after this manner This their stubborn contention therefore against the Church and this New Heretical separation from it had this original There is said to be a certain Village in that Mysia which borders upon Phrygia called by the name of Ardaba There they say one of those who had newly embraced the Faith by name Montanus when Gratus was Proconsul of Asia by reason of his immoderate desire after and love for the chief place gave the adversary an entrance into himself and was filled with the devil and being on a suddain possest with a â—urious and frantick temper of mind became perfectly mad and began to utter strange and barbarous expressions foretelling what was to come a thing which is contrary to the order and institution of the Church received from antient tradition and propagated by a continued succession Now of those who at that time were at the hearing of his counterfeited expressions some with indignation rebuked him as being moved by and possest with a devil and a spirit of errour and as being a disturber of the multitude they prohibited him also to speak for they were mindfull of the Lords premonition and his menaces whereby we are commanded with vigilancy to beware of the coming of false Prophets But others as if they had been inspired by the Holy Ghost and with the gift of Prophecy conceiving also very high thoughts of themselves and being unmindfull of the Lords premonition provoked that infatuating flattering and seducing spirit to speak and being enticed and deceived by it forbad it should any more be silenâ—'t By this art or rather by this method of subtilty and mischief the devil plotted destruction against those who were disobedient to the Lords premonition and being undeservedly honoured by them he excited and enkindled their minds which had forsaken the true Faith For he stirred up two other women and filled them with a counterfeit spirit so that they like the fore-mentioned person uttered extravagant foolish and strange expressions and those who delighted in and boasted of that matter that spirit pronounced blessed and puft them up with the greatness of the promises Sometimes also making use of conjecturall and credible arguments he condemned them publickly that so he might also seem a reproving Spirit Those few who were deceived were Phrygians But this insolent spirit taught them to revile the whole Church under heaven because this spirit of false Prophecy received neither honour from nor found any way of entrance into it For when the faithfull throughout Asia had met often and in many places of Asia upon this account and had inquired into this new doctrine and determined it to be prophane and rejected this Heresie they were expelled out of the Church and interdicted communion with the Faithfull Having related thus much in the beginning of his work and subjoyned throughout that whole book a confutation of their errour in his second book he says these words concerning the death of the forementioned persons Whereas therefore they have termed us the Murderers of the Prophets because we have not admitted of their prattling and lying Prophets for these they say are those whom the Lord promised to send his people let them answer us for God's sake is there any one of those most excellent who even from Montanus and his women began to speak that hath been persecuted by the Jews or slain by the impious not one Is there any one of them who has been apprehended and crucified for the name of Christ None at all Neither hath any of their women been scourged in the Synagogues of the Jews or stoned not one of them any where or in any wise yea Montanus and Maximilla are said to have dyed another manner of death For t is famed both these persons incited thereto by that furious spirit hanged themselves not together but each of them at the time of their death as t is strongly reported And so they dyed and put an end to their lives after the same manner that the traitour Judas did In like manner also common â—ame says that that admirable fellow Theodotus who was as it were the first Procuratour of that they stiled their Prophecie was possest with a false ecâ—tasie of mind as if at some time or other he should be lifted up and assumed â—nto heaven and that having given himself wholly up into the power of that spirit of errour he was thrown into the air by him and dyed miserably 'T is said indeed that this thing was thus done but in as much as we saw it not we doe not suppose O Macarius that we certainly know any thing hereof For peradventure Montanus Theodotus and the foresaid woman dyed after this manner perhaps they did not so die Again in the same book he says the holy Bishops of that time did attempt to confute the spirit which was in Maximilla but were prohibited by others to wit those that were favourers of that spirit He writes thus And let not the spirit in Maximilla say to me as 't is related in the same book of Asterius Urbanus I am driven as a wolf from the sheep I am not a wolf I am the Word the Spirit and the Power but let him evidently manifest and prove that Power in the Spirit and let him by that Spirit compell those that were then present to confess that they tried and conferred with that babling spirit I mean those approved men and Bishops Zoticus of the Town Comanes and Julianus of Apamea whose mouths Themison and those of his party having stopped would not suffer that lying spirit to be reproved by them Again in the same book having interposed some words to confute the false Prophecies of Maximilla he evidences both the time when he wrote these things and also mentions her predictions wherein she had foretold there should be Wars and Commotions the falsehood of which predictions he reprehends in these words And has not this lie been already made apparently manifest For to this day 't is more than thirteen years since this woman died and yet there has not been either a particular or an universal war in the world Yea rather by the mercy of God the Christians have had a firm and lasting peace And thus much out of his second book Out of the third I will also add some few words where he says thus to those who boasted that many even of their party had suffered as Martyrs When therefore they can return no answer having been confuted in all passages we have mentioned they endeavour to flee to the Martyrs saying they have many Martyrs and that is a certain and undoubted evidence of that power by them called the Prophetick spirit But this in my judgment is much more untrue For some followers of other Heresies doe boast they have many Martyrs and yet we shall not I think upon this account embrace their opinion nor confess they have the truth amongst them Those also
second with which he was then charged he adds these words The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom apparently manifesting his death by these words This is the meaning of this place which neither the translatours nor I my self at first understood Wherefore in the words of Eusebius it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words or else the accent must be changed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indeed in the Maz. M. S. it is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words Moreover Jerome in his Book De Scriptorib Ecclesiast has quoted this place of Eusebius where he speaks of Paul but he apprehended not Eusebius's meaning as it will be apparent to the Reader Wherefore Sophronius also when he translated this place of Jerome into Greek omitted some words which seemed to hinder the meaning Vales. a The first succession of the Apostles is extended to the times of M. Aurelius Antoninus For in his Reign Polycarp the disciple of John the Apostle was crowned with Martyrdom Hegesippus therefore is rightly said to have lived in the first succession of the Apostles in that he flourished in the Reign of the sons of Antoninus Pius And coming to Rome when Anicetas was Bishop he stayed there to Eleutherus's time In the Alexandrian Chronicle which I would more willingly call the Antiochian Hegesippus is said to have died in the Reign of Commodus He was therefore cotemporary with Ireneus who also was next to the first succession of the Apostles as Eusebius testifies Book 5. chap. 20. Vales. b Scaliger in his Animadvers Eusebian p. 178. has examined this whole passage of Hegesippus's and finds fault with many things in it which are well worth reading See also Dionysius Petavius in Not. ad Heâ—esim 78. Epiphanii P. Halloixius in his Notes on the Life of Hegesippus chap. 3. Vales. c The learned Nich. Fuller Book 3. chap. 1. of his Miscellan has thus corrected this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. He was called Saddick and Ozleam which signifies in English a just man and the defence of the people For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew signifies a just man And Ozleam is made up of these two Hebrew words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifie the strength or defence of the people the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the sign of the Genitive or Dative case with the Hebrews The original of this appellation is taken from Psalm 28. 9. where we meet with these words in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lord shall give strength to his people Fullers Miscell B. 3. chap. 1. d This place of Hegesippus wherein he says he wrote concerning the seven Heresies we shall meet with in the 4 B. of Eusch Eccles. Hist. where we will speak more concerning them Vales. e By Gate here is meant nothing else but the way of Entrance to Christ which is by Faith in God the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost Agreeable hereto its said Psal. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord the righteous shall enter into it Vales. f The Pharisees who were one branch of these Sects believed the Resurrection from the dead Vales. g Petavius does here deservedly reprove Scaliger who had denied that it was lawfull for any Gentile to be present at the Festivals of the Jews For besides that place which Petavius quotes John 12. 20. we are supplied with many testimonies out of Joscphus to evidence this matter Vitellius the President of Syria went up to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover and was honourably entertained by the Jews as we may read chap. 6. B. 18. of Josephus's Antiq. He writes the same concerning Quadratus the President of Syria B. 20 of his Antiq. Vales. h This word Hosanna is a corruption of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies preserve me or make me safe being the Imperative mood Hiph with the Assix◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived from the Theme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See the original Text of Jer. 17. 14. And also see Bishop Pearson on the Creed in his marginal notes pag. 70. Edit Lond. 1669. i These words which Hegesippus says the Jews then uttered ought to be understood of Christ rather than of James For when James was set upon the battlement of the Temple and had declared Jesus to be the Christ and Redeemer of mankind those that embraced the Faith of Christ began to cry out Hosanna to the Son of David that is to Jesus Christ. Vales. k So the 72 Translate Esai 3. v. 10. Their words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Hebrew copy differs much from this Translation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which our Translation following renders thus in English Say ye to the righteous that it shall be well with him for they shall eat the fruit of their doings Compare the Sept. Translat of Isai. 3. 10. with the Hebrew Text of that place l As if he had said one of the Priests the son of Rechab of the family of the Rechabites which last words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are therefore added that Rechab the father of this Priest might be distinguished from other Rechabs For many were called by the same name of Rechab but this man of whom Hegesippus speaks was of the stock of the Rechabites spoken of by the Prophet Jeremy chap. 35. Vales. m Epiphanius in Haresâ— 78 writes that these words were not spoken by the Rechabite Priest but by Simeon the son of Cleopas Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the Kings M. S. reads it which Stephens followed in his Edit But our other three M. SS Maz. Med. and Fuk have it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is and they buried him in that place near the Temple which reading Nicephorus and Rufinus doe confirm Vales. o How can it be that the Grave-stone or Monument of this James should remain after the destruction of the City by the Romans Neither is that very likely which Hegefippus says to wit that James was buried neer the Temple For the Jews used to bury their dead without the City as appears from the Gospel and from the Sepulchre of Helena which before we spoke of at chap. 12 of this Book Rufinus therefore leaves out this whole clause in his Version In the most antient Maz. M. S. I found at the Grave-stone this note written in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is you must know that this Monument was nothing else but a stone not formed into any shape upon which the name of James there buried was cut from whence even to this time the Christians set up stones on their Sepulchres and either write Letters thereon or engrave the sign of the Cross. Vales. p What can be more different yea contrary than this relation of Josephus and that of Hegesippus about James's Martyrdome For Josephus says he was
send a Deposition to Acacius Bishop of Constantinople Page 459 Chap. 19. Concerning Cyrillus Governour of the Monastery of the Acoemeti how he sent some persons to Felix at Rome inciting him to revenge what had been committed against the Faith ibid. Chap. 20. Concerning what Felix wrote to Zeno and Zeno to Felix Page 460 Chap. 21. That Symeones a Monk belonging to the Monastery of the Acoemeti went to Rome and accused those Bishops sent from the Romans to Constantinople as having held Communion with Hereticks and that these Legates and those persons who held Communion with Petrus were deposed by the Romans ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning the disturbances at Alexandria and in several other places on account of the Synod at Chalcedon Page 461 Chap. 23. Concerning Fravita and Euphemius Bishops of Constantinople and concerning Athanasius and Johannes Bishop of Alexandria also concerning Palladius and Flavianus Prelates of Antioch and concerning some other persons ibid. Chap. 24. Concerning the slaughter of Armatus who was kinsman to the Empress Verina Page 462 Chap. 25. Concerning the Rebellion of Theodoricus the Scythian and concerning the same person's death Page 463 Chap. 26. Concerning Marcianus's Insurrection and what hapned in relation to him ibid. Chap. 27. Concerning the Tyranny of Illus and Leontius Page 464 Chap. 28. Concerning Mammianus and the Structures built by him ibid. Chap. 29. Concerning Zeno's death and the proclaiming Anastasius Emperour ibid. Chap. 30. Concerning the Emperour Anastasius and how because he would not innovate any thing in relation to the Ecclesiastick Constitution the Churches over the whole world were filled with infinite disturbances and many of the Bishops for that reason were ejected Page 465 Chap. 31. The Letter of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison concerning Xenaias and some other persons ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Expulsion of Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople and of Flavianus Bishop of Antioch Page 467 Chap. 33. Concerning Severus Bishop of Antioch ibid. Chap. 34. Concerning the Libell of Deposition sent to the same Severus by Cosmas and Severianus Page 469 Chap. 35. Concerning the destruction of the Isaurian Tyrants ibid. Chap. 36. Concerning the Saracens that they made a Peace with the Romans Page 470 Chap. 37. Concerning the Siege of Amida and the building of the City Daras ibid. Chap. 38. Concerning the Long Wall ibid. Chap. 39. Concerning that Tax termed the Chrysargyrum and how Anastasius abolished it ibid. Chap. 40. Concerning what Zosimus hath written in relation to the Chrysargyrum and about the Emperour Constantine Page 472 Chap. 41. An Invective against Zosimus on account of the Reproaches and Calumnies he has cast upon Constantine and the Christians ibid. Chap. 42. Concerning The Chryso elia Page 474 Chap. 43. Concerning the Tyranny of Vitalianus Page 475 Chap. 44. That Anastasius being desirous to add these words Who hast been crucified on our account to the Hymn termed The Trisagium a Sedition and disturbance hapned amongst the people Which Anastasius fearing made use of dissimulation and soon altered the minds of the people And concerning the death of Anastasius Page 476 Book IV. Chap. 1. COncerning the Empire of Justinus Senior Pag. 4 7 Chap. 2. Concerning the Eunuch Amantius and Theocritus and in what manner Justinus put these persons to death ibid. Chap. 3. In what manner Justinus slew Vitalianus by treachery ibid. Chap. 4. How Justinus having Ejected Severus put Paulus into his place and that some little time after Euphrasius obtained the See of Antioch Page 478 Chap. 5. Concerning the Fires which hapned at Antioch and the Earth-quakes wherein Euphrasius was buried and ended his life Page 479 Chap. 6. Concerning Ephraemius who succeeded Euphrasius ibid. Chap. 7. Concerning Zosimas and Johannes who were Workers of Miracles Page 480 Chap. 8. Concerning the Universal Calamities Page 481 Chap. 9. How Justinus whilst he was yet living took Justinianus to be his Colleague in the Empire ibid. Chap. 10. That Justinianus favoured those who embraced the Chalcedon Synod But his Wife Theodora was a Lover of the contrary party ibid. Chap. 11. How Severus perverted Anthimus Bishop of Constantinople and Theodosius Bishop of Alexandria which Prelates the Emperour ejected and put others into their Sees Page 482 Chap. 12. Out of the History of Procopius Caesariensis concerning Cavades King of the Persians and his Son Chosroes Page 483 Chap. 13. Concerning Alamundarus and Azarethus and concerning that Sedition at Constantinople which had the name Nica given it ibid. Chap. 14. Concerning Hunericus King of the Vandals and concerning those Christians whose tongues were cut out by him ibid. Chap. 15. Concerning Cabaones the Moor. Page 484 Chap. 16. Concerning Belisarius's Expedition against the Vandals and their totall overthrow ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the spoyles which were brought out of Africa Page 485 Chap. 18. Concerning those Phoenicians who fled from the face of Jesus the son of Nave ibid. Chap. 19. Concerning Theodoricus the Goth and what hapned at Rome under him till the times of Justinian and that Rome was again reduced to a subjection to the Romans after Vitiges had fled out of that City Page 486 Chap. 20. How those people termed the Eruli turned Christians in the times of Justinian ibid. Chap. 21. That Belisarius recovered the City Rome which had been again taken by the Goths ibid. Chap. 22. That the Abasgi turned Christians also in those times pag. 486 Chap. 23. That the Inhabitants of Tanais also at that time embraced the Christian Religion and concerning the Earthquakes which hapned in Greece and Achaia Page 487 Chap. 24. Concerning Narses a Master of the Milice and his piety ibid. Chap. 25. That Chosroes stimulated with envy at the prosperous successes of Justinian broke out into a War against the Romans and ruined many Roman Cities amongst which he destroyed Antioch the Great also ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning the Miracle of the pretious and Vivifick wood of the Cross which hapned at Apamia Page 488 Chap. 27. Concerning Chosroes's expedition against Edessa ibid. Chap. 28. Concerning the Miracle which was performed at Sergiopolis Page 489 Chap. 29. Concerning the Pestilential distemper Page 490 Chap. 30. Concerning Justinian's insatiable Avarice Page 491 Chap. 31. Concerning the great Church of Saint Sophia and that of The holy Apostles ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Emperour Justinian's madness rather then kindness shown towards the Faction of the Venetiani Page 492 Chap. 33. Concerning Barsanuphius the Asceta Page 493 Chap. 34. Concerning the Monk Symeon who for Christ's sake feigned himself a Fool. ibid. Chap. 35. Concerning the Monk Thomas who in like manner feigned himself a Fool. Page 494 Chap. 36. Concerning the Patriarch Menas and concerning the Miracle which hapned then to the Boy of a certain Hebrew ibid. Chap. 37. Who were Bishops of the Greater Cities at that time Page 495 Chap. 38. Concerning the Fifth Holy Oecumenicall Synod and on what account it was convened ibid. Chap. 39. That Justinian having forsaken the right Faith asserted the Body of
Socrates does attest But in regard this Book together with very many others is lost by the carelesness of Antiquity we by gathering together from this place and t'other the Testimonies of Ancient Writers who have spoken concerning Eusebius to the utmost of our ability will endeavour to repair that Loss Eusebius therefore was born in Palestine about the Close as 't is likely of Gallienus ' s Reign That he was a Native of Palestine is hence prov'd because by the Ancients he is commonly call'd a Palestinian So 't is certain Basilius Theodoret and others do term him And although he might have been thus Sur-nam'd from his being Bishop of the City Caesarea yet it seems to me truer that he drew that Sur-name from his Country Indeed he himself does attest in his First Book concerning the Life of Constantine that during his being a youth he was educated and conversant in Palestine and that Constantine was first seen by him there whilst he made a journey thorow Palestine in the Court of Diocletianus Augustus Besides in the Second Book of the same work where he records a Law of Constantine's which he wrote to the Palestinians in favour of the Christians he does plainly shew himself to have been a Palestinian For after he has recited the Contents of that Law transmitted to the Palestinians he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These were the Constitutions contained in the Emperour's first Edict sent to Us. But whereas I have plac'd his Birth upon the Latter end of Gallienus ' s Reign of this thing I have Eusebius himself for my Authour For speaking in his Books of Ecclesiastick History concerning Dionysius Bishop of the Alexandrians he does attest that He had lived in his own age as may be seen in Book 3 Chap. 28. Wherefore in regard 't is manifest that Dionysius Alexandrinus departed this life on the twelfth year of Gallienus ' s Empire Eusebius must of necessity have been born then if his age fell on those times wherein Dionysius lived The same may likewise be gathered from the Fifth Book of his Ecclesiastick History about the end of it where speaking concerning Artemon's Heresie he writes that Paul of Samosata had revived that Heresie in his age Lastly relating in his Seventh Book those things which hapned during the Reign of Gallienus before he begins his Discourse concerning the Errour and Condemnation of Paul of Samosata he has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But now after an historical relation of these things we will deliver to the knowledge of posterity an account of our own age Whom he had for his Parents is unknown to us excepting that Nicephorus Callistus following I know not what Authours does tell us that he was begotten of the Sister of Pamphilus the Martyr But in Arius's Letter to Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia he is termed the Brother of Eusebius Nicomediensis And although by reason of his friendship he might be called the Brother yet it seems truer to me that he was either the near Kinsman or Cousin-germane of Eusebius Nicomediensis especially in regard Arius although many other persons are there mentioned yet terms onely Eusebius of Caesarea Brother to him of Nicomedia Besides Eusebius of Nicomedia was a Native of Syria For he was at first Bishop of Berytus Nor was it the usage then that strangers and persons unknown should be preferred to govern Churches What Masters he had in secular Learning is in like manner unknown to us But in sacred Literature he had Dorotheus the Eunuch a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church for his Master of whom also he makes an honourable mention in his Seventh Book Although Eusebius at that place says onely that he had heard Dorotheus whilst he expounded the Holy Scriptures in the Church not unfitly Nevertheless if any one has a mind with Trithemius to conclude from those words of Eusebius that Eusebius was Dorotheus ' s disciple truly I shall not very much oppose him Theotecnus being at that time dead the Bishoprick of the Church of Caesarea was administred by Agapius a person of eminent piety and large bounty towards the poor By him Eusebius was admitted into the Clergy and entred into the strictest and most intimate friendship with Pamphilus who at that time was eminent amongst the Presbyters of the Church of Caesarea Pamphilus was by Nation a Phoenician born at Berytus Scholar to Pierius a Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church as Photius relates Who in regard he was inflamed with a singular Love of sacred Learning and with the greatest diligence imaginable made a Collection of all the Books of Ecclesiastick Writers and especially of Origen's founded a most famous School and Library at Caesarea Of which School Eusebius seems to have been the first Master Indeed Eusebius in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine writes in express words that Apphianus who compleated his Martyrdom on the third year of the Persecution had been instructed in the Sacred Scriptures by him in the City Caesarea From that time Eusebius always lived with Pamphilus in the closâ—st intimacy and continued his inseparable companion till his death so dear to him that from his friendship he got the surname of Pamphilus Nor did Eusebius love him whilst he liv'd but had a singular affection for him when dead also in so much that after Pamphilus ' s death he always made a most honourable and likewise a most loving mention of him This is attested by those Three Books which he wrote concerning the Life of Pamphilus the Martyr which Books S t Jerome terms most elegant ones The same is likewise gathered from many passages which occur in his Ecclesiastick History and in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine Lastly in his Second Book against Sabellius which was written by Eusebius after the Nicene Council he frequently commends Pamphilus the Martyr although he suppresses his name For even in the very beginning of his Discourse he says thus Puto adhuc aures obstrepi meas à memoria beati illius viri c. I think my Ears are as yet struck by the memory of that Blessed man who frequently made use of that devout word For even your ears do as yet retain the sound of that word For I think I hear him saying The onely-begotten Son of God For this Religious word was always uttered by his mouth For it was the remembrance of the Onely-Begotten to the Glory of the unborn Father Now we have heard the Apostle commanding that Presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour those especially who labour in the Word and Doctrine And at pag. 29 he speaks of him again in this manner Haec non nos extollunt c. These things do not puff us up remembring that Blessed man Now I wish I could so speak as together with you I did always hear from him But these words which are now said seem to have been pleasing to him For 't
who is over all and worshipped him with virtuous works and not with the ceremonious service of the Law delivered afterwards by Moses Unto him being such a one it was said that In him shall all the Tribes of the earth and all Nations be blessed The very same manner of Religion which Abraham followed is found at this present among Christians alone throughout the world practised by them in works which are far more evident than words What then hindreth but that we may henceforth confess that one and the same way of living and the same kind of Religion is common to us who have our name from Christ with them who of Old sincerely served God and were so dear unto him It plainly appears therefore that that perfect and exact rule of Religion which hath been delivered unto us by the Doctrine of Christ is neither New nor Strange but if we ought to speak the truth the first the onely and the true one And of these matters let thus much suffice CHAP. V. Of the times of our Saviours Manifestation unto Men. BUt after this preparation wherein by way of Preface we have laid down such things as are fit to usher-in the Ecclesiastical History we design it now remaineth that we take the first step as it were of our journey from the appearance of our Saviour in the flesh calling upon God the Father of the Word and upon Jesus Christ himself of whom we Treat our Saviour and Lord the heavenly Word of God that he will be our help and fellow-labourer in the declaration of the Truth It was now therefore the two and fortieth year of the Reign of Augustus and the eight and twentieth year after the subduing of Egypt and the death of Antonius and Cleopatra in whom the Rule of the Ptolomees in Egypt ceased when our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ at the time of the first Taxing which was when Cyrenius was Governour of Syria was born in Bethlehem of Judea agreeable to the Prophecies that went before of him Which Taxing under Cyrenius Flavius Josephus a most famous Historiographer among the Hebrews maketh mention of adding thereto another History concerning the Sect of the Galileans which sprang up about the same time whereof amongst us also Luke in the Acts of the Apostles maketh mention saying thus After this man rose up one Judas of Galilee in the days of the Taxing and drew away much people after him he also himself perished and all even as many as obeyed him were dispersed The same indeed Josephus before mentioned in his eighteenth Book of Antiquities doth agree in and confirm thus word for word Cyrenius one of the number of the Roman Senatours a man who had born all Offices and by all the degrees of Honour had climbed at length to the Consulship and who was greatly renowned in other respects came with a few men into Syria being sent on purpose by Caesar as Judge of the Nation and to take the Valuation of their Estates And a little after he saith Judas Gaulanites a man of the City named Gamala having taken unto him one Saddochus a Pharisee earnestly sollicited the people to Rebellion Both of them affirming that the Taxing of this Tribute inferred nothing but manifest Servitude and exhorting the whole Nation to maintain their Liberty And in his Second Book of the Wars of the Jews he writeth thus of the same Person At that time a certain Galilean by name Judas stirred up the people of that Region to defection upbraiding them for paying Tribute so tamely to the Romans and having God their Sovereign for suffering mortal men to be their masters So far Josephus CHAP. VI. That in his time according to the Predictions of the Prophets the Princes of the Jewish Nation who before by succession had held the Principality surceased and that Herod the First of the Aliens became their King NOw at that time when Herod the First of them who by descent was a Forreigner had obtained the Rule over the Jewish Nation the Prophecy written by Moses was fulfilled which said There shall not want a Prince in Juda neither a Leader fail of his Loyns untill he come for whom it is reserved Whom he declares to be the expectation of the Gentiles Indeed the things of that Prophesie hung unaccomplished all the time that it was lawful for the Jews to live under Princes of their own Nation who taking their beginning as high as Moses himself continued down their Reign even to the Empire of Augustus under whom Herod the First Forreigner had the Government of the Jews granted him by the Romans who as Josephus declares was by his fathers side an Idumaean by his mothers an Arabian But as Affricanus one not of the vulgar sort of Writers says they who have been more accurate about his pedegree say he was the son of Antipater who was the son of one Herod an Ascalonite who was one of the servants which Ministred in the Temple of Apollo This Antipater being taken by Idumaean theeves while he was yet a child remained a long time among them because his father being one of a mean Estate was not able to redeem him And being brought up after their manner of breeding became at length very familiarly acquainted with Hyrcanus the High-priest of the Jews This very mans son was that Herod who lived in the time of our Saviour When therefore the principality of the Jews was come into the hands of this Alien then was the expectation of the Gentiles even at the doors according unto that Prophesie For then the Line of their Native Princes and Governours was broken off which had been drawn down by a continued Succession from Moses himself untill that time For before they were taken Captives and carried into Babylon Kings reigned over them beginning from Saul who was the first and from David Before their Kings Princes bore Rule over them whom they called Judges beginning their Government after Moses and his Successour Jesus After their return from Babylon there ceased not amongst them a form of Government an Aristocracie together with an Oligarchie the best ruling and they but few in number For the High-Priests had held that preeminence untill Pompey the Roman Captain coming upon them by main force besieged and ransacked Jerusalem polluted the Holy places by entring into the Sanctuaries of the Temple and sent prisoner to Rome the High-priest whose name was Aristobulus with his sons who by succession from his Progenitors had continued unto that time both Prince and Priest and committed the Office of High-priesthood unto his brother Hyrcanus and from that time â—orth made the whole Jewish Nation become Tributary to the Romans And indeed not long after Hyrcanus the last of those to whom the High-priesthood by succession befell being taken prisoner by the Parthians Herod the first Forreigner as I said before had the Government of the Jewish nation delivered to him by the Roman
Paul when the multitude of the Jews raised a tumult against him Art not thou that Egyptian which before these days madest an uproar and leddest into the wilderness four thousand men that were murtherers But thus much concerning the times of Felix CHAP. XXII How Paul being sent bound from Judea to Rome having made his defence was wholly acquitted BUt Festus is by Nero sent as successour to this Felix in whose time Paul having pleaded for himself is carried bound to Rome Aristarchus was with him whom somewhere in his Epistles he deservedly stiles his fellow prisoner And Luke who committed to writing the Acts of the Apostles concluded his History here having shewed that Paul lived two full years at Rome enjoying in a great measure his liberty and that he Preached the Word of God no man forbidding him Then having made his defence it is moreover reported that the Apostle travelled again upon account of the ministration of Preaching and that coming the second time to the same City he ended his life by martyrdome in this Emperours Reign At which time being in bonds he wrote the second Epistle to Timothy signifying therein both his former defence and also his approaching death Take his own Testimonie hereof At my first answer says he no man stood with me but all men forsook me I pray God that it may not be laid to their charge notwithstanding the Lord stood with me and strengthened me that by me the Preaching might be fully known and that all the Gentiles might hear and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion By which words he makes it plainly evident that at the first time that his Preaching might be fulfilled he was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion speaking as it was likely of Nero because of his cruelty But afterwards he has not added any thing like unto these words He shall deliver me out of the mouth of the Lion for by the Spirit he saw that his end was now near at hand wherefore having said and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion he adds this The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom evidently signifying that his martyrdom was at hand which he more plainly foretels in the same Epistle saying For I am now ready to be offered and the time of my departure is at hand Moreover in this second Epistle to Timothy he manifestly declares that onely Luke was then with him when he wrote it but at his first answer that not so much as he was with him then Whence 't is aggreable to reason to think that Luke concluded the Acts of the Apostles at that time having continued the History so long as he accompanied Paul These things we have spoken that we may make it manifest that the martyrdom of Paul was not consummated at that first coming of his to Rome which Luke mentions For its likely that Pauls Apology for his opinion was more easily admitted by Nero he behaving himself more mildly at the beginning of his Empire but proceeding afterwards to the commission of most horrid and villanous Acts those things against the Apostles together with many other persons were by him taken in hand CHAP. XXIII How James called the brother of the Lord was Martyred MOreover Paul having appealed to Caesar and being by Festus sent to Rome the Jews who had plotted a design against him being now disappointed of their expectation set upon James the brother of the Lord to whom the Episcopal seat at Jerusalem was given by the Apostles and of this sort were their villanous practises against him Leading him forth publickly they required him to renounce the faith of Christ before all the people But when he contrary to the expectation of all had spoken freely and with a greater boldness than they looked for before the whole multitude and had confessed that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was the Son of God being no longer able to endure the Testimony of the man they slew him who was believed by all to be a most just person by reason of that singular eminence he arrived to in his leading a Philosophical and pious course of life taking the vacancy of the Government as a fit oportunity for this their Licentiousness For Festus being at that time dead in Judea that Province was without a President and Procuratour Now the manner of this James's death the words of Clemens before quoted by us have manifested he having declared that he was cast headlong from the battlement of the Temple and beaten to death with a club But moreover Hegesippus being one of those who were of the first succession after the Apostles does in the fifth Book of his Commentaries most accurately relate these things concerning this James speaking after this manner James the brother of our Lord undertook together with the Apostles the Government of the Church That James who was surnamed the Just by all even from the times of our Lord untill ours For many were called by the name of James but this man was holy from his mothers womb He drank neither wine nor strong drink nor eat any creature wherein there was life There never came Rasour upon his head he anointed not himself with oyl neither did he use a Bath To Him onely it was lawfull to enter into the Holiest of Holie's He wore no woollen but linnen garments and went into the Temple alone where he was found upon his knees making supplication for the forgiveness of the people in so much that his knees were become hard and brawny like those of a Camel by reason of his continual kneeling to worship God and to make supplication for the remission of the people Wherefore upon account of his most eminent righteousness he was called Justus and Oblias which signifies in English the defence and righteousness of the people as the Prophets declare concerning him Therefore certain men of the seven Heresies among that people of the Jews which we have before written of in our Commentaries asked him which is the gate of Jesus And he said that That Jesus was the Saviour Some of them believed that Jesus was the Christ but the forementioned Sects believed neither the Resurrection nor that he was to come to reward every man according to his works But as many as believed believed by the means of James Therefore many of the chief men believing there was a commotion among the Jews and Scribes and Pharisees who said that all the people were in danger to think Jesus to be the Christ. Coming altogether therefore unto James they said unto him we beseech thee restrain the people for they are in an errour concerning Jesus supposing him to be the Christ we entreat thee perswade all those that come together at the day of the passover that they may think aright concerning Jesus For we all put our confidence in thee and we and
all the people bear thee witness that thou art just and respectest not the person of any man perswade the multitude therefore that they be not deceived about Jesus for we and all the people put our confidence in thee stand therefore upon the battlement of the temple that from on high thou mayest be conspicuous and thy words readily heard by all the people for upon account of the passover all the tribes together with the Nations are come together Therefore the foresaid Scribes and Pharisees placed James upon the battlement of the Temple and cried out to him and said O Justus whom we all ought to put our confidence in because the people are mislead after Jesus who was crucified declare to us which is the gate of Christ who was crucified and he answered with a loud voice Why do ye question me about Jesus the Son of man He even sits in heaven at the right hand of great power and will come in the clouds of heaven Now when many were fully satisfied and confirmed and glorified God for this Testimony of James and cryed saying Hosanna to the Son of David then the same Scribes and Pharisees said again to one another we have done ill in exhibiting such a Testimony to Jesus but let us go up and cast him down that so the people being terrified may not give credit to him And they cried out saying O O even Justus himself is also seduced And they fulfilled that which was written in Esaiah We will destroy the righteous for he is troublesome to us wherefore they shall eat the fruit of their doings They went up therefore and cast down Justus and said amongst themselves Let us stone James the Just and they began to stone him for he was not fully dead after his fall but turning he kneeled saying I intreat thee O Lord God the Father forgive them for they know not what they doe As they were thus stoning of him one of the Priests of the sons of Rechab the son of Rechabim testifyed of by Jeremy the Prophet cried out saying cease what doe ye Justus prays for us And one of them being one of the Fullers took a leaver with which he used to squeeze garments and smote Justus on the head and so he was martyred And they buried him in that place and his Grave-stone as yet remains neer the Temple This man was a true and substantial witness both to Jews and Gentiles that Jesus was the Christ and soon after Vespasian beset Judea round about and took the Jews captive These things Hegesippus having related fully and largely does therein agree with Clemens But James was a person so admirable and so much cried up amongst all men for his righteousness that the most sober men of the Jews were of opinion that this was the cause of the siege of Jerusalem which immediately followed upon his Martyrdome and that this siege befell them upon no other account than that audacious villany committed against this James Josephus therefore was not afraid to testifie this in writing declaring himself in these words These things befell the Jews in the way of revenge for James the Just who was the brother of Jesus called Christ because the Jews had murthered him being a most righteous person And the same Authour in the twentieth Book of his Antiquities relates his death in these words Caesar being certified of Festus his death sent Albinus Procuratour into Judea But Ananus the younger who as we said before had gotten the High-priesthood was a man as to his disposition rash and excessively bold he embraced the Sect of the Sadduces who in matters of judgment are cruell above all the Jews as we before manifested Ananus therefore being such an one as we have described him to be supposing he had a fit opportunity in that Festus was dead and Albinus yet upon his journey called an Assembly of the Judges into which he caused the brother of Jesus called Christ whose name was James with certain others to be brought whom he accused as violatours of the Law and so delivered them up to be stoned But as many as seemed to be the mildest and most modest in the City and who were the strictest observers of the Law were very much offended hereat and sending privately to the King they intreated him to write to Ananus to warn him that he should not any more attempt any such thing For that he had not done this first fact regularly and legally And some of them also went to meet Al binus journeying from Alexandria and informed him that it was not lawfull for Ananus without his consent to assemble the Sanhedrim Albinus being induced to believe what they said wrote in great anger to Ananus threatning that he would punish him And King Agrippa for this very thing took the High-priesthood from him which he had held three months and constituted Jesus the son of Dammaeus High-priest Thus much concerning James whose the first of those called the general Epistles is reported to be But you must know it is suspected to be spurious Therefore not many of the Antients have made mention of it like as neither of that called Jude being also one of the seven termed the general Epistles Yet notwithstanding we know that these with the rest have been publickly read in most Churches CHAP. XXIV How after Mark Annianus was constituted the first Bishop of the Church of the Alexandrians BUt Nero being in the eighth year of his reign Annianus the first after Mark the Apostle and Evangelist succeeded in the publick charge of the Church at Alexandria being a man beloved of God and in all respects admirable CHAP. XXV Of the persecution in the time of Nero in which Paul and Peter were for Religion graced with Marty dome at Rome THe Empire being now confirmed to Nero he giving his mind to the commission of nefarious facts armed himself against the very worship of the supream God Indeed how wicked a person he was our present leisure will not permit us to describe But in as much as many have related in most accurate Treatises those things that were done by him he that is desirous may from thence see the cruelty and insolent rage of the man Whereby having without all consideration destroyed an infinite number of men he arrived to such an height of murdering cruelty that he forbore not his most familiar and most beloved friends but slew his mother and his wife with innumerable others that were related to him as if they had been enemies and adversaries by sundry kinds of death This indeed also ought together with the rest to have been ascribed to him as one of his titles That he was the first of the Emperours that demonstrated himself to be an Adversary to the worship due to God Thus much again Tertullian the Roman does record saying after this manner Consult your Records There you will
stretching forth his hands called God to witness that it was not his fact To all this after the interposition of some words he adds saying I will not be afraid to declare what grief commands me to speak I think had the Romans been slack to destroy those flagitious wretches that either they would have been swallowed by the earth opening under them or that the City would have been drowned by an inundation or that like Sodom it would have been destroyed by lightning For it had brought forth a generation of men by far more abominably impious than those who had suffered such things By reason therefore of the desperate outragiousness of those men the whole body of the people was together with them destroyed And in his sixth Book he writes thus Of those who perished being destroyed by the famine throughout the City the multitude was innumerable the afflictions that befell them cannot be uttered For in every house where there appeared but the least shadow of provision there was fighting and such as were dearest friends strove one with the other snatching from one another the miserable provisions of their life Neither were those that dyed believed to expire for want of sustenance But the theeves searched those that gave up the ghost least any one having meat in his bosome should feign himself to die The theeves themselves empty and hollow for want of sustenance wandred and hunted up and down like mad dogs striking against the doors like drunken men and by reason of their stupified condition breaking into the very same houses twice or thrice in one hour Necessity made all things to be eaten and what was unfitting to be given to the most sordid irrational creatures they gathered up and endured to eat Therefore at the last they did not forbear to eat girdles and shooes and pluck't the leather from off their Bucklers and eat it The stumps of old hay were made food by some and others gathered the very stalks or small fibers of plants and sold the least weight of them for four Attick drachms But what need I speak of the sharpness and extremity of the famine as to the eating things without life For I will declare such a fact the like whereof is no where recorded either amongst the Grecians or Barbarians which may seem both horrid to be related and also incredible to be heard And indeed least I might seem to posterity to feign monstrous stories I could very willingly leave this sad accident unmentioned but that I have innumerable witnesses thereof to wit men that are cotemporary with me And besides I should doe my Country a very frigid and inconsiderable kindness should I goe about to conceal the rehearsal of what it really suffered A woman of the Region beyond Jordan by name Mary the daughter of Eleazar of the village Bathezar which word signifies The house of Hyssop for descent and wealth eminent flying with the rest of the multitude into Jerusalem was there together with them besieged All her goods which she had taken with her out of the region beyond Jordan and brought into the City the tyrants robbed her of The remains of what she had which was of greatest value and price and what ever provision of food she could any way procure the spearmen breaking in daily took from her A most vehement indignation moved the woman and oftentimes she reviled and cursed those ravenous pillagers and provoked them against her self But when none of them could be either instigated by anger or moved by compassion to kill her and she being grown weary of finding victuals for others and provision being now no where to be found the famine also having entred her very bowels and marrow and her anger being more exceedingly hot than the famine was sharp she took fury and necessity as her advisers and in a hostile manner invaded Nature it self And having snatched up her son for she had a sucking child Miserable Babe said she amidst these Wars Famine and Sedition for whom shall I preserve thee Amongst the Romans if they let us live we shall be slaves and the famine must precede that servitude but the Seditious are more mischievous than both those evils Be thou therefore my food a fiend to take revenge upon the Seditious and a story for men to talk of which is onely yet wanting to compleat the calamities of the Jews Having said this she kills her son then roasting him she eat half of him the remainder she kept covered The Seditious came immediately and having smelt the horrible savour threatned to kill her forthwith if she would not bring out to them what she had provided But she answering that she had reserved a good part for them uncovered the remains of her son Horrour and astonishment of mind suddenly seized them and they stood benummed as it were with amazement at the spectacle This said the woman is the son of mine own womb and this mine own fact Eat for I have eaten of him already be not you more effeminate than a woman or more compassionate than a mother But if you are religious and abhor this my sacrifice I have eaten the one half already and let the rest also remain with me After this they went out trembling abashed at this very one thing and with much adoe yielding to leave this food with the mother Immediately the whole City was filled with the noyse of this detestable fact and every one setting before his eyes this unnatural deed was horribly afraid and trembled as if it had been audaciously perpetrated in his own house And now all who were sorely pressed with the famine earnestly hastned to die and happy were they accounted who were taken away by death before they heard and saw so great calamities Such was the punishment the Jews underwent for their iniquity and impiety against the Christ of God CHAP. VII Of Christs predictions BUt it is worth while to adjoyn hereunto the most true prediction of our Saviour wherein he manifestly foretells these very things after this manner And â—o unto them that are with child and to them that give suck in those days But pray ye that your flight be not in the winter neither on the sabbath-day for then shall be great tribulation such as was not since the beginning of the world to this time no nor ever shall be But the same writer adding together the whole number of those that were destroyed says that by the famine and by the sword an hundred and ten Myriads perished And that the Seditious and the Theeves that were left discovering one another after the City was taken were put to death that the tallest and comeliest of the young men were reserved to adorn the Triumph that of the rest of the multitude such as were above seventeen years of age were sent bound to the Mines in Egypt and that very many were distributed through the Provinces to be destroyed in the publick Shews by the sword
and by wild beasts that those who were under seventeen years of age were carried captive and sold and that the number of these onely amounted to ninety thousand These things were done after this manner in the second year of the Reign of Vespasian agreeable to the presages and predictions of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ who by his divine power foreseeing these things as if they had been present wept and lamented according to the History of the Holy Evangelists who have related his very words one while speaking as it were to Jerusalem it self If thou hadst known said he even thou at least in this thy day the things which belong unto thy peace but now they are hid from thine eyes For the days shall come upon thee that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee and compass thee round and keep thee in on every side and shall lay thee even with the ground and thy children within thee Then speaking concerning the people For there shall be said he great distress in the Land and wrath upon this people And they shall fall by the edge of the sword and shall be led away captive into all nations and Jerusalem shall be troden down of the Gentiles untill the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled And again When ye shall see Jerusalem compassed with Armies then know that the desolation thereof is nigh Now whosoever does compare the words of our Saviour with the rest of our Writers relations of the whole war he cannot but with admiration confess the prescience and prediction of our Saviour to have been truly divine and exceeding wonderfull Therefore concerning those things which befell the whole Jewish nation after the salutary passion of Christ and after those words whereby the multitude of the Jews desired a thief and a murderer should be released from his punishment of death and that the Prince of life should be destroyed it is needeless to add any thing to the relation given by Josephus So much onely is requisite furthermore to be annexed as may represent the endearing goodness of the most excellent providence of God deferring the destruction of these men full forty years after their most audacious villany committed against Christ. During which space many of the Apostles and disciples and James himself the first Bishop there he that was called the brother of the Lord being yet alive and making their abode in the City of Jerusalem continued to be a most impregnable fortification to that place divine visitation hitherto patiently forbearing them that if peradventure they would yet repent of what they had done they might obtain Remission and Salvation and to so great patience and forbearance adding wonderfull signes from heaven foreshewing what was about to befall them unless they repented Which signes having been accounted worthy to be recorded by the foresaid Writer nothing hinders but we may here propose to those that shall look upon this our work CHAP. VIII Concerning the Prodigies that appeared before the War LEt us then take the sixth Book of his History and rehearse what is therein related by him in these words Therefore those Impostours and such as feigned themselves to be sent of God by their false perswasions deceived the wretched people at that time So that they neither gave heed to nor believed those evident Prodigies which foreshewed their desolation to be at hand But being like persons thunderstruck and having neither eyes nor understanding they contemned and disregarded the forewarnings of God First a star in the likeness of a sword stood over the City and then a Comet continued a whole year Further also when before the revolt and the first beginnings of the war the people were gathered together to the feast of unleavened bread on the eighth day of the month April at the ninth hour of the night so great a light shined round about the Altar and the Temple that it seemed to be bright day and so continued for the space of half an hour And this was judged by those that were unskilfull a good sign but by the Scribes that were skilled in the Law it was immediately concluded to portend those calamities which afterwards happened And at the same Feast a Cow led to be sacrificed by the High-priest brought forth a Lamb in the midst of the Temple Also the Eastern gate of the inner Temple made all of brass exceeding massy and scarcely to be shut in the evening by twenty men being made also very strong by vast iron hinges on which it moved and having bolts that went into the ground a great depth was seen to open of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night Not many days after the Feast upon the one and twentieth of May was seen a Ghost for Prodigiousness wholly incredible But that which I am now about to say would seem an idle story were it not related by those that saw it and had not the subsequent calamities been answerable to such Prodigies For before Sun-set there was seen in the Air over the whole Country Chariots and whole companies of Armed men running up and down in the clouds and investing Cities Also at the Feast called Pentecost the Priests as it was their manner going by night into the Temple to perform their offices reported that they perceived at first indeed a motion and heard a noise but that afterwards they heard a voice as of a great multitude saying Let us depart hence But what was more dreadfull than all this one Jesus the son of Ananias a country man of the ordinary rank four years before the war the City being then in perfect peace and in a flourishing condition coming to the Feast in which it's customary for all to make tabernacles to the honour of God near the Temple on a sudden began to cry out with a loud voice A voice from the East a voice from the West a voice from the four winds a voice against Jerusalem and the Temple a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides a voice against all the people This he went up and down crying day and night throughout all the narrow streets and cross waies of the City But some of the chief of the people were very much disturbed at this ominous cry and being highly incensed took the man and beat him with many and also grievous stripes But he neither spoke any thing for himself nor said any thing in private to those that beat him but persisted crying those very words he did before Then the Magistrates supposing as indeed it was that the man was moved by divine impulse bring him to the Roman President where being beaten with stripes till his very bones were bare he neither intreated for himself nor shed a tear But to the utmost of his power changing his voice into a dolefull tone he answered every stripe Wo Wo to Jerusalem There is another thing also more wonderfull than this which
valiantly with the Hereticks themselves whom they either confuted by dint of arguments and unwritten questions propounded face to face or else disproved their opinions by written Treatises most accurately compiled That Theophilus therefore did together with others engage these Hereticks 't is manifestly apparent from that elaborate piece not unworthy of himself which he wrote against Marcion which book together with those other we have recounted is at this present time extant Further Maximinus the seventh from the Apostles succeeded this person in the Bishoprick of the Antiochian Church CHAP. XXV Concerning Philippus and Modestus MOreover Philippus who as we are informed by the words of Dionysius even now quoted was Bishop of the Church at Gortyna compiled also a most elaborate piece against Marcion So likewise did Irenaeus and Modestus But this person last named did most excellently even better than the other Writers detect the errours and frauds of the man and exposed them to the view of the world Several others also wrote whose Labours are to this day with exquisite care preserved by many of the brethren CHAP. XXVI Concerning Melito and what he has made mention of ALso at that time Melito Bishop of the Church at Sardis and Apollinaris Prelate of the Church at Hierapolis flourished and were eminently famous Each of which persons did severally dedicate an Apology written in defence of our faith to the foresaid Roman Emperour who reigned at that time The Books of each of them which are come to our knowledge are these that follow Two books of Melito's concerning Easter one of his concerning the true way of converse and of the Prophets another concerning the Church and a third concerning the Lords day Moreover one concerning the nature of man and another about the frame and composure of man and one concerning the obedience of the senses and their subjection to faith and moreover one book concerning the soul the body and the mind a book concerning Baptism one of Truth one concerning the Origination and Generation of Christ his book of Prophecy another concerning Hospitality and that entitled The kâ—y besides one concerning the Devil and of the Revelation of John and another about the incarnatation of God and lastly his Apology to Antoninus Now in his books concerning Easter to wit in the beginning of that work he declares the time when he wrote in these words Servilius Paulus being Proconsul of Asia at that time when Sagaris suffered Martyrdom there arose a great controversie at Laodicea concerning Easter which happened to fall on those days in its due season at which time I wrote these books Clemens Alexandrinus makes mention of this book in his piece concerning Easter which book of Melito's was as he says the occasion of his composing that work Now in that book dedicated to the Emperour he relates what was acted against us Christians in his Reign For now says he that sort of men who are pious and holy are persecuted a thing which was never before done and molested with new Decrees throughout all Asia For most impudent informers who are desirous to possess themselves of other mens goods taking an occasion from the Imperial Edicts doe openly commit robberies and day and night take away the goods of innocent persons And after some words he continues thus Now if all this be done by Your command let it pass for an orderly and due way of proceeding For a just Emperour can never decree or authorize any thing that is unjust and we willingly undergoe the reward of such a death This request onely we humbly make to you that you your self would first take cognizance of them that are sufferers of this vexatious molestation and then determine impartially whether they are worthy of punishment and death or deserve to live in peace and quietness But if this Decree and this new Edict which ought not to have been established against the most barbarous enemies does not proceed from You then we more earnestly beseech You not to be unmindfull of us nor permit us to be any longer infested with these publick Rapines Then after the interposition of some words he adds thus much For this Sect of Philosophy which we profess at first flourisht amongst the Barbarians But when in the Reign of the Great Augustus Your Progenitour it began to be eminent and conspicuous in Your Provinces it brought with it most fortunate and prosperous success to Your Empire For from that time the power of the Roman Empire began to be eminently great and was much augmented Of which Empire You by succession are the most acceptable Inheritour that could be wish't for and shall so continue together with your Son if you will be the defender of that Religion which was nursed up together with Your Empire which took its beginning under the Reign of the Great Augustus and which your Ancestours did together with other Religions both esteem and reverence And this is a most certain evidence that our Religion which flourisht together with your happily begun Empire brought with it publick success and prosperity to wit that from the time of Augustus's Reign no unsuccessfull accident hath intervened but on the contrary such splendour and magnificence hath always artended Your Empire as is agreeable to the desires and prayers of all men Of all the Emperours onely Nero and Domitian induced thereto by the perswasion and advice of some malevolent persons endeavoured to fix a calumny and reproach upon our Religion From whom that false and malicious detraction happened to be conveyed down to succeeding times agreeable to the usage of the rude multitude which irrationally gives credit to such groundless rumours But Your pious Ancestours corrected their ignorance and by frequent Rescripts reproved such as audaciously attempted to be insolent and vexatious towards those of our Religion Amongst whom Your Grandfather Adrian wrote both to Fundanus Proconsul of Asia and also to many other Governours of Provinces and your Father even at that time when You were his Colleague in the Empire wrote to the Cities that they should not raise tumults nor commit any insolencies against us namely to the Larisseans to the Thessalonians the Athenians and to all the Grecians But we most confidently perswade our selves that You who retain the same opinion concerning us that your Ancestours had yea who are enclined to be much more gracious and mild towards us and to entertain wiser and discreeter thoughts concerning us will doe whatsoever we request of you This passage is extant in the fore mentioned Apologie of Melito The same Authour in that book of Extracts and Collections written by him does at the beginning of that work make a Catalogue of those books of the Old Testament that by general consent are acknowledged as Canonical which Catalogue I judged necessary to be here inserted It is word for word thus Melito to Onesimus the brother sendeth greeting Whereas because of your love to and diligence bestowed
when the punishments of those tyrannous persons were rendred ineffectual by Christ through the patient sufferance of the blessed Martyrs the devil invented other subtil devices to wit the imprisonments of them in darkness and in the most noisome parts of the prison the stretching of their feet in the stocks which were strained to the fifth hole and such other sorts of punishment as enraged ministers and therefore full of the devil doe usually provide for those that are shut up in prison So that many were suffocated in prison whom the Lord manifesting his own glory was pleased should after that manner depart out of this life For some who had been so cruelly tortured that in all likelyhood they could not possibly live any longer although they should have had all methods of cure administred to them continued in prison destitute indeed of humane assistance but corroborated by the Lord and strengthened in body and mind who also encouraged and comforted the rest But others who were young and newly apprehended whose bodies had not before been accustomed to endure tortures were not able to bear the burthen of confinement but died in prison Now the blessed Pothinus who was entrusted with the administration of the Episcopal Office in Lyons being above the age of ninety years and very infirm of body scarce able indeed to draw his breath by reason of his present bodily imbecillity but corroborated with alacrity of mind through an earnest desire of an approaching Martyrdom He I say was also haled to the Tribunal his body indeed was both by age and also by his distemper decayed and spent but his life was preserved in him that Christ might triumph thereby He being carried to the Tribunal by the Souldiers the Magistrates of the City accompanying him and the whole multitude raising shouts of all sorts against him as if he had been Christ exhibited a good testimony but being asked by the President who was the God of the Christians he replied if you be worthy you shall know After this answer he was drag'd up and down after a most inhumane manner and suffered various sorts of blows and stripes both those who were neer exercised all manner of injurious usage towards him with hands and feet shewing no reverentiall respect to his age and such as were at a distance cast at him whatever each person had ready at hand yea they all accounted it to be a great offence and an impiety should any one have been deficient in his insolent usage of him For by this means they thought they should revenge their gods And when there was scarce any breath left in him he was cast into prison where after two days he expited But here there came to pass a singular dispensation of Gods providence and the immense mercy of Jesus was demonstrated an instance whereof has indeed rarely happened among the Brotherhood but which was not at all disagreeable to the skill and dexterity of Christ. For those who upon their being first apprehended renounced the Faith were themselves also confined to prison and partook of the same miseries which the Martyrs underwent for their denial of the Faith was not in any wise beneficiall to them at that juncture of time But those who confest themselves to be what they really were were imprisoned as Christians no other crimination being laid to their charge but these were kept in custody as being besides that murderers and wicked persons and underwent double the punishment that others did For the joy of Martyrdom the hope of the Promises the Love to Christ and the Spirit of the Father comforted those but their conscience did heavily torture these in so much that in their passage from the prison to the Tribunal their countenances might be manifestly known and distinguished from all the rest For those came forth chearfully their countenances being intermixt with very much of majesty and pleasantness in so much that their fetters encompassed them with a beautifull comliness like a bride bedeck't with fringes of gold wrought about with divers colours and moreover they yielded a scent of the sweet savour of Christ so that some thought they were anointed with terrestrial oyntment But these had a dejected countenance look't unpleasantly and illfavoured and were filled with all manner of deformity moreover they were reviled by the very Heathens as being cowardous and unmanly having indeed procured themselves the crimination of murderers but lost that most honourable glorious and vivifick appellation of Christians Which things when the rest beheld they were made stedfast and such as were apprehended did without any thing of dubiousness confess themselves to be Christians entertaining not the least thought of diabolical consideration To these having interposed some words they again add saying Afterwards therefore their Martyrdoms were divided into all sorts of death for having platted one Crown of different colours and of all sorts of flowers they offered it to the Father It was indeed fit that those couragious Champions who had undergone a various combat and been egregious conquerours should receive the invaluable Crown of incorruption Maturus therefore and Sanctus and Blandina and Attalus were brought before the wild-beasts into the Amphitheatre and into the publick place where the inhumanity of the Heathens was exhibited a day for fighting with the wild-beasts being granted purposely upon the account of those of our Religion And Maturus and Sanctus did again undergoe all sorts of torments in the Amphitheatre as if they had before suffered nothing at all but the rather because having already subdued the adversary in many encounters and being now to engage in a Combat for the Crown it self they again underwent such stripes in their passage thither as are customarily inflicted the being torn and drag'd up and down by the wild-beasts and whatever else the enraged people some from one place some from another called aloud for and commanded and in fine the Iron chair upon which their bodies being broyled filled their noses with the offensive smell of burnt flesh Neither did they make an end of their cruelty thus but were yet more fiercely enraged being desirous to overcome the patient sufferance of the Martyrs But they heard no other expression from Sanctus save that which he had usually uttered all along from the beginning of his confession These two persons therefore after they had continued alive a long while under the sufferings of a mighty combat at last were slain having been made a spectacle to the world throughout that day instead of all that variety which is exhibited in the combats of the Gladiatours But Blandina being hung upon a piece of wood fixt in the ground was proposed as food for the wild-beasts to prey upon who also in that she seemed to hang in the form of a Cross by her strong and earnest prayer implanted much alacrity upon the minds of those that were combatants when they saw whilst they were undergoing their sufferings even with
Episcopal Office to Linus of whom Paul has made mention in his Epistles to Timotheus Anencletus succeeded him after whom in the third place from the Apostles Clemens had the Bishoprick allotted to him who had seen the blessed Apostles and was conversant with them and as yet he had the preaching of the Apostles sounding in his ears and their tradition before his eyes and not he alone for at that time there were many yet remaining alive who had been taught by the Apostles In the times of this Clemens when no small dissension rose among the brethren at Corinth the Church of Rome sent a most compleat and agreeable Epistle to the Corinthians joyning them together in peace and renewing their faith and the tradition they had lately received from the Apostles And after some few words he says Evarestus succeeded this Clemens and Alexander Evarestus then Xystus was constituted the sixth from the Apostles after him Telesphorus who suffered a glorious Martyrdom after him Hyginus then Pius after Pius Anicetus Soter having succeeded Anicetus Eleutherus is now in possession of the Episcopal Office in the twelfth place from the Apostles In this same order and succession both the tradition of the Apostles in the Church and also the promulgation of the truth is descended unto us CHAP. VII That even to those times miracles were wrought by the faithfull ALl this being agreeable to what we have delivered in the foregoing Books of our History Irenaeus has given his assent to in those five books of his which he entitled The Confutation and Overthrow of Knowledge falsly so called in the second book of which Subject he does in these words manifest that even in his days there remained in some Churches examples of the divine and wonderfull power of God in working miracles saying So far are they from raising the dead as the Lord and the Apostles did by prayer And frequently amongst the brotherhood the whole Church of one place having with much fasting and prayer requested the soul of the defunct has returned into his body and the man has had the benefit of life conferred upon him by the prayers of the Saints And again after the interposition of some words he says But if they say that the Lord wrought such miracles as these in appearance only not really we will bring them to the oracles of the Prophets and from thence demonstrate that all things were thus predicted concerning him and most undoubtedly done by him and that he onely is the Son of God Therefore they which are his true disciples receiving grace from him doe in his name perform all things for the benefit of the rest of mankind according as every one of them hath received the gift from him For some of them do certainly and truely cast out devils in so much that those very persons who were cleansed from evil spirits frequently become believers and continue in the Church Others have the fore-knowledge of things future and visions and utter prophetick predictions Others by the imposition of their hands heal the sick and restore them to their former soundness and moreover as we said the dead also have been raised who continued with us many years after What shall we say more We cannot declare the number of the gifts which the Church throughout the whole world having received from God in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified under Pontius Pilate does daily perform for the benefit of the Nations She uses no deceit towards any person neither does she sell her gifts for as she has freely received them from God so she freely ministers them to others And in another place the same Authour writes thus In like manner as we have heard many brethren in the Church who had prophetick gifts and by the Spirit spoke all sorts of languages who also revealed the secrets of men in such cases as 't was profitable and necessary and explained the mysteries of God And thus much concerning this matter to wit that diversities of gifts continued with such as were worthy untill those times before manifested CHAP. VIII After what manner Irenaeus makes mention of the divine Scriptures BUt because in the beginning of this work of ours we promised that we would produce in due place the words of the ancient Ecclesiastick Presbyters and Writers wherein they have delivered in writing the traditions concerning the books of the Old and New Testament which came to their hands of which number Irenaeus was one Come on we will here adjoyn his words and first what he has said of the sacred Gospels after this manner Matthew published his Gospel among the Hebrews written in their own Language whilest Peter and Paul were Preaching the Gospel at Rome and founding the Church After their death Mark the disciple and interpreter of Peter delivered to us in writing what Peter had Preached Luke also the follower of Paul compiled in a book the Gospel Preach't by him Afterwards John the disciple of the Lord he that leaned on his breast publisht a Gospel when he lived at Ephesus a City of Asia Thus much the forementioned Authour has said in the third book of the foresaid work And in his fifth book he discourses thus concerning the Revelation of John and the number of Antichrist's name These things being thus and this number being extant in all accurate and antient copies and those very persons who saw John face to face attesting the truth of these things even reason doth teach us that the number of the beasts name according to the computation of the Grecians is made apparent by the letters contained in it And after some other passages he speaks thus concerning the same John We therefore will not run the hazard of affirming any thing too positively concerning the name of Antichrist for if his name were to have been openly declared in this age it would have been express't by him who saw the Revelation For it was not seen long since but almost in our age about the end of Domitian's Reign Thus much is related by the foresaid Authour concerning the Revelation He mentions also the first Epistle of John and produces many authorites out of it as also out of the second Epistle of Peter He not onely knew but also approved of the book called Pastor saying Truly therefore hath that book said which contains this Before all things believe that there is one God who created and set in order all things and so forth He quotes some words out of the Wisedom of Solomon saying in a manner thus The vision of God procures incorruption and incorruption makes us neer unto God He makes mention also of the sayings of an Apostolick Presbyter whose name he has concealed and annexes his expositions of the divine Scriptures Moreover he makes mention of Justin Martyr and Ignatius quoting also authorities out of their writings The same person has promised to confute Marcion in a separate Volume by arguments pickt out
father's estate having been confiscate he was brought into extream want of necessary subsistance together with his relations but God thought him worthy of his providence And he obtains entertainment and rest from a woman who was very rich in respect of her estate and very eminent otherways Moreover who carefully ministred to a very famous man one of that Heretical Sect then at Alexandria but by birth an Antiochian Him the foresaid woman having adopted for her son kept him with her and shew'd kindness to him in a most especial manner But Origen though forc'd to converse with the said Heretick yet from that time shew'd powerfull proofs of his sound Opinion concerning the Faith For when great multitudes of people not onely Hereticks but also them of our Religion flock'd to Paul for this was the mans name because he seem'd to be a person of great eloquence Origen could never be induced to assist him in prayer always from a child observing the Cannon of the Church and abominating the doctrines of Heresies as he himself in express words somewhere says and having been educated in the Greek learning by his father at first after his death he devoted himself wholly and more earnestly to the study of the Liberal Sciences so that he was furnished with an indifferent skill in the Art of Grammar and having profest this Art soon after his father's death he got plenty of necessaries considering the age he was then of CHAP. III. How Origen being very young Preach't the word of Christ. WHilest he yet applied himself to his School as he in his Writings recordeth no one residing at Alexandria to teach the Principles of Christianity but all being driven away by the threatning persecution some of the Heathens resorted to him to hear the word of God Of which number he notes Plutarchus to have been the first who when he had lived a virtuous secular life was crown'd with divine Martyrdom The second was Heraclas Plutarchus's brother who having under him shew'd many instances of a Philosophical and severe course of life was honour'd with the Bishoprick of Alexandria after Demetrius He was now in the eighteenth year of his age when he was master of the Catechetical School in which he made great proficiency in the persecutions during the time of Aquila's Prefecture over Alexandria At which time he purchas'd to himself a famous name amongst all them who were well affected towards the Faith for the singular friendship and alacrity which he shew'd to all the holy Martyrs known and unknown For he convers'd not onely with such as were in bonds nor with them who had been examined untill their last sentence but with those blessed Martyrs also who after that was pronounc't were led to Execution making use of great boldness he went to meet dangers so that the furious multitude of the Heathens standing round were frequently not far from stoning of him when he boldly came forth and with great freeness of speech communed with the Martyrs and kissed them had not he once miraculously escap'd having the Right-hand of God for his assistance The same divine and heavenly Grace at other times again and again so that t is impossible to say how often preserv'd him from them who then lay'd wait for him because of his exceeding cheerfulness and confidence in Preaching the doctrine of Christ Indeed so great was the hostility of the Infidells against him because such multitudes were instructed by him in the things which appertain to the holy faith that having made a concourse they set Souldiers to watch about the house in which he abode And the Persecution against him waxed so hot daily that all the whole City of Alexandria could no longer secure him he removes indeed from house to house but is driven from all places because of the multitude which through him were made Proselytes to the Divine Doctrine For his common actions contain'd the most admirable Rules of the truest Philosophy indeed as the common saying is such as his doctrine was such was his manner of life and such as his manner of life was such he demonstrated his doctrine to be by this means especially together with the Divine power assisting him he induced many to a zealous imitation of him But when he saw many Scholars now flocking to him the exercise of Catechising being committed solely to him by Demetrius who was Bishop of the Church supposing the teaching of Grammar disagreeable to his studies in divine Learning he forthwith breaks off his Grammar School as unprofitable and contrary to the Sacred learning Then entring into a prudent consideration with himself how he might not stand in need of assistance from others he sold all the Volumes he had of Antient Heathen Writers which were most elaborately compil'd and was content with four oboli a day that were brought him by the buyer For many years he persevered in this Philosophical course of life depriving himself of all matter which might nourish youthfull lusts both undergoing no small labour of severe exercise in the day-time and also assigning to himself the greater part of the night for his study in the holy Scriptures patiently persevering in the most Philosophical life imaginable Somtimes he inur'd himself to the exercises of fasting at other times to houres measur'd out for his repose which he would by no means enjoy upon a bed but made it his business to take it on the bare ground for he thought those Evangelical Words of our Saviour ought most especially to be observ'd which exhort us not to have two coats nor to wear shoes nor to be sollicitous about the cares of the time to come Moreover with a courage far greater then his age he patiently endur'd both cold and nakedness and came to that height and extremity of want that he made those of his acquaintance admire exceedingly And he caus'd grief in many who entreated him that they might communicate of their estates to him because they saw him bring such labours on himself for the Gospel's sake but he remitted nothing of his patience 'T is reported he walk'd upon the ground barefoot many years in no wise wearing any shoes And also for many years he abstained from the use of wine and from all other things except necessary sustenance so that now he fell into a great danger of spoiling and turning his stomach He deservedly excited most of his Scholars to imitate him shewing them who look'd upon him such examples of a Philosophical life Insomuch that now not onely the vulgar unbelieving Heathens but also they who were learned Philosophers were through him brought to submit themselves to his doctrine And it came to pass that they who receiv'd by him in the bottom of their hearts sincerely the faith of the Gospel were famous in the time of the then Persecution so that some of them after apprehension finished their lives by Martyrdom CHAP. IV. How many of
searching all places both high-ways Rivers and fields where he thought I might be conceal'd or where he conjectur'd I might have gone but he was so blinded that he found not my house Neither could he imagine that I should stay at home when there was inquisition made for me And at length after the fourth day when God had commanded me to depart thence and had miraculously â—opened a way for me I and my servants and many of the Brethren went out together Now that that was a special act of God's Providence the sequel declar'd in which peradventure I was profitable to some Again after the interposition of some words he relates what happened to him after his flight in these words I my self and my companions being much about the time of Sun-setting apprehended by some Souldiers was brought to Taposiris But Timothcus according to the providence of God was not with us neither was he taken But when he at last came he found the house empty and Souldiers keeping Guard about it and us reduced to slavery After some other words he saith thus What now was the order and manner of this miraculous act of providence I will tell nothing but truth A certain country man met Timothy as he was flying and thus disturb'd in mind and he inquired of him the reason of this great hast he told him the real truth When the man had heard his relation he was then a going to a marriage feast and 't is customary amongst them to tarry all night at such meetings he went his way and coming into the house told the story to those that were set at the table All of them with an unanimous earnestness as if it had been by a compact amongst them rose up together set a running and with great clamours came speedily upon us The Souldiers who guarded us being by them forthwith put to flight they came upon us as we were and found us lying upon Couches without any furniture on them I God knows at first supposing them to be thieves who came thither for prey and pillage continued lying on the Couch naked as I was excepting onely a linnen garment which I had on and offered to them my other cloathes which lay by me But they bid me arise and come out immediately Then understanding what was the cause of their coming thither I cry'd out intreating and beseeching them to depart and let us alone But if their intent was to do me a kindness I begg'd of them to behead me and by that means to prevent those who brought me prisoner thither While I thus cry'd out as my companions and fellow-sufferers in all my troubles doe know they compell'd me to rise up I threw my self on my back upon the ground but they took me by the hands and feet and dragg'd me out There follow'd me those who are my witnesses of these things Caius Faustus Peter Paul who took me together with that Couch upon their shoulders and convey'd me out of the village and having set me upon an Ass unsaddled they carried me away These things Dionysius relates concerning himself CHAP. XLI Concerning those who suffer'd Martyrdom at Alexandria THe same man in an Epistle of his to Fabius Bishop of Antioch gives this account of the combats of those Martyrs who suffer'd at Alexandria in the times of Decius The Persecution amongst us did not begin at the time when the Imperial Edict was issued out but preceded it one whole year For a Soothsayer and a Poet whoever he was who so endamag'd this City had stirr'd up and encouraged the tumults of the Heathens against us exciting them to their Countrey Superstition They being prick't forward by him and having obtained free power of acting all mischief thought it the most acceptable service and worship of their Gods to slaughter us First of all therefore they lay hands upon an old man named Metrá and bid him pronounce some Atheistical words and because he obey'd them not they beat him with clubs and prick'd him in the face and eyes with sharp Reeds and when they had led him into the Suburbs they ston'd him to death Afterwards they dragg'd a believing woman call'd Quinta to the Temple of their Idol and compell'd her to fall down and worship but she turning away her face and abominating it they bound her feet and dragg'd her through the City which is pav'd with sharp stones and having dash'd her against Millstones and scourg'd her they led her to the same place without the City and ston'd her Afterwards all with one accord violently broke into the houses of pious men and every one of them ran to their Neighbours whom they knew and plunder'd and rob'd them their goods which were of greater value they purloin'd but the lumber and what was made of wood they cast forth and burnt in the streets so that the City seem'd as if it had been taken by an enemy but the Brethren withdrew themselves thence and privately fled and like those S t Paul speaks of took joyfully the spoyling of their goods And not one of them that I know of except one who somewhere fell into their hand renounc'd the Lord till this time Moreover at that time they took a most admirable Virgin who was antient call'd Apollonia and buffeting her on the cheeks they dash'd out all her teeth And when they had built a pile of wood before the City they threatned to burn her alive except she would repeat together with them some profane words But she having begged a little respite being let loose forthwith leapt into the fire and was consum'd to Ashes They also apprehended Serapion as he was in his house and having tortur'd him with grievous torments and broken all his joints they cast him down headlong out of an upper room There was now no way for us not the common highway not so much as any narrow street through which we could securely pass either by day or by night Every body proclaiming at all times and in all places that whosoever would not repeat those blasphemous words he should be dragg'd away and burn't immediately After this manner these things continu'd for a great while Afterwards followed Sedition and a Civil war which seized these wretches and returned the cruelty they us'd towards us upon themselves And we had a little breathing time their fury towards us being something appeas'd But presently news came of the translation of that Empire which had been more favourable to us and much fear of a threatning storm appear'd And now arrived the Imperial Edict almost like that foretold by our Lord representing those most terrible times in so much that even the Elect if it were possible should be discouraged Indeed all were put in great fear Immediately many of them who were more eminent yielded up themselves to their Idolatry through fear others who had to doe in the management of the Publick
for the several good works he performed be acknowledged by Christ. Thus much Dionysius CHAP. XLV Dionysius's Epistle to Novatus LEt us now see what the same person wrote to Novatus who about this time disturbed the fraternity of the Roman Church Take notice therefore how he writes to him because he pretended that some of the Brethren were the Authors of his Apostacy and Schism and how he yielded to it being compelled by them Dionysius sendeth greeting to our Brother Novatus If you as you say were seduced unwillingly you should manifest it by a voluntary return For better it were to endure any thing whatever then that the Church of God should be rent asunder Nor were Martyrdom less honourable if a man suffer death before he will yield to raise Schism in the Church then if he undergoe it rather than he will yield to sacrifice to Idols Yea in my opinion 't is much more glorious for in that case man suffers Martyrdom for his own soul's sake onely but in this he undergoes it for the sake of the whole Church Wherefore now if you can perswade or compel the Brethren to return to concord your good deed will be greater then your crime for this will not be imputed to you but that will be commended But if you can effect nothing upon the disobedient save your own soul. I wish you health and that you may embrace Peace in the Lord. These things he wrote to Novatus CHAP. XLVI Concerning Dionysius's other Epistles HE also wrote an Epistle concerning Repentance to them in Aegypt in which he layeth down his Opinions concerning the lapsed and makes distinctions in the degrees of faults There is also extant a particular book of his concerning Repentance to Conon Bishop of the Church of Hermopolis And another objurgatory Epistle to his flock at Alexandria And amongst them there is an Epistle written to Origen concerning Martyrdom And an Epistle to the Brethren at Laodicae over whom Thelymidres was Bishop He also writ concerning Repentance to the Brethren in Armenia over whom Meruzanes was Bishop He writes to all these and also to Cornelius Bishop of Rome after he had received his Epistle concerning Novatus Where he declares that he was invited by Hâ—lâ—nus Bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia and those who were with him and also by Firmilianus Bishop of Cappadocia and by Theoctisâ—us Bishop of Palestine to meet them at the Synod at Antioch where some men endeavoured to establish the Novatian Schism Moreover he sends him word that he had heard Fabius was dead and that Demetrianus was appointed to be his successour in the Bishoprick of Antioch He also writes concerning the Bishop of Jerusalem in these very words Also blessed Alexander being in prison there died a happy death There is extant besides this another Epistle of his sent by Hippolytus to the Brethren at Rome concerning the Office of a Deacon He also wrote another to them concerning Peace and concerning Repentance likewise And again he wrote another to the Confessours there who even at that present were favourers of Novatus's Opinion He also sent to those same men two other Epistles after their return to the Church He also compiled many more Epistles written to divers persons wherein he has left to them who at this time studiously peruse his Works variety of profit The End of the Sixth Book of the Ecclesiastical History THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS The PREFACE DIonysius the Great Bishop of Alexandria shall again assist us with his words in the Composure of this Seventh Book of the Ecclesiastick History who particularly relates all the Actions of his own Times in the Epistles which he left to Posterity And our Narration shall take its beginning from hence CHAP. I. Concerning the wickedness of Decius and Gallus GALLUS succeeds Decius who was slain in a short time together with his Children before he had fully compleated the Second year of his Reign About this time died Origen having lived Seventy years wanting one But Dionysius in his Epistle to Hermammon writes thus concerning Gallus But neither did Gallus understand what was Decius's destruction neither did he before see what brought his ruine But he also stumbled upon the same stone which lay before his eyes He his Kingdom being in a happy state and all affairs succeeding according to his desire persecuted the holy men who offered up their prayers to God for his peace and safety and together with them drove away those prayers by which they interceded for him This he writes concerning Gallus CHAP. II. Who about these times were Bishops of Rome COrnelius having possessed the Bishoprick of Rome about three years Lucius was appointed his successour He having ministred in the Office not eight whole months died and relinquished the dignity to Stephen It was this Stephen to whom Dionysius wrote the first of his Epistles concerning Baptism there being about that time a great controversie raised whether it were lawfull for the Converts of what Sect soever to be cleansed by Baptism For an old Custom had prevailed that about these Converts onely imposition together with prayer was to be used CHAP. III. How Cyprian with some Bishops which were of his mind was the first that was of the Opinion that the Converts of any Heretical Sect whatever ought to be rebaptized CYprian then Bishop of Carthage was the first of all who thought that Hereticks should not be admitted unless they were Cleansed from their former errour by Baptism But Stephen thinking no innovations ought to be raised in opposition to the Tradition which had prevailed of Old was in no wise well pleased at this CHAP. IV. How many Epistles Dionysius wrote concerning this Controversie DIonysius therefore having written at large to him concerning this business at last certifieth him that the Persecution being allayed the Churches in all places which detested Novatus's Novelties had regained a general Peace amongst themselves thus he writes CHAP. V. Concerning the Peace which followed the Persecution BUt know my Brother that all the Churches throughout the East amongst which there were formerly divisions are now united And a little farther he writes and all the Prelates every where are in perfect Concord as to their sentiments and rejoyce exceedingly for this unexpected Peace to wit Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch Theoctistus of Caesarea Mazabanes of Aelia Alexander being dead Marinus of Tyre Heliodorus of Laodicea Thelymidres being deceased Helenus of Tarsus and all the Churches of Cilicia Firmilianus and all Cappadocia For I have here onely named the more eminent Bishops that my Epistle might not be too long nor my relation troublesome Also all the Provinces of Syria and Arabia whom you frequently relieve and to whom you have now written Mesopotamia also Pontus and Bithynia And in a word all people every where rejoyce for the concord and Brotherly-love
Crosses CHAP. IX Concerning those who suffered at Thebais BUT the pains and tortures which the Martyrs underwent at Thebais surmount all relation who were torn all over their bodies untill they expired with sharp shells instead of torturing irons Women were tied by one of their feet and drawn up on high into the air with their heads downwards by certain machines and their bodies being naked and wholly uncovered were made a most detestable most cruel and inhumane spectacle to all that lookt upon them Again others being bound to trees and boughs were killed For by certain engines they drew together the two strongest boughs and having fastned the Martyrs legs to each of them they suffered the boughs to return into their natural site designing thereby to pull asunder their members against whom they had invented these ways of death And all these things were performed not for a few days or during some short time but continued for the space of whole years sometimes no more than ten at other times above twenty in number were destroyed sometimes not less then thirty at others neer sixty and again at another time an hundred men together with very small children and women were killed in one day being condemned to various and interchangeable sorts of punishments We also our selves being conversant in those places saw very many destroyed together in one day whereof some were beheaded and others underwent the punishment of fire Insomuch that the Executioners sword became blunt and being rendred unfit for use was broken and the Executioners themselves being tired succeeded one another by turns At which time also we beheld a most admirable ardour of mind and a truly divine strength and alacrity in those who believed in the Christ of God For no sooner was sentence pronounced against the first but others ran hastily from some other place before the Judges tribunal and confest themselves to be Christians They regarded not dangers nor those various sorts of tortures but with an undisturbed fearlesness made a bold confession of the worship of the supream God and with joy laughter and delight received their last sentence of death in such sort that they sang and to the very time of their expiration shouted forth hymns and thanksgivings in praise of God the maker of all things such admirable persons were these But these in a most especial manner deserved the greatest admiration who although eminent for riches nobility glory eloquence and Philosophy yet preferred the true Religion and the faith in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ before all these Of this sort was Philoromus a person that bore no ordinary office was the Emperours Rationalist at Alexandria who together with his dignity and Roman honour being attended with a guard of Souldiers did daily exercise a judiciary power Phileas also Bishop of the Church of the Thmuitae a person eminent for his discharge of the publick Offices and places of Magistracy in his own country and famous for his Philosophick studies These two persons although they were intreated by very many of their relations and friends and moreover by personages of honour yea notwithstanding the Judge himself besought them to take pitty on themselves and have compassion on their wives and children yet could in no wise be induced by such persons as these that out of a desire to preserve their own lives they should contemn the laws made concerning the confession and renunciation of our Saviour But having stoutly bore up against all the menaces and contumelies of the Judge with a manly and Philosophick mind or rather with a pious and religious heart they were both beheaded CHAP. X. The written informations of Phileas the Martyr concerning what was done at Alexandria BUT because we have said that Phileas was a person worthy of great esteem for his Graecian literature let him be produced as a witness for himself both to demonstrate what a person he was and also to relate the Martyrdoms which in his time happened at Alexandria which he will declare more accurately than we can in these words OUT OF PHILEAS'S EPISTLE TO THE THMUITAE All these Examples Prescripts and good Documents being deposited for us in the divine and sacred Scriptures the blessed Martyrs who were conversant amongst us without any delay manifestly fixed the eye of their mind upon the supream God and willingly embracing death upon account of piety they steadfastly adhered to their calling for they found that our Lord Jesus Christ had been incarnate for us that he might abolish all manner of sin and provide us with assistances for our entrance into life eternal For he thought it not robbery to be equal with God but made himself of no reputation and took the form of a servant And being found in fashion as a man he humbled himself unto death even the death of the Cross. Wherefore the Martyrs who were full of Christ zealously affecting the best gifts endured all manner of sorrow and all sorts of tortures that could be invented not onely once but some of them a second time also And when the Souldiers that were of the guard endeavoured with much earnestness to strike a terrour into them not onely by all manner of menaces in words but by deeds they were in no wise discouraged in mind because perfect love casteth out fear Whose fortitude and courage under each torture what words would be sufficient to relate For free leave being granted to all persons that would be injurious towards them some beat them with clubs others with rods othersome with scourges again some scourged them with thongs of leather others with ropes And the spectacle of these tortures was variously enterchanged and full of malicious cruelty For some of the Martyrs having their hands bound behind them were hung at an Engin of wood and every member of their bodies was distended by certain machines After that the Tormentours by command of the Judge made use of iron-nailes to torture them with all over their bodies which were applied not onely to their sides as Murtherers are usually tormented but also to their bellies their legs and to their cheeks Others being lifted up were hung by one hand at a Gallery the stretching of whose joynts and members was a sharper pain to them than all sorts of tortures Others were bound face to face to Pillars their feet not touching the ground that so their bonds being strained by the heaviness of their bodies might with stretching be the closer drawn together and this they endured not only as long as the Governour talked with them and was at leisure to hear them but almost a whole day together for when he went away to hear others he left Officers that were impowred by him to be watchfull over the former Martyrs whether any one of them being overcome by the sharpness of his tortures would seem to abandon his resolution He also commanded they should be strained with bonds
the variety thereof And yet that God is delighted with this difference of Opinion concerning himself to the end that all persons may more highly revere his Majesty even upon this very account because 't is not obvious and easie to have a knowledge of him The Philosopher having spoken these and such like words as these to the Emperour he became more mild in future Notwithstanding his rage was not hereby perfectly and entirely appeased but instead of death he imposed Exile as a punishment upon Ecclesiastick persons till at length this fury of his also was represt by this accident CHAP. XXXIII How the Goths under the Reign of Valens embraced Christianity THose Barbarians who dwell beyond the Danube having kindled a Civil War amongst themselves were divided into two parties the one of which was headed by Fritigernes the other by Athanarichus When 't was apparent that Athanarichus's party was the stronger Fritigernes flies to the Romans and implored their assistance against his Adversary This is made known to the Emperour Valens and he orders those Souldiers who were engarrisoned all over Thracia for the defence of that Country to assist the Barbarians being at War against the Barbarians And they obtain a Victory over Athanarichus beyond the Danube having routed his Forces This was the reason that many of the Barbarians became Christians For Fritigernes that he might express his thankfulness to the Emperour for the kindness he had done him embraced the Emperours Religion and perswaded those under his command to the same Wherefore many of the Goths are even till this present addicted to Arianisme having at that time become Adherents to that Heresie upon the Emperours account At the same time also Ulfila Bishop of the Goths invented Gothick Letters and having translated the sacred Scriptures into the Gothick Language undertook the instruction of the Barbarians in the divine Oracles But in regard Ulfila instructed not only those Barbarians under Fritigernes but them also who pay'd obedience to Athanarichus in the Christian Religion Athanarichus as if violence were offered to the Religion of his Ancestours inflicted punishments on many of those who profest Christianity in so much that at that time several Arianizing Barbarians were Martyrs Indeed Arius unable to refute the Opinion of Sabellius the Lybian fell from the true Faith and asserted the Son of God to be a new God But the Barbarians embracing Christianity with a simplicity of mind despised this present life in respect of the faith of Christ. Thus far concerning those Goths who came over to the Christian Religion CHAP. XXXIV That the Goths vanquished by other Barbarians fled into the Territories of the Romans and were received by the Emperour Which reception of theirs was the occasion both of the destruction of the Roman Empire and also of the Emperours own overthrow BUt not long after the Barbarians having entred into a league of friendship with one another were again vanquished by other Barbarians their neighbours called the Hunni and being driven out of their own Country they flie into the Roman Territories promising they would serve the Roman Emperour and do what ever he should command them This came to Valens's knowledge who foreseeing nothing gave order that the Suppliants should have a kind and mercifull reception shewing himself in this one instance only mild and compassionate He assigns therefore to them for their habitation the parts of Thracia judging himself to be in a most especial manner fortunate upon this account For it was his sentiment that he should in future be in possession of a ready and well furnished Army against his Enemies and he hoped that the Barbarians would be a more terrible Gaurd to the limits of his Empire than the Romans Upon this account he in future neglected the increasing and filling up of the Roman Milice He despised those old Souldiers who in former Wars had fought against his Enemies with much courage and gallantry and he put a money-value upon that Militia which the Inhabitants of Provinces were wont Village by Village to contribute and furnish out ordering his Tribute Collectours to demand eighty Crowns instead of each Souldier although he had not before in the least lightened or abated their Impositions This was the original cause of the Roman Empire's being very unfortunate for some small time CHAP. XXXV That the Emperour by reason of his care and sollicitude about a War with the Goths remitted something of his Persecution against the Christians FOr the Barbarians having been put into possession of Thracia and quietly enjoying that Roman Province could not with moderation bear their fortunate success but enter upon a War against those who had been their Benefactours and subverted all places throughout Thracia and the adjoyning Countries These things falling out after this manner came to Valens's hearing and made him desist from banishing those that embraced the Homoöusian Opinion For being troubled at this news he left Antioch forthwith and came to Constantinople Upon the same account also the War he had waged against the Christians in that City was finished Moreover at the same time Euzoïus Bishop of the Arian faction at Antioch departed this life in the fifth Consulate of Valens and in Valentinianus Juniors's first And Dorotheus is constituted Bishop in his place CHAP. XXXVI That the Saracens also at that time embraced the Faith of Christ a woman by name Mavia being their Queen and took one Moses a pious and faithfull person that led a Monastick life to be their Bishop AFter the Emperours departure from Antioch the Saracens who before had been their Allies revolted from the Romans at that time they were led by one Mavia a woman the King her Husband being then dead All places therefore towards the East were at that time destroyed by the Saracens But an Act of Divine providence repress't their fury by this means A person whose name was Moses by extract a Saracen leading a Monastick life in the Solitudes became exceedingly eminent for his piety Faith and Miracles Mavia Queen of the Saracens requested she might have this person to be Bishop over her Nation promising upon this condition to put an end to the War The Roman Commanders hearing this supposed it would be gratefull if a Peace were made upon these terms and forthwith gave order for the performance hereof with all possible celerity Moses therefore was seized and brought from the Solitudes to Alexandria in order to his being initiated into the Sacerdotal Function But in regard he was brought before Lucius who at that time was in possession of the Churches there he refused Ordination and exprest himself after this manner to Lucius Indeed I account my self unworthy of the Sacerdotal Function But if this thing be advantagious to the affairs of the publick Lucius shall not Ordain me for his right hand has been filled with bloud When Lucius told him that he ought not to give reproachfull language but should
Marinus disagreeing with Agapius whom he himself had preferred to the Bishoprick of Ephesus But these two contended not one with another about any point of their Religion but about Primacy the Goths sided with Agapius Wherefore many of the Ecclesiasticks under their jurisdiction abominating the contest raised between them two as being the product of their vain glory deserted them and became adherents to the Homoöusian Faith When therefore the Arians had continued divided amongst themselves during the space of thirty five years afterwards under the Reign of Theodosius Junior in the Consulate of Plintha Master of the Milice the Heresie of the Psathyriani being perswaded to cease from contending were again united in one body with the rest of the Arians And they made a Sanction amongst themselves in form of a Law as it were that that Query which had caused the separation between them should in future never be mentioned But they could bring this to effect no where save at Constantinople only For in other Cities if any of these two parties chanced to be inhabitants therein they persisted in their former separation Thus much concerning the division amongst the Arians CHAP. XXIV That the Eunomians also raised Factions amongst themselves which had various denominations given them derived from the names of their first Founders MOreover neither did the Eunomians continue undivided For Eunomius himself had long before this made a separation from Eudoxius who Ordained him Bishop of Cyzicum making this his pretence to wit because Eudoxius refused to give reception to his master Aëtius who was Ejected out of the Church But those Hereticks who had their name from him were after this divided into severall Factions For first one Theophronius a Cappadocian who had been instructed in the Art of disputing by Eunomius and understood Aristotle's Categories and his book concerning Interpretation but indistinctly and imperfectly having wrote Books to which he gave this Title concerning the exercise of the mind incurred the displeasure of those of his own Heresie and was by them Ejected as a desertour of their Sect. This person afterwards held Assemblies separate from them and left behind him an Heresie which bore his own name Then one Eutychius at Constantinople upon account of a very slight controversie made a separation from the Eunomians and at this present has his Meetings apart Theophronius's followers are termed Eunomio-Theophroniani and the Adherents of Eutychius are called Eunomi-Eutychiani What those slight and trifling words were about which they differed I judge it unworthy to be recorded in this History lest I should too far digress from my purpose I will mention this only to wit that they have adulterated Baptism For they baptize not unto the Trinity but unto the death of Christ. There was also for some time a dissention amongst the Macedoniani when one Eutropius a Presbyter held Separate Assemblies and Carterius would in no wise agree in opinion with him And there may perhaps be some other Sects descended from these in other Cities But in regard I make my Residence in Constantinople where I was born and educated I have resolved to be larger in my Relation of what has been transacted in that City both because I my self have been an eye-witness of some of those transactions and also in regard the affairs transacted in that City have been more eminent and worthier to be remembred And these things hapned not at one and the same time but at different times Now if any person be desirous of knowing the names of the various Sects he may have an account hereof by reading that Book entitled Ancoratus which Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus composed Let this be sufficient to have been said concerning these matters But the affairs of the State were disturbed upon this occasion CHAP. XXV Concerning Eugenius's Tyranny and the death of Valentinianus Junior also concerning the Emperour Theodosius's Victory over the Tyrant IN the Western parts a Grammarian by name Eugenius having sometime been a Teacher of the Latine tongue afterwards left his School and undertook a Military employment in the Emperours Pallace where he was made Master of the Emperours Desks And in regard he was a person of great eloquence and upon that account more highly esteemed than others he could not with moderation bear his prosperous success But taking one Arbogastes born in Galatia the Less who was Master of the Milice a person of a rough temper cruell and bloudy-minded to be his assistant he resolved to usurp the Imperial Crown Both these persons therefore determine to murther the Emperour Valentinianus having hired the Eunuchs that belonged to the Emperours Bed-Chamber to be partakers in their design These Eunuchs having received from them promises of greater places than they had at present strangled the Emperour in his sleep Eugenius therefore immediately possest himself of the supream management of affairs in the Western parts of the Empire and did such things as were likely to be acted by a Tyrant The Emperour Theodosius informed hereof was again extreamly disturbed and disquieted in regard a way was hereby made for other troubles after the War waged against Maximus Having therefore summoned together his Military Forces and proclaimed his Son Honorius Augustus in his own third Consulate which he bore with Abundantius on the tenth of January he marched again in great hast into the Western parts leaving both his Sons now created Augusti at Constantinople Many of the Barbarians inhabitants beyond the Danube followed him in this expedition he undertook against Eugenius coming in voluntarily to give him their assistance against the Tyrant After some short time he arrived in the Gallia's with a very numerous Army For there the Tyrant had put himself into a posture of receiving him who also had a vast Army They came to an Engagement therefore neer the River named Frigidus which is distant from Aquileia thirty six miles In that part of the Armies where the Romans engaged the Romans the Fight was doubtfull But where the Barbarians who were the Emperour Theodosius's Auxiliaries engaged Eugenius's Forces had much the better When the Emperour saw the great slaughter that was made by the Enemy amongst the Barbarians being in a great-Agony he cast himself upon the ground calling upon God to be his assistant and was in no wise frustrated of his request For Bacurius his own Master of the Milice was so far encouraged as to run with his Van-guard to that part where the Barbarians were hardest prest upon by the Enemy who broke through their Ranks and routed those that a little before were on the pursuit There hapned another accident also worthy of admiration For a very violent wind arose on a sudden which retorted the darts cast by Eugenius's Forces upon themselves and moreover it carried those thrown by Theodosius's Souldiers with a greater force against the Enemy So prevalent was the Emperours Prayer
honoured him highly and gave him attention as being really and truly a friend of God The Magi whose interest is great with the Persian King were incensed hereat For they were afraid least he should perswade the King to turn Christian. For Maruthas by his prayers had cured the King of a pain in his head wherewith he had been a long while troubled which the Magi could not cure him of Wherefore the Magi betake themselves to the inventing of a fraudulent design And whereas the Persians worship fire and the King was wont to adore a fire which was always burning in a certain house they hid a man under ground whom at such time as the King usually worshipped they ordered to speak to this effect that the King ought to be thrust out of doors for he had done impiously because he supposed a Priest of the Christians to be dear to God Isdigerdes for that was the Persian King's name having heard these words although he reverenced Maruthas notwithstanding had thoughts of sending him away But Maruthas a man truly acceptable to God was very earnest in putting up his prayers whereby he detected the fraud which the Magi had framed He addressed himself therefore to the King in these words Be not deluded O King But go into the house and when you shall hear the voice dig up the ground and you will discover the Fraud For the fire speaks not but the invention of men does this The King of the Persians is perswaded by Maruthas and goes into the little house again where fire is kept always burning And when he had heard the same voice again he ordered the place to be dug up where he that uttered the words which were supposed to be God's was found Therefore the King was highly incensed and gave order that the Tribe of the Magi should be decimated After this was done he spoke to Maruthas to build Churches wheresoever he pleased From that time the Christian Religion was propagated amongst the Persians Moreover Maruthas having then left Persia returned to Constantinople But not long after he was sent Embassadour again to the Persians And the Magi betook themselves to the invention of Plots and intreagues again to hinder his being admitted by the King For by a device they raised a most horrid stink in that place into which the King usually came and they calumniously accused the Christians as if they had caused it But when the King in regard he already had a suspicion of the Magi made a more exact scrutiny about the occasioners of this stink the Magi were found again to be the causes of this ill smell Wherefore he punished many of them again but he had a greater honour and esteem for Maruthas And he loved the Romans with whom he embraced a friendship Yea the King himself wanted but little of turning Christian after Maruthas together with Abdas the Bishop of Persia had shewed another Miracle For both these persons when they had fasted long and been earnest in prayers cast out a devill that vexed the Kings Son But Isdigerdes before he became a perfect Christian was prevented by death His Kingdom devolved to his Son Vararanes in whose time the League between the Romans and Persians was broken as we shall declare hereafter CHAP. IX Who were Bishops of Antioch and Rome at this time ABout the very same times Flavianus died at Antioch and was succeeded in that Bishoprick by Porphyrius After Porphyrius Alexander Presided over that Church At Rome Damasus having held that Bishoprick eighteen years was succeeded by Siricus After Siricius had Presided there fifteen years Anastasius governed that Church three years And after Anastasius Innocentius He was the first that began to persecute the Novatianists at Rome whom he deprived of many Churches CHAP. X. That Rome became subject to the Barbarians at that time and was destroyed by Alarichus AT that very time Rome hapned to be taken by the Barbarians For one Alarichus a Barbarian who had been an Allie of the Romans and had assisted the Emperour Theodosius in the War against the Tyrant Eugenius on which account he was honoured with Roman dignities could not bear his fortunate success He presumed not indeed to seize the Empire but retired from Constantinople and went into the Western parts Being arrived in Illyricum he laid all places desolate immediately The Thessalians resisted him in his march about the mouthes of the River Peneus from whence there is a passage over the mountain Pindus to Nicopolis a City of Epirus And coming to an engagement the Thessalians killed about three thousand of his Forces After this the Barbarians that were with him burnt and ruined what ever was in their way and in fine took Rome it self Which City they destroyed and burnt the greatest part of the admirable works and structures therein but they made plunder of the money and divided it amongst themselves They also forced many of the Senatorian Order to undergo various punishments and afterwards slew them Alarichus likewise in contempt to Empire proclaimed one Attalus Emperour Whom he ordered to go guarded like an Emperour one day and the next made him appear in a servile habit After he had done all this he fled being terrified with a Rumour as if the Emperour Theodosius had sent an Army to fight him Nor was this Rumour false For an Army did really come And he was unable to bear the same thereof but as I have said fled away 'T is reported that as he went to Rome he was met by a pious person that led a monastick life who advised him not to rejoyce in perpetrating so great and notorious mischiefs nor to delight in slaughter and bloud To whom Alarichus made this return I go not thither of my own accord But some thing does every day vex and disquiet me saying go to Rome and ruine that City Thus much concerning this person CHAP. XI Concerning the Bishops of Rome AFter Innocentius Zosimus was possest of the Churches at Rome for the space of two years After whom Bonifacius presided over that Church three years who was succeeded by Celestinus And this Celestinus deprived the Novatianists also at Rome of their Churches and forced their Bishop Rusticula to hold his Meetings in private and obscure houses For till this time the Novatianists flourished mightily at Rome had many Churches and assembled numerous congregations therein But envy impaired them also the Roman Bishoprick having like that of Alexandria surpassed the Sacerdotall degree and bounds and degenerated long before into a secular principality And for this reason the Roman Bishops would not permit even those who agreed with them in the faith peaceably and quietly to celebrate their meetings but took from them all they had only they praised them for their agreement in the faith Notwithstanding the Constantinopolitan Bishops were not thus affected For they not only permitted the Novatianists to have
usefull action as I have said which he performed What that is must now be declared Being neer dying he sent for all the Presbyters belonging to the Churches under him to whom he exprest himself thus Take care about electing a Bishop over your selves whilest I am alive least afterwards your Churches be disturbed When they made answer that the Election of a Bishop was not to be left to them for in regard said they some of us have one Sentiment others another we shall never nominate the same person but we wish that you your self would name that man whom you desire to be your successour To which Paulus made this return deliver me then this profession of yours in writing to wit that you will Elect him whom I shall appoint to be chosen When they had done that and confirmed it by their subscriptions he sate on his bed and without discovering it to those who were present wrote Marcianus's name in the paper This person had been promoted to the Presbyterate and likewise had been instructed in aâ— Ascetick course of life under Paulus but was then gone to travell After this he Sealed up the paper himself and caused the chief of the Presbyters to Seal it up also and then delivered it to one Marcus who was Bishop of the Novatianists in Scythia but had at that time made a journey to Constantinople to whom he spake these words If God shall permit me to continue much longer in this life restore this depositum to me now committed to your trust to be kept safely But if it shall please him to remove me out of this world in this paper you will find whom I have Elected to be my successour in the Bishopâ—ick When he had spoken these words he died On the third day therefore after his death when they had unsealed the paper in the presence of a great multitude and found Marcianus's name therein they all cried out that he was a worthy and fit person And without delay they dispatcht away some messengers who might seize him They took him by a pious fraud at his residence in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence they brought him along with them and about the twenty first of the same month ordained and placed him in the Episcopall Chair But enough concerning these things CHAP. XLVII That the Emperour Theodosius sent his Wife Eudocia to Jerusalem MOreover the Emperour Theodosius offered up his Thanksgivings to God for the benefits which he had conferred upon him And this he performed by honouring Christ with singular and eminent honours He likewise sent his wife Eudocia to Jerusalem For she had oblieged herself also to a performance of this vow if she might see her daughter married But the Empress herself also beautified the Churches at Jerusalem and all those in the Eastern Cities with various ornaments both when she went thither and likewise at her return CHAP. XLVIII Concerning Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia ABout that very time to wit in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate Proclus the Bishop attempted a wonderfull thing the like to which has not been performed by any of the Ancient Bishops For Firmus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia being dead the Caesareans came to Constantinople and requâ—sted they might have a Bishop And whilest Proclus was considering whom he should preser to that See it hapned that all the Senatours came to the Church on the Sabbath to give him a visit amongst whom was Thalassius also a personage who had born a Praefecture over the Provinces and Cities of Illyricum But though as it was reported he had been the person pitch't upon who was about to have the Government of the Eastern parts committed to his care by the Emperour yet Proclus laid his hands on him and instead of his being constituted a Praefectus Praetorio made him Bishop of Caesarea Thus successfull and prosperous were the affairs of the Church But I will here close my History with my prayers to God that the Churches in all places the Cites and Provinces may live in peace For as long as peace flourishes those that are desirous to do it will have no subject for their writing an History For we our selves who have performed what you enjoyned us in Seven Books O Sacred man of God Theodorus should have wanted matter for this our History if the lovers of seditions and tumults would have been quiet This Seventh Book contains an account of affairs transacted during the space of two and thirty years The whole History which iâ—â—â—omprized in Seven Books contains the space of an hundred and fourty years It begins from the first year of the two hundredth seventy first Olympiad wherein Constantine was proclaimed Emperour and ends at the second year of the three hundredth and fifth Olympiad whereon the Emperour Theodosius bore his seventeenth Consulate The End of Socrates Scholasticus's Ecclesiastick History THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF Evagrius Scholasticus EPIPHANIENSIS And One of the EX-PRAEFECTS IN SIX BOOKS Translated out of the GREEK according to that Edition set forth by VALESIUS and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1673. Together with VALESIUS's Annotations on the said Historian which are done into ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereunto also is annexed an account of the foresaid Historian's Life and Ecclesiastick History Collected by VALESIUS and Rendred into ENGLISH HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1681. VALESIUS'S ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE AND Ecclesiastick History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis EVagrius Scholasticus was by Nation a Syrian as was also Theodoret born at Epiphania which was a City of Syria Secunda as he himself has declared in the Title of his own work Therefore I wonder at Gerardus Vossius who in his Book de Historicis Graecis pag. 498 relates that Evagrius was born at Antioch But Evagrius himself both in the Title of his History and also in his Third Book Chap. 34 does expressly attest that he was born at Epiphania For speaking there concerning Cosmas Bishop of Epiphania his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Cosmas Bishop of Our Epiphania in the Vicinage whereof runs the River Orontes c. Besides Photius in his Bibliotheca chap. 29 affirms that Evagrius was born in Epiphania a City of Syria Coele 〈…〉 which is strange Nicephorus Callistus does in two places term our Evagâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 ot Epiphaniensis but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Illustrious For in Nicephorus's First Book chap. 1 the words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover Evagrius the Illustrious c. And in Book 16. Chap. 31 Nicephorus quoting a passage of Evagrius out of his Third Book Chap. 34 which passage I have just now mentioned expresses himself thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover in like manner as Evagrius the Illustrious has related concerning Severus But my Sentiment is that Transcribers have mistook at both
And that when he had sought amongst his own Priests for an expiation of such horrid and nefarious Murders as these and had found none for they openly declared that such black crimes as these could not be purged by sacrifice he adds that he accidentally met with an Egyptian who had come out of Iberia and that having received information from him that the Faith of the Christians abolished all manner of sin he embraced those things which the Egyptian had imparted to him And that from that time he relinquished the Religion of his Ancestours and made a Beginning of Impiety as he terms it Now that these things are notoriously false I will demonstrate immediately But in the first place I must give a Relation concerning The Chrysargyrum CHAP. XLI An Invective against Zosimus on account of the Reproaches and Calumnies he has cast upon Constantine and the Christians THou sayst therefore O destructive and impure Daemon that Constantine resolving to build a City equall to Rome at first attempted the erecting of such a great City in the mid way between Troas and Ilium and having laid the Foundations and raised the wall to an heighth afterwards he found Byzantium to be a place more Commodious and so incompassed that with walls which old City he enlarged to such a degree and adorned it with such splendid Buildings that it seemed not much inferiour to Rome which in so many years had by little and little arrived at that Greatness Thou sayst further that he distributed amongst the Byzantine people The Annona out of the publick stock and gave a vast sum of Gold to those who had removed together with him to Byzantium for the building of their own private houses Again thou writest word for word thus After Constantine's death the supream management of Affairs devolved only to his Son Constantius to wit after the death of his two Brothers And when Magnentius and Vetranio had set up for Tyrants he attacked Vetranio by perswasives For both their Armies being come together Constantius in the first place made a Speech to the Souldiers and put them in mind of his Fathers Liberality with whom they had waged many Wars and by whom they had been honoured with the greatest Gratuities Which when the Souldiers had heard they divested Vetranio of his purple and drew him out of the Tribunal clothed in a private habit Notwithstanding thou doest affirm that he underwent nothing of molestation from Constantius who together with his Father hath by Thee been loaded with so many Calumnies How therefore Thou canst judge it agreeable to affirm the same person to have been so Liberall and so Bountifull and yet so tenacious and sordid as to have imposed such an execrable Tax I am I must confess wholly ignorant Further that he neither slew Fausta nor Crispus nor for that reason received our Mysteries from any Egyptian hear the words of Eusebius Pamphilus who flourished in the same times with Constantine and Crispus and was frequently conversant with them For thou writest not even what thou hast received by Report much less the Truth in regard thou livedst a long time after to wit in the Reign of Arcadius and Honorius to whose Times thou hast brought down thine History or rather after them In the Eight Book of his Ecclesiastick History Eusebius writes word for word thus Within some small Intervall of time the Emperour Constantius a person of extraordinary mildness throughout his whole life most favourable to his Subjects and one that had a singular affection for the divine Doctrine of our Religion ended his life according to the common Sanction of Nature leaving his own Son Constantine Emperour and Augustus in his stead And after some other words Constantine Son to this man being immediately from that very time of his Fathers death Proclaimed supream Emperour and Augustus by the Souldiers but long before that by the supream God exhibited himself an emulatour of his Fathers Piety towards our Religion And at the close of his History he expresses himself in these very words But Constantine the mighty Conquerour gloriously adorned with all the Virtues of Religion together with his Son Crispus a Prince highly beloved of God and in all things like his Father recovered his own East Doubtless Eusebius who survived Constantine would never have so highly extolled Crispus if he had been murdered by his Father Moreover Theodoret relates in his History that Constantine at the very close of his life was made partaker of Salutary Baptism at Nicomedia and that he defer'd it till that time because he was desirous of being baptized in the River Jordan Thou sayst moreover most execrable and impurest of Mortalls that the Roman Empire from such time as the Christian Religion shewed it self hath decayed and been utterly destroyed which thou affirmest either because thou hast read nothing of what hath hapned in ancient times or else with a designed malice to attack the Truth For the contrary is manifestly apparent to wit that the Roman Empire hath increased together with our Faith Consider therefore how about the very time of the Advent of Christ our God amongst men most of the Cities of the Macedonians were ruined by the Romans Albania also and Iberia the Colchi and Arabians were made Subjects to the Romans Consider likewise how Caius Caesar on the Hundredth eighty second Olympiad in great fights subdued the Galli Germani and Britanni which Nations inhabited Five hundred Cities and annexed them to the Roman Empire as it has been recorded by Historians This is the Caesar who after the Consuls was the first Monarch of the Roman Empire who made a way out of Polytheism and Democracy and introduced a praevious Veneration of a Monarchy on account of that just ready to come The Monarchy of Christ. Immediately all Judaea and the Neighbouring Countries were annext to the Roman Empire in so much that The First Inrollment was then made in which Christ also together with others was Enrolled to the end that Bethlehem might publickly declare the completion of that Prophecie which had been uttered concerning it self For it hath been predicted by the Prophet Micah concerning it in this manner And Thou bethlehem in the Land of Juda art not the least amongst the Princes of Juda for out of thee shall come forth to me a Governour who shall rule my people Israel And after the Nativity of Christ our God Egypt was added to the Roman Empire Augustus Caesar under whom Christ was born having totally subdued Antonius and Cleopatra who killed themselves After which persons Cornelius Gallus is constituted Praefect of Egypt by Augustus Caesar and he was the First who Governed Egypt after The Ptolemies as it has been recorded by Historiographers Further how many Countries have been taken away from the Persians by Ventidius and by Corbulo Nero's Dux by Trajan also Severus and Carus by
on the day following not one of the Enemy was to be found about Anaplus or at the Imperial City it self 'T is moreover said that after this Vitalianus spent some time at Anchialus and kept himself quiet Further another Nation of the Hunni having past the Caspian Streights made an Incursion into the Roman Provinces At those very same times also Rhodus was shaken by a most Violent Earthquake in the dead of the night which was the third calamity it had suffered of that Nature CHAP. XLIV That Anastasius being desirous to add these words Who hast been Crucified on our account to the Hymn termed The Trisagium a Sedition and disturbance hapned amongst the people Which Anastasius fearing made use of dissimulation and soon altered the minds of the people And concerning the death of Anastasius BUt at Constantinople when the Emperour was desirous of making an addition of these words Who hast been Crucified on our account to The Hymn termed The Trisagium a most violent Sedition hapned as if the Christian Religion had been totally Subverted Macedonius and the Constantinopolitane Clergy were the Authours and Abettours of this Sedition as Severus affirms in his Epistle to Soterichus Which Epistle he wrote before he had obtained the Episcopall Throne whilst he resided at the Imperial City to wit at that time when he together with others had been ejected out of his own Monastery as I have related already On account of these Calumnies besides other reasons already mentioned I am of opinion that Macedonius was ejected out of his See From this occasion the populacy was enraged and in regard they were not any longer to be withheld many personages of the Nobility were reduced to the greatest of dangers and severall of the eminentest places of the City were burnt down And when the people had found a certain Country-fellow who lead a Monastick course of life in the house of Marinus the Syrian they cut off his head affirming that by this mans motives and perswasions that Expression had been added to The Hymn They also put his head upon a pole carried it about and in a deriding manner exclaimed that he was the Enemy of the Trinity Further the Sedition increased so vastly ruining all things and being superiour to all Opposition that the Emperour compelled by necessity went to the Cirque without his Crown and sent the Criers to the people to make Proclamation that with all imaginable readiness he would resigne his Empire but that it was a perfect impossibility for all of them to obtain the Empire which cannot endure many Colleagues and that there was of necessity to be one who might Govern the Empire after him Which when the people perceived by a certain Divine impulse as it were they altered their mindes and besought Anastasius to put his Crown upon his head and promised to be calm and quiet in future When Anastasius had survived these disturbances some small intervall of time he departed to another life having Governed the Empire of the Romans seven and twenty years three months and as many days The End of the Third Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis And one of the EX-PRAEFECTS CHAP. I. Concerning the Empire of Justinus Senior ANastasius therefore being as I have said translated to a better allotment Justinus by Extract a Thracian vests himself with the purple Robe on the ninth day of the month Panemus which amongst the Romans is termed July in the Five hundredth sixty sixth year of Antioch's being styled a free City he was declared Emperour by the Imperial Guards of whom also he was Commander having been made Master of the Offices at Court He obtained the Imperial Dignity beyond all expectation in regard there were many of Anastasius's relations who were eminent personages had arrived at the greatest fortunateness imaginable and who had procured to themselves all that power which might have invested them with the Imperial Dignity CHAP. II. Concerning the Eunuch Amantius and Theocritus and in what manner Justinus put these persons to death MOreover there was at that time one Amantius the chief person of the Imperial Bed-Chamber a man of great power and interest Who in regard 't was unlawfull for a man deprived of his Genitalls as he was to be possest of the Roman Empire was desirous of encircling Theocritus a great Confident of his with the Imperial Crown Having therefore caused Justinus to be sent for he gave him vast quantities of money ordering him to distribute it amongst those who were most fit to effect this thing and who might be able to invest Theocritus with the purple Robe But Justinus having with this money purchased either the suffrages of the people or else the Benevolence of those termed The Guards For 't is reported both ways invested himself with the Imperial Dignity Forthwith therefore he takes off Amantius and Theocritus together with some other persons CHAP. III. In what manner Justinus slew Vitalianus by treachery BUt he calls Vitalianus then making his Residence in Thracia who had attempted to divest Anastasius of the Empire to Constantinople being afraid of his power of his skill in relation to Military affairs of the greatness of his Fame then spread amongst all men and of the desire he had to obtain the Empire But perceiving by a sagacious foresight that he could on no other terms bring Vitalianus within his own power unless he should feign himself his friend and having for that reason mask't his face with a fraud not to be detected he constitutes him Master of one of those Armies termed The Present Militia After this he gave a greater occasion of perswasion whereby Vitalianus might more deeply be imposed upon and promotes him to the Consulate Vitalianus therefore being made Consul after he was arrived at the Imperial Pallace ended his life by being treacherously murdered at one of the inner Gates paying this punishment for those high contumelies wherewith he had affected the Roman Empire But these things hapned afterwards CHAP. IV. How Justinus having Ejected Severus put Paulus into his place and that some little time after Euphrasius obtained the See of Antioch BUt Severus who had been Ordained Bishop of Antioch agreeable to what we have already related in regard he ceased not daily to Anathematize the Synod at Chalcedon especially in those they term The Installing Letters and in the Answers thereto which he sent to the Patriarchs in all places but they were embraced and admitted of at Alexandria only by Johannes Successour to the former Johannes and by Dioscorus and also Timotheus which Letters are preserved till these Times of Ours and because many contentions in the Church arose therefrom and the most faithfull people were divided into Factions this Severus I say is by Justinus's
some intervall of time after this Synod Eutychius is ejected and Johannes is placed in the Chair of the Constantinopolitane Church in his room This Johannes was born at Sirimis which is a Village scituate in the Cynegick Region in the Antiochian Territory CHAP. XXXIX That Justinian having forsaken the right Faith asserted the Body of our Lord to be incorruptible AT the same time Justinian deflected from the right High-way of Orthodox Sentiments and having entred a path untrodden by the Apostles and Fathers fell into Thorns and Brambles Wherewith being desirous to fill the Church he mist of his design the Lord having securely fenced the High-way with hedges not to be broken that Murderers and Thieves might not break in as if the wall had been faln and the Fence broken down and thus he fulfilled the Prophets Prediction Johannes therefore who was also termed Catelinus having succeeded Vigilius in the Bishoprick of the Elder Rome and Johannes born at Sirimis Governing the Constantinopolitane Church and Apolinaris that of Alexandria Anastasius successour to Domninus presiding over the Antiochian Church and over that at Jerusalem Macarius who was again restored to his own Chair when he had Anathematized Origen Didymus and Evagrius after Eustochius's deposition Justinian writes that which amongst the Romans is called an Edict wherein he has termed the Body of our Lord incorruptible and incapable of Naturall and irreprehensible passions affirming that our Lord ate in the same manner before his Passion as he did eat after his Resurrection his most holy Body having received no change or alteration from its very Formation in the Womb neither in the Voluntary and Naturall Passions nor yet after his Resurrection To which Assertions Justinian resolved to force the Prelates in all places to give their assent But when all of them affirmed that they earnestly expected the opinion of Anastasius Bishop of Antioch they thereby represt the Emperour 's first Attempt CHAP. XL. Concerning Anastasius Arch-Bishop of Antioch MOreover This Anastasius was a person both incomparably well skilled in the Sacred Scriptures and also accurate in his Moralls and way of living in so much that he would take consideration about the most triviall matters nor would he deflect at any time from a constancy and firmness much less in things momentous and which had a relation to the Deity it self And he had tempered his disposition so that neither an easiness of access to and conference with him might render him exposed to what was unmeet and inconvenient nor should an Austerity and Rigour make him inaccessible in relation to what was fit and rationall In conferences that were weighty and Serious he was of a ready ear and fluent Tongue But in discourses that were impertinent and superfluous he had his ears perfectly shut A bridle represt his tongue in such a manner that he measured his discourse with reason and rendred Silence far better than talke This person therefore Justinian makes an Attack against as against some inexpugnable Tower and sets upon him with all manner of Engines considering with himself that if he could ruine this Tower he should afterwards become Master of the City with ease enslave the Doctrine of the true Faith and lead captive the Sheep of Christ. But Anastasius by a divine heighth of mind raised himself so far above the Emperour for he stood upon a Rock of Faith not to be broken that by his own Relation sent to Justinian he openly contradicted him and in the same Relation demonstrated to him most perspicuously and with great eloquence that the Body of our Lord was corruptible in passions naturall and irreprehensible and that the Divine Apostles and Holy Fathers both thought and taught so The same answer he returned to the Monks of the First and Second Syria who had consulted him and he confirmed the minds of all persons and prepared for the Conflict reciting daily in the Church that saying of that Vessell of Election If any one preach any other Gospell unto you than that you have received though he be an Angell from Heaven let him be accursed Which words when all persons had weighed in their minds a very small number only excepted they imitated him The same Anastasius wrote a Valedictory Oration to the Antiochians after he had received information that Justinian was resolved to send him into Banishment Which Oration is deservedly delightfull and admirable for the elegancy of its words the abundance of its sententious expressions the frequent quotations of Sacred Scripture and for the Accommodateness of the History CHAP. XLI Concerning the death of Justinian BUt this Oration was not published God having provided some better thing for us For Justinian whilst he dictated a sentence of Deportation against Anastasius and the Prelates about him was invisibly wounded and ended his life after he had Reigned in all Thirty eight years and eight months The End of the Fourth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis And one of the EX-PRAEFECTS CHAP. I. Concerning the Election of the Emperour Justinus and concerning his Moralls WHen therefore Justinian in this manner had fill'd all places with Disquietude and Tumults and at the close of his Life had received the condign reward of such Actings he departed to the infernall punishments but Justinus his Sister's Son who was intrusted with the custody of the Imperial Pallace which Grand Officer the Roman Tongue terms Curopalates is invested with the purple after his death neither Justinian's departure nor the Election of Justinus having been made known to any person save to those that were his Confidents till such time as he appeared at the Ludi Circenses in order to his performing and undertaking what usually belongs to an Emperour After these Solemnities therefore were over when nothing of an opposition had in any wise been attempted against him he returned to the Pallace By the first Edict he promulged the Prelates who had been convened in all places were sent home to their own Sees in order to their worshipping God in the usuall and received manner no Innovation being made in relation to the Faith And this Action done by him was highly commendable But as to his Life he was dissolute and altogether a slave to Luxuries and obscene pleasures so ardent a lover also of other mens money that he sold all things for illegall gain and revered not the Deity even in the Ecclesiastick preferments which he made his markets of to any persons he could meet with and publickly proposed even these to sale Moreover being possest with two most contrary Vices Boldness and Sloth in the first place he caused his kinsman Justinus to be sent for a personage of an universall honour and esteem both for his skill in
respect of the Humanity passible in the flesh and the same Person impassible in the Deity For we acknowledge not One God the Word who wrought Miracles and another who suffered but we confess One and the same our Lord Jesus Christ God the Word to have been incarnate and perfectly made man and that the Miracles belong both to One and the same as likewise the sufferings which he Voluntarily underwent in the flesh on account of our Salvation For a man gave not himself for us but God the Word himself made man without any Conversion underwent both a Spontaneous Passion and a death in the Flesh for us Although therefore we confess him to be God yet we deny not that the same person is also Man and by our confessing him to be man we deny not the same Person to be also God Whence whilst we profess one and the same Person our Lord Jesus Christ to be compounded of both Natures the Deity and the Humanity we introduce not a Confusion into the Unition For he will not cease to be God because agreeably to us he was made man nor again because by Nature he is God and cannot receive a likeness to us will he refuse to be man For as he hath continued God in the Humanity so also though existing in the Majesty of the Deity he nevertheless continues Man existing Both in the same and is One God and also Man The Emmanuel Further whereas we confess him perfect in the Deity and perfect in the Humanity of which two he is also made up yet we bring not in a particular Division or Section upon his one compounded Hypostasis but we show the difference of the Natures which is not destroyed or taken away by the Unition For neither has the Divine Nature been changed into the Humane nor hath the Humane Nature been converted into the Divine But both Natures being understood or rather existing in the defini tion and manner of the proper Nature we affirm that the Unition was made according to the person now the Unition according to the person imports that God the Word that is one Person of the Three persons of the Deity was united not to a prae-existing Man but in the Womb of our Lady the Holy-Glorious Theotocos and Ever-Virgin Mary that from her he framed to himself in a proper Person Flesh of the same substance with us and subject to like passions in all things sin only excepted and that it was enlivened with a rationall and intelligent Soul For he had a Person in himself and was made Man and is One and the same our Lord Jesus Christ Glorified together with the Father and the Holy Ghost Moreover weighing in our minds his ineffable Unition we rightly confess one Nature incarnate of God the Word which in the Flesh is enlivened with a rationall and intelligent Soul And again taking into consideration the difference of the Natures we assert them to be two introducing no manner of Division For each Nature is in him Wherefore we confess One and the same Christ One Son One Person One Hypostasis to be God and also Man But all those who have thought or do think contrary hereto we Anathematize and judge them estranged from the Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church of God Whereas therefore the true Dogmata which have been delivered to us by the Holy Fathers are asserted We exhort you all to Concur in one and the same Catholick and Apostolick Church yea rather we beseech you For we are not ashamed though placed in the sublimity of Royalty to make use of such expressions for the Consent and Union of all Christians to the end one Glorification may be attributed to the Great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ and that in future no person might pretend to quarrell about the Persons or the Syllables For the Syllables tend to one and the same right Faith and meaning that Usage and Form which hitherto hath obtained in God's Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church remaining in all things firm and without Innovation and continuing so to all Futurity To this Edict all persons gave their consent and affirmed that the Faith and Doctrine was therein Orthodoxly promulged but yet it reduced not so much as one of the Churche's members which had been rent insunder to an Unity because the Emperour in express words had declared that the State of the Churches had been preserved firm and without Innovation and for the time yet to come should so continue CHAP. V. Concerning the Ejection of Anastasius Bishop of Theopolis MOreover Justinus ejected Anastasius out of the Chair of Theopolis objecting against him both the profuse expence of the sacred Revenue which had been made saying it was immoderate and not according to what was meet and necessary and also charging him with reflecting abusively on himself For when Anastasius was asked why he would fling away the sacred money in so lavish a manner he replyed openly that it might not be taken away by Justinus that common Pest. But 't was said that Justinus had therefore conceived an old Grudge against Anastasius because when he demanded money of him at his promotion to the Bishoprick Anastasius would not give it him Moreover other matters were objected against Anastasius by some persons who I suppose were desirous of serving and promoting the Emperour's design CHAP. VI. That after Anastasius Gregorius was made Bishop and concerning his disposition BUt after Anastasius Gregorius is preferred to the Episcopall Throne whose Glory that I may use the Poet's expression is far spread This person from his younger years had been exercised in the Monastick Conflicts and had striven with so much courage and constancy of mind that in a very short time even during his youthfull age he arrived at the highest degrees and Governed the Monastery of the Byzantii where he embraced a Monastick life Afterwards by the order of Justinus he presided over the Monks of mount Sinai also in which place he fell into the greatest of dangers by undergoing a Siege from those Arabians termed Scenitae Nevertheless when he had procured that place a profound Peace he was called from thence to the Patriarchate For understanding and virtue of mind and in all other things he was the eminentest person of all men and the most active in effecting whatever he had proposed to himself of an undaunted spirit and a man not to be induced to yield or to be afraid of the Secular power He made such magnificent distributions of money and used such a bountifullness and liberality towards all men that whenever he went abroad numerous crowds of people besides those that were his usuall attendants followed him And whatever persons could either see or hear he was going forth flock't together The honour given to the supreamest Powers of this
him Crowns of Tricennalian Orations wherewith we lately encircled his Sacred Head within his own Imperial pallace But now I am doubtfull and at a stand desirous indeed to utter something according to the usuall manner but ignorant which way to turn my self and amazed at this only miracle of a new and surprizing spectacle For which way soever I look with a fixt and steady eye whether to the East or West upon the whole Earth or to Heaven it self I behold the Blessed Emperour present every where and in all places conversing with Imperiall Majesty her self And I see his Sons like some new Luminaries filling the whole Earth with their Father's Rays and I behold himself as yet living in Power and Authority and managing the whole affairs of the world better and more potently than before in regard he is diffused and enlarged by the succession of his Sons Who before had been invested with the Caesarian Dignity but having now clothed themselves with their whole Father on account of their eximious Virtue and Religion are proclaimed Supream Soveraigns Augusti Adorable Emperours being illustrated with all their Fathers Ornaments CHAP. II. The Preface yet AND when I behold him who a little before was seen in a Mortall Body and converst with us our selves in a most admirable manner enjoying the same Imperial Pallaces honours and commendations even after the end of this life when Nature rejects as forreign whatever is superfluous I am stricken with an incredible amazement But now when with an acuteness of mind I reach up to the very Arches of Heaven it self and there Contemplate his thrice happy Soul conversing with God wholly divested of its Mortall and Terrestriall Garment and beautified with a most Splendid Stole of Light and when I perceive it not any more involved in the short periods of Time within these fading Habitations but honoured with an ever-flourishing Diadem and endowed with an endless life and a blessed immortality I am dumb and wholly deprived of the use of my Tongue and Reason And being unable to utter one word but passing sentence my self upon mine own weakness and decreeing silence against my self I give place to one more potent who may declare his praises in a manner correspondent to his deserts to him namely who being Immortall and God The Word is only able to confirm and ratifie his own expressions CHAP. III. Concerning God who honoured the Pious Emperours and destroyed the Tyrants FOr whereas he has predicted that they who glorifie and honour him shall by him be compensated with reciprocall Gifts and Rewards but that those who have profest themselves his Enemies and Adversaries shall procure to themselves â— destruction of their souls long since even from this life he hath ascertained the Truth of these his own words and promises For he hath evidently set before our eyes the detestable Exits of impious and God-opposing Tyrants but hath demonstrated not only the Life of his Servant but his death also to be desirable and worthy of the highest commendations in so much that even this deserves a commemoration and is egregiously worthy not of Mortall but immortall Sepulchrall Monuments The wit of men hath indeed found out a comfort and preservative against a Mortall and frail End and by Consecrations of Statues as 't were by immortall honours have thought good to Reverence the Memories of their Ancestours And some have framed Representations of men with the shadowed Colours of Encaustick Painting others with the Sculptures of inanimate matter othersome have cut deep Letters on wooden or stone Tablets wherewith they have taken occasion of consigning to Eternall Memory the Virtues of those whom they honour But all these things were mortall and consumed by length of time in regard they exprest the proportions of mortall bodies not the Idea's of an immortall mind However these things seemed to content those persons who after the conclusion of this mortall life had conceived in their minds an hope of no other thing that was good But God God I say the Common Saviour of all things who hath treasured up with himself greater Goods than Man can have a conception of for the Lovers of Piety gives as a foregoing pledge even in this life the First fruits of future Rewards and in a manner represents and confirms immortall hopes to mortall eyes The ancient Oracles of the Prophets which are committed to writing do plainly foretell these things The Lives of persons dear to God who heretofore have shined with all manner of Virtues whose Lives are as yet celebrated by posterity do give attestation hereto The same is clearly evinced to be true by the Testimony of this our present Age wherein Constantine the only person of all those who ever yet Governed the Roman Empire having been made the friend of God the supream King is proposed to all men as a powerfull and illustrious instance of a Religious life CHAP. IV. That God honoured Constantine LAstly God himself whom Constantine worshipped confirmed this with effectuall suffrages by affording him his favourable and benigne presence and assistance at the beginning procedure and end of his Reign which person God proposed to mankind as an Exemplar for their information in relation to the divine worship Indeed of all the Emperours whom we ever yet heard of he was the only one whom God by those Blessings of all sorts which he conferred on him demonstrated to be the greatest Luminary and Loudest Proclaimer of steady Piety and true Religion CHAP. V. That he Reigned upwards of Thirty years and lived above Sixty HE honoured the Time of his Reign with three compleated periods of Ten years and something more but he circumscribed the whole Life he lead amongst men with a space of time double as much Further because He would propose him as the portraicture of his own Monarchicall power He made him the Conquerour of the whole Tyrannick Brood and the Destroyer of the Impious Giants who instigated by a desperation and madness of mind took up Arms of Impiety against God himself the supream King But having made their appearance even during a shorter time than is required to speak they were extinguished But God who is one and the sole God when he had fortified his Servant one opposed to many with divine Armour and by his means had cleared the world of the multitude of impious persons constituted him the Teacher of his own Worship to all Nations who in the hearing of all men attested with a loud voice that he acknowleged the True God but abominated the Errour of false Deities CHAP. VI. That he was the Servant of God and a Vanquisher of Nations ANd like a faithfull and good servant he practised and asserted this openly styling himself a servant and owning himself a worshipper of the supream
Lessons he instructed them And truly he himself trusting in the sincerity of his own Faith not only declared but had his thoughts taken up with such matters as these But they were unapt to learn and deaf to all good Documents applauding indeed his sayings with their tongues and Acclamations but in their practises they disregarded them by reason of their unsatiableness CHAP. XXX That He shewed a certain Covetous person the measure of a Grave to the end he might shame him WHerefore one time He took one of those persons about him by the hand and spake these words to him How far Hark ye Do we stretch our Covetous desires Then marking out on the ground the length of a man with a spear which he hapned to have in his hand Although said he you were possest of all the Riches of this world and of the whole Element of the Earth yet you shall carry away nothing more than this space of ground which I have mark't out if even that be allowed you Notwithstanding this Blessed Prince said and did these things yet he reclaimed no person But 't was manifestly evidenced by the very event of affairs that the Emperours Admonitions were rather like Divine Oracles than bare words CHAP. XXXI That he was laught at because of his too great Clemency FUrther whereas there was no fear of any Capital punishment which might restrain ill men from wickedness the Emperour himself being wholly inclined to Clemency and the Governours in each Province wholly neglecting the prosecution and punishment of Crimes this thing exposed the publick Administration of Affairs to no ordinary blame and reprehension whether justly or otherwise every one may judge according as he shall think good Let me be permitted to record the Truth CHAP. XXXII Concerning Constantine's Oration which He wrote to The Convention of the Saints MOreover the Emperour wrote his Orations in the Latine tongue But they were rendred into Greek by the Interpreters whose imployment it was to do this One of these orations done into Greek I will for an instance annex after the close of this present Work to which Speech he himself gave this Title To the Convention of the Saints dedicating that His Discourse to the Church of God which Oration I will subjoyn for this reason least any one should account our Testimony in reference to these matters to be nothing more than Ostentation and Noise CHAP. XXXIII How He heard Eusebius's Panegyrick concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour in a standing posture BUt that in my judgment is in no wise to be silently overpast which this admirable Prince did even in Our own presence For when we had one time besought him being confident of his singular piety towards God that he would be an Auditor of a Speech of Ours concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour He gave us Audience with all imaginable willingness And a great company of Hearers standing round within the Imperial Palace it self He himself stood also and together with the rest gave Audience But when We entreated him to rest himself upon his Imperial Throne which was placed hard by he would by no means be perswaded to Sit But with an intent mind weighed what was spoken and by his own Testimony approved the truth of the Theologick Dogmata But when much time had been spent and our Oration was continued to a great length We were desirous to break off But he would not suffer that but entreated us to go on till we had ended our Discourse And when we again Sollicited Him to sit down He on the contrary was urgent in His Refusal sometimes affirming That it was unfit to hearken to Discourses which treated concerning God with ease and remisness at other times saying that this was usefull and advantagious to Him For it was He told us a thing consonant to Piety and Religion to hear Discourses about Divine matters in a standing posture After these things were finished we returned home and betook our selves to our usual Studies and exercises CHAP. XXXIV That He wrote to Eusebius concerning Easter and about the Divine Books BUt He always Sollicitously consulting the good of God's Churches wrote a Letter to us about providing some Copies of the Divinely inspired Oracles as also another Letter concerning the most Holy Feast of Easter For whereas we had dedicated a Book to Him wherein the Mystick account of that Festival was explained in what manner He rewarded and honoured us by His answer any one may perceive by perusing this Letter of His. CHAP. XXXV Constantine's Letter to Eusebius wherein He commends His Oration concerning Easter VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IT is indeed a mighty Attempt and a work superiour to all the power of Oratory to declare the mysteries of Christ agreeably to their dignity and in a due manner to unfold the Reason and Ground of Easter and its Institution and its advantagious and laborious consummation For 't is impossible even to men that are able to understand things Divine to declare those matters according to their dignity Nevertheless I do highly admire your excellent Learning and your Extraordinary diligence and have my self most willingly perused your Book and according to your desire have given order that it should be put into the hands of many persons who sincerely adhere to the observance of the Divine Religion Whereas therefore you understand with how great a delight of mind we receive such Presents as these from Your Prudence take care to please us in future with more frequent Discourses whereto you confess your self to have been by education accustomed But as the saying is we incite you who run to your usuall Studies In as much as this so great an opinion does sufficiently demonstrate that you have not found an unworthy Translatour of Your Writings who can render Your Labours into Latine although 't is impossible that such a Version should express the dignity of Works that are so egregiously eminent God keep You Beloved Brother Such was his Letter in reference to this matter But that which he wrote about providing some Copies of the Scriptures to be read in Churches runs thus CHAP. XXXVI Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning the providing some Copies of the Divine Scriptures VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IN That City which bears Our Name by the assistance of God Our Saviour's Providence a vast multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most Holy Church Whereas therefore all things do there receive a very great increase it seems highly requisite that there should be more Churches erected in that City Wherefore do you most willingly receive that which I have determined to do For it seemed fit to signifie to Your Prudence that you should order fifty Copies of the Divine Scriptures the provision and use whereof you know to be chiefly necessary for the instruction of the Church to be
much more blessed than Creatures that are earthly and lyable to Corruption by how much it is nobler and more divine neither is mankind void of the divine goodness Nevertheless all men are not promiscuously and without any thing of difference partakers of the Divine Goodness but those only who have search't into the Divine Nature and who have proposed to themselves this as their chief purpose of Life and primary Study the knowledge namely of things Divine CHAP. XIV That a created Nature is at a vast distance from an Essence which is uncreated and that man approaches nearest to God by a virtuous Life MOreover to compare things that are made with them which be eternal is questionless the highest degree of madness For these have neither beginning nor end But those in regard they are brought forth and begotten and because they have received a beginning both of their existing and of their living for some set time must consequently of necessity have an end also But how can those things which are begotten be any ways compared with him who hath commanded them to be begotten For if these things were equal to him the Command whereby he ordered them to be produced would in no wise fit and be agreeable to him But neither can things celestial be compared with him in the same manner that the sensible world is not to be compared with the Intelligible nor Images with the Originals But is not the confusing and mixing of all things a thing wholly ridiculous in regard the dignity of the Divine Nature would be clouded by a comparing of it with men or with beasts And is not a desire of power which might strive to equal the power of God is not I say such a desire to be esteemed as peculiar to madmen and such as abhor a sober modest and virtuous course of Life For if with earnestness we strive to attain divine felicity we ought to leade our lives according to the Command of God For by this means when we shall have lived in Conformity to that Law appoynted by God being made superiour to all Fate we shall take up our Residence in immortal and eternal Mansions For this is the only strength in man which is like to the divine power namely a sincere and unfeigned worship paid to God and a conversion to him and a contemplation and knowledge of those things which are acceptable to the Deity not to be enclined towards the Earth but as far as we are able to raise our minds to things sublime and celestial For by such an endeavour aâ— this a Victory is procured for us of equal value with many Blessings The cause therefore of the dissimilitude of things which is plac't in a distance both of dignity and power has this reason Wherein they who are wise do willingly acquiesce and are eminently thankfull But the ingratefull and the foolish receive a punishment befitting their arrogance CHAP. XV. What Precepts Our Saviour delivered and what Miracles He wrought and how beneficial He hath been to those who own a subjection to Him FArther the Son of God exhorts all men to Virtue and constitutes himself a Teacher to such as are prudent instructing them in the Father's commands Unless we forget our selves being wretchedly ignorant that for the sake of our advantage that is on account of mens blessedness He travelled up and down on earth and having called together to himself the best men of those times he delivered them a most usefull Doctrine the preservative as 't were of a sober life teaching them Faith and Justice against the Envy of the Malitious Devil whose delight it is to allure and deceive the unskilfull Therefore he visited the sick and eased the infirm of those ills wherewith they were surrounded He likewise administred comfort to those who were reduced to an extremity of poverty and indigency He highly extolled a sober modest and quiet temper of mind joyned with reason and gave command that with a courage and patience of mind we should bear all manner of injury and every sort of contempt teaching us that the Visitation of his Father is of this sort so that they who could magnanimously endure accidents might always obtain the Victory For he affirmed that this is the most superlative degree of strength namely a constancy of mind joyned with Philosophy which is nothing else but a knowledge of what is True and Good accustoming those who get riches fairly and justly to impart what they possess by a kind and liberal distribution to the poorer sort But he wholly forbids mastership and bearing sway over others openly declaring that as he came to give assistance to the humble so he would desist from favouring those who should disrespect the humble Having therefore made Tryal of the Faith of those people subject to him by such and so powerfull an Experiment he rendred them not only Contemmers of the terriblest and most formidable things but most genuine disciples also of an hope and confidence in himself Moreover he once sharply rebuked and by his words represt one of his Companions who had been over much heated with anger That Disciple had with a drawn sword made an assault upon some body exposing his own life that he might assist our Saviour But his Lord commanded him to be quiet and to put up his Sword reproving the man severely because he had dispaired of a defence and refuge in Him Himself And he enacted a Law in express words that whoever should begin an assault upon another with the hands of Violence or should attempt to injure him who had begun or whoever in general should make use of the sword should perish by a violent death This is most undoubtedly the Celestial wisedom to choose to be injured rather than to injure and as often as necessity shall require to be in a readiness to undergo rather than do evil For whereas the mischief of being injurious is very great not he who suffers the wrong but he that does it incurrs the heaviest punishment Farther 't is in the power of him who pays an obedience to God neither to do nor suffer an injury provided he places his confidence in the protection of God who is present with and gives him assistance to the end no one of His Subjects may receive any harm But how should he endeavour to assist himself who puts his trust in God For by this means a Fight betwixt two would ensue and a doubtfull and uncertain Victory But no man of understanding preferrs dubious matters before those that are fixt and certain But how will he make any scruple about God's presence and assistance who has had experience of so many perills and has always been easily delivered from dangers by the sole will and pleasure of God who has walkt thorow the Sea which by our Saviour's command was
things which are good does unite mankind to God the supream King shewing the glad tidings of His Celestial Father's being rendred propitious and benign to His Sons on earth That Quires do Laud Him with all manner of triumphant Songs and that the whole Body of mankind doth joyn in The Chorus together with the Angelick Companies in Heaven and that rational Souls using those Bodies wherewith they are cloathed as some Musical Instruments do Laud Him with befitting Hymns and shout forth praises that are gratefull to him That they who are Inhabitants of the East together with those who dwell in the West are instructed in His Precepts at one and the same moment of time and that those who have received the Southern and Northern parts of the world as their allotment do sing to the same melodious Tune studiously following a pious Course of Life by the very same methods and precepts conspiring in the praises of one God who is supream admitting of one Saviour His onely-begotten Son the Authour of all Blessings and Lastly acknowledging one Moderatour and Emperour on Earth and His Sons belov'd by God Which Emperour like some skilfull Pilot sits on high above the Rudder and holding the Helm in his hand Steers the Vessel in a straight Course and by a prosperous gale of Wind brings all those under his command into a safe and calm Port. But God Himself the supream Emperour stretches forth his right hand to Him from above and hitherto constitutes Him the Conquerour of all his Enemies and Opposers encreasing the Strength of His Empire by long periods of years But will hereafter make Him a partaker of far more excellent Blessings and will really fulfill his own Promises made to Him Of which Promises the time present permits not a Rehearsal but a departure out of this Life is to be expected in as much as 't is not possible for things divine to be distinctly perceived and fully apprehended by mortal eyes and corporeal ears BUT Come on Victor Maximus Constantinus in this Imperial Book written concerning the Supream Emperour let us now deliver to You Secret and Mysterious Matters not that we may teach You who have been instructed by God nor that we may disclose Secrets to You to Whom God Himself long before these our discourses not from men neither by any man but by the Common Saviour Himself and by the Presence and Appearance of His own Divinity which hath often shined upon You hath opened and revealed things secret that were hidden but that we may bring untaught men to the Light and may suggest to the ignorant the Reasons and Causes of Your Pious and Religious Works and Deeds Indeed those great Actions dayly performed by Your Virtue thorowout the whole habitable World in order to the promoting the Worship and Honour of God the supream King are celebrated in the mouthes of all Mortals But the Monuments of Gratitude which You have consecrated to Your Preserver and Saviour in Our Country I mean in the Province of Palestine and in that City whence as from a Fountain-head the Salutary Word hath powred forth its refreshing streams upon all men and the Trophies of that Victory gained over Death which You have erected in the Edifices of Oratories and in the Dedications of Sacred Houses I say those Lofty and most beautifull Works of an Imperial Magnificence Structures truly Imperial erected about the Salutary Martyrium a Monument that deserves an Immortal Memory contain a Reason for their having been built which is not equally apparent and manifest to all persons 'T is certain they who have been enlightened by the Celestial power and influence of the Divine Spirit do know and understand the true Cause of Your raising those Structures and on account thereof do deservedly admire You and do stile that Your purpose of mind a blessed resolution as proceeding from no other than a divine impulse But those who are unskilled in matters divine in a most immoderate manner deride and scoff at that work by reason of their blindness of mind supposing it to be a mighty indecency and a thing unbefitting the Majesty of so great an Emperour to employ His care about the Monuments and Sepulchres of dead Bodies For would it not have been better may some one of these persons say to observe and keep Our Ancestours Rites and to appease the Hero's and Gods worshipt in each Province and not to detest and abhor them on account of such calamities as these For either they must be affected with divine honours in the same manner with this person by reason of that likeness there is in their miseries and infelicities or else if they are to be rejected as being obnoxious to humane sufferings 't is just that the very same sentence be pronounc't against Him also These words will peradventure be said by some one of those persons having first contracted His Brows and in His own vain opinion thinking Himself wiser than others and with much of gravity extolling his own arrogance To whom nevertheless a pardon of his ignorance is vouchsafed and not to him only but to every one who hath erred from the right way by the Gracious and mercifull Word of the Most Excellent Father who hath Founded Schools and places of Instruction all over the whole world in Countries and Villages in fields and desert places and in all Cities whatever and freely invites all persons to learn the Divine Precepts and like a most indulgent Saviour and Physitian of Souls perswades both Greeks and Barbarians Wise and Simple Poor and Rich Servants and Masters Governours and the Governed the impious the unjust the unlearned the unclean the blasphemous to come yea to hasten to a Divine Cure With a loud voice therefore proclaiming to all persons oblivion of their former wickedness thus He heretofore cryed out saying Come unto Me all ye that labour and are heavy laden and I will give you rest And again I am not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance And He adds the reason saying For they that be whole need not a Physician but they that are sick And in another place I desire not the death of a sinner so earnestly as I desire his repentance Hence it is that only that person who has been instructed in the knowledge of things Divine as soon as he shall have been acquainted with the reasons of that care and diligence imployed about the forementioned Works must of necessity acknowledge a far more excellent instinct than that which is meerly humane to have been in our Emperour and must admire His Pious disposition towards the worship of God and must believe that this Care and Sollicitude in reference to the Monument of the Salutary Resurrection was not exerted without Divine appoyntment but was really the product of the inspiration of that God whose faithfull servant and Minister of good things the Emperour boasts
far better account 't is agreeable to reason we should assert that the Power of the Divine Word received no dammage from the sufferings of the Body in as much as neither that instance of Light which we have already made use of does any ways permit the Solar Rayes which are shot from Heaven upon the earth and do touch dirt and mire and all manner of filth to be polluted For though nothing hinders us from affirming that even these things are illustrated by the Rayes of Light yet we do not therefore say that the Light it self is also bemired or that the Sun is defiled by the mixture of Bodies albeit these things are not wholly disagreeable to Nature it self But whereas that Saviour and incorporeal Word of God is The Life it self and the intellectual Light it self whatsoever thing He shall have toucht by His divine and incorporeal Virtue that thing must afterwards of necessity live and be conversant in rational Light In like manner also whatever Body He shall have toucht that Body is forthwith sanctified and illuminated and immediately every disease sickness and Trouble departs from it And those things which before were empty receive some portion from His Fulness Wherefore He spent almost the whole Course of His Life in such a manner that He might sometimes shew His own Body to be lyable to the same passions that we are but at others that he might declare Himself to be God The Word whilst He performed Great and Wonderfull Works as God and foretold things future long before they hapned and demonstrated the word of God who was not seen by many by the things themselves namely by prodigious Works Miracles Signes and Stupendious Powers and moreover by Divine Doctrines whereby He incited the minds of men that they should prepare their souls for the Blessedness of that supernal Habitation which is beyond Heaven WHat remains now but that we give an account of the cause and reason of that thing which is the chief and principal of all I mean the much-talk't-of End of His Life and the manner of his Passion and the grand Miracle of his Resurrection after death After an explication of which particulars we will confirm the demonstrations of them all by most manifest Testimonies The Divine Word therefore having on account of those reasons mentioned by us made use of a mortal instrument as of a Statue most becoming the Majesty of God and in regard He is the Great Emperour having by its Ministery as 't were by that of an Interpreter been conversant amongst men He performed all things in such a manner as became the Divine Power Now if after that life spent amongst men He had by some other means become invisible on a sudden and gone away if He had conveyed away His Interpreter privately and by a flight had endeavoured to rescue His own Statue from the danger of death and if afterwards of Himself He had adjudg'd that very mortal Body to death and corruption doubtless all men would have believed Him to have been a meer Apparition or Ghost Nor would He Himself have performed those things which became Himself in regard although He was The Life and The Word of God and The Power of God yet He would have delivered up His own Interpreter to death and corruption Nor would those things which He had performed against the devil have been terminated by an illustrious conflict and Combat with Death Nor could it have been accurately known whither He had withdrawn Himself nor would He have been believed by those who had not seen Him with their eyes nor could it have been made apparent that He has a nature superiour to Death nor could He have freed Mortal Nature from the infirmity of it s own condition nor would He have been fam'd thorowout the whole habitable world nor could He have prevailed upon His own disciples to contemn death nor would He have procured for those who are followers of His doctrine the Hope of a life with God after death nor would He have fulfilled the Promises of His own Discourses nor would He have exhibited agreeable Events to the Prophetick Predictions concerning Himself nor in fine would He have undergone the last Combat of all which was against Death it self On account therefore of all these particulars in as much as 't was wholly necessary that His mortal Instrument after that sufficient service which it had performed to the Divine Word should have an end befitting God allotted to it therefore I say His death is in this manner dispenc'd and ordered For there remaining two things to be done by Him at the end of His Life either that He should surrender up His whole Body to Corruption and Ruine and so close His whole Life like a Play as 't were with a most disgracefull Catastrophe or else that He should manifest Himself to be superiour to Death and by the assistance of Divine Power should render His mortal Body immortal the first of these two was repugnant to His own Promise For 't is not the property of fire to cool nor of light to darken So neither is it the property of Life to die nor of the Divine Reason to act contrary to reason For how is it agreeable to reason that He who had promised life to others should be so negligent as to suffer His own instrument to be corrupted and should surrender up His own Image to destruction and that he who promised immortality to all that address themselves to Him should by Death ruine the Interpreter of His own Divinity The second thing therefore was necessary I mean that He should manifest Himself to be superiour to Death In what manner then was that to have been done Covertly and by stealth or openly and in the view of all But so glorious an Atchievement had it been performed by Him in the dark and in secret and had it been unknown to any one would have been advantagious to no body But when divulged and fam'd amongst all persons it would redound to the benefit and advantage of all by reason of the miracle of the thing Whereas then it was necessary that his Instrument should be manifested to be above Death and whereas this was not to have been performed in secret but in the view of men on account hereof it was that He avoided not Death For had He done that He would have been lookt upon as a Coward and inferiour to Death But by His conflict with death as with an Adversary He rendred that Body which was mortal immortal after He had undergone that Combat for the Life Immortality and salvation of all persons And as should any one have a mind to shew us a Vessel that can't be burnt and which is above the power of fire He could by no other means make out the strangeness of the thing than by taking the Vessel into
His hands by casting it into the fire and afterwards by pulling it out of the flames entire and unconsum'd in the very same manner the Word of God who confers life on all desirous to demonstrate that mortal instrument which He had made use of in order to the salvation of men to be superiour to Death and to render it a partaker of His own life and immortality underwent a most usefull and advantagious dispensation forsaking His Body during a very short time and surrendring up to Death that which was mortal that its own nature might hereby be proved then soon after rescuing it from Death again in order to the manifestation of His Divine Power by which power He made it apparent that that Eternal Life which He had promised was superiour to all the force of Death Now the reason of this thing is evident and perspicuous For whereas it was altogether necessary for His disciples that with their own eyes they should see a manifest and undoubted Reparation of life after death in which life He had taught them to place their Hopes in regard His design was to render them Contemners and Vanquishers of death not without reason it was that He would have them behold this with their own eyes For it behoved such persons who were about entring upon a pious Course of life by the clearest view to behold and imbibe this first and most necessary Lesson of all and much more those who were forthwith to Preach Him thoroughout the whole world and to declare to all men the knowledge of God the foundation of which knowledge had before been laid by Him amongst all Nations Which persons ought to rely and ground upon the firmest and most undoubted perswasion of a life after death to the end that without any fear or dread of Death they might with alacrity undertake the Combat against the errour of the Nations who worship many Gods For unless they had learnt to dispise Death they would never have been provided against those perils they were to undergo Wherefore when as 't was requisite He would arm them against the power of Death He did not deliver them a Precept in naked words and bare expressions nor as the usage of men is did He compose an Oration concerning the immortality of the soul made up of Perswasives and Probabilities but really and actually shewed them the Trophies erected against Death This then was the first and most Cogent reason of Our Saviour's engagement with Death For He shewed His disciples that death which is formidable to all was nothing and by a clear view rendred them eye-witnesses of that Life promised by Him which very life He made the First-Fruits of our common hope and of a future life and immortality with God A second reason of His Resurrection was the demonstration of that Divine Power which had dwelt in His Body For in regard men had heretofore deified mortal persons who had been vanquished by Death and had usually termed them Heroes and Gods whom Death had subdued on this very account the most Compassionate Word of God did even here manifest who He was shewing men that His own nature was above Death And He not only raised His Mortal Body after 't was separated from His Soul to a second Life but proposed that Trophy of immortality which by His conquest of Death He had erected to be viewed by all and in His very death taught that He alone was to be acknowledged the true God who had been crown'd with the Rewards of Victory over Death I could also assign you a third reason of Our Lord's death He was a Sacred Victim offered up for the whole Race of mankind to God the Supream King of the Universe A Victim sacrificed instead of the Flock of men a Victim which routed and destroyed the Errour of Diabolical Superstition For after that one Victim ad eximious sacrifice namely the most Holy Body of Our Saviour was slain for mankind and offered up as the Substitute to ransome the Life of all Nations who being before bound by the impiety of Diabolical Errour stood convict of Treason as 't were thenceforward all the power of impure and profane Daemons became extinct and all manner of terrestrial and fraudulent Errour was forthwith weakened dissolv'd and confuted The Salutary Sacrifice therefore taken from among men namely the very Body of the Divine Word was sacrificed in place of the whole Flock of men And this was the Victim delivered unto death concerning which mention is made in the Expressions of the Sacred Scriptures which are sometimes worded in this manner Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world sometimes they run thus as a sheep He was led to the slaughter and as a Lamb before His Shearer He was dumb And they likewise tell us the reason by adding these words He bears our sins and is tortured with pain for us and we esteemed Him to be in labour and in stripes and in affliction But He was wounded for our sins and He was bruised by reason of our iniquities The chastisement of our peace was upon Him with His stripes we are healed All we like sheep have gone astray every one has wandered in His own way and the Lord hath delivered Him for our sins For these reasons therefore the Humane Instrument of God the Word was sacrificed But this Great High-Priest consecrated to God the Chief Governour and Supream King being something else besides a Victim namely The Word of God The Power of God and The Wisdom of God soon recalled His mortal Body from death and presented it to His Father as the First-fruits of Our common Salvation having erected this for all mankind as the Trophy of that Victory which He had gain'd over Death and over the Army of Daemons and made it the final Abolishment of those humane Victims which of old had been usually offered in sacrifice BUT whereas these things are thus 't is now seasonable we should come to the demonstrations if indeed the truth of these matters has any need of demonstration and if it be indeed necessary to produce testimonies in confirmation of deeds that are manifest and evident Take therefore these demonstrations having first prepared your ears in order to a candid hearing of our discourse All Nations upon the Earth were heretofore divided and the whole Race of men was minc't into Provinces into various dominions over each Nation and place into Tyrannies and manifold Principalities On which account fights and continued Wars Depopulations and Captivities as well in the Countries as Cities never left them Hence the numerous Subjects of Histories Adulteries and Rapes of women hence the calamitous destruction of Troy and those Tragedies of the Ancients whereof mention is made amongst all men The Causes of which calamities should any one ascribe to their errour in
Romans learned it M r Gregory of Oxford Chap. 4. pag. 25 c. f This man had two sons and three daughters his sons were Agrippa the younger mentioned Acts 25 and Drusus who died young His daughters were Bernice Mariamne and Drusilla which last married Felix the Procurator of Judea as we have it in the Acts Bernice is also mentioned in the Acts coming in great pomp with her brother Agrippa to hear Paul Joseph Antiq. * Acts 5. 36. a This Theudas Josephus mentions Antiq. B. 20. c. 5. but that was in Claudius's reign in the time of Fadus his Prefecture And so that cannot be the person mentioned in the Acts for that Theudas was before Judas Galilaeus Acts 5. 39. and he was in the time of Cyrenius's being Governour of Syria That Theudas in the Acts therefore must needs be some other person whom the Jews had recorded in their writings and from thence Gamaliel there recites the story though we have no other record of it This is the opinion of Scaliger in L. 6. de Emendat Tempor and of Casaubon in Exercitat 2. c. 18. and of D r Hammond in his notes on Acts 5. 36. Valesius in his annotations dissents from all these learned men and says that by those words of S t Luke after this man rose up Judas of Galilec is meant that Judas his insurrection was before that of Theudas which exposition he confirms by saying that when ever we begin to reckon from the last as nearest to us so he supposes S t Luke there does we must necessarily place the last person first in such a reckoning and the first last so that notwithstanding S t Luke says after this man rose up Judas of Galilee yet Judas his insurrection was long before Theudas's This he illustrates by two examples of such an expression one taken out of Tertullian in Apologet. the other out of Clemens Alexandr Lib. 7. stromat But then being not able to reconcile the time of Theudas his insurrection with the time Josephus places it in to wit in the time of Fadus his Procuratorship he says Josephus was mistaken placing it later than he should have done For he will by no means allow two Theudas's Another way he has to make up this difference that is he thinks S t Luke in his expression used a prolepsis anticipating the insurrection of Theudas ten years and makes Gamaliel speak that which was agreeable to his present purpose and thus Eusebius he thinks understood S t Lukes words The Reader has here the opinion of both sides and is left to his liberty to believe which he pleases a Joseph Antiq. B. 20. c. 3. * This famine happened on the 5 and 6 years of Claudius Vales. †Acts 11. 28 29 30. b There were three Pyramids standing three furlongs from Jerusalem where the bones of this Helena were buried says Joseph Antiq. B. 20. c. 2. he mentions them again in his 6 B. of the Jews wars Jerom mentions them in his Oration de Obit B. Paula and says they were standing in his time Pausanias in Arcadicis reckoning up the stately Sepulchers he had seen admires two above all the rest to wit that of Mausolus in Caria and this of Helena in Judea This Helena had a Palace in Jerusalem says Josephus in the 6 B. of the Jews wars Vales. a This place of Justin is now to be found not in his second but in his first Apologie Eusebius in citing Justins Apologies follows not the order of our common Editions For he always calls that the first which our Editions term the second and that the second which they call the first of which more hereafter Vales. b The Learned have long since observed that Justin by reason of his unskilfulness in the Latine tongue was here mistaken thinking that the Image dedicated to Semon Sancus was consecrated to Simon Magus T is certain that image which Justin had seen in the island of Tiber was lately dug up with this inscription upon it Semoni Sango Deo Fidio Sancus was a God among the Sabins that had the charge of bargains and contracts whence he had the names of Sangus and Fidius By him the Romans were wont to swear Some Samaritans no doubt deceived Justin making him believe this Image was dedicated to their Simon Magus Vales. c C. Rufinus calls her Selene Vales. a Eusebius speaks of a devil which had made his residence and fixt his habitation in Rome being then the metropolis of the whole world Vales. a From these words of Eusebius it is concluded that the death of Simon Magus happened at Rome in the time of Claudius for Eusebius writeth that Peter came to Rome in Claudius his reign and that presently after Simon 's magical arts were by his coming destroyed together with the Authour Though there be others that say Simon was destroyed in Nero's time Vales. b This place of Clemens is quoted again by Eusebius in his 6 B. Eccles Hist. at which place more shall be said of it Vales. c Rome was parallel to Babylon in many things Vales. * 1 Pet. 5. 13. a Eusebius in his Chronic. places Mark 's going into Egypt on the second year of Claudius the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronic and Georg. Syncellus say he went in the third year of C. Caligula it s the opinion of Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria that Mark went thither in the ninth year of Claudius Vales. a He means not Monks for they were an order of a later date Valesius says they were Christians who led a retired and more severe and strict sort of life so they were called from that Philosophical term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies the exercise of virtue and abstinence and any one that led such a life was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Asceta The Reader may have farther satisfaction in this matter in Bishop Montagues Acts Mon. Chap. 7. where he will find this business discussed at large b That these Therapeutae were not Christians we will shew hereafter Some think they were Essens but that is unlikely for Philo never terms them so in that Book wherein he describes them but at the very beginning calls them Therapeutae Besides the Essens as Philo himself witnesses in his Apology for the Jews cited by Euscbius Lib. 8. De preparat were onely in Judea and Palaestine but these Therapeutae he says were scattered all over the then known world Lastly Philo attributes many things to these Therapeutae which the Sect of the Essens by no means allowed as for example that they had women conversant among them called Therapeutriae now Philo says expresly that the Essens hated womankind See Philo de vita Contemplat and Joseph Hist. of the Jewish wars B. 2. Chap. 12. Vales. * Acts 4. 34 35 36. c Philo's description of these Therapeutae in these following words can no way agree with the Christian professours in those times For they were then few in number neither
all others esteemed their own Laws of which the Scribes were not onely the keepers but the interpreters also Moreover they were consulted as being taken to be men of great knowledge and skill and who were best able to interpret Signs and Prodigies and also who best knew the mysteries of the Law So we read Matth. 2. 4. Herod there consults the Scribes and in this place of Josephus here the Scribes foretell the meaning of the Prodigies Moreover the Magistrate of the City of Jerusalem who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had his Scribe as Josephus tells us B. 20. But whither this Scribe was among the number of those that were interpreters of the Law it is hard to say Farther the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Egyptians were certain Priests who look't after the Ordinances about things Sacred and had the keeping of the mystical Learning and foretold things to come concerning whom see Joseph L. 2. c. 5. where he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These after the Cantor and the Horoscopus went in the third place into the Temple wearing wings on their heads and carrying before them in their hands Ink and a Pen with a Book They had also the Hieroglyphical Books of Mercury and those of Cosmography and of the scituation of Countries and of Egypt and of the Nile and of the places consecrated in honour of their Gods committed to their custody as Clem. Alexandrinus writes in his 6 B. Lucianus saith that these sort of men had been of long continuance in Egypt Vales. d After these words Eusebius omits some passages that are extant in Josephus as of this Prodigies's being told to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Magistrate for an account of whom and his office see the Learned Hammond in his notes on Luke 22. 52. e The reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those that beat him as it is in Josephus not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those that were present although Rufinus followed that reading Vales. f That is the Magistrate of the Temple the chief Priests and the Scribes Vales. g That was Albinus who then was Procuratour of Judea Vales. h Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus constans opinio esse in satis ut eo tempore Judaeâ— profecti rerum potirentur Id de Imperatore Romano quantùm eventu posteà praedictum patuit Judaei ad se trahentes rebellarunt So Suetonius in the Life of Vespasian * Psal. 2. 8. †Psal. 19. 4. a In the Kings M. S. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so also in Josephus in his Book of his own Life and in the proeme to his History of the Jewish wars In Sophronius's Book De scriptoribus Eccles. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also Sozomen calls him in the beginning of his first Book And Rufinus calls the father of Josephus Matthias Joseppus says he Mâ—thiae fillus ex Hierosolymis sacerdos So it is written in the most excellent M. S. of the Parisian Church Vales. Suetonius in the life of Vespasian has this passage of Josephus Unus ex nobilibus captivis Josephus cùm conjiceretur in vincula constantissime asseveravit fore ut ab eo brevi solveretur verum jam Imperatore b The words of Eusebius are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but Nicephorus writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Josephus seems to confirm who testifies that Apion wrote more Books than one against the Jewish nation But Jerom in Catalogo where he speaks of Josephus's writings defends the ordinary reading Vales. c Josephus in his Books against Apion answers not onely those who had calumniated the Laws and Institutions of the Jews but also he more especially writes against those who had forged certain falsities concerning the original and antiquity of the Jews as appears by his first Book But about the end of his second Book he answers Apollonius Molon and Lysimachus who had written some lies about the Laws and Institutions of the Jews The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore in this place must mean both these to wit the Antiquity and the Laws of the Jewish Nation Vales. a There were so many Books of the Scripture amongst the Jews as they had letters in their Alphabet So Origen tells us in his exposition of the first Psalm and Jerome in proemio galeato where also he saies that there were among them three ranks of these holy Volumes the first contained the Law the second the Prophets the third the Hagiography All which agrees very well with Josephus But in this they differ Josephus makes thirteen Books to be of the second order to wit following the series of the times But of the third he reckons onely four disagreeing from S. Jerom who in the foresaid preface and in that of his before the Prophecie of Daniel reckons up eight Books of the Prophets and nine of the Hagiography But Josephus seems to have placed the Book of Joshua and Judges also those of the Kings Chronicles and Ezra amongst the Prophetical writings not that they contain Prophecies as the Books of the Prophets doe but because they were written by men that were Prophets Vales. b To wit in the book of his own life pag. 1026 Edit Genev. which book is the conclusion of his twentieth and last book of his Antiquities from which it is separated unadvisedly in the Greek and Latine Editions Now that it is the conclusion of the 20 B. of Antiquities Josephus himself tells us at the close of that Book and at the end of this book of his own life Scaliger therefore is mistaken in his Animadvers on Euseb. p. 188 where he saies Eusebius forgot himself here and so is Christopherson who supposing this place in Eusebius to be corrupted altered it But had they seen the Greek M. SS Copies of Josephus or had they consulted the Basil. Edition of him they might easily have found that which I have said to be true to wit that this book of Josephus's of his own life was nothing else but an appendix or conclusion of his 20 book of Antiquities Vales. c Our M. SS Copies Maz. Med. and Fuk. have it thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corruptly as I judge For both Stephanus Byzantius doth acknowledge it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and also Jerom in his book De Scriptorib Ecclesiast calls him Justus Tiberiensis whom we have followed But Scaliger stiles him Tiberiadensis This Justus wrote an History of the Jewish wars as Josephus tells us in his book De vitâ suâ and Stephanus in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides this History he wrote a Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews as Photius testifies in Bibliothecâ which work he dedicated to King Agrippa as Scaliger affirms in Animadvers Euseb. pag. 176. And he adds these words Nemo de obitu Regis Ag ippae certiûs pro nuntiare potuit quà m is qui illi opus suum dedicavit i. e. No body could speak
more certainly of the death of King Agrippa than he who dedicated his work to him Which I indeed wish had not dropt from so acute a man For how can an Historian testifie of the death of him to whom he dedicates his History unless we say that Justus dedicated his Chronicle to Agrippa when he was dead which is absurd But as Scaliger without all ground asserted that Justus Tiberiandensis dedicated his Chronicle to K. Agrippa so what he inferrs therefrom is also absurd But from Photius his testimonie it is manifest that that work was put forth by Justus after the death of King Agrippa Josephus relates that the History of the Jewish wars was published by Justus also after the death of Agrippa although it was written twenty years before A book of this same Justus his whose title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Laërtius in the life of Socrates which Photius says was the same with his Chronicle Vales. d He means Julius Archelaus and Herod as Josephus himself declares in his first book against Apion Julius Archelaus was brother in law to King Agrippa for he had married his Sister Mariamne so says Josephus at the end of his 19 and 20 books of Antiquit. Vales. e Nicephorus in his 3 book chap. 11. interpreting these words of Josephus says that Titus with his own hand copied out the books of Josephus his History of the Jewish wars See what Johannes Langus has noted at that place of Nicephorus But all interpreters who have translated this place of Josephus into Latine understand thereby that Titus onely subscribed the books of Josephus with his own hand and did not copy them out himself But I would rather follow the opinion of Nicephorus Neither do these words of Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to sound any thing less to me Thus this place is pointed in all Copies as well M. S. as Printed But if this place of Josephus were to be understood onely of Titus his Subscribing Josephus his books with his hand then the distinction or comma ought to be put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here you see it put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f In the most excellent M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk. and in S r Hen. Savills M. S. it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading all interpreters seem to have followed but I like Rufinus his Version best who translates it To be publickly read in which sense the same word is used by Eusebius in chap. 22. of his second book where he speaks of the General Epistles of James and Jade and in chap. 3. of his 3 book But from these words of Josephus we may gather that the History of the Jewish wars was put out by him in the Reign of Vespasian but his Antiquities were published by him in the thirteenth year of Domitian as he himself testifies at the end of his 20 book and at the close of his book of his own life But that which Scaliger affirms in Animad Euseb. p. 187. to wit that the book of Josephus his own life was by him put out seven years after his Antiquities seems not probable to me for that book is as we made it out before onely the conclusion of his twentieth Book of Antiquities and at the end of it Josephus reckoning up the Roman Emperours concludes with Domitian Vales. a This account of Eusebius his here agrees not with what he has written in that work of his called his Chronicon for there he writes that presently after the death of James Simcon was elected to wit in the seventh year of Nero. But here he makes it evident that after the murder of James the Episcopal See was vacant for the space of about eight or nine years Which intervall of time that the Authour Chronici Alexandrini might fill up he places the death of James on the first year of Vespasian Vales. b That is because as we conjecture he married Mary which was Sister to the B. Virgin upon which account Simeon the son of this Cleophas is here called Cousin-German by the mothers side to our Saviour for so we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not patruelem i. e. Cousin-German by the fathers side as it is in the version of Valesius but consobrinum i. e. Sisters son For Mary the wife of Cleophas and the B. Virgin were Sisters see Jo. 19. 25. and so Simeon the son of the former Mary and our Saviour the son of the latter were Sisters children See the Learned B◠Pearson on the Creed p. 175 176. Edit Lond. 1669. And Petavius in hares 78. Epiphan cap. 7 14. and also St Jerom in Catalog a I know not why R. Stephens read Anacletus seeing that all our books have it written Anencletus And so Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus and his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Chronolog Tripartit reads it So also Nicephorus Calistus in Libr. 3. cap. 2. and Georgius Syncellus and the M. SS copies of Rufinus So likewise Irenaeus in Lib. 3 where he reckons up the Roman Bishops in order names him Anencletus and omits the name of Cletus which to me seems to be made of a piece of the word Anencletus Neither does Optatus nor S. Augustine in his 165 Epistle where he counts up the Romish Bishops acknowledge Cletus But on the contrary in two very antient Catalogues of the Roman Bishops one whereof is in the Monastery of S. German and the other in the Jesuits Colledge at Clermont there is no mention of Anencletus but onely of Cletus who succeeded Linus and sat eleven years one month and two daies From whence its evident that Cletus and Anencletus was the same man See more of this in P. Halloixius in notat ad cap. 7. vitae Irenaei Vales. a That is the First after Mark So Eusebius said before concerning Linus Bishop of Rome at the 2 chap. of this book For Mark was the Apostle of the Alexandrians as we before have said But the Apostles were not reckoned amongst the number of the Bishops There was therefore no need of putting in here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nicephorus did See Seldens notes ad Eutychium patriarcham Alexandr Vales. b Rufinus and the other Translatours call this man Abilius and also Jerom himself in Chronico not so rightly as I judge For he ought to be called Avilius which is a Roman name as well as Annianus who was Bishop before Avilius Besides the order of the chapters is here disturbed in the common Editions this chap. of the succession of Avilius being put before that of the succession of Anencletus but we by the direction of the M. SS copies Maz. and Fuk. have placed them in their true order This was a very antient mistake for in the Index of the chapters prefixed before the 3 B. of Rufinus his translation and in all the Greek copies except in that of Fuk. the same errour is committed But in the
not yet perswaded me to believe that the Legion Melitina was named the Lightning Legion upon that account Some may object that there was indeed a Legion called the Lightning Legion before Antoninus's time but that he gave the Legion Melitina that name also because of the benefit he received by their means But if it were so it ought to be called the second Lightning Legion and yet Dio makes no mention of any such Legion although he reckons up exactly all the Legions enrolled by the former Emperours Moreover Dio says that the Lightning Legion had its station in Cappadocia which agrees very well with the Legion Melitina In the book called Notitia Imperii Romani the prefecture of the 12 Legion termed Fulminea at Melitina is reckoned under the disposition of the Duke of Armenia Whence t is collected that Melitina was not the name of the Legion but of the Town wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea abode But 't was not usual to give the Legions their denomination from the places where they were in Garison but from the Countreys wherein they were inrolled Therefore what Eusebius says concerning the Legion Melitina seems to me scarce probable Besides Rufinus purposely omitted this name of the Legion as I suppose because he knew that Melitina was the name of a Town in Armenia the less wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea kept guard in his time But that I may freely say what I think it seems not very probable to me that a whole Legion of Roman Souldiers should at that time be Christians which yet Eusebius seems to affirm who errs in this also because he has not produced the place of Apollinaris nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things But the words with which Eusebius closes this whole story doe sufficiently shew that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter for thus he says in this chap. Let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure Vales. e Tertullians words are these At nos è contrario èdimus protectorem si litera Marci Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris requirantur quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbriodis cussam contestatur Tertul. Apol. pag. 6. Edit Regal Paris 1634. f Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii injusti turpes truces vani dementes Quas Trajanus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos quas nullus-Hadrianus quanquam curiositatum omnium explorator nullus Vespasianus quanquam Judaeorum debellator nullus Pius nullus Verus impressit Tertul. Apol. pag. 6 and 7. Edit as before We have added these words of Tertullian here that the learned Reader may see how different the translation Eusebius here quotes is from the original copies of Tertullian which we now have g Baronius has placed the election of Irenaeus to the See of Lyons on the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus which happened in the year 179 he says that See was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over Vales. D r Cave in his Chronological Table says Pothinus died in the year of Christ 177 to whom succeeded Irenaeus the year following * 2 Tim. 4. 21. a Our M. SS copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doctrine I would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succession as Christophorson S r Hen. Savill and the old Translatour of Irenaeus read it Vales. a The Mâ—â— Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayer the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purity Vales. a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. of which number Irenaeus was one seem to be superfluous and written in the margin onely by some Scholiast But they are in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS Vales. b Irenaeus in that he affirms here that The Gospel according to Mark was written after the death of Paul and Peter does contradict what Eusebius related before at the 15 th chap. of the second book where he says Mark 's Gospel was publish't at Rome whilest Peter was alive and approved of by that Apostle But 't is no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred Gospels save that they are four and written by four several Authours But when or for what reason they were written and whether the Gospel of S. Matthew were first penned in Hebrew it s not very evident Vales. c All the ancient Ecclesiastick Writer as before was noted call that book the Wisedom of Solomon which we now call the Proverbi But that B. entitled now the Wisedom of Solomon is Apocryphal Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here in the original does properly signifie the sayings of wise men which are repeated by heart Vales. e Irenaeus is the ancientest writer that makes mention of Theodotion Wherefore we will see if from hence we can make out the time when Theodotion lived Epiphanius in his book de ponderib says Theodotion flourished under Commodus and then put forth his translation The Chronicon of Alexandria follows Epiphanius's opinion and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the Emperour Commodus I Judge Theodotion to be somewhat ancienter For seeing Irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against Heresies which books t is manifest he wrote when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome for he says so in the 3 d B. of thaâ— work we must necessarily grant that Theodotion flourisht before Eleutherus was made Bishop of Rome Vales. f Some of the Ancients doe declare that the Greek translation of the holy Scriptures was performed under Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus others mention it to have been done under Ptolemaeus Philadelphus Which latter opinion in that 't is confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers has at last prevailed Anatolius says the translation of the 72 was made both in the Reign of Ptolomy the Son of Lagus and also in that of his successour Philadelphus which to me seems very probable For seeing Aristobulus Josephus and Tertullian doe say in express words that Demetrius Phalereus put Ptolomy upon this business and it being manifest that the said Demetrius was in great favour with and authority under Ptolomy the son of Lagus and died soon after him we must necessarily say that this translation if it were done by the procurement of Demetrius was begun in the Reign of Ptolomy the son of Lagus And seeing that Philadelphus reigned about two years together with his father being made his Colleague in the Kingdom therefore perhaps 't is related that this translation was made under both the Princes Vales. The Learned Petavius is of the same opinion with Valesius in this matter as may be seen from his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de ponderib pag. 379. Edit Paris 1622. g Cleâ—oens Alexandrinus says
are wanting in the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS They are in the Kings M. S. And in the Med. M. S. they are written at the margin here in the same hand in which that M. S. is written Moreover although Eusebius here says he before related that Maximianus Herculius re-assumed the Imperial dignity yet hitherto I cannot find the place where Eusebius has said this Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the expression here is to be understood in the same sense with that we explained a little before in this chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first that was deisied See note i. in this thirteenth chapter Vales. * To Maximianus a Aurelius Victor in the life of Maxentius says the same adeo saevus uti praetorianis caedem vulgi quondam annuerit he was so cruel that one time he connived at his Guards for killing the common people Constantine having vanquished Maxentius did quite put down the Praetorian Cohorts i. e. those Souldiers whose office it was to guard the Emperours body upon pretence of this slaughter here mentioned they made among the common people but in reality that they should not attempt any alterations in the government nor make Emperours as they had done Maxentius whom they proclaimed Augustus Moreover Zosimus tells the same story here mentioned by our Eusebius but a little otherwise For he relates that when the temple of the God Genius at Rome was accidentally fired and the people flockt together to quench the fire a Souldier who derided this God of the Gentiles was killed by the common people upon which there immediately happened so great an uproar amongst the Souldiers that the whole City had been destroyed had not Maxentius intervened Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So our Authour words it in the Greek They were called Sâ—cerdotes i. e. chief Priests by the Gentiles who had the Temples of a whole Province under their care but the Flamines the Priests were those who in every Town and City took care of the performance of their Religious Rites See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellinus Book 28. pag. 375. Moreover Maximinus must not be supposed to have been the first that instituted these chief Priests of the Provinces for there were such Priests long before his time But Maximinus increased their honour and allowed them a guard i. e. Lictors and Apparitors thâ—se chief Priests of the Provinces were made out of the body of the Curiales i. e. those that were of the Court or Senate in every City see Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcell B. 28. p. 374. who had before born all publick Offices and discharged them worthily This place of high Priest of a Province was accounted so honourable that he that bore it took place of the Magistrates or Duumviri See the Gesta purgat Caeciliani B. 9. chap. 4. These high Priests had the power of entring into the secretum of the Judges and of being assessours with them as appears from the Acts of Theodorus the Martyr at November 9. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus translates it Statutis Laws Christophorson mandaâ—is commands Valesius indictionibus imposts or taxes Our Eusebius uses the same term at chap. 8. B. 10. Where speaking of Licinius he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he invented several sorts of Taxes against his Subjects See book 10. chap. 8. note d. d See Eusebius's oration concerning the praises of Constantine c. 7. where this passage is repeated almost in the same words Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the Greek Valesius renders it Clavorum suffixiones the being fastned with nails perhaps our Authour means crucifixion e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the expression in the Greek Some words seem to be wanting which may be thus supplied 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having requested a short space of time for a recess Eusebius used the same phrase before when he spake of the Antiochian woman who with the two Virgins leapt into the River Vales. f At the margin of the Maz. and Savill M. SS I found this Scholion written for the explication of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. How does this man admire those women who were the authours of their own deaths And yes the Judgment of the Church is not to record them amongst the number of the Martyrs who have been their own executioners For 't is an argument of fear rather than courage by death to prevent the dread of punishment But the Church looks upon those as Martyrs who suppose nothing to be dreadfull upon account of the confession of Christ but with alacrity suffer all tortures that a Tyrannick and devilish subtilty can produce against them The Authour of this Scholion has made a true remark to wit that the Church approves not of self-murder when men out of a fear of death or through desperation lay violent hands on themselves But as often as they are dâ—iven to do that by the instinct of the divine spirit which â—arely happens then the Church approves and admires that act but proposes it not for imitation See what S t Augustine thought concerning this matter in his first Book De civitate Dei chap. 26. Vales. a The persecution began in the year of Christ 303 when Diocletian was in his 8 th an Maximian in his 7 th consulate It ended in the year of Christ 312 then when Constantine having conquered Maxentius sent letters to Maximinus Emperour of the East to procure liberty for the Christians as our Eusebius relates in Book 9. Therefore the persecution lasted ten years as 't is here affirmed And so the years are noted in the M. S. copies of Eusebius's Chronicon as Pontacus has observed Epiphanius therefore is mistaken who in his Book De ponder Mensur says this persecution lasted twelve years See the following chapter where our Authour relates that the persecution ceased on the tenth year Vales. a At these words we began the 16 th chapter agreable to the Maz and Fuk M. SS But in the Med M. S. which Rob. Stephens followed in the distinction of the chapters there is no new chapter began here Vales. b He means Maximianus Galerius as 't is apparent from the following words for he was the Authour of the persecution raised against the Christians Rufinus in the 1â— th chapter of this book speaks thus concerning Gâ—lerius Ille verò qui â—i secundus â—n honore postmâ—dum etiam in primis successor â—uit qui in centor ac â—ignifâ—r nostra persecutionis extiterat c. i. e. But he who was the next in honour to him afterwards succeeded him in the first and chiefest place who also was the incendiary and first beginner of our persecution c. Cedrenus attests the same Vales. * Matth. 18. 7. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means his genitals which Victor in his Epitomo does confirm Galerius Maximianus says he consumptis genitalibus defecit d The phrase in the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Alba is here put instead of Millaine For Millaine not Alba was the Metropolis of Italy And Dionysius who then opposed Constantius and the Arians was not Bishop of Alba but of Millaine as Athanasius attests in his Epistle aâ— Solitar Vales. * That is Paulinus Dionysius and Eusebius a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. â— The Emperour issued out these orders with a designe to unite them in opinion are wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition we have inserted them upon the authority of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS Vales. b The death of Leontius Bishop of Antioch hapned in the year of Christ 356 Constantius residing then at Rome as Baronius has truly remarked Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undermined or burrowed into the Bishoprick of Antioch c Leontius Bishop of Antioch had at first preferred Aëtius to a diaconate but being afterwards reproved by Diodorus and Flavianus because he had advanced a person to sacred orders who had been bred up in ill studies and was an assertour of impious Tenets he divested him of his Deaconship as Theodoret relates Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 24. Eudoxius therefore as soon as he had gotten the Bishoprick of Antioch attempted to restore Aëtius to his former preferment Vales. †Deaconship * Book 2. chap. 12. * Chap. 30. d We remark't before book 2. chap. 30. note b. that this third Exposition of Faith was not translated out of Latine but was at first dictated in Greek by Marcus Arethusius Athanasius who has recorded this Creed in his book de Synodis does not say it was translated out of Latine and yet where-ever he produceth any monument rendred into Greek out of the Latine tongue his continual usage is to give the Reader warning of it Further these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This Creed was translated out of Latine into Greek the contents thereof are these are wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition nor are they in Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Vales. e In Athanasius's book de Synodis pag. 875 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before every comprehensible substance Vales. * Substance f The latter part of this Sirmian Creed is set down by Germinius in his Epistle to â—ufianus Palladius and others in these words Nam sub bonae memoriae Constantio Imperatore c. For under the Emperour Constantius of good memory when there began to be a dissention amongst some concerning the Faith in the presence of the said Emperour there being also present Georgius Bishop of the Alexandrian Church Pancratius of Pelusium Basilius at that time Bishop of Anquiritum Valens Ursacius and our slenderness after a dispute had concerning the Faith untill night when it was reduced to a certain Rule Marcus was chosen by us all to dictate it in which Creed it is thus written The Son is in all things like the Father as the divine Scriptures do affirm and teach To which entire prosession of Faith we all gave our consent and subscribed it with our hands Their subscriptions are extant in Epiphanius in Haeres Semiarian cap. 22. which ought to be annexed to this draught of the Creed The same form of the Sirmian Creed is mentioned in the Exposition of the Faith at Seleucia which Epiphanius hath recorded in the foresaid Heresie chap. 25 in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Moreover that that Draught of the Creed heretosore published at Sirmium in the presence of the piety of our Emperour Constantius does exactly agree with this form of the Creed is very well known by them who have read that Creed which was subscribed by them â—hat were then present to wit Basilius Marcus Geoâ—gius Bishop of Alexandria Pancratius Hypatianus and most of the Western Bishops Vales. g The passage in Athanasius here quoted by Socrates occurs at the beginning of his Epistle de Synodâ— Arimini Seleuciae Vales. h We read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things as it is in Athanasius See the forequoted passage Vales. i For this is the title prefixt before the exposition of Faith at Sirmium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This Chatholick Creed was expounded and published in the presence of our Lord the most pious and Victorious Emperour Constantius Augustus Eternal Augustus c. as it is extant in Athanasius at the fore-quoted place Which words I therefore annext here because our Socrates in his recitation of that Draught of the Creed has omitted these titles Indeed Constantius did so readily give credence to such flatteries as these that speaking of himself in his Edicts and Letters he would sometimes assert his own eternity This is attested by Amm. Marcellinus not far from the beginning of his fifteenth book in these words Quo ille speaking of Constantius studio blandiâ—iarum exquisito sublatus immunemque se deinde fore ab omni mortalitatis incommodo fidenter existimans confestim à justitia declinavit ita intemperanter uâ— AETERNITATEM MEAM aliquoties subsereret ipse dictando c. Vales. * See Isai. 1. 1. and Hosea 1. 1. †Jeremiah 1. 2. * Addition †He speaks â—ronically * Writing * See Luk. 2. 1. k In Athanasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the madness which is the better reading for he means the Montanists to whom madness is deservedly attributed The term here in Socrates is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impious opinion Vales. †See Eusebius Eccles. Hist. book 4. chap. 27. note c. and book 5. chap. 18. l This Letter of the Ariminum Synod is extant in Latine in Hilarius amongst the Fragments of his book de Synodis pag. 451. Edit Paris 1631 out of whom we have transcâ—ibed it and placed it here instead of a Version It ought not to seem strange to any person to see so great a disagreement between the Greek Version and the original Latine Copy of this Epistle For this is an usual thing with Greek Translatours as often as they render Latine into Greek which may be easily perceived from the Emperours Rescripts which occur in Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History But we need not fetch examples hereof from any other place than from this Letter in which do occur almost as many mistakes in the Greek translation of it as there are periods in the Letter But the beginning of this Letter is commonly thus worded in Hilarius Lubente Deo ex praecepto pietatis Tuae credimus fâ—isse disposâ—tum c. By Gods pleasure we believe it hath been ordered by the Command of your Piety c. But in the M. S. Copy made use of by Jacobus Sirmondus the reading is thus Jubente Deo c. By Gods will c. So the Greek Translatour reads it whom we have followed in this place Any one may with good reason conjecture that Jubente Deo By Gods will is written instead of Juvante Deo By Gods assistance Vales. * Or place of the Ariminensians †Salvation * Or Consult m These words have no
sciscitationi nimiae deditus ut aequiparare videretur in hac parte principem Hadrianum superstitiosus magis quà m sactorum legitimus observator innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes Mactans ut aestimaretur si reveâ—tisset de Parthis boves jam defutures Marci illius similis Caesaris in quem id accepimus dictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b In the original the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And returns to Tarsus in Cilicia which reading Nicephorus has followed But in my opinion it should be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that he would return to Tarsus in Cilicia and reside there For Julian threatned that when he returned from Persia he would go to Tarsus in Cilicia and would not Winter any more at Antioch See Amm. Marcellinus book 23. pag. 239. of our Edition Vales. c This Oration of Libanius's is in my hands 't is transcribed from two M. SS Copies the one belonging to Johannes A'tinus the other to the most eminent Cardinal Francis Barberini We will God willing translate this and more than twenty other Orations of the same Sophista's into Latine and publish them within a little while Vales. * There was a Grove in the suburbs of Antioch called Daphne which was consecrated to Apollo whence he was termed Apollo Daphnaeus Sozomen spends a great many words in describing this Grove at chap. 19. books 5. of his Eccles. Histor. a He succeeded Zabinus in the Bishoprick of Antioch says Eusebius book 6. chap. 2. Eccles. Histor. The same Authour chap. 39. book 6. says that he died in prison but Chrysostome Lib. de S. Babyl Tom. 9. pag. 669. tells us he was beheaded in Decius's Reign Where his body was first buried is not known but wherever it was there it rested till Gallus Julian's brother built a Church over against the Temple of Apollo Daphnaeus see Sozom. book 5. chap. 19. into which he caused S. Babylas's body to be translated After this removal of it mentioned in this chapter 't was intombed within the City Antioch in a Church dedicated to his name and memory * See Rufinus's Eccles Hist. book 1. chap. 36. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the phrase in the Original which neither Musculus nor Christophorson understood as appears from their Versions Vales. a That is Cyrillus predicted in the presence c. For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must not be referred to Christ though Musculus and Christophorson both render it so Nicephorus does evidently confirm our Version at book 10. chap. 33. Eccles. Histor. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which made the stones of the old foundation of the Temple seeth or â—oyâ—e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term occurs Rom. 8. 37 where out English Version renders it more than Conquerour a Theodoret Eccles. Histor. book 3. chap. 25. has recorded this passage of Julian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 'T is reâ—orted that upon the receipt of his wound he filled his hand with bloud and threw it up into the air and said O Galilean so he termed our Saviour and the Christians he called Galileans Thou hast overcome c. b The Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in this place Protectores Domesticos The Emperours Guards concerning whom we have spoken at large in our Notes on book 14. of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 33. In this sense Socrates uses this term book 4. chap. 1. This is that Callistus if I mistake not whom Libanius Epist. 120. book 4. calls Callistio friend to Sallustius Prâ—fect of the Pratorium For Libanius attests there as well as Socrates does here that he was a Poet. Vales. * See Chap. 13. †Or in the Country of the Persians a In the original the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For being punished with the loss of the dominion over the Syrians which reading is retained in all our coples Agreeable to which is Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version who renders it thus Amissâ namque Syriâ traditâ Persis Nisibi For having lost Syria and surrendred Nicibis to the Persians And Niccphorus words this passage thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Moreover surrendring some places to the Persians that were tributary to the Romans I mean the Government of the Syrians and Nisibis in Mesopotamia But Jovianus surrendred not Syria to the Persians He gave them Nisibis only and the Countries beyond the Tigris Wherefore I doubt not but instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Syrians it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Borders of the Empire and accordingly we have rendred it Than which emendation there is nothing more certain Socrates himself confirms it who speaking concerning this matter a little after in this chapter says thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ascribed the disgrace of the loss of the Borders to him Vales. b Between these two words encouraged and death there was wanting in the printed Copies of Socrates this whole line 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Pagans bewailed Julianus's which we have inserted from the Florent and Sâ—ortian M. SS Further from this very one place 't is evident that Christophorson made use of no M. S. copies in his translation of Socrates Vales. * Porphyrius In the Florent and Sfortian M. SS the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard he was out-done by his Son But in Libanius's Oration which I have read in Manuscript it is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading pleases me best This Funeral Oration of Libanius's concerning the praises of Julian the Emperour is published indeed by Morellus in the Second Tome of the said Libanius's works but very corruptly For two parts in four of it are transposed and besides there are some pages of it wanting We have some time since found out the transposition of this Oration and made up its defects from Jobannes Altinus's Manuscript in which Copy this passage is extant which Socrates does here quote Vales. * Commendations * The ill◠†Or quire * Porphyrius b After these words this line 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was wanting in the Printed Copies which I inserted from the Sfortian M. S. Vales. * This passage occurs in Nazianzen's second Invective against Julian pag. 97. Edit Eton. 1610. †He means Gallus Caesar See chap. 34. book 2. and chap 1. book 3. c In Gregory Nazianzens second Invective against Julian out of which this passage is quoted the term here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word Billius renders attollebat he lifted up But I had rather it should be rendred Libratos poyzed Nicephorus retains the vulgar reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 represt whose Translatour gives this rendition of these words Humeri quos subinde jactaret ac reduceret mobiles i. e. Moveable shoulders which he would sometimes thrust out at others pluck back Vales. See M r Nontagu's account of this term in his notes on pag. 98. of Nazianzens second Invective Edit Eton. 1610. * Or openings of
See the following chapter * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affairs a In Priscus's History of the Goths the King of the Hunni is termed Rouas who was succeeded by Attalas In Jordanes he is called Roäs the brother of Oâ—tar and Mundïuchus the uncle of Attalas Langus Nicephorus's Translator calls him Roïlas for what reason I know not for in Nicephorus 't is Rougas as well as here in Socrates Vales. b See Ezech. 38. vers 2 22 23. In the Septuagint Version at v. 2. the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prince Rhos But the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the vulgar Translation instead whereof Hieronymus has rendred it thus Principem capitis Mosoch Prince of the chief of Mosoch Wherefore what Langus remarks here concerning the Russi is in my judgment forreign to this place Vales. In the Hebrew the words at this text are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in the margin of our English Version is render'd exactly thus Prince of the chief of Meshech Socrates quotes this whole text out of Ezechiel in the words of the Septuaginâ— Version and we have translated them accordingly The difference between the Greek Version and Originall Hebrew at this text is great Our English Translatours as they generally do so here follow the Hebrew * See book 7. chap. 24. a These persons were Consuls on the year of Christ 436. But Prosper Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle disagree from Socrates For those Authours relate that this marriage was celebrated on the year following whereon Aëtius bore his second Consulate with Sigisvultus in the month of November The same is confirmed by Jordanes in his book de Successione Regnorum where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by Honoria with her Procurator Eugenius which was done in the Consulate of Areobindus and Aspar on the year of Christ 434 He adds these words Posthaec tertio anno Valentinianus c. On the third year after this the Emperour Valentinianus comes from Rome to Constantinople in order to his marrâ—ing Eudoxia daughter to the Emperour Theodosius and having given all Illyria as a gratuity to his Father in Law after the celebration of the marriage he returned with his Wife to his own Kingdomes Cassiodorus Senator attests the same concerning the donation of the Western Illyricum book 11. Variarum Epist. 1. pag. 684 Edit Aurel. Allobrog 1622. in these words Placidiam mundi opinione celebratam avorum or principum or aliquorum as 't is in some Copies Prosapia gloriosam purpurato filio studuisse percepimus cujus dum remisse administrat Imperium indecenter cognoscitur imminutum Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit factaque est conjunctio regâ—anâ—is divisio doleâ—da provinciis Vales. * He means those termed the Johannitae See book 6. chap. 18. †Or by prudence a By these words Socrates does plainly discover his opinion For he would say that these things are usually done through envy or out of favour For because Origen was condemned by Theophilus so many years after his death that Socrates ascribes to Theophilus's envy towards Origen himself or against those termed the Long-Monks And whereas John Chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own Country on the thirty fifth year after his death that Socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of Procluâ— and the people of Constantinople But I am not of Socrates's opinion For although in affairs of this nature tâ—e affections of men have some effect Yet divine Justice and providence whereby the Church is governed doth always overrule Origen therefore was condemned for his Heterodox opinions and John Chrysostome being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine continues in the Church to this very day Valesius * Or Tomb. †Or Rectitude a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sate upon in which Author these words are added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having taken the paper which seem altogether necessary Vales. * This pledge or Gage b Although our M. SS Copies alter not the reading here yet I agree with Christophorson and S r Henry Savill who have mended it thus of the month August Doubtless in regard Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists died on the twenty first of July and the paper wherein he had named Marcianus to be his successour was unsealed three days after his death as Socrates has told us before 't is not to be supposed that Marcianus could be ordained Bishop on the twenty first of the same month to wit July in regard he absconded in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence he was to be brought to Constantinople that he might be there constituted Bishop of the Novatianists Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he had oblieged himself to a performance c I doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for she had obliged herself that is Eudocia Thus Epiphan Scholasticus read as appears from his Version which is thus Hoc enim ipsa votum habuerat si filiam videret nuptam For she herself also had made this vow if she might see her daughter married Vales. * Or honoured a This is the Thalassius or Thalassus Praefectus Praetorio of Illyricum to whom The one Law Tit. 6. Legum Novellarum Theodosii Junioris was directed which is dated at Constantinople on the third of the Ides of August in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate which he bore with Festus After this day therefore on this very year Thalassius was made Bishop of Caesarea by Proclus Which action of Proclus's Socrates does not without cause wonder at as new and not practised by former Bishops Nectarius indeed when he was Praetor of Constantinople had been created Bishop of that City But the Emperour's consent had been first obtained as Socrates has told us before But here Proclus meerly by his own impulse laid his hands on a Praefectus Praetorio who by the Emperour had been designed to the government of the Orientall Praefecture Notwithstanding it is to be understood that the Emperour's consent was afterwards obtained who approved of what Proclus had done But in promoting inferiour Magistrates to Ecclesiastick degrees the Prince's consent was in no wife necessary For the Praefectus Praetorio's approbation was sufficient under whose dispose the Presidents of Provinces were We have an eminent instance hereof in the Life of S t Germanus Altissiodorensis which was written by Constantius Presbyter Which Germanus being President of a Province and Amator Bishop of Altissiodorum a City in France now called Auxerre having a mind to appoint him his successour Amator procured the consent of Julius Praefectus Praetorio of the Gallia's before he attempted to do that as 't is related in book 1 chap. 3 concerning the Life of S t Germanus Further this Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea was present at the false Synod at Ephesus convened against Flavianus
manner from the Empire and made him Bishop in Salona of Dalmatia At this place therefore in the Greek Teâ—t the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Romans must be expunged or rather transposed after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. holds the Empire of the Romanes and ordains Glycerius Bishop c. Vales. f Marcellinus Comes's computation is truer who in his Chronicon writes thus concerning this Romulus Basilisco Armato Coss. c. In the Consulate of Basiliscus and Armatus the Western Empire of the Roman Nation which Octavianus Augustus the first of the Augusti began to hold on the seven hundreth and ninth year from the building of the City perished with this Augustulus on the year of the Reign of the Emperours his predecessours DXXII. Jordanes has the same words in his book de Successione Regnorum Now this sum makes one thousand two hundred thirty and one years Therefore Cedrenus must be corrected who from Romulus the Builder of the City to this Romulus Augustulus reckons but one thousand and eighty years Vales. g The reading in Robert Stephens is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attempts without doubt it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 takes in hand as Nicephorus words it book 15. chap. 11. In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 administred which reading pleases me best Vales. * To wit the death of Leo the Elder †Or Invests himself with the Purple-Robe a Before the following to wit the eighteenth chapter in the incomparable Florentine Manuscript these words were written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The end of the Second Book Then after the seventeenth chapter these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The matters agitated at the Synod convened at Chalcedon being reduced into an Epitome are these Vales. a In the fourth chapter of this book where we have this same passage these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the permission of him who governeth the Bishoprick of Rome occur noâ— neither in the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition nor in that of Robert Stephens's though Valesius takes notice of them in his version there At this place they are inserted into both the now mentioned Greek Editions and therefore we have rendred them here but with good reason have omitted them at the said fourth chapter This latter answer of the Roman Legates to the Senatours seems obscure and unintelligible * Or the things under the Sun †Spoken by way of Irony †Or found b In the incomparable Florentine M. S. this place is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end that it may hear both us c. The reading in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill is the same Christophorson and S r Henry Savill at the margin of his copy have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. to the end that it may hear our cause and that of the forementioned Dioscorus But I had rather write it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. where also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting * Or had lead the way c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him doubtless the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine Letter Which emendation is confirmed by the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill pag. 52 and 53. Edit Bin. where these words occur Gloriosissimi Judices Amplissimus Senatus dixerunt c. The most Glorious Judges and the most noble Senate said Let the most Blessed Bishop Juvenalis declare why when the most Reverend Bishop Dioscorus made an Interlocution for the reciting of the Letter of the most holy Romish Arch-Bishop that Letter was not read Juvenalis the most Reverend Bishop of Jerusalem said Johannes the Presbyter and Primicerius chief of the Notaries said that he had in his hands the sacred Letters of the most Religious and most pious Emperours and I answered that the Imperial Letters must be read Further the very words which Juvenalis had made use of in that second Ephesine Synod occur in the abovesaid 52. pag. where the Acts of the second Ephesine Synod are recorded Moreover Nicephorus confirms our Emendation in the last chapter of his 15 th book where he gives us a summary of the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill mostly transcribed from Evagrius I have been larger in my remarks upon these things because Christophorson in the Rendition of this place hath wandred far from the truth By the way you may observe the fraud committed in that second Ephesine Synod For when Hilarius the Deacon the Legate of the Apostolick See had openly declared to the Bishops who were present that he had Pope Leo's Letter and had required that it might be read in the Councill Johannes the Presbyter and Primicerius of the Notaries arose and said that he had in his hands other Letters written from the Emperour to Dioscorus Then Juvenalis commanded that those Letters of the Emperour should be read no mention being made of Leo's Letter You see therefore that the reading of Leo's Letter was designedly impeded by the fraud of Dioscorus who instead of Leo's Epistle caused the Emperour Theodosius's Letter to be read in the Synod Further the Tellerian M. S. does confirm our Emendation in which copy I found it written as I had conjectured Vales. * That is of the Letter of Leo Bishop of Rome †Liberty or freedome ‖ Or come to a reading * That is would not permit Stephanus's Notaries to take the Acts in writing †Or attested ‖ Or Instruments d This place which Evagrius points at here is extant in the First Action of the Chalcedon Synod pag. 58. Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he said from whence therefore the reading in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill is better see pag. 58 in the Imperative-mood to wit thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declare therefore from whence Vales. * In Binius pag. 58 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only begotten Son of God God the Word f In the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill only Basilius is said to have been questioned by the Judges and Senatours and what answer he returned to their question is added there also Notwithstanding Nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they were interrogated which if we will retain it must be said that Basilius and those who were with him were interrogated by the Judges Vales. g In the Rendition of this place both Translatours have erred For Musculus renders it thus Thalassius verò dixit non habere autoritatem ca quae à principibus in hujusmodi causis judicantur But Thalassius said that those things which are judged or determined by the Princes in such causes as these have not authority Christophorson has followed the same sense also Likewise Langus Nicephorus's Translatour hath fallen into the same
punish the disturbers of Sepulchers 'T is certain Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon writes thus concerning Mongus Post Consulatum Zenonis tertium c. After Zeno's third Consulate He condemns the Chalcedon Synod out of the Pulpit before the people He takes the names of Proterius and Timotheus Salophaciolus out of the Ecclesiastick Dypticks and writes therein those of Dioscorus and Aelurus who had murdered Proterius and having cast Timotheus Salophaciolus's body out of the Church he threw it into a desert place without the City Liberatus also attests the same in his Breviary chap. 18 in these words Sed Petrum Alexandrinum c. Moreover Petrus Alexandrinus anathematizing the Chalcedon Synod and Pope Leo's Tome who having expunged the names of Proterius and Timotheus Catholicus out of the Dypticks inserted those of Dioscorus and Aelurus who took the body of the same Timotheus Catholicus out of the earth and cast it forth who had been buried amongst the Catholick Bishops Acacius has in a strange manner praised him concerning whom he had remembred before that himself had related so great crimes Lastly Pope Felix in the Sentence of condemnation against Acacius does expresly confirm this very thing So that now there can be no further doubt of the truth of this fact Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours have rendred this place variously For Musculus translates it thus Libellum consideratè concinnavimus we have with consideration composed a Libell Christophorson in this manner Literas hasce excogitavimus quae huic malo remedio sint We have found out these Letters which may be a remedy for this mischief But Johannes Langus Nicephorus's Translatour has rendred it thus Re deliberatâ rationem quae mederi malo imminenti posset invenimus having considered the business we found out a way which might cure the imminent evill Of these three Renditions the second is wholly to be rejected but the first and third are tolerable Nevertheless it seems to me more fit to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Oration or Speech to the people which Petrus made in the Church at such time as he ordered the Ecclesiastick Acts to be made up before Acacius's Legates concerning which Acts Evagrius has spoken before at the close of the foregoing chapter Vales. * Or Defence e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus renders this place thus Fecimus ut ab iis qui nobiscum conventus agunt ista dicerentur We have caused that these things should be said by those who hold Assemblies with us Musculus interprets it in this manner Eos qui ad nos venerunt hoc ipsum dicere fecimus We have made those who have come to us say the same thing Christophorson's Translation runs thus Tum ut illi qui nobiscum unà accersebantur pro defensione idem ipsum dicerent effecimus And also we have procured that they who were sent for together with us should for a defence say the very same thing They thought therefore that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified no other thing than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is my judgment that the Ecclesiasticks and Laicks of Timotheus Salophaciolus's party are understood who by the order of Zeno Augustus were associated and joyned to Petrus Mongus For the Emperour Zeno by the perswasion and advice of Acacius had written to Apollonius the Augustalis and Pergamius the Dux that they should Eject Johannes Talaia and install Petrus Provided he would admit of the Henoticon and receive to Communion the Clergy of Timotheus Catholicus as Liberatus relates in his Breviarie chap. 18. Zeno had likewise written Letters to Petrus Mongus wherein he ordered him that he should give reception to the Clergy of Timotheus's party who were of the same opinion with himself as the same Liberatus affirms in these words Et quidem Petrus inthronizatur ab omnibus c And Petrus is Installed by all persons 'T is written from the Emperour that he should receive those that agreed with him who had been of Timotheus Catholicus's party That is as well the Clergy as Laity who were willing to agree to Zeno's Edict When therefore Petrus Mongus made up his Ecclesiastick Acts wherewith he would prove to Acacius that he had never condemned the Chalcedon-Synod he made use of these persons as witnesses and caused them to confirm this with their own Testimony that the Chalcedon-Synod had never been condemned by Peirus Further their Testimony seemed worthy to be credited because they had been of Timotheus Catholicus's party who had always defended the Chalcedon-Synod See the close of the sixteenth Chapter Pope Felix speaks concerning these very persons in the Sentence of Condemnation against Acacius where his words are these Quid enim sunt aliud qui post obitum sanctae memoriae Timothei ad Ecclesiam sub Petro redeunt c. For what are they else who after the death of Timotheus of holy memory return to the Church under Petrus c. Vales. f That is that Crime which by some ill-minded persons was objected against me to wit that the Chalcedon-Synod is rejected and condemned by me Vales. * Or Darnell g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Learned have long since made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the reading in Nicephorus Vales. †Or Against the Ecclesiastick Peace of Christ. * Or They desire to do a In the Condemnation and Deposition of Acacius the Greeks found fault chiefly with two things First because he had not been condemned and deposed in a Synod but only Pope Felix had prefixt his own name before the sentence of Deposition The other thing was because Acacius having been neither convicted nor examined according to the Ecclesiastick Canons had received a Sentence of Condemnation To the former Objection those of the Church of Rome returned this answer that there was no need of a new Synod for the condemning of Acacius For all Followers and Communicators that is those that held Communion with Hereticks who had heretofore been condemned by a special sentence are to be understood as condemned together with the same Hereticks So says Pope Gelasius in his Epistle to the Orientalls which was first published by Jacobus Syrmondus in the Gesta de nomine Acacii I know what answer is given by Baronius at the year of Christ 484 chap. 21 to wit that Gelasius speaks concerning an Oecumenicall Synod But by Baronius's favour this answer is not satisfactory For the Greeks in this affair made no difference between a Generall and a particular Councill But in generall they affirmed that Acacius had been condemned in no Synod particularly convened upon his account For thus Pope Gelasius writes in the forementioned Epistle speaking to the Orientalls in these words An de uno dolet Acacio quod speciall Synodo non fuerit confutatus c. Are you troubled about one Acacius because he has not been confuted in a speciall Synod whenas he himself in his own
Damascius in the Life of Hisydorus the Philosopher Vales. * Or Theudericus †Zeno. ‖ Or To kill him a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the exposition of this word Translatours have been mistaken Langus renders it Hastam expeditam a Javelin fitted up and in readiness Musculus according to his own usage having not a Latine word ready at hand retained the Greek one But Christophorson has rendred it worst of all thus Hastam cuspide bisidâ a Javelin with a double point I have translated it Hastam amentatam a Javelinsitted with a loop of leather to caest it with For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with Amenium to wit the thong wherewith Darts or Javelins were bound about that they might be cast against the Enemy The Old Glosses out of the Library of Petrus Daniel quoted by Turnebus explain it thus Amentum corrigia lanceae quae etiam ansula est ad jactum that is Amentum the Latehets of a Launce which is also a little handle to cast it Where ansula is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit that whereby a Dart is held that it may be thrown Hesychius expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sit or clasp together the fingers about the leather-latchet of a missile weapon 'T is likewise used to signifie to be ready So Aeschylus made use of this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sounds made by the lashings of leather-thongs See Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Metaphor taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from those Javelins which they termed amentaâ— that is fitted with loops of leather to fliag them with as Eustathius tells us at the Second Book of the Iâ—â—ads Now there was a double use of the Amentum For it conduced both to the holding of the Dart and also that it might be thrown against the Enemy with a greater force Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the incomparable Florentine M. S. I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Learned men had conjectured the reading should be Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with him whom the Latines term a Strator who is wont to liâ—t his Master on horseback as Suidas attests in which Author there is a passage extant of an ancient Writer who says these words concerning King Massanissa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this Massanissa when he was old mounted his horse without a Strator Where Suidas seems to have taken the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Scale which we vulgarly term a Stirrop Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Tellerian M. S. For so the Analogy requires it should as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suidas expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to pull back to curb But Nicephorus instead of this word made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to repress or to draw back Further the death of Theodoricus hapned on the year of Christ 481 as Marcellinus in his Chronicon attests in these words Placidio solo Coss. Theodoricus Triarii filius Rex Gothorum c. Placidius being Consul alone Theodoricus Triarius's Son King of the Goths taking his Forces along with him as far as Anaplum arrives at the distance of four miles from the City but having done no harm to any of the Romans returned forthwith Further hastning into Illyricum whilest he was going between the moving Carriages of his own Army he is wounded and striken thorow with the point of a dert lying upon one of the Wagons occasioned by the motion of his own horse who started and dies Vales. a Theophanes relates this commotion of Marcianus's in like manner as our Evagrius does soon after the death of Theodoricus the Son of Triarius But Malchus dissents in his Byzantine History For he tells us that Theodoricus Triarius having heard of Marcianus's Sedition forthwith drew together vast Forces and marched towards Constantinople pretending to give the Emperour assistance but in reality that he might make himself master of the Imperial City Malchus's words if any one be desirous of reading them occur at pag. 86 of the King's Edition Further Procopius Marcianus's brother after Marcianus was taken and his Tyranny supprest fled into Graecia to Theodoricus And when Zeno sent an Embassy requiring him to be delivered up to himself he could never prevail to get that done by Theodoricus as Candidus says in his Second Book and Malchus in the book now cited Vales. * Or Image-makers a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made sensible of Zeno's intent In the Florent M. S. 't is tâ—uer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. made sensible of Zeno's treacherous designes c. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours saw not the meaning of this place they were deceived by an ill punctation But by placing a middle distinction after these words I have cast a light upon this passage For Evagrius says two reasons were brought which had moved Theodoricus to go into Italy The first was because Zeno plotted against him The second is assigned in these words But others affirm that c. Indeed in the Excerpta of that old Author which I published long since at the end of Amm. Marcellinus Theodoricus is said to have gone into Italy with the consent of Zeno. For these are the words there at pag. 479 Zeno recompensans beneficiis Theodoricum c. Zeno recompensing Theodoricus with gifts whom he made Patricius and Consul giving him much and sending him into Italy made an agreement with him that if Odöachar should be vanquished for the merit of his own labours he should only reign before in his room whilest he should live Loco ejus dum adviveret in his room whilest he should live so 't is worded in this note of Valesius's here but in the forementioned Excerpta of the old Authour the reading is loco ejus dum adveniret in his room whilest he should come Jordanes does also attest the same in his Geticks and in his Book de Successione Regnorum Vales. * Or Works a So a certain Building seems to be termed which served instead of a Forum Evagrius says this Edifice was in the Daphnensian Suburb over against or opposite to the publick Bath For that is the import of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectà ad publicum Balneum straight forth to the publick Bath Which I approve not of for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opposite as Suidas attests Now in the Antiforum says Evagrius Mammianus's Statue was erected Whence it is apparent that The Antiforum was the same with what I have said above For Statues were wont to be erected in the Forum Vales. * Or matter of brass b I agree with Christophorson and S r
following which was the year of Christ 578 in the Twelfth Indiction on the 26 th of September this Eutychius Crowned Tiberius Augustus as Theophanes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle inform us But on a more attentive examination of the thing I have perceived nothing is to be found fault with here for Evagrius speaks not here concerning Tiberius's being proclaimed Augustus but of the Appellation of Caesar granted to him Further Tiberias was made Caesar on the Eighth Indiction as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us at which time Johannes was Patriarch of Constantinople Vales. * Or Cloake * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delight of mind †Or Governours d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as far as any one c. Nor do I doubt but Evagrius left it thus written Our conjecture is confirmed by the Tellerian Manuscript wherein I found it plainly written in this manner Away therefore with the rendition of Musculus who translates it thus Insignis magis quà ◠ut quisquam illi conferri possit more eminent than that any one might be compared to him But Christophorson turns it in this manner Pulchritudinis excellentiâ omnium opinione major for the excellency of beauty greater than the opinion of all men Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in thâ— Florentine Manuscript is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c in so much that in the first place c. Evagrius alludes to that known verse of the Tragoedian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he considered not what Petitioners ought to receive as the reading is in Nicephorus book â—8 chap. 1. In the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. ‖ Or Which came from Tears g There is extant a Constitution of Justinus Junior wherein he has remitted to the Provincialls the Remains of the Tributes of the past year untill the Eighth Indiction of the Cycle current Which Justinus seems to have done by the perswasion of Tiberius whom a little before he had Created Caesar at the beginning of the Eighth Indiction as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us Into this first Constitution therefore of the Emperour Justinus junior the name of Tiberius the Caesar ought also to have been inserted Vales. h At this present there is extant a Constitution of the Emperour Justinus junior concerning the promoting Rectours of Provinces without reward Which amongst the Novelt Constitutions of Justinus junior is the Fifth in number In that Constitution Justinus gives permission to the Provincialls that they may make known to the Emperour those persons whom they should judge fit to Govern their own Province and the Emperour promises that he will give forth the Codicills and the Insignia Marks Tokens of Magistracy freely without any present or gift Which Law in regard it bears date on the eighth year of Justinus Junior's Empire was we doubt not set forth also by the perswasion and suggestion of Tiberius the Caesar. Vales. * Or Land of the Romans * Or Of men that were Heroes ‖ Or Beyond the Alpes †Or On this side the Alpes * Or Paeonia a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Troops 'T is a wonder to me that this was not taken notice of either by Nicephorus or the Translatours Vales. * Or Consider of their Embassy b Menander Protector has mentioned this Justinian Magister Militum throughout the East in the Sixth Book of his Histories pag. 159. As also Theophylactus Book 3. Chap. 12. And likewise Johannes Biclariensis in his Chronicon Anno 9. Justini Cosdroes Persarum Imperator On Justinus's ninth year Cosdroes Emperour of the Persians with too numerous an Army advances to ruine the Roman Confines against whom Justinianus Commander of the Roman Milice and Magister Militum of the East being sent by Tiberius makes ready for a War and in the Fields which lie between Daras and Nisibis engages in a brave Fight having with him those most valiant Nations which in the Language of the Barbarians are termed Hermani where he vanquishes the forementioned Emperour Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts I have made good this place thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brother to that Justinus who had been barbarously murdered by the Emperour Justinus This Justinian therefore was Son to Germanus which Theophylactus does also attest in his Third Book Brother of that Justinus who had been slain by the Emperour as Evagrius relates in the beginning of this book Vales. d Theophylactus mentions this person in book 3. chap. 16 and in book 1. chap. 9. In which places the Latine Translatour terms him Cursius But he had better have translated it Cursus For so Menander Protector calls him in the sixth book of his Histories pag. 159 of the King's Edition In Theophanes's Chronicon pag. 214 he is corruptly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crous Vales. †Or Vehemency ‖ Or Order e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I rather approve of Nicephorus's reading book 18. chap. 2. which runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only I would adde an Article in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is as Johannes Langus renders it Quòd facilius is impressionem suam quà m ipsius Cours sustineri posse existimaret because be thought his own impression might with more ease be endared than the Attack of Cours Further Theophanes in his Chronicon relates this Flight of the Persians and Victory of the Romans after the death of the Emperour Justinus junior when Tiberius had obtained the Empire alone But Theophylactus from whom Theophanes seems to have taken his Relation attests that that hapned whilst Justinus was yet alive when Tiberius bore the Title and Dignity of Caesar only and governed the State as may be seen in Theophylactus's third book chap. 14. To whom agrees our Evagrius for he relates the Death of Justinus Junior thereafter in the nineteenth chapter of this book where he says in express words that after Justinus's death Tiberius deprived Justinian of the Dignity of Magister Militum Vales. * Or His own forces †Or Had now broke their own Ranks †Petulancy or Contumelie a The death of Chosdroes King of the Persians is related too soon here For he died after Tiberius had gotten the Empire as Theophylactus attests book 3. chap. 16. which is also confirmed by Menander Protector in his Excerpt Legat. Wherefore Theophanes is mistaken in his Chronicon who relates Chosdroes's death and the Inauguration of his Son Hormisda in the Empire of Justinus Junior Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom I must at present omit to speak which reading I
prefer far before the Vulgar one Vales. * Line or Procedure a In Nicephorus book 17 chapt 35 he is called Bonossus This is he whom Anastasius Bibliothecarius and the other Authours who have written concerning the Lives of the Bishops of Rome do term Benedictus Baronius thinks he had the Surname of Bonosus Vales. b Christophorson understood these words so as if Evagrius would have said that in the times of Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem no tumuit had been raised in the Church But to me Evagrius seems to mean another thing to wit that during that whole time wherein those Prelates here named by Evagrius sate there had been no tumult in the Church Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 18 chap. 3 thought that by these words was meant the third year of Tiberius Augustus's Empire The same was the Sentiment also of Christophorson and Musculus as may be gathered from their Renditions But in my judgment Evagrius seems to mean here the year of Tiberius's Caesarean Dignity For in the first place the words themselves do sufficiently show that Then secondly Evagrius has not yet related Justinus Junior's death nor the Coronation of Tiberius For he speaks of these hereafter in the nineteenth chapter of this book Wherefore those things related in this chapter hapned whilst Justinus Junior was yet alive Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the very as 't is in the Tellerian M. S or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in Nicephorus Vales. * Occasion c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I begin to relate I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I come for so Graecians are wont to speak In the Tellerian M. S. I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I come to give a relation of Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Flotine Manuscript I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the ordinary rank and one of the Sedentary Mechanicks The same is the reading in Nicephorus Further 't is strange that three Translatours should have been mistaken in the rendition of one word For Johannes Langus renders it thus Erat Theopoli Anatolius quidam ex plebeis ille quidem ignavis unus There was at Theopolis one Anatolius a person of the ordinary rank and one of the slothfull Musculus translates it in this manner Unus ex multis illis qui vitam delicatè instituunt One of those many who lead a delicate life Christophorson's Version runs thus Anatolius vir quidam plebeius primùm mollis Anatolius a man at first a plebeian and effeminate or soft Which interpretation they seem to have drawn from Suidas and the Authour of the Etymologicon who expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idle and effeminate But this term signifies something else here as is concluded from the preceding term Wherefore I doubt not but by this word Evagrius means the Artifices Sellularii Sedentary Mechanicks which the Greeks also term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the same reason to wit because they do their work sitting So Julius Pollux book 7 chap. 1 and the Authour of the Etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partly that he might confer with him the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged which crept in here from the foregoing line Vales. †Or Bought off * Or Was a partaker of that design c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had perswaded as the reading is in Nicephorus Vales. ‖ Or Intermixt d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned her face quite backward And so Nicephorus read who has exprest this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned her selfe quite away from him Whence it appears that Nicephorus put a Comma before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which punctation I do rather approve of Vales. In Robert Stephens's Edition this passage is worded and pointed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But she both abominating this impious person and perfectly reproving the Wretch hatefull to God turned backward * Or Subjected †Viz. Anatolius's Accomplices * Given-out or executed e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Curator of the Imperial Houses For the Houses of the Emperours as well those in the Imperial City as them in the Suburbs had their Curatores who look't after their Revenue And this dignity was not the meanest for the persons who bore it had the Titles of Most Glorious and Most Magnificent as I have remarked before at the third chapter of this book They seem also to have had a Jurisdiction as Agathias shews in his Fifth Book speaking concerning one Anatolius an Ex-consul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. A person that had both been honoured with the Lignity of the Consuls and besides had obtained an Office which was to take care of and to look after the Houses and possessions of the Emperour Those Officers are by the Romans termed Curatores The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Office in this passage of Agathias though Vulcanius has omitted it in his Version is in no wise superfluous but it imports an Office of a Magistrate or a Jurisdiction Besides that purple Ribband or Garland and the Tables which the same Anatolius was wont to affixe to the Houses of private persons that he might challenge them for the Treasury as Agathias subjoyns in his following words do manifestly enough declare that Anatolius had a Jurisdiction as Curator of the Imperial Houses 'T is certain the Constitution of the Emperour Tiberius concerning the Divine Houses doth plainly attest that those Curatores had Jurisdiction For in that Constitution Tiberius does make an express establishment that an Actor who shall prefer a Plaint or Sue Process against a Cartularius or a Conductor or a Colonus of an Imperial House concerning any matter belonging to an House of the Emperour may if he will come to an hearing before the Most Glorious and Most Magnificent Curator But if he suspects him he may prosecute his Cause before any other Judge who shall have been put into Commission by the Emperour But the Emperour Tiberius in that Law prohibites the Curatores from fixing Tables or Fiscall Titles on the Houses of private persons and from Sealing them For the Curatores were wont to sell such Titles as these to the meaner sort and to exact something of them for their Patronage and Protection as Tiberius does there shew Moreover these Houses and the Conductores Hirers of them enjoyed many priviledges and immunities as may be seen in the Theodosian Code Tit. de privilegiis domus Augustae and in the fore-mentioned Constitution of Tiberius Vales. a Yea Tiberius whilst Justinus as yet survived created
wrote under me Or Filled ‖ Or Guarded * Or Above mention * Or Were to him a Baronius does indeed place the death of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Restauration of Anastasius Sinaâ—ta on the year of Christ 594. But Baronius doubts at the same place whether it ought not to be placed on the year following especially in regard Gregorius Magnus in the Register of the Letters of the thirteenth Indiction congratulates Anastafius because he had been restored to the See of Antioch But the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle who lived almost in the same times with Gregorius places Gregorius's death in the tenth year of the Empire of Mauricius on the tenth Indiction his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the tenth Indiction on this year Anastasius Patriarch of Antioch returned to Antioch after the death of Gregorius who had been Patriarch who had also before succeeded the same Anastasius Where you may note that Anastasius is called Patriarch even before his Restoration because having been deposed illegally and by force he had always retained the title of Patriarch 'T is certain Pope Gregorius in the three Letters he wrote to him at the beginning of his Episcopate does always acknowledge Anastasius to be a Patriarch But he is never found to have accounted Gregorius who had illegally taken possession of Anastasius's Chair whilst he was yet alive amongst the number of Patrlarchs Vales. b Hermodactylus was a plant unknown to the Ancients 'T is certain neither Dioscorides nor Galen have made any mention of it But the Arabians after Serapion confounded it with Colchicum and Ephemeron Whom our Apothecaries have followed and in their Shops substitute Colchicum instead of Hermodactylus But Andreds Matthiolus in his comments on the fourth book of Dioscorides hath long since taken notice of this mistake and after him others who have written concerning plants When Matthiolus published the Former Edition of his Comments he himself did not then fully know what Hermodactylus was But afterwards when he had procured that plant from the Illustrious personage Augerius Busbequius who had brought it him at his return from an Embassy at Constantinopole he gave us the Type or Cut of that plant at pag. 1109 of his Latter Edition The Roots of this plant represent the likeness of fingers with the addition of nails also Whence the plant had its name For Hermodactylus signifies the finger of Mercury Further the root hereof was heretofore given to those that were troubled with the Gout in the joynts or fingers at such time as the humours issued out for of it self and by a decoction of it it has a purgative quality as Paulus Aegineta relates in his seventh book But now a days Hermodactylus is given to those troubled with the Gout in their feet not at that time when the humours issue forth but rather when the disease is grown strong and come to its height For when Modern Physitians had found by the use of this medicine that it was noxious in the approach or augmentation of the disease they corrected the practise of the Ancient Physitians in this particular as the most famous and most Learned Tossanus de Fontaine Doctor of Physick and Regius Professor in the University of Paris informed me a person to whom I profess my self highly obliged for his singular kindness towards me and for his care and diligence in curing my distemper Vales. * Or The Junior Rome c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From these words 't is evidently concluded that Anastasius was restored to the See of Antioch a little before Gregorius's death For Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed after Anastasius had been restored to his own Chair Yet Nicephorus thought that nothing else was meant by these words but that Anastasius had been restored to his own See after Gregorius's death Vales. d Anastasius had been deposed on the year of Christ 570 as I have observed above in my notes on book 5. chap. 5. From this year to the tenth of Mauricius's Empire whereon he was restored to his See as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us that is to the year of Christ 592 there are three and twenty years Vales. e From these words some one might prehaps conjecture that which Baronius has also supposed that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed on the twelfth year of the Emperour Mauricius For why should Evagrius say that he had closed his History on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire unless he had related some thing before which had been done on the twelfth year of the same Mauricius Notwithstanding after a more diligent inspection into the thing Evagrius seems not in my judgment to have designed to mean that by these words for Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch had ended his life at such time as Gregorius Governed the Roman and Eulogius the Alexandrian Church and whilst Johannes presided over the Church at Jerusalem Which Johannes having ended his life not long after Evagrius saith no body was as yet put into his place Evagrius therefore closed not his History with the death of Gregorius in regard he relates that after Gregorius's death Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem dyed and that after his death no person was yet put into his See at that time when he wrote these things Wherefore Evagrius by these words means only this that he wrote these things on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire Vales. * Or A wandring History †Or Sustained f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the Rendition of Christophorson and Musculus who think that the honour of the Quaesture was conferred upon our Evagrius by Tiberius But Evagrius does not say that he had the dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestor given him but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestorius Now there is a great difference between Quaestor and Quaestorius For he is Quaestor who bears the Office of Quaestor But Quaestorius is he who has already born that Office In regard therefore Evagrius says that he had the honour Ex-Quaestore given him he means that the Codicills Ex-Quaestore were conferred on him by the Emperour altogether in the same manner wherein as he adds immediately the Codicills Ex-Prafectis Praetorio were bestowed on him by the Emperour Mauricius Further such persons as by their deserts had procured these Codicills enjoyed all those priviledges which belonged to the Honorati who had born those dignities to wit of the Quaesture and of the Praefecture But in my opinion the reading at this place ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood the dignity of Quaestorius Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours understood not this place For Musculus renders it thus unde ista composuimus cum ille imperii ignominiam ablaturus Theodosium in lucem produxit whence we composed those things when he about to take away the ignominie of the Empire brought Theodosius into the light
Copy But in the Kings Sheets after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conflicts these words are added in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inscribing them to lasting Ages Which words whether added by conjecture or taken out of some other Copy seem to me in no wise to be rejected The Fuketian Copy has the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Wâ—rthy of †Or A mortall Picture a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Savilian and Fuketian Copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this expression seems to be a Solâ—cisme For he ought to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if he would have spoken correctly In the old Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written over it Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be transposed and must be placed lower in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For I should be ashamed should I not confer the utmost of mine own abilities c. A little after this in the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or if you had rather have it so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on him who with a Transcendency c. In the old Sheets of the Kings Library this place is thus supplied in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on him who hath honoured us all in respect of his Transcendency of piety towards God Which reading I approve of highly Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no time hath seen Vales. a The King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts and the King's Sheets begin the Eleventh chapter at these words Vales. * Or If to any other persons iâ— certainly belongs to us b He means those Writers who had Recorded the Affairs of Nero and other Tyrants concerning whom he had spoken a little before Christophorson therefore renders it well Nam illi c. For those c. But Portesius translates it Nam alii quidem c. For others which is insufferable Vales. †Or With a pride of elegancy of words * Or For the greatness of the Emphasis of what c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The other reading which I found in the old Sheets pleases me better namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Relation And so the reading is in the Fuketian and Savilian Manuscripts Vales. * Or Reading d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the old Sheets 't was interliâ—ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stratagems which I like not For Eusebius does here oppose Constantine's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperial Actions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his works that were pious and acceptable to God And he says that he does designedly omit his Imperial Actions which he divides into two sorts namely his warlike ones and those of peace But he proposes to himself to set forth only those Actions of his which bear a relation to Religion Further in the Kings Sheets after those words and whatever Triumphs he lead these are added in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover the constitutions made by him in the times of peace for the regulation of the publick and conducive c. which words seem to me to be of good note Vales. †Or Of the Government of his Subjects e He means that passage which occurs at Ecclesiasticus 11. 28. Judge none blessed before his death for a man shall be known in his children Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c the King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts write it without an Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient History relates and so it is in the old Sheets which savours more of Eusebius's Style A little after I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil has done well to set this note at the beginning of this chapter Huc usque prooemium Thus far the Preface Vales. †Or Estranged himself from b Christophorson and Portesius have rendred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be understood thus from that sort of life But my Sentiment is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with jam tum even then ab â—o Tempore from that very time And so Musculus renders it Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning whom And so the reading is in the Kings Sheets and in the Savilian Manuscripts In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is no ill reading Vales. * Or Whilst four persons pertook of the Imperial Power over the Romans †Constantius a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Donatists used almost the very same words in the Supplicatory Libell which they presented to the Emperour Constantine a Copy whereof is recorded by Optatus In his first book Rogamâ—â— te Constantine Imp. quoniam de genere justo es cujus pater inter Caeteros Imperatores persecutionem non exercuit ab hoc scelere immunis est Gallia Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting or some other such like word Nor is the conjecture of that Learned man to be omitted which I found written at the margin of the Moraean Copy to wit that in his judgment the reading ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Turnebus at the margin of his Copy hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as hath likewise S r Henry Savil. In the Kings Sheets over the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which emendation I prefer before the rest I write thus therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly In the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or To those Governed by him * He means Diocletian a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson understood not this place for he has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statuentes resolving 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with vota suscipere to pray or desire earnestly Which term Eusebius uses in another place as shall be noted hereafter Portesius therefore has rendred this place righter in this manner His auditis ac si de illâ ipsâ re vota jamdiu suscepissent ut id eveniret quò se probare possent c. Further after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 readiness of affection the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it 's said must be inserted Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I found it mended in the Copy of Morâ—us Turnebus S r Henry Savil and Fuketius Further I have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Senior Augustus For so Diocletian is called in the Old Panegyricks and in Inscriptions Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
History book 9. chap. 9. note â— and the Excerpta of that unknown Authour published by Valesius at the close of his Amm. Marcelinus pag. 471. †Proof or try all b S r Henry Savil has noted at the margin of his Copy that these four were Galerius Maximianus Severus and Maximinus but the fourth Maxentius As to the three former I assent to S r Henry Savil. But I do affirm that the fourth was not Maxentius but Constantius himself For Maxentius seized not the Empire till after Constantius's death Vales. * Or The debt to common Nature a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have exprest in our Version Indeed in Moraeus's Copy the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written at the margin Turnebus at the margin of his Copy had mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adorned as Eusebius does usually speak And so 't is mended in the old Sheets at the margin In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Filled a After these words an Asterisk ought to be placed For there are some words wanting which Christophorson hath not rightly supplied For the Emperours Diocletian and Galerius studied not only to disgrace Constantine but to destroy him utterly See the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini which are published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus and what we have remarked there I was indeed of opinion formerly that those Greek words which are written at the margin of the Geneva Edition were not taken out of any Manuscript Copy but were made from Christophorson's Latine Version But after I had procured the Fukctian Manuscript I evidently perceived that those readings were taken out of Manuscript Copies 'T is certain the Fuketian Manuscript has this place written in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have exprest in our Version So I found it written also in the Copies of Turnebus and S r Henry Savil. But this reading though confirmed by the authority of Manuscript Copies nevertheless seems not genuine to me both for that reason I have produced above and on account also of the inelegancy of the words Vales. * Or Preserved the imitation of c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Will or Testament For Constantius made his Will at that very time when his Son Constantine came to him as Nicephorus relates book 7. chap. 18. A little before the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 present not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Engines of Treachery a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson rendred this place thus in medio filiorum filiarum se statuens placing himself in the midst of his Sons and Daughters Portesius has translated it in this manner Simul Liberis ex commentario distribuit Hereditatem And also distributed his Inheritance to his children out of a Commentary or Book of Notes Neither of these translatours have hit the sense of this word Eusebius uses the same term at book 3. chap. 20 at which place we will at large declare what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means as also the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil has expounded this word excellently well at the margin of his Copy thus Valedicens taking leave or bidding farewell And so Athanasius expresses himself in the Life of S r Antonius about the end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having taken leave of those Monks in the mountain without Vales. * Or His allotment of the Empire b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. So Eusebius has exprest himself above at chapter 18 speaking concerning Diocletian and Maximian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or When Constantius had been carried out to Buriall †Or Styled * Or Houses a After this clause in the King's Sheets these words are added in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought forth his Father and with an infinite multitude of people and a Guard of Souldiers Which words though S r Henry Savil and Christophorson sound them in their Copies nevertheless seem to me very little necessary Yet they occur in the Fuketian Manuscript Vales. * Or Styled †Or Decency * Or Conclusions of life †Or a composition of the contrary ‖ Or Experience of the works * Or By himself a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accession It ought as I think to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is promotion or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 advancement And thus Turnebus hath mended it at the margin of his Copy as I afterwards found Vales. * Or For his Father's allotment a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Euscbius is wont to term the Provinces of the Romans as might easily be proved from many places Eusebius says therefore that Constantine as soon as his Empire was setled took a progress round all those Provinces that had been under the Empire of his Father Which Chistophorson understood not Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his own mind Which Portesius perceived also But Christophorson has rendred this place and the whole chapter very unhappily Vales. c Concerning this Voyage of Constantine into Britaine none of the Ancients have written any thing Therefore the memory of this matter we owe to Eusebius only who at this place does not obscurely intimate the time also to wit a little before Constantine undertook his Expedition against Maxentius Wherefore this Voyage of Constantine's into Britaine hapned on Maximianus's eighth Consulate in the year of Christ 311 as Sigonius has rightly remarked in his Second Book de Occidentali Imperio But S r Henry Savil thought Eusebius was mistaken here For this is his remark at this place Eusebius ignorasse videtur c. Eusebius seems to have been ignorant that the Father of Constantine dyed at York in Britaine Vales. * Or Element of the world †Or Imperial a He means Galerius Maximianus and Maximinus For those he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his seniours in time that is Senior Emperours For although Maximinus was scarce declared Augustus as yet nevertheless because he had been made Casar some years before Constantine therefore he may be accounted amongst the Emperours that were Seniâ—urs to Constantine Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A twofold sense may be brought of these words For you may either render them with Portesius and Christophorson soedum rei eventum nacti sunt had procured a shamefull event of the affair or else as I have translated them turpi exitu periâ—runt had perished by an ignominious death The former has relation to Galerius Maximianus The Latter interpretation is to be understood of
Marcellinus attests in his 27 th Book where he speaks concerning Damasus and Ursinus Gregory Nazianzen also in the Funerall Oration he wrote concerning the praises of Basilius says that he whilst he was Bishop of Caesarea was clad in a mean Cloak which he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied in the margin in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was pleased to behold God honoured in each person But the reading is shorter in the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was pleased or thought good to look upon God himself Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is for this Reason Vales. * Or Rich. †Or Assistances ‖ Or Chappell 's or Vestries of the Church a In the King 's and Fuketian M. SS and in the old Sheets the Chapter begins at these words Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means the Heathens who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the Church And this is confirmed from the following Chapter where his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such was his behaviour towards all persons in generall But his c. The like expression we meet with in Book 2 at the close of the 21 and beginning of the 22 chapters Vales. * Or Life †Or Wanting Father and Mother c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it ill nuptas married for not those that are married but them who are marrying bring a Portion to their Husbands The same Christophorson has committed the like mistake in rendring the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dead as we have noted at Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 10. chap. 8. note c. Vales. d In the King's Manuscript at the side of these words this mark is set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which mark seems to me to denote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an elegant expression or place Vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Valesius renders thus ac cum caelesti solis Jubare quodammodo exoriens and rising in a manner with a celestial beam of the Sun e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius uses this term to signifie benignity or beneficence So he has also used this word in the tenth book of his Hist. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At this place Eusebius does not term them faithfull who were true-hearted and well-affected towards the Emperour as the Translatours thought but he styles the Christians so For Constantine in regard he was a most Religious Emperour when ever he was present at the Councills of Bishops was wont to send off all his Guards and took with him only those of his Courtiers who had been instructed in the mysteries of the Christian Faith Vales. * That is The Donatists a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exasperated against them Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against him as the reading is in the King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts which emendation I found written also in Moraeus's Copy In the old Sheets likewise 't is mended in the same hand Vales. b He means the Donatists of whose boldness and insolence many passages occur in Optatus and Augustinus Concerning the beginning and progress of which Schism throughout Africa we have made many remarks not taken notice of by others and have designedly placed them at the close of these notes Vales. See Valesius's notes on Eusebius pag. 289 c. c In the Kings Sheets this place is thus supplied in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some wicked devil as 't is likely which is more elegant Vales. d Eusebius makes use of too soft a term For those things which were then done by the Donatists in Africa were such as not to deserve laughter but anintadversion rather For both the sanctity of Religion and the authority likewise of the Emperour himself were most insolently trampled on by those persons But perhaps Eusebius at this place meant only those matters which had a reference to the contempt of the Imperial Majesty For Constantine could dissemble those things and might think them worthy of laughter rather than trouble of mind But he was resolved most severely to revenge what those Donatists did against God and the observancy of the Catholick Law and on that design determined to pass over into Africk as he himself writes in his Letter to Celsus Vicar of Africa Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Before these words is to be set an Astorisk For some words are wanting which in my judgment may be supplied in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which we have express in our Version Christophorson and S r Henry Savil made good this place otherwise In the Kings Sheets this place is thus made up in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that he would in no wise inflict punishment on the fury of mad-men But the words immediately following do reject this conjecture In the Fuketian Manuscript this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same also is the reading in Turnebus's and S r Henry Savils Copy But this reading seems to me to have issued from the conjecture of the Transcriber Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made an invulnerable provision for his Churches Although this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be fitly made out concerning Constantine whose mind could never be exulcerated and provok't by the madness of the Donatists and other Hereticks of the same stamp yet at this place I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For in my judgment it cannot well be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he made an invulnerable Provision But on the contrary the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be used most elegantly that is he made an indefatigable Provision c. So in book 2. chap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he exercised a sleepless or watchfull care over the publick Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rather the mildest as 't is in the King 's and Fuk. Manuscripts Vales. a He means Maximianus Herculius For he had obtained the 2 d place in the Empire and when he had framed Plots against Constantine being detected he ended his life with an halter Besides the following words wherein Eusebius tells us his Pictures and Statues were thrown down and defaced do evidently shew that Maximianus Herculius is meant here Which if true Eusebius hath committed a most foul mistake here in relating Herculius's death after the Victory over Maxentius when as 't is certain that Maximianus Herculius ended his life two years before the defeat and destruction of Maxentius on the year of Christ 310. But who can believe that Eusebius who was contemporary with these times could have been guilty of so great a mistake Besides the Title of this chapter gives us the name not of Maximianus but of Maximinus
Therefore I am easily induced to believe that this place is corrupted and that it ought to be mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second of those persons that were chosen into the Empire by those who had resigned the Government that so Maximinus may be meant here who together with Severus was made Caesar by Diocletian and Maximian at such time as they resigned their purple as Idatius writes in his Fasti. And thus the order of the times will proceed right in Eusebius For Maximinus ended his life after the overthrow of Maxentius and by a most ignominious sort of death too as Eusebius relates Eccles. Hist. book 9. chap. 10. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this was the first person from book 8. chap. 13. of his Eccles. History where this whole place occurs almost in the same words Further what Eusebius says hapned first of all to Maximianus Herculius that his Pictures and Statues should in all places be thrown down ought not to seem strange to any one For we must understand this in the same manner as where he tells us that Constantius Chlorus was the first Emperour that was deified He means he was the first of those Emperours which he had seen But if any one had rather understand these words concerning Maximinus he has Eusebius to defend his Opinion who in the last chapter of his ninth book attests in express words that all Maximin's Statues and Pictures were broken after his death Vales. a At these words a chapter is begun in the Fuketian Manuscript and in the old Sheets Vales. * Or Other part b This place must be made up from chapter 8. book 10 of his Eccles. History whence also the following chapter is to be mended Vales. * Or Traiterous * Or Menaces * Or Hold communication †Matters of consideration or debates a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Turnebus at the margin of his Copy hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And this reading I found in Moraeus's Copy also But I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in honour to those consecrated persons For Eusebius gives reasons why the Emperour Constantine would ever and anon convene Synods of Bishops The first reason says he was that he might give honour to Gods Priests when assembled together Secondly that he might establish Peace and Concord amongst them 'T is certain Eusebius does usually term The Priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it frequently occurs in these books But if with Turnebus we would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the discourse may agree with what follows and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be taken for Religion it self which is more uncouth For I had rather express it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in honour to the sacred Law Vales ‖ Dissipate or tear in sunder a Eusebius in his Chronicon at the fourteenth year of Constantine says thus Licinius drives the Christians from his own Pallace Orosius says the same in book 7. but in a disturbed order of affairs and times in regard he relates that before the Cibalensian War which War hapned on the eighth year of Constantine's Empire For there were two Civil Wars between Constantine and Licinius The first War wherein Licinius was vanquished at Cibalis in Pannonia hapned on the year of Christ 314. The reasons of which War are Recorded by no other Writer that I know of but the Authour of the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini which I have long since published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus see pag. 473. But the latter War was that wherein Licinius was routed near Hadrianople and at length compelled to a surrendry of himself on the year of Christ 324. Eusebius has made no mention of the former War for this reason perhaps because Licinius as yet had not raised Persecution against the Christians For Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians long after that first War to wit on the fourteenth year of Constantine's Empire as 't is Recorded in Scaliger's and Miraeus's Edition of Eusebius's Chronicon that is on the year of Christ 320. The same year occurs in Cedrenus's Chronicon But Baronius relates that Licinius raised Persecution against the Christians on the year of Christ 316. But in Baronius's Annalls the History of both the Wars against Licinius is very much confused and must be amended partly from Idatius's Fasti and partly from the Gesta Constantini heretofore published by me 'T is certain Sozomen book 1. chap. 7. attests in express words that Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians after the Cibalensian War Vales. b From these words a new Chapter ought to have been begun For these words belong to Licinius's second Law Further the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occurs in the Contents of Chap. 53 seems to be faulty and put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Church And yet 't is strange that both in the King's Manuscript and in the old Sheets the reading is constantly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Although in the old Sheets 't is mended in the same hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the Fuketian Manuscript 't is excellently written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should not meet in the Churches together with the men Vales. c Or He despaired of finding the Ornament of Chastity amongst men Valesius thinks it should be written and pointed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He despaired of the nature of men making use of an ill argument * Or He Himself making use of himself as the Brand and Reproach of Nature a See what I have noted at chap. 8. book 10. of Eusebius's Eccles History whence these passages are transcribed almost word for word Vales. * See note b. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the words are to be construed which Christophorson perceived not Indeed in the Fuketian Manuscript after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is placed a Comma 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Offices of Magistrates For each Magistrate had his Office or Attendants This Office was a certain Body of Officials or Souldiers who attended on the Judges as may be seen in the Notitia of the Roman Empire These Offices the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have long since remarked at the 26 th book of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 318 of my notes The Old Glosses therefore are right in explaining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 officium apparitio So John Chrysostome in his first Homily on the Epistle to the Corinthians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Don't you see children how when at play they make a company of Apparitours or Attendants and Officials c. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Morinus a Learned person who has rendred these Books into French thought that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here the Gentiles or Heathens were meant as if Eusebius had said What need we make mention
Shined upon * God a Eusebius praises the Emperour Constantine's Eloquence For that is the meaning of these words But Christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the truth of our discourse It must also be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Turnebus has mended it at the side of his Copy and the same is the reading in the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts Besides from these words the 24 th Chapter is begun both in the Fuketian Manuscript and in the Old Sheets Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading the Geneva-men have taken notice of as occuring in some Copies But this way of writing is not to be born with For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number follows Besides Eusebius produces but one Constitution of Constantine's here to wit that which had been sent by Constantine to the Provincials He does indeed attest that two Laws had been issued forth together in favour of the Christians the one to the Catholick Church the other to the Provincials But he annexes the Copy but of one of them namely of that which had been sent to the Provincials of Palestine The other sent to the Churches is omitted by Eusebius either because it had been drawn according to the same Copy with that to the Provincials or for some other reason Vales. * Or Right band †Or Record the evidence of the confirmation of our discourse a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Palestinian Provincials Further from these words I began the 24 th Chapter following the authority of the Kings and Fuketian Manuscripts Vales. * Distinction or diversity b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the Medicaean Manuscript make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And such as c. And a little after from the same Manuscript it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worship of Christianity and the same is the reading in the Kings Sheets and Fuketian Manuscript Vales. In Robert Stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Medicaean Manuscript has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desirous of contemning it which reading seems to me much truer Vales. * Or Goods d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Medicaean Manuscript is far truer For thus it runs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. even the Events c. And after the word Worship it has a point which is the mark of an interrogation Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Medicaean Manuscript is far more elegant thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indeed the things c. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the Medicaean Manuscript nor is it very necessary Presently where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heretofore transacted the same Manuscript has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at any time transacted Also instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Issue of their attempt 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their attempts to an issue in which manner I found it written in the Kings Sheets and Fuketian Manuscript Vales. b This place is imperfect and ought thus to be restored from the Medicaean Manuscript 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have exprest in our Rendition Vales. * Or Publications of Goods c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Manuscript 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the King's Manuscript also 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a At these words I began the 26 th Chapter from the Fuk. Manuscript and the King's Sheets Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Medicaean Manuscript is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But such as have either dishonourably c. 'T is much like what he had said above at chap. 25 where see note b. Vales. * Or Follow c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is truer if I mistake not A little after the same Copy has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have ended in a most reproachfull Overthrow Vales. * Or Heavy a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impendent Miseries And a little before in the same Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. From such impieties as these bloudy Wars arise Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Medicaean Copy adds a word in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perished by an unhappy death A little after in the same Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For each of them hath found or met with c. which doubtless is truer Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great salutary Cure without the Conjunction Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Copy the simple term occurs instead of the compounded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which has less of roughness A little after the reading in the same Copy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Medicaean Manuscript is truer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Nor will it in any wise c. which emendation Sozomen confirms book 1. chap 8. where he has epitomized this Law of Constantine Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For God Himself hath required c. In the Medicaean Copy the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting which to me seems altogether superfluous Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a certain divine power The two last words are wanting in the Medicaean Copy and the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which went before in this manner by a divine necessity the Sun is ordered to set and having expelled c. Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words the Fuketian Turnebian and Savil. Copies adde these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath wholly taken away And so Christophorson read as 't is apparent from his Version which at this place is very intricate But I am of opinion that those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Who having begun from that Brittish Ocean c. are spoken concerning Constantine himself and not concerning God as Musculus and Christophorson thought Wherefore there is no need of those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occur not either in the Medicaean or King's Copy or in the Old Sheets especially in regard it follows in the next chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am come as far as the Eastern parts Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Medicaean Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right if you make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For I could never have been ungratefull
may not without reason wonder why Eusebius should say it was a thing unheard-of by all ages that a City addicted to the superstitious worship of Daemons should receive a Church and a Bishop For that had hapned to other Cities also at that time But perhaps Eusebius means that this was a thing new and unheard-of that a Church of God had been built in that City wherein as yet there was no Christians but all persons equally adored Idols This Church therefore was built by Constantine at Heliopolis in hope rather than for necessity to wit that he might invite all the Citizens to the profession of the Christian Religion A little after the reading in the Fuketian Manuscripts is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truer than in the ordinary Editions where 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Philip. 1. 18. †Or Wearied out with ‖ Or Encompassed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Socrates book 1. chap. 24. But this whole place is thus to be restored from the Fuketian Savil. and Turnebian Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the people c as we have rendred it Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it ill Milites praesidiarios the Souldiers in Garrison For the Milites Praesidiarii were in Castles not in Cities I suppose therefore that those Souldiers are meant who had performed their service in the wars as likewise the Officials of the Comes of the East and of the Consularis of Syria Vales. c He means Eustathius Bishop of Antioch as 't is apparent from the Contents of this chapter Whom when the Eusebians that is the party of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia had by fraud and calumny ejected out of his own See a great tumult was raised at Antioch This hapned on the year of Christ 329 as may apparently be gathered from Philostorgius's second Book or on the year 330 as Theodoret seems to assert book 2. chap. 31. For he writes that Meletius was translated to the See of Antioch thirty years after Eustathius's Deposition Now 't is manifest that Meletius was translated to Antioch on the year of Christ 360. Wherefore I can't assent to the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius who being always angry with our Eusebius whilst he refuses to follow his account hath confounded all things For he says that this Tumult hapned at Antioch on the year of Christ 324 that is on the very year before the Nicene Synod then when Eustathius was created Bishop of Antioch whereas Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret do attest that this Tumult had hapned at the deposition of this Eustathius But Baronius proves by most evident arguments as he himself supposes that Eustathius was ejected out of the See of Antioch not under the Reign of the Emperour Constantine but in that of Constantius Let us see therefore with what arguments he endeavours to make this out In the first place he cites a passage out of Athanasius's Epistle ad solitarios about the beginning Fuit says he quidam Eustathius Episcopus Antiochiae c. There was one Eustathius Bishop of Antioch a person famous for consession c. whom the men of the Arian Opinion had accused to Constantius by a forged calumny in such a manner as if he had been contumelious towards the Emperours Mother But I affirm that in this passage of Athanasius instead of Constantius Constantine is to be written Which emendation is confirmed by those words immediately added concerning the Emperour's Mother For he means Helena who about this time had come into the East For these words can't in any wise be meant of Fausia who had been put to death above twenty years before if we follow Baronius's computation But the passage of Saint Jerom out of his book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis makes little for Baronius in regard in the Old Editions as also in that of Lyons which I have 't is plainly written sub Constantino Principe missus est in exilium was sent into Exile under the Emperour Constantine Wherefore I had rather follow Eusebius here than Baronius Nor do I see how so great stirs could have been made at the Creation of Eustathius of which stirs there is mention in the Emperour Constantine's Letter that to appease them a Comes was to be sent and so many Letters written by the Emperour Besides Constantine says in his Letter that he had publickly heard him who had been the Authour of that whole Sedition to wit Eustathius whom he had ordered to come to Court and had banisht him into Thracia And this Athanasius in his before-mentioned Letter accounts as the first Exploit of the Arians which thing is to be remarked For this was done before the Synod of Tyre which was convened against Athanasius that is before the year of Christ 334. Athanasius therefore does right in beginning the History of the War which the Arians brought upon the Catholick Church from Eustathius's deposition as from the first Exploit of the Arians which having succeeded according to their wish they thought that all other matters would in future be ready and easie Further Baronius's Opinion is refuted as well from what we have said above as from this because Flaccillus who after Paulinus and Eulalius succeeded Eustatbius is mentioned amongst those Bishops present at the Synod at Tyre by Athanasius in his Apology to the Emperour Constantius as Jacobus Gothofredus has well observed in his Dissertation◠on the second book of Philostorgius Vales. †Or Accused d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Christophorson seems to have read and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * Or To the prudence and wisedom of the world †Or By the Law ‖ Or Have made use of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This place is corrupted the meaning of it I have pick't out as well as I could And in the first place I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wonder not therefore Then a little after write thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom one as the reading is in the excellent Fuketian Copy whereto S r Henry Savil's and Turnebus's book do in part agree Vales. * Or An occasion of salvation b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words Scaliger and others have inserted these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I found written also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 's book But I can't approve of this their conjecture For what should the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be I had much rather read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than with a joy c. For Constantine says that it does not become Christians to grieve at the Blessings of others and to draw away the Bishops of neighbouring Cities from their own Churches because they may be eminent for knowledge and virtue For the Antiochians would have done that who after they had deposed Eustatbius requested that Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea might be made their Prelate In the Fuketian
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But whoever mended this place thus was certainly an ill and unskilfull conjecturer With how much more of ease and safety might this imperfection have been supplied from Theodoret in which Writer this Letter of Constantine to Sapor occurs much perfecter and more correct Nevertheless the Fuketian and S r Henry Savil's Copy make up this defect in the same manner with the Geneva-Edition Nor ought it to trouble us because this expression is barbarous For this Letter of Constantine had at first been written in Latine by him then it was done into Greek by some unskilfull Translatour The same thing has hapned to Constantine's other Letters and Orations Vales. c All these words from Having at length to This God I profess are wanting in this Copy of Constantine's Letter to Sapor They occur in Theodoret from the Greek Text of which Authour we have inserted them into our English Version * Or Avenger a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it Sacrificiorum flammam the flame of sacrifices Camerarius incantationum igniculos the fires of inchantments which is a truer Version For certain kinds of fires were made use of in the Mysteries of the Pagans and a sort of light shined after darkness Which thing the Priests of Daemons performed by magick Art and I know not what impostures to the end they might gain an Authority and Reverence to their sacred Rites Apuleius's words in his 11 th Book are these Accessâ— confinium Mortis calcato I approach't the confines of death and having trod the path of Proserpine I went back conveyed through all the Elements At midnight I saw the Sun glistering with bright Light c. Concerning this Rite there is an elegant passage of Themistius in Stobaeus chap. 274 which deserves to be set down here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This passage of Themistius is taken out of his Book concerning the Immortality of the Soul wherein Themistius asserted that the soul was immortal as well by several other arguments as by this that Grâ—cians do term death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a Mystery And as these two terms are exceeding like one to the other so the things themselves signified by these terms have a wonderfull similitude For in the Mysteries there are first unconstant and restless wandrings and troublesome circuits and fearfull passages thorow dark places and most tedious journeys accompanied with weariness Then before an arrival at the end all things are terrible Horrour trembling sweat and amazement But at last a certain admirable Light occurs and pleasant places and Meadows wherein sacred voices are heard and holy apparitions seen c. To the same Rite belong these words of Origen in his 4 th Book against Celsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which pleases me better In the same Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many of the Nations Vales. * Or Parts †Or Drawn * Or Wherein †Or And in this manner a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading of this place is far otherwise in Theodoret namely in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Incomparably well in my judgment Nor had Constantine written otherwise All the preceding Emperours says he who persecuted the Faith of Christ have been crush't by such a lamentable end that now all mankind are wont to imprecate or wish for the Calamities of those Princes as the sum totall of punishment on them who shall study to imitate them What can be plainer and more elegant than this meaning of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore does in this place signifie punishment in which sense that term is frequently used amongst Graecians as Agellius has remarked Further 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an elegant phrase to signifie that which the Latines term imprecari to wish for as a Curse So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an usual expression with Graecians as I have noted above Epiphanius Scholasticus translates this passage thus Sed illos omnes finis comprehendit exitiosus ita ut omne genus hominum post eos exurgens clades illorum pro maledictionis exemplo proponere videatur But so distructive an end has inclosed them all that all mankind who have lived since them seem to propose their Ruine as the pattern of a Curse Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the History of Theodoret the reading is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who by his own c. He means Valerian who having been taken prisoner by the Persians ended his days amongst them in a dishonourable slaverie and by his own private disgrace ennobled the Triumph of the Persians That is by his own ignominie he made the Victory of the Persians over the Romans most signal and famous This is the meaning of this place which was not hit either by Epiphanius or any of the other Translatours In the Fuketian and Turnebian Copies it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is no ill reading Vales. * Or Famous * That is in Persia. †Or Far and wide a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in Theodoret is truer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For these words are referred to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Presently write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Theodoret and Nicephorus Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Theodoret and Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Syrmondus's Edition 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which words Epiphanius Scholasticus renders into Latine thus Tu ergo optimè gubernaveris si fueris sicut illi habueris commune quod illi Joachimus Camerarius who â—endred Theodoret's History into Latine translates it in this manner Optimè igitur tecum similiterque cum illis optimè agitur quia communiter cum utrisque And Langus's Version is in a manner the same But this meaning does not satisfie me Formerly I thought it was to be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that as you to them so they to you Which reading I had followed in my Version But having now examined the matter more attentively I am of opinion that the reading of Theodoret and Nicephorus is to be retained and thus I render this whole place Opto igitur ut tuae res quà m florentissima illorum perinde sint florentissimae hoc est utriusque vestrûm ex aequo I wish therefore c. Thus the sense is most plain and the following words will agree Only it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the optative mood 'T is certain Musculus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For thus he renders it Cedat igitur id tibi optimè illis similiter tibi inquam illis In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. Valesius in his notes on Theodoret's History book
brought into the City that bore his own name Which the people of Rome were sorely troubled at in regard by his Arms Laws and mild Government they supposed the City Rome renewed as ' t were I know indeed that these words of Aurelius Victor may be understood concerning the Citizens of Rome who took it ill because Constantine's Body had been interred at Constantinople rather then at Rome Nevertheless I am of opinion that Victor thought otherwise to wit that all the Inhabitants of the Roman world were most sorely troubled at the death of Constantine Which meaning is plainly confirmed by the following words Quippe cujus armis legibus clementi imperio quasi novatam Orbem Romanum arbitraretur For so 't is to be read and not urbem Romanam Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The one of these words is useless The Fuketian Manuscript has only the Latter whereto agrees Turnebus's Book Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon losty Benches or Seats b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Fuketian and Turnebian Copy is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but it must without doubt be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is above at book 3. chap. 10. Vales. * Generals or Commanders in chief a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the manner of saluting the Roman Emperours consult the Learned D r Howells History Second Part pag. 52. This Adoration was little more than what is now a days used to Princes namely a kneeling to them and bowing the head b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is the Honorati So the Latines termed those who bore honours as I have at large remarked at the 14 th Book of Amm. Marcellinus Whereto add a passage of Gaudentius Bishop of Brixia in his Letter to Benevolus Nam sicut Honoratorum nostrae urbis ita etiam dominicae plebis domino annuente dignissimum caput es Vales. * Or Their own carriage of him c After Constantine's death there was an Interregnum nor did any Augustus Reign in the Roman world Which interregnum i. e. a time when there was no Emperour continued not only till Constantine's Burial but to the fifth of the Ides of September as Idatius attests in his Fasti. So for the space of three months and an half the Roman world was without the Empire of an Augustus For during that whole time which is between the eleventh of the Calends of Jun◠and the fifth of the Ides of September his Sons were styled only Cae-sars 'T is certain Constantinus Junior in his Letter so the Alexandrians which bears date after his Fathers death in the Consulate of Felicianus and Titianus on the fifteenth of the Calends of July has the Title of Caesar only This Letter is extant in Atbanasius in his Second Apologie near the end Vales. * Or Turned into stone †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly * Or Well known †Or Greatest Symbol of supream Empire * Or Of Rome a The same is attested by Aurelius Victor in those words of his which we quoted above at chap. 65. noto b. Vales. a Constantius Caesar whom his Father had made Governour of the East upon hearing of his Father's sickness had in great hast taken a journey that he might see his Father before he died But the vehemency of his disease frustrated the Son's desire For when he was arrived at Nicomedia he found his Father dead as Julian relates in his first Oration concerning the praises of Constantius pag. 29. With Julian the other Writers of History do likewise agree Zonaras is the only Authour who relates that Constantius Caesar who was then at Antioch arrived whilst his Father was yet living and that he honoured him when dead with a most magnificent Funeral Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The last word save one is added by the I earned from conjecture as I think Nevertheless there seems to be something more wanting and perhaps Eusebius wrote thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the City that bore his own name Hence it appears that Constantine's dead Body was kept at Nicomedia with all Imaginable honour and reverence till the coming of Constantius Caesar. Who after he was arrived at Nicomedia conveyed his Father's Corps to Constantinople Wherefore the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle is mistaken who relates that Constantius came directly to Constantinople and there celebrated his Father's Funeral Vales. * Or The things of a becoming Sanctity * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sacred Assemblie †Or death a A twofold sense may be given of these words For either Eusebius means that Constantius Caesar when he had deposited his Father's Ark or Coffin in the Church went presently out of the Church with the Souldiers or else this is his meaning only that Constantius having done that withdrew out of the middle of the Church that he might give place to the Priests Which meaning is in my judgment truer For Constantius although he had not as yet been baptized was nevertheless a Catechumen as Sulpicius Severus tells us in the Second Book of his History Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Gellius B. 13. Cap. 10. b Translatours thought that these words were spoken of God who gave the Empire to Constantine's Sons But after a more attentive examination of the matter I am of opinion that they are spoken concerning Constantine himself who even dead delivered the Empire to his Sons And this is confirmed by the following words Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constantine had wisht that after his death he might not like other Princes be consecrated and reckoned amongst the Divi but that being buried with the Apostles he might be a partaker of the prayers which are wont to be offered to God by the Faithfull in honour of them as Eusebius has said above at chap. 60. Whence it appears that here it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not as it is in Moraeus's Book and at the margin of the Geneva-Edition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through his own most c. Nor will this place be perfect even this way unless these words be added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which Eusebius confirms in the foresaid 60 th chapter The point must also be blotted out which is set a little after as well in the Kings Copy as in the Common Editions and it must be read in one breath thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Than which there is nothing more certain which makes me admire that Translatours saw not this In the Fuketian Copy the reading of this place runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Nor is it otherwise in the Books of Turnebus and S r Henry Savil save only that S r Henry has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But in the Kings Sheets I found this place written thus 〈◊〉
se ope sustinebant istam diligentiam requirebant And so Musculus also Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a Cure The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood which is made use of a little before The reading might also be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which perhaps is righter Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It appears from the following words that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 faith it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love For Love is in the first place towards God then towards our neighbour But Faith is not but in the one and only God Therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can't in any wise be agreeable here Besides in regard he treats at this place concerning Reprehension on that account Charity or Love is a fitting term For a kind rebuke begets Charity But 't is better to read here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have said already And so Musculus read as it appears from his Version Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What the import of this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is we have observed in the foregoing Books of Constantine's Life See Book 1. Chap. 27. note b. and Book 2. Chap. 52. note a. For Translatours have in no wise hit the meaning of this term which nevertheless was easie to have been done here Christophorson renders it thus Qui deum inâ—enuè confitetur non contumeliae non iracandiae sponte succumbit From which words there is no body but would extract this sense that He who confesses God is not angry is not Contumelious But the meaning of the Greek words is far different namely that he who confesses the Name of Christ before the Judge does not yield to the Reproach and fury of the persecutors Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benevolence which I don't approve of For no sense can be gotten out of this reading Farther 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred instrumentum aid or assistance as Amm. Marcellinus expresses himself Book 29. pag. 393. Caesar Dictator aiebat miserum esse instrumentum senectuti recordationem crudelitatis Where see what I have long since remarked at pag. 389 of my notes I have rendred it Viaticum Voyage-provision or all things necessary for a journey Nor has Musculus rendred it unfitly in this manner tolerantiae experientiam compendii vice habet ad consequendam Dei Benevolentiam He has his sufferance in place of an advantage in order to his obtaining God's favour Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Moraus's Book the Learned man had set these words at the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a passage of Plato's taken out of his Common Wealth B. 10. Indeed in that Book Plato disputes concerning those Rewards which are given by God to just men both in this life and after death But the argument whereby Constantine proves that occurs not in Plato at least I don't know that it does Vales. * Or The Virtue of men f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doubt not but it is to be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That is For it would be most absurd that us well persons c. In which words the term reverenced is referred to persons in great power and likewise have kindnesses shown them has a reference to men of an inferiour Rank which Christophorson perceived not In the Fuketian and Turneb Copies and in S r Henry Savil's the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading I like not But Musculus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not ill Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 't is referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He who is above all that is the Supream God Whom though he has termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Chiefest Good it self yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Masculine Gender ought to follow Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it Propensam Voluntatem ready will Musculus translates it Benevolentiam Benevolence I chose to render it obedientiam obedience For this is the import of the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morem gerere obsequi Voluntati Divinae to follow to obey the Divine Will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore to render it exactly is allubescentia a willingness to please In which sense 't is taken in Saint Luke in that Antheme of the Angels after our Lord's Birth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This term occurs frequently in both Testaments as others have already observed In the Fuketian Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a In the very Title of the chapter there is a fault but such a one as may easily be mended For instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 miserably as 't is in the Fuketian Copy and the Kings Sheets Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At my peril write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what doest Thou now doe in which manner I also found it mended in Moraeus's Book at the margin Nor is it otherwise written in the Fuketian Copy But in the Sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thy success †Or Geta. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Moraeus's Book 't is well mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further concerning the Emperour Valerian's skin which was flea'd off by the Persians and â—alted other Writers do likewise speak Petrus Patricius mentions it in his Excerpta Legationum in which Authour Galerius upbraids the Persians because they detained Valerian prisoner he having been circumvented by fraud to the last period of his old age and because after his death they most wickedly preserved his skin and thereby fixt an immortal Brand of infamy upon his dead Body Vales. * Or Flame of c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Geneva-men did ill in inserting the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Books of Scaliger Bongarsius and Gruter as they tell us which particle I likewise found added in Moraeus's Copy But whereas that conjunction does disturb the sense and occurs not either in the Kings Sheets or in Stephens's Edition I am of opinion that 't is to be removed Yet the Fuketian Copy retains it Vales. a For what reason Diocletian resigned the Empire is a thing not agreed on amongst Writers Some tells us that Diocletian in regard he was a Curious Searcher into things future when he had found by the Answers of the Soothsayers that most fore Calamities hung over the Roman State voluntarily relinquish't the Empire This is attested by Aurelius Victor Others write that Diocletian being grown old when he perceived himself to be less fit for the management of the Government both by reason of his age and on account of his unhealthiness took this Resolution Thus
as it occurs in the very close of the ninth Chapter where nevertheless the Fuketian Copy words it in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I don't doubt but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contain a reason which is not equally apparent and manifest to all persons Which Emendation is confirmed by the words of Eusebius that follow presently All persons says he are not acquainted with the reasons of those Works which You have with great magnificence built near the Sepulchre of Our Lord. For the Christians do indeed know them and on that account do greatly admire You. But the Heathens deride such works as those The reading therefore in the Fuketian Copy is ill thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. * Or Deified e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means Christ as the Translatour has well noted at the margin These words are spoken by Eusebius with an intent to personate the Heathens who when the Christians objected to them the Adulteries quarrells slaughters death and also Sepulchres of their Gods and Hero's answered in this manner If our Gods are to be rejected and despised on account of such humane Calamities as these Your God is in like manner to be rejected also whom you confess to have been condemned to have been dead and buried Vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I should choose to write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For this seems to me more elegant But the ordinary reading has the same sense but 't is not so expressive nor so elegant Nevertheless he expresses himself so hereafter in this chapter A little after I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Schools and places of Instruction not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doctrines Vales. * Matth. 11. 28. †Matth. 9. 13. ‖ Matth. 9. 12. * Or The Martyrium of salutary immortality g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after as the words are plac't in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so the Translatour seems to have read who renders it thus Rerum pie religiosè abâ— te gestarum rationes Gausasque hoc praesenti sermone explicare constitui But he has rendred the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ill which does here signifie Fabricks or Edifices which by the Latines are termed Opera Works For here Eusebius does manifestly treat concerning that Church which Constantine had built at Jerusalem in a most magnificent and admirable manner Further this passage does plainly confirm Our Emendation at note d. in this chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You must add the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He cloathed Himself with the humane Nature which word is ill placed in the foregoing line This Emendation is confirmed by the Fuketian Copy Vales. * Changed or transferred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour renders it Nisi Verbo Dei in Lucem editae fuissent unless they had been brought to light by the Word of God But this rendition is not expressive enough of the propriety of the Greek Term. Wherefore I would rather render it Nisi Verbo Dei adstitissent unless they had stood by the Word of God For 't is a Metaphor taken from Servants who when their Lord calls are at hand presently Therefore this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a fit word to be used concerning the Creation of the World For the Lord said Let there be made and they were made Farther I have mended this place from the Fuketian Copy For whereas the reading before was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have corrected it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. †Or Contemning or neglecting * Archâ—-Roofs †Places for Exercise or Schools ‖ A long Garment worn by Philosophers k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also 't is in the Fuketian Copy instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He terms the Son's power a middle power between God the Father and things created not that the Virtue and power of the Son is different from the Virtue and power of the Father For Eusebius does plainly call it here the Divine power of the Son But He gives it the name of Middle because the Father does nothing by Himself but all things by the Son Therefore ancient Divines attributed the Monarchy to the Father but the Administration or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Son as Tertullian informs us in his Book against Praxeâ—â— See the Twelfth Chapter where he does again term the Son the Middle and a certain Bond as 't were whereby things Created are coupled with the unbegotten Father And least any one should think that Eusebius deserves to be reproved here Alexander Bishop of Alexandria in his Epistle to Alexander Bishop of Constantinople expresses himself in the very same manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Eusebius Book 1. against Sabellius declares the same thing at large Non quia non sufficiebat Pater ideo genuit Filium c. Not because the Father was not sufficient therefore He begat the Son but because those things which were made were not sufficient to bear the power of Him unborn Therefore He speaks by a Mediatour Why Because we could not approach Him unborn Nevertheless Athanasius refutes these assertions incomparably well in his third Oration against the Arians pag. 397. Vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * Or descended and mixt Himself with this c. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You will render this passage very clear and perspicuous if you add a particle in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or if there be c. The meaning is For whether the Elements have their proper substance or whether there be one and the same matter in them all c. Vales. †Or The running together into one of c. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c or at least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which latter reading we have followed Vales. †Or Manner * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade it in one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly Eusebius makes use of the same word above Vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather point it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having made them both and have rendred it accordingly Vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and void of reason I would rather say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I have followed in my Version Vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The two last words must be expunged which crept in hither from the upper line It might also be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Generations and corruptions Vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which
sacrificed instead of the Emperour Hadrian that He might defer His Fare as 't is related by Aurelius Victor and others This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Life for Life as Aristides expresses Himself in his Fifth Sacred Oration Farther 't was necessary that He who was in this manner sacrificed should voluntarily offer Himself to be slain Which may be gathered both from Aristides and from Aurelius Victor in which Authour the words are these Cùm voluntarium ad vicem magi poposcissent Moreover that custom of the Romans who bequeath'd themselves to death for the safety of the Emperour doth clearly shew this very thing Vales. Whom the Greeks call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latines termed Vicarii so Stephens in his Latine Thesaurus in the word Vicarius Vicarii says he etiam interdum sunt c. Vicarii also are sometimeâ— those who bequeath themselves to destruction and death that they may bring those mischiefs on their own beads which were about to befall others Hence 't is that Valesius does here render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vicarium s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doubt not but Eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who being before bound c. For he alludes to the Crime of Treason which the Greeks are wont to term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is apparent from Dion Cassius in several places Vales. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impure we have already taken notice of a mistake like this above 'T is certain in the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after in the same Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the salutary miracle It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacrifice which I wonder Christophorson perceived not So Eusebius has said a little above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For after that one Victim and eximious sacrifice c. Vales. * Or Bodily Instrument †John 1. 29. ‖ See Esa. ch 53 v. 7 4 5 6. according to the Septuagint Version CHAP. XVI a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This wholeplace is in my judgment thus to be restored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if indeed the truth c. Vales. * Or A candid â—ar for our discourse b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was minc't or cut In the Fuketian Copy the reading of this whole place runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I should rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A little after I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which appeared superiour to all Diabolical Energy or Force the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fraud being expunged as superfluous Unless you would word it as the Fuketian Manuscript does 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fraud and force Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Questionless 't is to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading I have followed in my Version Thus Eusebius has exprest himself a little above in the close of the foregoing chapter where speaking concerning the Body of Christ rais'd from the dead his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Trophy of that Victory c. Which place casts no small light on this we have before us For Eusebius says the same thing in both places For he compares the Body of Christ raised from death to life and taken up into Heaven to a Trophy which is erected over Enemies Vales. †Or Republicks so Valesius e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But one God was Preach't amongst all men which is confirmed by the following words Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 irreconcileable and implacable hatred And so the Translatour seems to have read So Eusebius expresses himself a little after this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and at the same time that Hatred and Sâ—riâ—e which c. I write also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Fuketian Copy Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This place must in my judgment be written in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading I have followed in my Version One way of Religion and Salvation says he namely the Doctrine of Christ was delivered to men Vales. * Or Embraced all things †Or Pious Doctrine ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it ex unâ Transenna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie Meta the Goal of a Race * That is by the Doctrine of Christ which asserted God's Monarchy †Or Goods ‖ Fitted or made up into peace c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 begotten by one or the same father The mistake arose from the contracted way of writing Vales. * Psal. 72. ◠†Psal. 72. 7. ‖ Esai 2. 4. * Or Spake a word to His Confidents †Matth. 28. 19. ‖ Or Which is by sight * Or Reason †Or Nature of men ‖ Or The Life of that Philosophy delivered c. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can't have a place here I write therefore from the Fuketian Manuscript 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what other person save only c. Presently the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else as 't is in the Fuketian Copy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on which account thorowout the whole world For so Eusebius is wont to express himself as in the end of Chap. 13. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discourse concerning God k Valesius in his note at this place tells us that the Geneva-Printers designedly left out this clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Divine Ministrations of intellectual and Rational sacrifices because says he it contained an illustrious Testimony concerning the unbloudy sacrifice of the Mass. But 't is our Senstiment that Valesius had as little ground for this assertion from there words as the Geneva-men had reason for that their omission Our Church in one of its prayers after the celebration of the Eucharist makes mention of a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving And I verily believe Eusebius means no other sacrifice than that here witness the two Epithets He gives these sacrifices namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intellectual and rational l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I don't doubt but Eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacrifices performed by bloud and gore smoke and fire as likewise those cruel c. Than which emendation there is nothing more certain Vales. m Eusebius took this passage out of Porphyrius's second Book de Abstinentia where he writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But Pallas who wrote best of all concerning the mysterious Rites of Mithra says that humane Victims were almost every where abolished in the Reign of the Emperour Hadrian Which Lactantius does likewise confirm in the
therefore suggested to Nicetas the father of Herod but the brother of Dalcis do address to the Governour that he would not give us his body least as they said they leave him that was crucified and begin to worship this person and this they spoke upon account of the suggestion and importunity of the Jews who very diligently watcht us when we were about to take his body out of the fire but they were ignorant that we could never at any time relinquish Christ who suffered for the salvation of all those throughout the world who were to be saved nor yet worship any other For we adore him as being the Son of God but we have a worthy affection for the Martyrs as being the disciples and followers of the Lord because of their most exceeding great love shown to their own King and Master whose companions and fellow disciples we wish our selves to be The Centurion therefore perceiving the contentious obstinacy of the Jews caused the body to be brought forth and as 't is customary with them burnt it and so we at length gathered up his bones more highly to be prized than the most pretious gemms and more refined than the purest gold and deposited them in a decent place of burial whereat being assembled together the Lord grant we may with joy and gladness celebrate the Birth-day of his Martyrdom both in memory of those who have heretofore undergone and been victorious in this glorious conflict and also for the instruction and preparation of such as hereafter shall be exercised therein Thus much concerning the blessed Polycarp who together with twelve Philadelphians was crowned with Martyrdom at Smyrna who alone is so eminently famous and memorable amongst all men that even the heathens every-where doe make mention of him Such was the glorious exit of the admirable and Apostolick Polycarp whose story the brethren of the Church in Smyrna have in the fore-cited Epistle recorded and to the same writing concerning him are annexed other Martyrdomes undergone at the same City of Smyrna and at the same period of time wherein Polycarp suffered Amongst which number Metrodorus supposed to be a Presbyter of the Sect of the Marcionites was burnt to death But the most famous and eminent Martyr of those times was one Pionius Whose particular professions boldness and freeness in speaking Apologies and most learned orations in defence of the faith made both before the people and in the presence of the Governours and moreover his affectionate invitations and encouragements to those who in time of persecution fell into temptation and the consolatory speeches he used to such brethren as made him visits during his imprisonment and further than all this the torments and besides them the exquisite tortours he endured his being nailed to the stake and his fortitude amidst the fiery pile and lastly his death which was subsequent to all these miraculous sufferings whosoever are desirous to know all these particulars we remit them to the Epistle which contains a most ample account concerning him which we have inserted into that collection we made of the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs Moreover there are extant the Acts and Monuments of others who suffered Martyrdom at Pergamus a City of Asia to wit of Carpus and Papulus and of a woman named Agathonica who after many and most eminent confessions of our faith were made perfect by a glorious death CHAP. XVI How Justin the Philosopher asserting the Christian Religion at the City of Rome suffered Martyrdom AT the same time also Justin of whom we made mention a little before having presented a second Apology to the foresaid Emperours in defence of our faith was crowned with divine Martyrdom Crescens the Philosopher whose life and manners were answerable to the appellation of a Cynick of which Philosophical Sect he was a follower formed and contrived the treacherous plot against him because Justin confuted him often in several disputes had in the presence of many auditours at length by his own Martyrdom he obtained the reward of that truth he was an assertour of Thus much this most studious follower of the truth perceiving before hand what was about to befall him does in his foresaid Apology expresly predict in these same words And I also my self doe expect to be treacherously betraied by some one of those called Philosophers and put in the stocks and perhaps by Crescens that illiterate fellow and one who is a lover of vain glorious boasting for the man is unworthy the name of a Philosopher because he declares in publick such things as he is altogether ignorant of and affirms the Christians to be impious and irreligious persons meerly to please and delight the multitude committing herein a great errour For in that he inveighs against us having never read the doctrine of Christ he is abominably wicked and much worse than the vulgar sort of men who most frequently are cautious in their discourses concerning those things they are ignorant in and avoid speaking falsely thereof But if he has read our doctrine and understands not the majestick sublimity thereof of if he understands it and behaves himself thus because he would not be suspected to be a Christian then he is far more base and wicked in that he makes himself the slave of popular applause and irrational fear For I would have you to know that when I proposed to and asked him some such questions as these I perceived and was convinced he indeed understood nothing at all and that you may know I speak what is true I am ready if those our disputations have not come to your knowledge to propose the queries again even in your presence And this exercise will by no means be misbecoming your Imperial Majesty But if both my questions and also his answers have been made known to you then it will be apparently manifest to you that he is altogether ignorant of our Religion But if he understands it but dares not freely declare himself because of his auditours he is no Philosopher as I said before but is manifestly evidenced to be an affector of popular applause and has no esteem for that most excellent saying of Socrates to wit that no man is to be preferred before the truth Thus far therefore Justin And that he was put to death according to his own prediction by a treacherous plot of which Crescens was the framer Tatianus a man who in the former part of his life had been a teacher of Rhetorick was well read in the Grecian learning and obtained no small repute by his being conversant therein who also has left in his works many monuments of his Ingenuity does relate in the book he wrote against the Grecians in these words And the most admirable Justin said truely that the foresaid persons were like thieves Then interposing some words concerning these Philosophers he adjoyns thus much Indeed Crescens who had made his nest
in the great City Rome was most notorious for the sin of buggering boys and above all men most addicted to covetousness and he who exhorted all men to despise death did so mightily dread it himself that he made it his business to procure Justin to be put to death as judging that to be the worst of evils because he Preacht the truth and manifestly proved that the Philosophers were gluttons and deceivers And this indeed was the true cause of Justins Martyrdom CHAP. XVII Concerning those Martyrs whom Justin makes mention of in his Apology THe same Justin before his own Martyrdom does in his first Apology make mention of some others who suffered as Martyrs before him which words of his because they are accommodate to our Subject I will here recite He writes thus A certain woman had an husband who led a lascivious and libidinous course of liâ—e she her self also had formerly been addicted to lightness and a dishonest behaviour but after she had been acquainted with the doctrine of Christ she became modest and chast and made it her business to perswade her husband to live in like manner continently and chastly advertizing him of the Christian precepts and declaring to him the future punishment in eternal flames prepared for such as lead an obscene and disorderly course of life But he persevering in his wonted lasciviousness by such his doings alienated his wife's affection from him For the woman at last judged it a wicked thing for her to cohabit with an husband who wholly practised all manner of lustfull courses contrary to the law of nature and disagreeable to justice and honesty and therefore she resolved to be divorced from him But the woman was obedient to the instructions of her friends who advised her to continue married a while longer in expectation that her husband would in future alter his mind and ere long lead a more regular course of life so she constrained her self and continued with him But after this her husband having made a journey to Alexandria was discovered to have committed more notorious acts of lewdness the woman therefore fearing that by her continuing married to him and by her being his confort at bed and board she should be partaker of his wickednesses and impieties sent him that which we call a bill of divorce and departed from him But this excellent fellow her husband who ought to have rejoyced because his wife who formerly had committed lewdness with servants and mercenary fellows and took delight in drunkenness and all manner of vice did now both desist from those wicked doings and also desired him to leave them off which because he would not doe she was divorâ—'t from him drew up an accusation against her and said she was a Christian. And she presented a Libell to thee O Emperour wherein she requested liberty might be allowed her first to set in order her domestick affairs after which settlement she promised to put in an answer to her accusation And You granted the womans Petitions But her heretofore husband being within that space unable to say any thing against her set upon one Ptolemaeus whom Urbicius put to death who had been the womans instructour in the Christian Religion after this manner he perswaded a Centurion who was his friend to apprehend Ptolemaeus and having put him in bonds to ask him this one question whether he were a Christian And Ptolemaeus being a lover of truth and no deceitfull person nor falsifier of his own judgment confessing that he was a Christian the Centurion caused him to be bound in fetters and afflicted him with a long imprisonment At length when the man was brought before Urbicius he was again asked this one question whether he were a Christian And he assuredly knowing that he should obtain glory and happiness by the doctrine of Christ again made profession of that divine and virtuous institution For he that denies himself to be a Christian declines the confession of that Religion either because he is a disallower as well as a denier of it or in regard he knows himself to be unworthy of and estranged from its Rules and Precepts neither of which can happen to him that is a true Christian. When therefore Urbicius had given command that Ptolemaeus should be led away to be put to death one Lucius who also was a Christian considering the injustice of the sentence that was pronounc't spake thus to Urbicius what reason is there that thou shouldst have condemned this man who is neither adulterer nor fornicatour nor murderer nor thief nor robber and who is not in any wise convicted of any other wicked fact but onely owns and acknowledges the appellation of a Christian Such judiciary proceedings as these O Urbicius are misbecoming both Pius the Emperour and the son of Caesar the Philosopher and also the sacred Senate But Urbicius made Lucius no other answer onely said thus to him you also seem to me to be such an one and when Lucius had said that he was Urbicius again gave command that he also should be led away to be put to death Lucius acknowledged himself much oblieged to him for I shall be delivered said he from such wicked masters and goe to a gracious God who is my Father and King And a third stepping forth was also condemned to undergoe the same punishment After this Justin does pertinently and agreeably induce those words which we quoted before saying And I also my self doe expect to be treacherously betrayed by some one of those called Philosophers and so forth CHAP. XVIII What books of Justin's are come to our hands THis person has left us many monuments of his learned and most accomplisht understanding and also of his sedulous deligence about divine matters full of variety of profit to which we will remit such as are lovers of learning after we have usefully remark't such of them as are come to our knowledge The first therefore of his books is his supplication to Antoninus surnamed Pius and his sons and to the Roman Senate in behalf of our Religion the second contains another Apology for our faith which he presented to Verus who was successour to and bore the same name with the foresaid Emperour Antoninus whose times we are now giving an account of There is also another book of his against the Gentiles wherein he treats at large both of many questions that are usually disputed both amongst us and the Gentile Philosophers and also declares his opinion concerning the nature of Spirits which 't is of no importance for us here to insert And further there is another work of his against the Gentiles come to our hands which he entitled A confutation and besides these another concerning the Monarchy of God which he confirms not onely by the Authority of the sacred Scriptures but also from the testimonies of the Writers amongst the Gentiles Moreover he wrote another book the title whereof is Psaltes and another