he doth c. 12. 6. p. 132. Ans. 1. The like words of digression were vsed before v. 27. chi ghod ketz lamoghed because yet the ende shall be at the time appointed Graserus would make some difference betweene this forme of speech vsed v. 27. and the other v. 35. but there is none at all sauing that in the former the word ketz is vsed which signifieth the ende which word must be supplied in the other 2. The historie of Antiochus by his owne confession is not complete and absolued before the 36. verse because the clause of his death followeth last cf all v. 45. And these things expressed in the ten last verses were done in such order as is set downe after he had begunne to tyrannize and rage against the Church of God 3. It is no maruell that the phrase is somewhat strange and changed because he toucheth more strange acts and practises of Antiochus then he had done before 4. Neither are Antiochus exploits here set downe to be compared with Alexanders acts for his chiefe attempts were against the pleasant land and Egypt v. 40. 41. 43. which might easily be done in the compasse of two yeares 5. This reason as well may exclude Antiochus altogether out of this prophecie as from the latter part thereof for it may be as well obiected against the former propheticall narration to v. 36. that no manifest mention is made of the restitution of the Temple after the profanation thereof by Antiochus And yet this also is insinuated both v. 34. where it is said they shall be hâ—lpen with a little helpe and v. 35. that this persecution should be vnto the appointed time which was before shewed c. 7. 25. a time two times and a part or diuiding of time which maketh 3. yeares and 10. daies for so long the profanation of the Temple continued 6. Though all this historie be determined in Antiochus yet might it seeme a great wonder vnto Daniel that God would suffer such a wicked Tyrant so to preuaile and to defile his Temple in such sort as it was neuer profaned before Argum. 2. Graserus further taketh vpon him to prooue that the 36. v. is not vnderstood of Antiochus but properly of the Romane Pope 1. Hitherto the Prophet hauing spoken of the kings Seleucians and Ptolomes vsed the distinct tearmes of the kings of the South and the kings of the North but here he saith absolutely the king shall doe what him list without any addition which name of king agreeth vnto the Pope to shew a difference betweene him and Christ whose kingdome was not of this world but the Pope taketh vpon him to be a terrene king nay to be the king of kings p. 144. 145. 2. And this clause shall doâ— what him listeth agreeth not to Antiochus who was curbed by the Romanes and was circumscribed by Popilius drawing a circle with his rodde and made to returne out of Egypt but it doth most fitly agree vnto the Pope who doth all things according to his owne will he boasteth omnia se iura in scrinto pectoris habere that he hath all lawes enclosed in his breast Graser p. 152. 153. Ans. 1. Though in this place the addition king of the North be not expressed yet afterward it is supplied he is called the king of the North and the king of Egypt the king of the South v. 40. and though the Pope take vpon him the Ciuill and temporall power yet directly he nameth himselfe not a king but he challengeth chiefly to be head in spirituall matters 2. And though it be most true that the Pope holdeth himselfe tied to no law but doth what he list yet it followeth not that euery king that doth what him list should be here signified for so did also Caligula and Nero and other wicked Emperors Though Antiochus were restrained from Egypt by the Romanes yet this his vnlimited will he followed in his owne kingdomes and specially in Iudea where he preuailed for a certaine time according to his owne vntoward and wicked desire for he abolished true religion and brought in the rites of the heathen abrogatee the lawes of God and burnt the bookes of Scripture and set vp an abominable idol in the Temple and so he ruled all according to his owne will Argum. 3. An other note is set forth of Antichrist that he shall magnifie himselfe against all that is called God which is most fitly applied to the Popes who onely by a certaine inherent ambition haue aspired vnto such degree of pride nec divino aut humano iure by neither diuine or humane right although they pretend but without all shew of ground the prerogatiue of Peter giuen him by Christ and the donation of Constantine which allegations if they were true both S. Peter might be condemned of great simplicitie and all the Bishops of Rome for a 1000. yeares vntil the time of Gregorie the 7. and Boniface the 8. who neuer tooke vpon them this princely prerogatiue Graser p. 155 156. But Antiochus succeeded in the kingdome by descent from his father and so held the kingdome by right of succession Ans. 1. We denie not but that Antiochus was herein an euident type of Antichrist as S. Paul prophesieth of him that he shall exalt himselfe aboue all that is called God 2. Thess. 2. 4. but literally this is vnderstood of Antiochus as is euident by comparing this place with c. 8. 11. where he which thus extolleth himselfe against the Prince of the host that is God is saide also to take away the daily sacrifice and to cast downe the Sanctuarie which things were so fulfilled and came to passe vnder Antiochus 2. Though Antiochus was rightly descended of Antiochus the great and so vnder that title possessed the kingdome yet to that height of pride in exalting himselfe against God his Temple sacrifices and lawes and so
Of the meaning of those words According to the request of the holy ones 19. qu. of the meaning of those words v. 14. appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie or no gouernment 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men dwelt with beasts 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of BabyloÌ„ 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying which I haue built for the house of c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuâ—hadnezer 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer he did eat grasse c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer 43. qu. That God onely is without check and not to be controlled in his works 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued and not Pharaoh both being in the same cause 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered nor Iehoâ—akim released out of prison Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed and noâ— set downe according to the order of time 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazar 's feast 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought and how 9. qu. Of Balthazar 's prophaning of the holy vessels 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall how they were caused 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke 17. qu. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazar 's father 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer and refuseth them from Balthazar 29. qu. VVhether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 31. qu. Of the writing and interpretation thereof in generall 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word tekel 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 36. qu. Of the tropological that is the morall application of this vision 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus and why mention is made onely of Darius 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying with the circumstances therof 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this
praying to offer himselfe to publike danger 17. qu. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 18. qu. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the Sunne went downe 19. qu. whether Darius might not haue broken this decree 20. qu. whether Darius praier for Daniel were of faith 21. qu. v. 17. why the king sealed the stone with his seale 22. qu. Whether Darius were truly conuerted confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God 23. qu. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons and the cause thereof 24. qu. Of Daniels salutation to the king O king liue for euer 25. qu. Of Daniels maner of deliuerance froÌ„ the lyons that it was diuine extraordinary 26. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies send his children temporall deliuerance 27. qu. Of Darius ioy v. 23. then was the king exceeding glad 28. qu. whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne 29. qu. Of king Darius decree concerning the worshipping of Daniels God the order and parts thereof 30. qu. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus 31. qu. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lions were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media Questions vpon the seuenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the order obserued by Daniel in the setting downe of these visions 2. qu. Of the visions which followe in generall 3. qu. Of visions in generall 4. qu. Of the time when this vision was reuealed vnto Daniel 5. qu. Why the vision of the fowre Monarchies is againe reuealed vnto Daniel being shewed before to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 6. qu. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had and how it was reuealed 7. qu. What was meant by the fowre winds which stroue together vpon the sea 8. qu. Of the description of these beasts in generall 9. qu. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts 10. qu. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the fowre beasts and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 11. qu. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchie 12. qu. Where the Chaldean Monarchie here described must take beginning 13. qu. Of the second beast and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare 14. qu. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side 15. qu. Of the three ribs in his mouth what they signifie 16. qu. Who said vnto him Arise and deuoure c. v. 5. 17. qu. Of the Persian kings with whom the Persian Monarchie begunne and ended 18. qu. Of the third beast called a leopard the description of the third Monarchie 19. qu. Why the fourth beast hath no name 20. qu. Of the description of the 4. beast in generall 21. qu. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast 22. qu. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posteritie was this fourth beast 23. qu. Of the yron teeth and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast 24. qu. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feete 25. qu. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest v. 7. 26. qu. Of the tenne hornes what is signified thereby v. 7. 27. qu. Who is signified by the little horne ver 8. 28. qu. VVho these three kings should be signified by the three hornes plucked away 29. qu. Of other properties of this litle horne 30. qu. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed v. 9. to v. 15. 31. qu. VVhether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described 32. qu. v. 9. who is said to be the auncient of dayes and how 33. qu. How God was seene of Daniel which is invisible 34. qu. How iudgement is said to be set seeing God is iudge from euerlasting 35. qu. VVhat the fire signifieth which issued from the throne 36. qu. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God thousand thousands c. ver 10. 37. qu. VVhat bookes these were which were opened v. 10. 38. qu. Of the destructioÌ„ of the fourth beast 39. qu. VVhy tâ—e other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 40. qu. v. 13. VVhy it is said one like the sonne of man 41. qu. How he is said to come in the clouds and approacheth to the auncient of dayes and when 42. qu. That this kingdome could not be the kingdome of the Macchabees 43. qu. That this kingdome is the kingdoms of Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour 44. qu. That this kingdome giuen to the sonne of man shall not be in earth against the Chiliastes 45. qu. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes 46. qu. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God 1. Cor. 15. 24. 47. qu. v. 17. Of the rising of the fowre beasts 48. qu. VVho shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints 49. qu. VVhy they are called the most high Saints v. 18. 50. qu. v. 20. How the horne called before little is said to be in shewe greater then the rest 51. qu. How this little horn is said to change lawes and times 52. qu. What is meant by a time times and a part of time v. 25. 53. qu. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time v. 25. 54. qu. How this kingdom is said to be giuen to the holy people v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be giuen to the sonne of man Questions vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. The difference between this vision and the former 2. qu. Of the time of this vision 3. qu. What manner of vision this was 4. qu. How Daniel is said to be in Sushan ver 2. 5. qu. Of the citie Sushan by whom it was builded and whence so named 6. qu. Of the situation of the citie Sushan 7. qu. Of the riuer Vlai where Daniel had this vision 8. qu. Why Daniel nameth himselfe in the first person 9. qu. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. 10. qu. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 11. qu. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme 12. qu. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. 13. qu. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 14. qu. Of Alexander the great signified by the horne betweene the eyes his birth education exploits death and ende 15. qu. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius described by the goats ouercomming the ramme 16. qu. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander 17. qu. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 18. qu. When these foure kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 19. qu. Who was this little horne v. 9. 20. qu. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this litle horne 21. qu.