by the Apostles He imitates and follows the thoughts and design of the second Epistle of St. Peter and even inserts some of his words into his own NOTES a THE Gospel signifies in Greek happy tidimgs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that signifies well and the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that signifies to tell 'T is to be found in Homer and Xenophon but in another sense viz. 't is taken for the recompence which is given a Man for carrying good news Tully has used this term in this sence in one of his Epistles to Atticus b The word Evangelist that was heretofore given to all those that preached the Word of God Act. 21. v. 18. Philip is called an Evangelist St. Paul in his 2d Epistle to Timothy ch 4 v. 5. beseeches that Bishop to do the work of an Evangelist Opus fac Evangelistae c Soon after the death of our Blessed Saviour This is the opinion of St. Jerome and St. Epiphanius who say that he composed his Gospel before he went to preach to the Gentiles St. Irenaeus l. 3. c. 1. seems to say the contrary when he assures us that St. Matthew wrote his Gospel for the Jews and in the Language of the Jews at the time when St. Peter and St. Paul founded the Church of Rome But these words are not to be understood in the literal sence d For this reason he wrote it in Hebrew or rather in Syriack Papias cited by Eusebius l. 3. of his History Chapter the last St. Irenaeus l. 3. c. 1. St. Jerome in his Preface to the Evangelists in his Book of the Ecclesiastical Writers and in several other places Eusebius l. 3. c. 18. the Author of the Work upon St. Matthew attributed to St. Chrysostome St. Epiphanius Haeres 29. 57. The Author of the Abridgment of Scripture attributed to St. Athanasius St. Cyril Catech. 14. St. Austin l. 1. de Consensu Evangel cap. 2. testifie that the Gospel of St. Matthew was written in Hebrew that is to say in Syriack St. Irenaeus and St. Jerome say that it was written in the Language of the Country which was the Chaldee or Syriack Tongue mixt with Hebrew words which is commonly called the Hebrew Tongue in the New Testament St. Jerome tells us plainly that the Gospel of St. Matthew was written in this Tongue for in his Commentary upon the 12th Chapter of this Gospel he says that some Persons were of opinion that the Gospel of the Nazarenes was the Original Hebrew of St. Matthew and in his second Dialogue against the Pelagians he says that the Gospel of the Nazarenes was written in Chaldee or Syriack with Hebrew Characters Those that are of the contrary opinion who maintain that St. Matthew wrote it originally in Greek as Grotius well observes reject the unanimous Consent of the Ancients without any appearance of Reason Let us for once examine the Conjectures of a certain Author that is of this opinion He says that the words Emanuel Eli Lamma Sabacthani Aceldama and other Syriack Terms are explained there but this does not at all prove that this Gospel was not written in Syriack for otherwise we ought to say that several Books of the Old Testament were not written in Hebrew because even in those Books we have the Hebrew Terms explained after the same manner for example Gen. 31. v. 49. Galaad id est tâ—…us testis 35. v. 18. Beâ—â—â—i id est filius dolâ—ris mei Exod. 12. v. 11. Pesach id est transitus Domini and 16. v. 15. Manhu quod significat quid est hoc These Explications are not to be found in the Hebrew but have been added by the Interpreter and we ought to make the same judgment of these passages in St. Matthew They pretend still that these Fathers never saw the Original of St. Matthew that they said it was Hebrew only because the Gospel of the Nazarenes was in Hebrew which is extremely different from that of St. Matthew To this it is answered 1. That we cannot say this of the most ancient Fathers as Papias St. Irenaeus c. 2. That although the Gospel of the Nazarenes was different from that of St. Matthew yet it might very well be taken from the Original of St. Matthew in which the Hereticks had infected and altered abundance of things e No more than the Syriack Version It is an easie matter to shew this because the Hebrew or Syriack words that are cited in the Greek of St. Matthew's Gospel are different from those of the Syriack in the 27th Chapter in stead of Haceldama he has Agurascadema in stead of Cephos he has Cepho for Eli Il for Golgotha Golgoutho for Jaacob Jaacoub for Joseph Joouseph We likewise find there abundance of Greek words terminated after the Syriack manner which makes it evident that it was a Grecian that Translated the Greek of St. Matthew into Syriack and not the Original it self of St. Matthew f The Evangelist St. Mark seems to be a different person from that Mark who is so often mentioned in the Acts c. He of whom mention is made in the Acts ch 12. v. 12. and in ch 15. v. 37 and 39 was Sirnamed John the Son of Mary There is likewise mention made of one Mark the Cousin of Barnabas Colo◠〈◊〉 v. 10. 'T is very probable he is the same with the former but the Evangelist in all appearance is a different Person for besides that he was not Sirnamed John he was the Disciple of St. Peter and attending upon him at the same time that the other was with St. Paul he was likewise at Alexandria at the time when the other was with St. Paul at Rome Some think that St. Mark the Evangelist was one of the Seventy two Disciples but this is not certain enough to be relied upon It is more probable that he was converted to the Faith by St. Peter who calls him his Son and whose Disciple and Interpreter he was g He composed his Gospel when he was at Rome This is the opinion of all the Ancients Papias in Eusebius l. 2. c. 15. St. Irenaeus l. 3. c. 1. St. Clement cited by St. Jerome Tertullian l. 4. Contra Marcionem Eusebius St. Jerome c. St. Irenaeus tells us that it was written after the death of St. Peter others on the contrary unanimously affirm that it was written whilst he was living and that he approved of it Upon this account several Persons have called it the Gospel of St. Peter as Tertullian observes h Some modern Authors imagine that it was written in Latin Baronius adann Chr. 45. n. 14. and those that follow him without farther consideration are of this opinion but after all it 's a Problem that cannot be maintained St. Jerome in Epist. 125. to Damasus expresly tells us that all the New Testament except St. Matthew's Gospel was written in Greek And St. Austin lib. de Consensu Evang. c. 2. tell us
Discourse which he spoke in the Council of Basil is printed in the Twelfth Tome of the Councils Trithemius assures us That he wrote also many Sermons of Time and of Saints and upon the Magnificat some Questions and Conferences We may also place in the Rank of Ecclesiastical Writers John Polemar Arch-deacon of Barcelona John Polemar Arch-deacon of Barcelona a Doctor of Vienna who open'd the Council of Basil and made there many Discourses among the rest one about the Temporal Dominion of the Clergy against the Discourse of Peter Payne an English-man which is printed in the Twelfth Tome of the Councils John Patriarch of Antioch who was present at the Council of Basil in the Year 1434. wrote John Patriarch of Antioch a Treatise of the Superiority of the Council above the Pope which is at the end of the Acts of this Council At the same time and in the same Council flourish'd John Archbishop of Taranto who John Arch-bishop of Taranto made an Harangue to the Fathers of the Council which is in the Acts of that Council where there is also a Discourse of Gerard Landrianus Bishop of Lodi Ambassador from the Council to the King of England and his Council and many other Discourses of the same Nature Gerard Landrianus Bishop of Lodi which are to be found 〈◊〉 the Acts of the Council of Basil. Jordan of Brice a Civilian Consistorial Advocate and Grand Judge of the Province in the Year 14â—3 wrote a Pâ—ece at the desire of the Cardinal of Foix to defend the Election of Eugeaius IV. against the Objections made by Cardinal Dominick of Capranica This Cardinal was Jordanus Brixius a Civilian Dominick of Capranica Cardinal advanc'd to his Dignity by Martin V. on the 24th of May in 1426. together with the Bishop of Lorida Prosper Colonna and Julian Caesarine but his Promotion was kept secret until the Death of Martin V. which happen'd six Years after at which time he had done no Office belonging to a Cardinal When this Pope died Capranica came to enter into the Conclave by Vertue of the Decree of Nomination Sign'd by the Cardinals importing That in Case Martin V. should die before the Publication of this Nomination the Cardinals chosen should be publish'd immediately after and admitted into the Conclave yet the College of Cardinals would not receive him and the Eâ—ection was made without him He was also cited before the Cardinals whom Eugenius appointed to judge of this Affair but he appeal'd from them to the Council of Basil whither he came in Person and there he was acknowledg'd for Cardinal Nevertheless he was Reconcil'd to Pope Eugenius and waited upon him at Florence where he receiv'd a Cardinals Hâ—t from his Hand and liv'd after that till the Year 1458. in great Credit at the Court of Rome While he was at the Council of Basil some would have made use of his Exclusion to nullifie the Election of Eugenius IV Upon which Question the Civilian of whom we are speaking wrote in favour of Eugenius IV. and proves First That the Decree of Nomination made by Martin V. is null Secondly That the Consent which the Cardinals gave Jordanus Brixius the Civilian to it is also null and does not oblige them at all Thirdly That tho' this Decree should be of some force yet the Eâ—ection of Eugenius would be valid and that the Exclusion of Capranica did not make it null These are the three Points which this Author handles after the method of the Canonists in his Consultation publish'd by Monsieur Baluzius in the third Tome of his Miscellanies together with the Funeral Oration of the Cardinal of Capranica made by Baptista Poggio his Son The Cardinal of Capranica wrote also some Treatises as an Introduction for the Administration Dominic of Capranica Cardinal of the Pontificat the Art of dying well a Discourse to Alphonsus King of Naples some Letters to Philelphus and some other Works Alphonsus Tostatus a Spaniard finish'd his Studies in the University of Salamanca at the Alphonsus Tostatus Bishop of Avila Age of 22 Years and made so great Progress in all Sciences that he was fit to Teach them at that Age and did it He was present at the Council of Basil and was afterwards made Bishop of Avila and advanc'd to the chief Offices in the Kingdom of Spain He died in the Year 1454 aged 40 Years and was inter'd in the Church of Avila with this Epitaph Hic stupor est mundi qui scibile diseutit omne In effect his Memory was burden'd with an infinite number of things and he was an able Man in all Sciences But what is most astonishing is this That in the time of a very short Life he could not only study so many different things but also write such a great number of Volumes upon all sorts of Subjects for there is scarce any Author whose Works amount to so great a Collection There are 27 Volumes in Folio of them whereof the first 24 are Commentaries upon the following Books of Scripture The first upon Genesis the second and third upon Exodus the fourth upon Leviticus the fifth and sixth upon the Book of Numbers the seventh upon Deuteronomy the eighth and ninth upon Joshua the tenth upon the Books of Judges and Ruth the eleventh and twelfth upon the first Book of Kings the thirteenth fourteenth and fifteenth upon the three other Books the sixteenth and seventeenth upon the Book of Chronicles the seven following Volumes upon the Gospel of St. Matthew The twenty fifth contains his Tracts which are the Defence of three Conclusions a Book of five figur'd Paradoxes a little piece of the Trinity another upon these Words A Virgin shall bring forth a Son a Work against Concubinary Priests a Treatise of the State of Souls after Death and another of Good Politicks the two last Tomes are Tables All these Works were printed at Venice in 1530. by the Order of Cardinal Ximenes at the same place in 1596. and at Collen in 1612. 'T is the last Edition which is in twenty seven Volumes Besides this there are also some other Treatises of Tostatus printed a-part by themselves as the Censure of the Conference at Ratisbonne printed in 1608. a Commentary upon the Chronicle of Eusebius in Spanish printed at Salamanca in 1506. fourteen Questions whereof the first four are an Abridgment of the History of Scripture and the rest of the Morality printed in Spanish at Antwerp in 1551. He wrote also many other Books as well upon Profane Sciences as Ecclesiastical Matters among the rest a Treatise of five Laws i. e. of the Law of Nature of the Law of Moses of the Laws of Pagans of those of Mahomet and the Laws of Christians A Treatise of the Origin and Distinction of Jurisdictions A Treatise of the Power of the Pope A Treatise of the Reformation of the Church A Treatise of Indulgences A Treatise of the Councils A Work against the Jews and
intelligible to those that lived in the following Ages For example We find the Ancient Names of Cities are sometimes changed for those they received afterwards because they would have been no longer known by their Ancient Appellations There are likewise some short Explications inserted into these Sacred Books to illustrate what was said by the Author And in short some necessary Passages have been added to compleat the History These things are common and we find Examples of it in the Books of Homer Herodotus and almost all the Ancient Historians and yet no Body is inclined for all this to reject their Books as if they did not belong to those whose Names they bear Why then should we not say the same thing of the Books of the Pentateuch which have been more constantly assigned to Moses than the Poems of the Iliads or the Odysses to Homer or the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides to those by whose Names they are known Let us examine all the Reasons that are alledged against the Antiquity of the Pentateuch since they imagine they are unanswerable which yet is very false as we shall make appear in these following Discourses and we shall see they only prove that some Names of Cities or Countries are changed some few Words inserted to explain some Difficulties and lastly that the account of Moses's Death has been put in since which was but necessary to finish the History of the Pentateuch We ought therefore to affirm it for a certain Truth That Moses was the Author of the first Five Books of the Bible called the Pentateuch There are given to each of these Five Books which have their Names in Hebrew from the first Word in each Book there are given 'em I say such Names as have a relation to the Subject The first is called Genesis because it begins with the History of the Creation of the World It contains besides that the Genealogy of the Patriarchs the History of the Flood a Catalogue of the Descendaâ—… of Noah doâ—n to Aâ—… 〈◊〉 the Life of Abrahâ—â— of Jacob and Joseph and the History of the Posâ—eâ—â—ty oâ— Jâ—â—oâ— down to the Death of Joseph So that this Book comprehends the History of 2369 Years or thereabouts following the account of the Years of the Patriarchs as we find them in the Hebrew Text. The Second is called Exodus because the principal Subject of it is the Departure of the Children of Israel out of Egypt and all that passed in the Wilderness under Moses's Conduct for an Hundred forty five Years viz. from the Death of Joseph to the Building of the Tabernacle We find there a Description of the Plagues wherewith Egypt was afflicted an Abridgment of the Religion and Laws of the Israelites together with the admirable Precepts of the Decalogue The third is called Leviticus because it contains the Laws the Ceremonies and Sacrifices of the Religion of the Jews All which has a particular Relation to the Levites to whom God gave the charge of all those things that concern'd the Ceremonial part of that Religion The fourth is called Numbers because it begins with the Numbring of the Children of Israel that came out of Egypt and concludes with the Laws that were given the People of Israel during the Thirty nine Years of their sojourning in the Wilderness Deuteronomy that is to say the second Law is so called because it is as it were a Repetition of the first Foâ— after Moses has described in a few Words the principal Actions of the Israelites in the Wilderness â—e recites abundance of the Precepts of the Law i We don't certainly know when these Books were composed by Moses or which was first written However 't is very certain that Deuteronomy was written last in the Fortieth Year of the Departure out of Egypt and a little before the Death of Moses We can't so certainly tell who are the Authors of the other Books of the Bible Some of 'em we only know by Conjecture and others there are of which we have no manner of Knowledge It is not certain that the Book of k Joshuah was written by himself for as it is observed by the Author of the Abridgment of the Scripture attributed to St. Athanasius this Title is set at the Head of that Book not so much to discover the Author as to make the Subject of it known because it treats of War and other things that happen'd under the Conduct of Joshuah after the same manner as the Books of Judges of Kings of Tobit of Judith are so called because they give an Account of the Lives and Actions of those whose Names they bear But though 't is commonly believed that this Book was written by Joshuah and this Opinion seems to be countenanced by some Words of the last Chapter where it is said that Joshuah wrote all these things in the Book of the Law Nevertheless we must affirm that 't is certain that Theodoret and some others among the Ancients are not of this Opinion and that we have Reasons strong enough to make us doubt whether he is the Author or no. However it is 't is a most unquestionable Truth that this Book is ancient and that if it is not Joshuah's it was written either by his particular Order or a little after his Death It carries the History of the People of Israel Seventeen Years beyond the Death of Moses or thereabout We yet know less of the Author of the Book of Judges Some with the Talmudical Doctors attribute it to Samuel some to Hezekiah others to Ezrah In short some Persons are of Opinion that every Judge wrote his own Memoirs which were afterward collected by Samuel or Ezrah Be it as it will the Book is certainly ancient and l admit it was put into the condition we now find it by Ezrah yet we cannot reasonably question its being composed from ancient Memoirs It contains the History of what happen'd to the Israelites from the Death of Joshuah to that of Sampson We cannot precisely tell what Number of Years it takes in tho' 't is commonly fixed to something above 300 Years The Book of Ruth is a kind of an Appendix to the Book of Judges which is the reason why the Jews made but one Book of these two and for the same reason 't is commonly believed that one Author composed both 'T is certain that the History of Ruth comes up to the times of the Judges but we don't know the time exactly We may assign it to the time of Samgar Eight and twenty Years or thereabouts after the Death of Joshuah The two first Books of Kings are called by the Hebrews the Book of Samuel which has occasioned the Opinion that they were in part written by that Prophet m that is to say that he composed the Four and twenty first Chapters and that the Prophets Gad and Nathan afterwards compleated the Work This is the Opinion of the Talmudists and Isidore and is founded upon these Words of the Chronicles
Prophecies terminated at the end of the 51 Chapter as appears by these Words Thus far are the Words of Jeremiah It was rather written by Baruch or Ezrah and contains an Account of taking of Jerusalem and of what happen'd during the tivity of the Jews in Babylon after the Death of Isaiah It serves to illustrate the Prophecies of Jeremiah and particularly his Lamentations which follow in order and make another part of the Works of Jeremiah In this last Book one sees the Ruine and Desolation of Jerusalem painted in lively Colours and especially the Grief and Concern of the Prophet upon occasion of that mournful Scene It has a Preface in the Greek and Vulgar Latin which is to be found neither in the Hebrew nor in the Chaldee Paraphrase nor in the Syriac and seems plainly to have been added to explain the Argument of the Book In short these Lamentations end with a Prayer to God The Style of Jeremiah if we may be determined by St. Jerome's Testimony is Simple in its Expressions and Majestick in its Sense But this Simplicity of Language does not appear to us at present On the contrary we find him Elevated and Sublime both in his Sense in the Turn and the Majesty of his Expression The Prophesie of Baruch who was the Disciple and Secretary of Jeremiah formerly made up but one Book with that of this Prophet Josephus reports that Baruch was descended of an Illustrious Family and that he perfectly understood the Language of his own Country We are told in the first Chapter Verse the first That he wrote this Prophesie in Babylon but we don't certainly know the time l l. The Hebrew Copy of Baruch is lost though we need not doubt but it was written in that Tongue There is a Letter in the Syriac which by some is attributed to Baruch but 't is very clear that it is written by a Christian. The Epistle to the Captives of Babylon which we find in Baruch belongs to Jeremiah The Author of the second Book of the Maccabees has mention'd it it is exactly the Style of that Prophet and contains nothing but what is very agreeable to the time in which it was written Ezekiel the Son of Buzi the Priest having been carried away into Babylon under Jeconiah began to Prophecy in the fifth Year of the Captivity and was slain as 't is commonly believed by a Prince of that Nation whom he reproved for his Adoration of Idols His Prophesies are dark and obscure St. Jerome says his Style is neither very eloquent nor very mean but between both Daniel one of the Royal Family was sent captive into Babylon when he was but an Infant The Jews don't reckon him amongst their Prophets But the Christians following the Authority of Jesus Christ who gives him that Title in St. Matthew Chap. 24. Vers. 15. look upon him under that Quality and Character And indeed there is no dispute but what he has wrote deserves the name of Prophecy as the Jews themselves are obliged to confess But they don't give him the name of a Prophet because he lived a Life extreamly different from that of the other Prophets and rather like one of the Great Men of Babylon Besides they think that he was an Eunuch and there is a passage in his Book seems to confirm it m m. 'T is certain that the first Chapters of Daniel's Prophesies are undoubtedly his though we have reason to doubt of the Antiquity and Truth of the two later which contain the History of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon n n. The four first Chapters in Daniel are written in Hebrew the following ones as far as the 18th Chapter in Chaldee and were afterwards translated into Hebrew The last are written originally in Greek The Twelve lesser Prophets composed but one Book among the Hebrews Hosea the Son of Beeri is the first o o. He prophesied in the Days of Uzziah Jotham Ahaz and Hezekiah Kings of Judah and 't is very plain that he wrote this Prophecy because he frequently speaks of himself in the first Person There is one passage in his Book that appears very extraordinary and that is God's commanding him to take a Wife of Whoredoms and Children of Whoredoms But either this ought to be simply understood of a Vision as St. Jerome pretends or we are to suppose that God did not command him to commit Adultery but only to espouse a Prostitute as St. Basil and St. Austin have explain'd this place The Style of this Prophet is very pathetick and full of short lively Sentences as St. Jerome has observed The Prophet Joel follows Hosea p p in St. Jerome's Edition but we don't certainly know the time when he Prophecied q q. Some Persons believe that he is more ancient than Amos others say that he did not write till after the Captivity of the Ten Tribes and there are plausible Conjectures both of one side and the other According to some he was of the Tribe of Gad but others place him in the Tribe of Reuben Amos a Herdsman of Tekoah a Village two Leagues from Bethlehem to the South was chosen of God to be a Prophet in the time of Uzziah King of Judah and of Jeroboam the Son of Joash King of Israel two Years before the Earthquake which happen'd in the 24th or 25th Year of Uzziah The time of Obadiah's Prophecying is altogether unknown r r. St. Jerome with the Jews believes that this Prophet was he that was Governor of the House of King Ahab who is mentioned in the first Book of Kings Chap. 18. Vers. 4. he that fed the Hundred Prophets Others believe he is the same with that Obadiah whom Josiah made Supervisor of the Building of the Temple who is mentioned in the second Book of Chronicles Chap. 34. Vers. 12. Most People make him Contemporary with Hosea Amos and Joel Some after all believe that he lived in the time of Jeremiah after the taking of Jerusalem Jonah the Son of the Prophet Amittai s s of the City of Gath near Diocesarea of the Tribe of Zabulon in Galilee Prophecied under King Jeroboam Uzziah and Azariah God sent him to the City of Ninive to Preach Repentance there and his Book is an Account of his Message and Journey He has written another Prophecy mention'd in the Book of Kings This Book which we have seems to be quoted by Tobit in the 14th Chapter Verse the 4th and is approved by our Saviour Jesus Christ himself The Prophet Micah born at Morasthi a Village of Palestine in the Tribe of Judah Prophecied under the Reign of Jotham Ahaz and Hezekiah after the Prophets of whom we have spoken already but before Jeremiah who cites him in the 26th Chapter He is a different Person from him who lived in the time of Ahab and Jehoshaphat and 't is commonly believed that he died a Martyr We don't certainly know the Country of the Prophet Nahum Nor have we any better Assurances of the Time wherein he lived
himself in the third Person The Disciple says he whom Jesus loved And in another place If I will that he tarry what is that to you St. Matthew relating his own Conversion speaks of himself in the third Person and some fay that St. Luke was one of the two Disciples whom our Saviour met going towards Emmaus The Praises which Moses gives himself are not excessive It was necessary that in his own Books he should take notice of the signal Favours which God had conâ—eâ—â—ed upon him as well as conceal none of his own Miscarriages Josephus and Caesar often commend themselves after the same manner Third Objection In the 12th Chapter of Genesis the Author has this remarkable Parenthesis And the Canaanite was then in the Land Which makes it evident say they that this was written when the Canaanites were no longer in Palaestine otherwise this Advertisement had been impertinent Now 't is plain they were not chased out of that Land till a long time after Moses's death and consequently he is not the Author of this Book Answer Since these words Cananaeus erat in terrâ— illâ— bear this sense it may be reasonably supposed that this Parenthesis was inserted after Moses's time This is an usual thing and it often happens that these sorts of Explications which at first were written in the Margin to illustrate the Text afterwards were inserted into the Text by way of Parenthesis But one may likewise say that these words Cananaeus auteâ— erat in terrâ— don't signifie Olim erat in terrâ but Jam tum erat in terrâ i. e. That Moses speaking of the passage of Abraham through the Land of Sichem observes that the Canaanites were then in the Land Thus the sense is natural and no ways forced Fourth Objection In Genesis ch 22. 〈◊〉 14. the Mountain Moria is called The Mountain of the Lord who will provide Appâ—llavitque Abraham nomen loci illius Dominus videt Now say they it had not this Name till after it was set apart to make a Temple there Answer But how do they know this For is not the contrary expresly attested in that place of Genesis And does it not appear that this Mountain received the name of The Lord will provide because of Abraham's Answer to his Son My Son God will provide Fifth Objection In Deuteronomy ch 3. 〈◊〉 10 and 11. where mention is made of Ogâ— King of Basan 't is said That he alone was remaining of the Race of the Giants Behold his Bedstead was a Bedstead of Iron is it not in Rabbath of the Children of Ammon Nine Câ—bits was the length thereof and four Câ—bits the breadth of it They say these words make it evident that the Author of Deuteronomy was of a later standing than Moses For in the first place why should Moses speak of this Bed to prove the Greatness of this Giant since all the Israelites might have beheld it themselves 'T is more probable to say That this was written by an Author who lived in a time when they had no knowledge of this King Secondly Why was not this Bed any longer in the Land of Basan but in Rabâ—ath of the Children of Ammon In short say they this Bed was not discovered till the time of David who subdued the Ammonites and took Râ—bbath as we find it related in the second Book of Samuel ch 12. 〈◊〉 30. Answer Supposing all this to be true 't is easily answered by saying that as for what has a relation to Og's Bed it was added in a Parenthesis But why might not Moses give an account of that Bed to prove the Greatness of that Giant even when he addressed himself to the Israelites since perhaps he was writing this Relation some considerable time after the King was â—â—ain and 't is not to be imagined that all the Israelites had seen the Bed But admit the Matter was not so yet Moses might very well make use of this Proof to make the Matter of Fact credible to Posterity Thus the Historians of our Time when they occasionally discourse of any extraordinary Thing although it is never so well known to the World yet they frequently say We have such and such Proofs of it the Monster is still kept in such a place 〈◊〉 As for what follows that this Iron 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Land of Basan and not in Rabbath this is all taken upon supposition for whymight not the 〈◊〉 possess it in the time of Moses Sixth Objection The Author of the Pentateuch say they give such Names to several Cities and Countries as they had not till a long time after the Death of Moses In Genesis ch 14. 't is said That Abraham pursued the Kings who had carried way his Nephew Lot as far as Dan. Now the Name of Dan was not given to this Country till a long time after when six hundred Men of the Tribe of Dan took the City of Laish and after they had taken it gave it the Name of their Tribe as we read in the Book of Judges ch 18. The same Author likewise speaks often of the City of Hebron which was not so called till after the Death of Moses from Hebron the Son of Calâ—â— to whom Joshuah gave it formerly it was called Kirjah-Arba as we are particularly informed in Joshuah ch 14. v. 15. In Deuteronomy ch 3. v. 14. it is said That Jair the Son of Manasseh took all the Country of Argob unto the Coasts of Geshuri and Maachathi and called them after his own name Bushan-Havoth-Jair unto this day Answer We may generally answer these Objections thus by saying That these Names were changed after Moses's time to render the History more intelligible to those to whom the ancient Names of those Cities and Countries that Moses used would be altogether unknown But the first Difficulty may be cleared otherwise by saying That the Name of Dan is more ancient than they pretend That the River Jordan was so called because it has its Original from two Springs Jor and Dan. So we may say there was another City of that Name called Dan or Danna whereof mention is made in the 15th Chapter of Joshuah Verse the 49th which was in the Tribe of Judah in the Country of Sodom To the second Instance we may return this answer That it is not clearly said in the Book of Joshuah that Hebron gave his Name to the City of Kirjath-Arba but only that the City of Hebron was formerly called by that Name Which may be well enough understood of an ancient Name which it had hereâ—ofore The last Difficulty is not considerable 't is only in these Words Usque in praesentem diem Now Moses might use this Expression to demonstrate that Country more clearly or perhaps it might be added after him Seventh Objection The Author of the Pentateuch speaketh of things that happen'd after the Death of Moses in Exodus Chap. 16. Verse 35. it is said that the Children of Israel did eat Manna Forty Years until
cited concerning Ordinations and in Act. 1. the 74th is alledged relating to the three Admonitions that ought to precede Ecclesiastical Censure Moreover Alexander in Theodoret lib. 1. c. 4. cites the 12th as also Athanasius Epist. ad omnes Orthodoxos where he likewise alludes to the 29th 30th and 75th Canons The 34th is alledged by Arsenius in like manner the 30th 35th and 81st are quoted by Pope Julius in his Epistle St. Basil in the 43d Canon plainly cites the 24th of the Apostles under the name of an ancient Canon in the 12th Canon the 77th concerning Bigamy and in the first the 47th relating to the Baptism of Hereticks Lastly Theodotius in Cod. Lib. 3. de summâ Trinitate quotes the 17th under the name of an Apostolical Canon M. Daillé replies that all these Quotations do not relate to the Apostolical Canons but to the Discipline Customs and Traditions that proceeded from the Apostles however this answer hath no probability for the word Canon signifies written Laws and the Council of Nice distinguisheth Canons from Customs which are therein called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover M. Daillé adds that certain Canons and ancient Laws are often cited that are not included in the Apostolical and he produceth two Examples the first whereof is taken from the 13th Canon of the Nicene Council and the 2d from the 21st of that of Ancyra But first the Apostolical or Ecclesiastical Canons are not cited by name in these two but only in the first an ancient and Canonical Law or Custom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an ancient definition Secondly nothing hinders but that these words may be understood of some ancient definitions of Synods as for example the Law wherein it was ordained to receive the Lapsi at the point of death cited in the first Canon was made in the Eastern and African Churches before the Council of Nice if we may give credit to the Testimony of Dionysius Alexandrinus in Ep. ad Stephanum produced by Eusebius Lib. 7. chap. 4. and 5. under the name of Ancient Laws Canons of the Fathers Ecclesiastical Canons and even Apostolical which is different from what they call Customs Manners or Discipline concerning which there are no written Rules or Injunctions Therefore it is certain that these Canons are ancient that they have been erroneously ascribed to the Apostles and that they are a Collection of Ordinances of divers ancient Synods that were holden before the Council of Nice but it is not known when this Collection was made nor who collected it nor even whether it consists of those 85 Canons that are now extant or of a lesser number However it is probable that it was compiled at several times and that some Canons have been successively added because no order is observed therein as also because that the Canons relating to one and the same Subject are often found separated besides some Contradictions The Objections propounded by Mr. Daillé against the Apostolical Canons manifestly prove against Turrianus that they were not composed by the Apostles but they do not in the least impugn our opinion As for Example It is objected by him That there are in these Canons certain terms that were not usual in the time of the Apostles as Clerk Lecturer Laick Metropolitan c. But he cannot deny that these terms were used in the third Age of the Church That which is ordained concerning Lent and against fasting on Sundays or the Sabbath may belong to the third Century since the same things are found in the Works of Tertullian The Canons against those that make themselves Eunuchs might be composed by Demetrius against the Error of Origen The Canons concerning Easter are apparently those of the Councils that were convened under Victor and others relating to the Baptism of Hereticks are probably those of the Councils of Synnada and Iconium Upon the perusal of all the Objections alledged by M. Daillé it will appear that although they are extremely weighty against the Opinion of Turrianus yet they are of no force against ours f They are of no force against ours However some of the most material of M. Daillé's Reasons may be objected to us for instance he affirms that St. Athanasius in the matter of Leontius the Eunuch cites the Canon of the Council of Nice and not the Apostolical which shews says he that it was not as yet known Moreover that it is not quoted by St. Epiphanius against the Valesian Hereticks That St. Basil reckons the triple immersion in Baptism amongst the unwritten Traditions and consequently that the Canon of the Apostles in which it is ordained was not composed in the time of this Father That this Canon was made against those Hereticks that Baptized with a single Immersion and that the Eunomians were the first that followed this practice These are the Arguments of M. Daillé that can be urged against us but it is very easie to refute them St. Athanasius cites the Apostolical Canon rather than that of Nice St. Epiphanius produceth no Canon against the Valesians but only the Holy Scripture St. Basil and the other Fathers understand by unwritten Tradition all those matters that are not contained in the Sacred Writings Lastly the Canon concerning triple Immersion was not made against Hereticks but to prevent the negligence of Priests The 84th Canon might indeed be objected with much more probability wherein we find the Books of the Maccabees together with the Epistles and Constitutions of St. Clement among the Canonical Writings But it must be replied to this Objection that this Canon is corrupted that the Books of the Maccabees are not extant in the Greek Copy of Joannes Antiochenus and it may easily be discerned that the Epistles and Constitutions of St. Clement have been added by the Author of the Apostolical Constitutions who endeavoured to pass for St. Clement to raise the reputation of this Book It may be proved that this Canon is ancient because the Books of the Old Testament that were not inserted in the Canon of the Jews and the Revelation are omitted Lastly It is asserted against us that these Canons were unknown to the Authors of the Fifth Century that they are not cited by Eusebius nor included in the Câ—dex Canonum of the Catholick Church but all these Objections are frivolous for the Ecclesiastical Writers of the fourth Age have often referred to these Canons Eusebius indeed hath nor mentioned them but neither doth he take notice of the Canons of the Nicene Council and in fine it is not to be wondred at that they are not found in the Code of the universal Church which did not contain all the ancient Canons no more than that of the African Church comprehended those that were made by St. Cyprian or Agrippinus It ought then to be esteemed as certain that not only the first 50 Canons but likewise the following 35. are very ancient though they do not belong to the Apostles
which may signifie that the Word of God came not forth after Silence as that of Men. 2. Valentinus and his Disciples did not affirm that the Word came from Silence The Word according to their fantastical Imagination came from the Spirit and the Truth and not from the Deep and from Silence 3. The Opinion of Valentinus concerning Silence was devised and propagated before his time for all that speak of his Heresie observe that he revived the ancient Errors of the Gnosticks Eusebius declares in Lib. 2. de Theolog. Eccles. cap. 9. that Simon Magus often talked of Silence among his Followers Secundum impiu◠says he Haereticorum principem qui impia dogmatizans pronunciavit dicens erat Deus Sige which comes nearer to the Error that is supposed to be confuted by S. Ignatius S. Irenaeus attributes this Opinion to all the Gnosticks as also Tertullian S. Epiphanius and S. Augustin S. Gregory Nazianzen Orat. 23. and after him Ellas Cretensis charge it upon the Gnosticks This shews that tho' the Author of the Epistle to the Magnesians should have opposed the Error of those that maintain that the Word proceeded from Silence yet this doth not hinder but that it might have been written by S. Ignatius 4. It is not certainly known whether Valentinus had not already began to divulge his Errors even before the Death of S. Ignatius since it is evident that S. Polycarp survived this Arch-Heretick and tho' he was not declared to be the Ring-leader of this Party till afterwards yet he might even then have taught some of his pernicious Doctrines to which S. Ignatius might allude These four Answers are solid and every one of them separately might be sufficient to convince any Man but the first in my opinion is most natural Object 6. In the Epistle to the Christians of Smyrna mention is made of certain visible Princes that shall be judged if they do not believe in Jesus Christ. Now what probability is there say they that S. Ignatius should speak this of the Emperors and Kings of his time Ans. Why may not this be affirmed of the Unbelieving Emperors and Kings that were Con-temporary with S. Ignatius Since Tertullian and S. Justin have declared as much of the Emperors of their time and that too in the presence of the Emperors themselves Moreover it is not necessary to understand the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only of Emperors and Kings since it may signifie all that areinvested with any Authority Object 7. In the Epistle to the Romans we find this Expression That he was led by the Leopards which are Soldiers This Explication say they is needless and the Comparison is childish Ans. And I say that the Similitude is very natural and that the Explication was necessary Bochart indeed affirms that the word Leopard was not used untill the time of Constantine but how does he know it It is in the Acts of the Passion of S. Perpetua and S. Felicitas Aelius Spartianus in the Life of Geta thinks that it was an old Word at the time when he wrote his History Object 8. In the Epistle to the Philadelphians he speaks of Penitents that were publickly received by the Church whereas say they in the first Ages they that had once fallen were not afterward readmitted into the Communion of the Church neither was there any Penance that ended in Reconciliation Ans. There is nothing in the Epistle to the Philadelphians concerning publick Penitence who had committed enormous Crimes this is a mere Imagination It is only declared that they that had departed form the Church should obtain Pardon for their Fault if they repented thereof by re-entering into it that is to say if they re-united themselves to the Church from which they were separated It is certain that Hereticks and Schismaticks returning to the Church were always readmitted Beside the Example of the young Man who was reconciled by S. John after he had been for a long time Captain of a Troop of Highway-men and of many others shew that Penance was then in use and Morinus evidently proves that in the two first Centuries Absolution was granted more easily than in the third Object 9. Onesimus Bishop of Ephesus who died before S. Ignatius is cited by Name in this Epistle Ans. This Onesimus is not he that was the Disciple of S. Paul whom others affirm to have been Bishop of Beraea And besides even the Onesimus mentioned by S. Paul might be living when S. Ignatius wrote this Epistle since that of S. Paul to Philemon was written from Rome about the year of our Lord 64 therefore tho' Onesimus might be 26 years old then yet he could not have been above 70 years of Age about the year 107 or 108 when S. Ignatius Composed these Works which is no very extraordinary thing Object 10. The Author of the Epistles attributed to S. Ignatius cites as they say several Apocryphal Books He produceth in the Epistle to the Smyrneans a Sentence concerning Jesus Christ taken from the Gospel according to the Hebrews Who can believe this of S. Ignatius Ans. This is no unusal thing among the Ancients S. Jerom gives us the same passage of S. Ignatius and Papias hath likewise quoted the Gospel according to the Hebrews S. Clement in his Epistle to the Corinthians uses some Expressions as taken from the Holy Scriptures which are not there as is observed by Photius Cod. 126. S. Jude also cites the Book of Enoch And besides we cannot positively affirm that the Gospel according to the Hebrews is cited by S. Ignatius for he only produceth a Sentence as knowing by Tradition that it was uttered by Jesus Christ. Thus S. Clement and S. Barnabas set down the Words of our Saviour which they had either heard spoken by him or had received from those by whom he was seen in the Flesh. Lastly this Passage in S. Ignatius is quoted by S. Jerom as belonging to the Gospel according to the Hebrews but Origen produces it out of the Book entituled The Doctrine of S. Peter which shews that it was a very common Expression Object 11. The ardent desire of suffering Martyrdom expressed by S. Ignatius is according to their Judgment too excessive Ans. This hath been admired in the Epistle to the Romans by the ancient Christians the same Ardor appears likewise in S. Cyprian in Germanicus a Martyr of Smyrna and in many others Certainly they must needs have but a very little knowledge of Antiquity who deny that the Primitive Christians were inflamed with a fervent desire of suffering Martyrdom and a Man shews that he is but meanly skilled in Divinity if he blames this Passion when it neither does nor says any thing that is impudent or indecent And this is the case of S. Ignatius who in testifying an earnest desire of becoming a Martyr uttered no Expressions but such as were very prudent and very moderate Let us read his Epistle to the Romans with the same Spirit as he wrote it
The Doctrine of S. Polycarp as well as one called The Doctrine of S. Clement since it is cited by Maximus Bede Ado Usuardus Metaphrastes Pachyâ—…eres Honorius and Nicephorus Calistus M. Daillé perceiving thâ— weakness of his objection against the Epistle of S. Polycarp is obliged to assert that tho the first part is genuine yet the second wherein he mentions those of S. Ignatius iâ— supposititious And to prove this he shews that the Epistle was concluded with the Invocation of Jesus Christ and that which follows ought to be esteemed as an addition made afterwards being of no authority But M. Daillé cannot maintain this Hypothesis without rejecting the Testimony of Eusebius and Photius who cite this second part and more especially that which relates to the Letters of S. Ignatius neither doth it signifie any thing to urge that the Epistle was concluded before because it is evident that the Invocation of Jesus Christ is frequently inserted in the middle of an Epistle which is nevertheless continued after this sort of conclusion this is very often to be found in S. Paul's Epistles particularly in the Fifteenth Chapter of his Epistle to the Romans The only objection alledged by M. Daillé that hath any manner of probability is this It is manifest says he that the Author who wrote that part wherein S. Ignatius is mentioned supposeth him to be yet living since he requires the Philippians to inform him concerning the transactions of S. Ignatius and of those that were with him De ipso Ignatio de iis qui cum eo sunt g Qui cum eo sunt It is expressed in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say they that had been with him and who followed him when he passed through Philippi quod certius agnoveritis significate But if we observe these words it will appear that they might as well be written after the death of S. Ignatius as when he was alive and that S. Polycarp only desired an account of the particular Circumstances of the Life and Martyrdom of that eminent Bishop which were not unknown to the Christians of Philippi through which City he had passed in his Journey to Rome This Epistle being full of admirable Counsels Precepts and Exhortations taken from the Holy Scriptures is written with a great deal of elegancy and simplicity as Photius has observed already It was Printed in Latin together with the Epistles of S. Clement and S. Ignatius in the years 1498 1502 1520 1536 and 1550 at Basil in 1579 at Colen in 1530 at Paris in 1569 with the Works of S. Ireneus at Ingolstadt in 1546 at Paris in 1562 and at several other times it is likewise inserted in the Bibliotheca Patrum set forth by La Bigne Besides it was Printed at Colen in 1557 of the Translation of Perionius with the Works of Dionysius the Areopagite and in 1585 with them and the Epistles of S. Ignatius Halloixius first published part thereof in Greek from a Manuscript which Sirmondus had transcribed from a Copy written by Turrianus Usher hath Printed it in Greek and Latin afterwards with the Epistles of S. Ignatius in the year 1644. Cotelerius put it into his Collection of the ancient Records of the Fathers Moderus hath likewise procured it to be reprinted at Helmstadt and lastly it was Printed in Holland in 1687 with a Dissertation concerning the Life and Writings of S. Polycarp in a Collection of Treatises entituled Varia Sacra set forth by M. Le Moine There are several other Works attributed to this ancient Bishop as an Epistle to S. Dionysius the Areopagite quoted by Suides and a Treatise concerning the Union of S. John which is pretended to be kept in the Abby of Fleury some Passages or Notes on the Gospels are likewise produced for his which are taken from the Catena of Feuardentius under the name of Victor Capuensis But it is very probable that these Tracts are fictitious S. Jerome in his 28th Epistle to Baeticus declares that it was commonly reported in his time that the Authentick Works of Josephus Polycarp and Papias were brought to him but that it was a false rumour PAPIAS PApias Bishop of Hierapolis a Hierapolis There are several Cities of that Namâ— but this lies between Phrygia and Lydia near Laodiceâ— being famous for Springs of hot Water a City of Asia was a Disciple either of S. John the Evangelist b A Disciple of S. John the Evangelist S. Irenaeus Lib. 5. cap. 33. Hac Papias Joannis auditor Polycarpi contubernalis S. Jerom Ep. 29. Ad Theodorum Refert Irenaeus vir Apostolicorum temporum Papiae auditoris Evangelistae Joannis Discipulus In the Martyrologies of Beda Usuardus and Ado as also in the Roman in the Works of Trithemius and Andreas Casariâ—… in Anastas Sinait Lib. 7. in Hexamer Oecumen in Act. cap. 2. he is called The Disciple of S. John the Evangelist Eusebius on the contrary reciting a Passage of Papias in Hist. Lib. 3. cap. ult wherein he speaks of two Johns observes that the Master of Papias was not John the Evangelist but the other John called the Elder His Reason or rather Conjecture is that this Author in the beginning of his Books doth not assure us that he was the Disciple of the Apostles or that he had learn'd any thing from them but only that he had received that which he declares from those that were familiar with the Apostles and who knew them However in the Passage alledged by Eusebius to prove his Assertion Papias only affirms that he interrogated the ancient Men who had seen the Apostles demanding of them What says Andrew What says Philip What says S. John What says John the Elder Therefore if it may be inferred from thence that he was not the Disciple of S. John the Evangelist because he informs us that he enquired of those that had seen him what were the Opinions of this Apostle it may as well be inferred that he was not the Disciple of John the Elder However the words of Papias may be interpreted after such a manner as to signifie nothing else but that he was carefull whensoever he happened to meet with any one that had familiarly conversed with the Apostles to desire of them a particular account of their Doctrine or Judgment Which makes me believe that he was the Disciple of the Evangelist and this is confirmed by the Authority of S. Irenaeus who certainly means S. John the Evangelist for S. Polycarp was his Disciple and he asserts that Papias was the Companion of Polycarp Polycarpi contubernalis or of some other Person who bore the same name He wrote five Books entituled The Explications of our Lords Discourses which were extant even in the time of Trithemius Papias but at present we have only some few fragments in the Writings of the ancient and modern Authors He was the first that promoted the famous Opinion or rather Dotage of Antiquity c The
another Subject in the following Book The Last Book in our Editions is a Collection of Logical Principles which contains nothing that regards the Christian Religion or that is worth giving an Account of Photius observes that in his Time there were some Editions where this last Book was Entituled What rich Man can be saved And that it began with these Words Those who make pieces of Oratory But Eusebius distinguishes that Book from the Stromata S. Clement of Alexandria does not start at all from the Doctrine of the Church in those Works of his whereof we have already given the Abridgment He does not only mention Three Divine Persons but he invokes them as One only God g As being One onely God Lib. 1. Paedag. Cap 8. Unus est universorum Pater â—â—â—m etiam verbum universorum spiritus sanctus unus qui ipse est ubique And Book 3. Chap. 12. Let us praise the Father and the Son says he the Son because he is our Pedagogue and our Master together with the Holy Ghost who alone is the Whole in whom are all Things and by whom all Things are one to whom be Glory for ever and ever And again Book 5. pag. 544. The Father is not without the Son neither the Son without the Father And Pag. 598. after having quoted some Words of Plato he understands them of the Trinity For says he the Holy Ghost is the Third and the Son by whom all things were made is the Second Besides he uses the Name of the most Holy Trinity He says that the WORD which was from the beginning in God which is God and equal to God by which he created the World and instructed all Men did at last become Man to save us by his Doctrine by his Example and by his Death It is true in another Place he says that the Nature of the Son is the most Perfect the most Excellent and that which approaches nearest to Almighty God words which would seem to imply as if he believed that the Nature of the WORD was different from that of the Father But we know well enough that the Ancients had not yet made so exact a Distinction between the Terms Nature and Person and that they often took one for the other And indeed his way of Discoursing of the Excellency of the WORD in this and other Places sufficiently declares that he did not believe that he was of a different Nature taking the word Nature in the same Sense as we at present do For he says that the WORD is God that it is without Beginning that he is equal to the Father that he is in the Father that he created all Things c. Expressions which clearly discover what his Opinion was concerning the Divinity of the WORD He seems however to follow the way of speaking of some of the Ancients in saying Book IV. Pag. 537. and 565. that the WORD is Visible that he may be known and that it is by him that we know the invisible Father of whom he is the Image but it is an easie matter to Accommodate these Expressions to the Doctrines of the Church as we have shewn in our Critical Remarks upon several Authors already He says that the Blessed Mary remained a Virgin after she brought forth He holds that the Book VII Pag. 756. Book V. Of the Strom. p. 550. Book II. p. 2. Chap. 2. Book III. Pag. 468. and 499. Daemons sinned through Incontinency He acknowledges Adam's Fall and the Punishment of his Sin which all Men have incurred But he seems not well to have understood the Nature of Original Sin 'T is true that in the passage commonly alledged from him against Original Sin he contradicts the Opinion of those who affirmed that the Generation was Corrupted But he speaks after such a manner as would make us think that he did not believe Original Sin or at least that he never considered it Let them tell us says he how an Infant that is but just born has prevaricated and how he who has already done nothing could fall under Adam's Curse c. He often exhorts Men to do good by the hopes of Eternal Happiness and disswades them from Evil by the Fear of Everlasting Punishments without speaking at all of the Opinion of the Millenaries He holds that without Faith in Jesus Christ none can be saved But he says that Jesus Christ and the Apostles preached the Gospel in the Limbi to just Persons as well Gentiles as Jews that they might obtain this Faith wherein they were before deficient He ascribes much to Free-Will he believes that our Salvation and Faith which is the beginning thereof depends upon our selves though not without the Assistance of Divine Grace h Though not without the Assistances of Divine Grace Lib. 5. Stromat pag. 547. Nam neque fieri potest ut fine libero animi arbitrio instituto consequamur neque universum est positum in nostrâ voluntate quale sit id quod est eventurum Gratiâ servamur sed non absque bonis operibus Et oportet quidem cum naturâ apti simus ad bonum ad id aliquod adhibere studium Oportet mentem quoque habere bonam quae nullâ retardetur penitentiâ à boni consequutione Ad quod maximè divinâ opus est gratiâ rectâque doctrinâ castaque mundâ animi affectione patris ad ipsum attractione And Lib. 4. pag. 518. he says that it is God which gives us Continence Pag. 530. he says that it is Grace that enables us to run our Course without any impediment Pag. 495. he says that it is the Power of God which makes us resist Temptations He speaks nobly of the Necessity and Efficacy of Baptism Baptism In Protrep p. 54. Sequentibus Book 1. Paed. Chap. 8. and 9. Book 3. Chap. 11. and 12. Lib. 1. Stromat p. 3. 11. lib. 3. p. 444. Lib. 6. p. 661. In Protrep p. 53. Paed. lib. 1. cap. 9. says he is called Grace Illumination Perfection Washing by which Name it is called because it cleanses us from our Sins it is called Grace because it remits the Punishment due for our Sins Illumination because it enlightens us with the Illumination of Faith Perfection because it makes us perfect And afterwards pag. 95. These Bonds of Sin are immediately broken by the Faith of Man and the Grace of God Sins are remitted by this admirable Remedy of Baptism and we immediately cease to be Sinners from being Blind as we were before we become clear-sighted for what is taught to the Catechumens is purely Instruction to guide them to that Faith which is thus internally conveyed by the Holy Spirit We have given an account of the difference that he makes between the Remission of Sins committed after Baptism and that which is obtained by Baptism We have shewed that he allowed but one Repentance after Baptism and that he rejects the Repentances of those Persons who often
Account of the Belief of the Fathers in this Matter That their Opinion was widely distant from that of the Church of Rome in this Point This first Letter was soon followed by another mentioned by him in his sixth Epistle wherein he commends the Confessors for their Courage and exhorts them to do nothing unworthy of such glorious beginnings Monsieur Lombert is of Opinion that it is lost whereas the Editor of the English pretends that it is the eighty first Letter which Pamelius supposes to have been written during his last Exile but it is more probable that this Letter was written in his first because he there excuses his Absence which he would never have done in his last where he was o Detained against his Will The Five and thirtieth Letter is placed after this in the Edition lately put out in England but it seems to me to have been written towards the end of the Persecution because he there speaks of his Return We are to pass the same Judgment upon the Sixth and Seventh and the fifth which were all written at the same time detained against his Will It happened at this time that a Subdeacon of Carthage named Clementius who had gone to Rome towards the beginning of the Persecution came back to Carthage bringing two Letters with him from the Clergy of Rome during the Vacancy of that See by the Death of Fabian One of them was directed to St. Cyprian and gave him Intelligence of the Martyrdom of Fabian Bishop of Rome the other was addressed to the Clergy of Carthage exhorting them to take care of the Flock of Jesus Christ in the Absence of their Pastor and encouraging the Faithful to continue stedfast in the Faith of Jesus Christ and to raise up those who had the Misfortune to fall to look after the Prisoners the Needy the Widows and Catechumens to reconcile the relapsed Penitents at their Death to the Church and to bury the Budies of the Martyrs It reproached the Pastors who abandoned their Flock in the time of Persecution which Passage seems indirectly to condemn St. Cyprian's Retreat This Letter is the second in the Order of Pamelius St. Cyprian answered this Letter of the Roman Clergy by congratulating them for the glorious Martyrdom of St. Fabian and having received a Copy of the Letter which the Clergy of Rome had writ to his though it was both without Inscription and Subscription yet he sent to Rome to know whether this Letter was really writ by the Clergy of that City giving them to understand that he was concerned at their seeming to disapprove his Retreat This is the third Letter Some time after this the Proconsul coming to Carthage persecuted the Christians after a cruel manner causing some of the Prisoners to be put to Death and among the rest Mappalicus who suffered Martyrdom on the 17th day of April St. Cyprian being informed of this made use of their Example to encourage the other Confessors to imitate their Constancy and Generosity and this he did in the 8th Letter At the same time also he writ the 36th addressed to his own Clergy to whose Care he recommends the Confessors that were in Prison requiring them to inter the Bodies of those who died there to reverence them as Martyrs and to send him word of the Day of their Death that he might offer Sacrifices in remembrance of them Some of the Christians being then returned home from their Exile without receiving Orders to do it St. Cyprian writ a Letter to them which is the 8th according to Pamelius's Account wherein he takes occasion to blame their Conduct Mr. Dodwell in his 5th Dissertation upon St. Cyprian tells us what kind of Sacrifices these are They could not be offered as Propitiations because the Church believed the Martyrs were already Blessed They were only Anniversary Celebrations of the Memory of the Martyrdom of those who suffered so gloriously for the Faith Thus all the Saints were also remembred in the Diptychs of the Church Thus the Patriarchs Prophets Apostles and the Blessed Virgin her self though no Man ever thought they could stand in need of the Prayers of the Faithful But the Christians were careful even in the most Primitive Times to pay all possible Honours to the Memories of those who made a glorious Confession of the Faith The Acts of St. Polycarp's Martyrdom which are the oldest we have shew how solicitous the Christians of Smyrna were to have his Ashes not to worship them as they themselves declare but by paying the last Respect to them that was possible to shew how willing they should have been to suffer in the same Cause if they had had an equal Call Nay all Christians that dy'd in the Communion of the Church had in those early Ages some Honours paid to them after their Death Therefore St. Cyprian commanded that no Honour should be paid to Geminius Victor because he had left Geminius Faustinus a Priest his Executor by his Will And so Du Pin's Words when he speaks of this Business afterwards are to be understood for the same Phrases are used when he speaks of the Commemoration of Martyrs Aniversaries and of this of Geminius Victor there forbidden The Persecution that still continued as it augmented the Number of Martyrs so it augmented the Number of the Lapsed that is to say of those Christians who were so weak as to deny the Faith of Jesus Christ and offer Incense to Idols or else such as to avoid Persecution got Certificates or Attestations under the Hands of some Judge to certifie that they had sacrificed Now those who had once fallen away being thrown out of the Church and excluded from Communion addressed themselves to the Martyrs whose Credit and Authority in the Church at that time was extraordinary who gave them Tickets wherein they desired that they might be admitted to Reconciliation They writ to St. Cyprian on the same account praying him to take this their Desire into consideration and to receive these Persons whom they recommended whenever the Church should be in Peace But some of them happening to abuse these Tickets of the Martyrs demanded to be reconciled immediately and addressing themselves to Felicissimus and some other Priests who were Enemies to St. Cyprian received Absolution from their Hands St. Cyprian being informed of these irregular Proceedings after he had continued some time in silence writ a Letter full of Zeal and Earnestness to his Priests and Deacons this is the ninth wherein he severely reproves the Priests who forgetting their Rank and the Duty they owed their Bishop had rashly absolved those who had fallen into Idolaty He reproaches them with deceiving the Faithful inasmuch as they reconciled them before they had done Penance for their Transgression He remonstrates to them that if in Sins of less Scandal and Consequence it is necessary to undergo publick Penance for some considerable time before the Party offending is re-admitted into the Church by Imposition of Hands from
judge our Actions After this Proposition the Bishops gave their Opinions and concluded all in Favour of St. Cyprian The Persecution of Valerian that was raised against the Church in the Year 257 put an end to the Controversie about the Baptism of Hereticks This Emperor who was pushed on by Marcianus a professed Enemy to the Christians and a great Protector of the Aegyptian Superstitions declared himself against the Christians and published an Edict against them in July that very Year whereby he prohibited them to meet in the Coemeteries or any where else upon Pain of Death Pope Stephen having been found in a Coemetery contrary to the Emperor's Prohibition suffered Martyrdom for it on the Twentieth of August the same Year and z St. Xystus was Elected in his Place This Persecution lasted forty two Months according to St. Denis of Alexandria and Valerian was taken by the Persians in 261 so it began about July 257. Xystus was Elected in his Place On the 30th day of the same Month. St. Cyprian generously confessed the Christian Faith before Paternus the Proconsul and was banished to Curubis At the same time the Praefect of Numidia condemned several Christians to the Mines and amongst the rest many Bishops and Priests of his Province after he had put some of them to Death and ordered others to be scourged St. Cyprian from the place of his Exile sent them a Letter which according as Pamelius has distributed them is the 76th and is the first of the 4th Part of St Cyprian's Letters In it with wonderful Eloquence he heightens the glory of their Confession and encourages them to suffer with Constancy He comforts them in their difficulties and principally the Priests that were not able to offer Sacrifice in those places by representing to them that they themselves continually offer'd up their own Bodies as living Sacrifices to the Lord. He excites them at last to use more fervency in their Prayers that so God may give Grace to all the Confessors to finish their Course couragiously in order to be crown'd with everlasting Glory He sent this Letter to three different places where these Holy Confessors were dispersed and remitted some Money to them to supply their present Extremities It appears by the answers they made him what Consolation and Joy this Letter gave them in the midst of their Sufferings These Answers are the 77th 78th and 79th Letters written from three several places in which they return him their Thanks for his great Charity and Kindness in a simple unaffected Style and assure him that his Letter had raised their declining Spirits healed their Wounds and rendred their pressures more light and supportable to them The 80th Letter which is directed to the Confessors in Prison was rather writ in his first Exile than in this as we have observed after the Author of the English Edition The 81st was writ at the beginning of the year 258 after the Death of Pope Xystus and the return of St. Cyprian It is addressed to one Successus a Bishop and in it he sends him word That he was informed by some Letters he had received from Rome that Valerian had directed a Rescript to the Senate by which he ordered all Bishops Priests and Deacons to be put to Death without delay and that the Senators the Roman Knights and all other Persons of Quality who were Christians should be deprived of their Offices and Estates and that if they continued after this Edict to make Profession of the Christian Religion they should be condemned to Die That the Ladies should not only forscit all their Fortunes but â—e Banished and that those of Caesar's Houshold should be sent to Prison He adds that this Emperor had dispatched Letters to the Governors of Provinces wherein he enjoyn'd them to Punish the Christians with all Rigour and Severity who daily expected to see these Orders put in Execution against them That Pope Xystus had suffered Martyrdom on the sixth day of August and one Quartus along with him That the Praefects of the City of Rome were very violent against the Christians causing some of them to be executed every day and that they confiscated the Goods of all those that were presented before them In fine he desires this Bishop to communicate the news to the rest of his Brethren that all Christians might prepare themselves the better for the Combat The last Letter of St. Cyprian is that which he writ a little before his Martyrdom when he with-drew from his Gardens where he was ordered to Reside because he received information that the Pro-consul had sent some Soldiers to carry him away to the City of Utica and he was not willing to suffer Martyrdom in a place distant from his own Church and People But least this retirement should be interpreted to proceed from a fearful degenerous Spirit he acquainted his Clergy and People with the reasons that moved him to preserve himself and at the same time conjures them not to raise disturbances but to preserve Peace and Unity and that no body should be permitted to present himself of his own accord to the Gentiles since it was sufficient to speak courageously when they were apprehended by them Besides these Letters of St. Cyprian the time of whose writing we know there are five others that respect some points of Discipline and have no certain Date The Author of the English Edition has placed four of them at the head of all the Letters and affirms that they were written by St. Cyprian before his first Banishment in the Year 246. The first which is the Sixty Sixth in Pamelius's Order is directed to the Clergy and People of Furni and is writ against one Geminius Victor who by his Will had nominated a Priest called Geminius Faustinus to be Guardian to one of his Relations He sends them word That both himself and his Colleagues were extremely surprized when they were informed of it because it had been prohibited long before by a Council of Bishops to name any Clergy-man in a Will to be a Guardian or Executor since those that were honoured with the Priesthood and undertaken the Office of Clerks ought only to serve at the Altar and the Holy Sacrifices and should not take any other employment than that of Praying to the Lord. He shews them that for this very reason the Laity supplied them from time to time with all things necessary for Life as in the time of the Old Testament they paid Tithes to the Levites and Priests He concludes that since Victor had violated a Constitution made some time ago by a Council they ought not to Pray for him after his Death or suffer his Memory to be honoured in the Prayers of the Church The second which is the Sixty first in Pamelius's Order was writ upon the occasion of an Actor upon the Stage who after he had turned Christian continued to follow his Profession St. Cyprian tells Eucratius who had consulted him to know
last Persecution Patara in Lycia and afterwards of Tyre in Palaestine who suffered Martyrdom at Chalcis a City of Greece towards the end of Dioclesian's Persecution in the Year 302. or 303. composed in a clear elaborate Style a large Work against Porphyrius the Philosopher an excellent Treatise about the Resurrection against Origen another about the Pythonyssa against the same a Book Entituled The Banquet of Virgins one about Free-Will Commentaries upon Genesis and the Canticles and several other Pieces that were extant in St. Jerome's Methodius time At present besides The Banquet of Virgins that was published entire not long ago by Possinus a Jesuit we have several considerable Fragments of this Author cited by St. Epiphanius and Photius and others found in Manuscripts and collected together by Father Combesis who has Printed them together with the Works of Amphilochius and Andreas Cretensis But afterwards Possinus found The Banquet of Virgins entire in a Manuscript belonging to the Vatican Library and Translated it into Latin and sent it into France where it was Printed in the Year 1657. Revised and Corrected by another Manuscript We cannot doubt that this is the true genuine Work of Methodius as well because it carries all the Marks of Antiquity in it that a Book can possibly have as also because it contains Word for Word all the Passages that Photius has cited out of this Work of Methodius and another place cited by St. Gregory Nyssen 'T is written by way of Dialogue in which he introduces a Woman named Gregorium who tells her Friend Eubulus all the Conversation that passed in a Meeting of Ten Virgins which she learnt of Theopatra It was composed by Methodius in imitation of a certain Book very much resembling it written by Plato and Entituled The Banquet of Socrates After that Gregorium and Eubulus have exchanged the usual Complements and Gregorium has given a short Description of the Place where these Ten Virgins were assembled she feigns that Arete in whose Garden they were met requests each of them to make a Discourse upon Virginity which she repeats one after the other The First is that of Marcella who enlarges very much upon the Greatness and Excellence of Virginity She makes it appear how choice a thing Virginity is and that it is a difficult thing to preserve it amidst so many Thousand Temptations we meet with That it is necessary to meditate incessantly upon the Holy Scripture in order to keep it unspotted and undefiled That Virginity was scarce so much as known under the ancient Law when Men were permitted to Marry even their own Sisters and to take several Wives But that God by little and little has taught Men in the first place to preserve their Chastity and afterwards to embrace Virginity That Jesus Christ came into the World to instruct them in this Virtue by the Influence of his own Example that he is the Prince of Virgins as well as the Prince of Pastors that the Company of Virgins has the first place in his Kingdom though they are the least in number And this she justifies by a Passage out of the Revelations Chap. the 14th Since this Conversation of Marcella might seem to throw some Dis-reputation upon the Sanctity of Marriage Theophila proves in the second place that Jesus Christ in making the great Excellencies of Virginity known to the World did not design thereby to banish Marriage and entirely abolish so Sacred an Institution She says That the Ecstasie of Adam denotes and signifies the Passion of Marriage that God is the Author of Generation and that he forms the Infants that come into the World Here Marcella interrupts the Series of her Discourse and enquires of her How it comes to pass if Infants are conceived and born by the Will of God that he permits the Children of Adulterers to come into the World that these Children thrive and are often more perfect in their Body and Mind and also become better Christians than others That nevertheless Experience daily acquaints us with the truth of this Assertion so that we ought to understand this Saying in the Scripture The Children of Adulteterers shall be consumed by Fire only of those that corrupt the Word of God Theophila returns this Answer to the Obejction That God is not the Author of Adulterers though he forms the Infants that are born of such Copulations and this she illustrates by the Example of a Man that makes Earthen Vessels in a place enclosed with four Walls full of Holes through which he is furnished with Clay of which he makes his Work Now if those that serve him are mistaken in taking one hole for another and it so happen that his Work is not such as it ought to be the fault would lie neither in the Workman himself nor in the Clay but in those that had made a wrong Application of the matter That after the same manner we ought not to cast the Sin of Adulterers either upon God that makes Men or upon the Matter of which they are made or upon the Power that is given to Men to beget Children but upon the wicked Inclinations of those Persons that use these things in a dishonest manner that every thing in the World is really Good in it self but becomes Ill through the ill use and management of it She continues afterwards to prove by the admirable Beauty and Harmony that so visibly appears in the Contexture of our Bodies that God is the Author of them She observes that all Infants even those that are begotten in Adultery have their tutelar Angels to guard them immediately after their Conception that the Soul is in its Nature immortal that it is not generated by our Parents but proceeds from God who inspireth it In short after she has thus answered this Objection she concludes That it is permitted for Men to Marry though Virginity is a more perfect State than Marriage The Third Discourse goes under the Name of Thalia who applies the words of Adam to his Wife in Genesis to our Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ and his Church and following the Opinion of the Apostle she adds That the Word was the Wisdom of God who existing before all Ages communicated himself after a very particular manner to the first Man but that Man having violated and transgressed the Commandments of God became Mortal and Corruptible and that it was necessary for the Word to make himself Man to deliver him from the Curse and Tyranny he had rendred himself obnoxious to and save him from Corruption by his own Death and Resurrection That it is upon this account that the Son of God came into the World to unite himself to the Church as to his Spouse which through this means became his Flesh and his Botie that he died for her that he purified her by Baptism and by his Holy Spirit that these words Increase and Multiply are accomplished and fulfilled every day in the Church which encreases in Greatness and
never searched after it amongst the Jews and because it is inseparable from the Worship and Knowledge of the true God He afterwards explains the Doctrine of the Christians with relation to Jesus Christ and evidently proves That the Pagans themselves acknowledged that he was the Word and Wisdom of God existing before the World That this Word was begotten of God after an incomprehensible manner That he descended from Heaven and was born of a Virgin according to the Predictions of the Prophets that the Gentiles might know the true God He then gives an Account of the Life the Miracles and Death of Jesus Christ and shows That it was necessary for him to undergo the infamous Punishment of the Cross. He afterwards demonstrates That though the Christians do acknowledge that the Son is God as well as the Father yet they worship but one God That the Father and Son are one Spirit and one Substance and one God which 〈◊〉 illustrates and explains by the Comparisons of a Fountain and its Stream of the Sun and its Rays c. Towards the End he declaims in general against Heresies and tells us That the Catholick Church only has retained the true worship of God That it is the Sourse of Truth the Habitation of Faith the Temple of God That those Men who never enter into it or who depart from it are out of hopes of obtaining Everlasting Salvation That no Man ought to flatter himself whilest he continues stedfast in his Obstinacy since his Eternal welfare is concerned in the Matter which he will be in danger of losing unless he takes particular Care That though all the Sects of Hereticks pretend and boast to be the Church yet there is but one properly so called which heals the Wounds of Man by the wholsome Remedies of Confession and Repentance In the Fifth Book that treats of Justice He shews that the Pagans have no such thing as true Justice That 't is impossible to find it any where but in the Christian Religion That it is a great Injustice to pâ—…secute the Christians because of their Persuasion and that though they were in an Errour yet their Adversaries ought to recover them out of it by the force of Reason and not of Punishments That we cannot and that we ought not to constrain Men to be of any Religion which is a thing not to be defended by Killing of others but by Dying for it our selves not by Cruelty but Patience That that the Sacrifices which are extorted from Men by Violence neither signifie any thing to those that offer them nor to those that cause them to be offered nor to the Gods themselves That 't is a surprizing thing that the Pagans could suffer the Superstitions of the Egyptians and the Atheism of the Philosophers and yet should bear such an incurable hatred to the Religion of Jesus Christ In short That though God sometimes permits Truth and Justice to be persecuted yet he never fails at last to punish Persecutors with the utmost Severity The Sixth Book treats of the true worship of God He distinguisheth between Two sorts of Worship True and False and Two sorts of Ways One that leads to Hell and the Other that leads to Heaven He tells us That this last is a difficult Way that we must pass through Poverty Ignorance and a long Series of Sufferings before we can arrive at Virtue That the Philosophers search'd after it to no purpose since they neither knew what was Good or what was Evil having no Knowledge of God who was the Author of Good nor of the Devil who is the Author of Evil That the Law of God is made clear and manifest to us That this Law contains two Principal Heads The First of Piety The Second of Humanity That Piety consists in worshipping God and that Humanity which is also called Mercy and Charity consists in our mutually assisting one another to our utmost Endeavours since we are descended from the same Father That if we would acquit our selves of this Duty we ought to bestow Alms to relieve the Sick and Necessitous to protect Orphans and Widows to redeem Captives and bury the Dead and that the Apprehension of becoming poor ought not to hinder us from giving considerable Alms because they blot out and efface our Sins He afterwards discourses about the Passions and demonstrates contrary to the Sentiments of the Philosophers That Mercy or Compassion is not a Vice but a Virtue and that Fear and Love which are Vices when they carry a Man to Earthly things are Vertues when they move him towards Heaven From hence he proceeds to the Precepts of Justice that are less general such as are the following ones Not to Lye not to be guilty of Usury not to exact Gifts from the Poor not to revenge our selves of our Enemies to speak well of those that revile us to moderate our Passions and to refrain from the pursuit of Sensual Pleasures After he has thus show the way of Justice he says That if it should happen that a Man should forsake this way by falling into some Sin yet he ought not to despair but turn away from his Evil Practices and satisfie God who knows our secret Thoughts In one word That the Sacrifice which we are to present ought to be Spiritual and that we ought to offer him the Purity of our Hearts and the Praises due to his Divinity The Last Book of his Institutions treats about Happiness and a happy Life He shows that this supposes the Immortality of the Soul which he demonstrates by several Arguments and likewise that thiâ—… Mortal Life can never be Happy unless we take care to preserve Justice He afterwards discourseth of the End of the World which he imagines must happen Six Thousand Years after its Creation d Six Thousand Years after its Creation So that he seems to have thought that there were no more than 200 Years to reckon from his own time to the Day of Judgment and of the Signs that shall precede it amongst which he reckons the Destruction of the Roman Empire and of the last Judgment wherein he tells us God shall as it were weigh both Good and Evil and that those who have committed more Evil than Good shall be condemned to Everlasting Punishment That on the contrary those who are altogether Just shall not in the least manner feel the Divine Fire but that those who are in a middle condition shall be examined by it and so purified from their Sins That after this Solemn Trial is over Jesus Christ shall Reign a Thousand Years upon Earth with the Just and when that Course of Time is finished the World shall be renewed all Mankind shall be raised again and God shall make the Just like to Angels that they may be in his Presence and serve him during a happy Eternity but that he will throw the Wicked head-long into Everlasting Fire He concludes all with exhorting Mankind to be Converted and Repent while
they have an Opportunity of so doing that so they may put themselves in a Condition of fearing nothing at that Great and Terrible Day We cannot carry any thing along with us says he but the Innocence of our Lives Those only shall appear rich before God that bring along with them if I may use the Expression the Vertues of Mercy of Patience of Charity and of Faith This is the Inheritance which cannot be ravished from us and which we cannot transmit to any one besides And who are they that desire to acquire these Blessings Let them that are Hungry come to the Celestial Bread of the Word of God that they may be everlastingly satisfied Let them that are Thirsty come to quench their Thirst with the Water of this Heavenly Fountain Let no Man ground his hopes upon his Riches or his Power for these things are not able to make us happy for ever but let us bind our selves to the observation of Justice which will accompany us even to God's Tribunal where we shall certainly receive the recompence which he has promised us The Epitome or entire Abridgment of these Seven Books composed by Lactantius himself is lost what is extant begins at the End of the Fifth Book the rest was lost in St. Jerome's time This Abridgment contained the very same things with the Books themselves only more succinctly treated and thrown into a narrower compass In the Book of God's Anger Lactantius endeavours to prove that God is capable of Anger as well as of Mercy and Compassion In the Book of the Work of God he establisheth Providence by demonstrating the Excellence of his Principal Work which is Man for which Reason he makes an Elegant Description of all the Parts of his Body and the Proprieties or Faculties of his Soul The Book of Persecution or rather of the Deaths of the Persecutors lately published by Baluzins and quoted by St. Jerome was writ immediately after the end of that Persecution which was begun in the Year 303 under Dioclesian and ended 313 by the Death of Maximinus when Licinius and Constantine were Masters of the Empire 'T is written to a Confessor whose Name was Donatus who suffered several times courageously for the Christian Religion during that Persecution The Subject which Lactantius proposes to himself in this Treatise is to show That the Emperours who persecuted the Christians died all miserably He there describes and relates the several Persecutions which the Church suffered and likewise the exemplary Punishments which God deservedly inflicted upon these persecuting Tyrants After he has in a few Words briefly run over the Sufferings of the Church under the Emperours Nero Domitian Decius Valerian and Aurelian and given an account of the Tragical Deaths of these bloody Princes he enlarges more copiously upon the following Persecution He gives a particular Account of the History of Dioclesian Maximian Galerius Severus Maxentius and Maximinus and tells us how they came to be Emperours and what was the occasion of the Divisions and Wars that were raised between them He represents in lively colours the horrid Cruelties which they exercised upon the poor Christians and how by the visible Chastisement of God Almighty they came to a lamentable End This small Treatise is writ with a great deal of Flame and Elegance and is exactly agreeable in the Historical Part to the Revolution of the Roman State under these Emperours We find several Matters of Fact related there which were unknown to us before and many other Passages are illustrated and set in a better light He there discovers the Policy and Designs of all these Emperour And lastly makes it visibly appear that the Hand of God was upon them to punish them for their Cruelty and ill Usage of the Christian Professors There are few things in this Book that relate to the Doctrine of the Christians but he seems to take notice that St. Peter came not to Rome till the Beginning of Nero's Reign And he likewise tells us That as the Emperour Maximinus was offering Sacrifice one of his Officers made the Sign of the Cross and thereupon to their great trouble the Daemons disappeared Besides these Works whereof we have already discoursed there are Three Poems attributed to Lactantius which are not mentioned by St. Jerome nor are to be found in the ancient Manuscripts and therefore in all probability they are none of his The First is a Poem concerning the History of the Phoenix but the Author of this Piece was certainly no Christian but a Pagan for he not only describes the Deluge like a Heathen and contrary to Moses's Account but he also speaks of Phoebus as if he owned and acknowledged him for a God The Second Poem concerning Easter is addressed to one Felix a Bishop and was composed by a Christian Author who lived after Lactantius 't is attributed to Venantius Fortunatus upon the Testimony and Authority of some Manuscripts in the Vatican Library The Third is about the Passion of Jesus Christ but is not to be found in any ancient Manuscript of Lactantius besides it does not in the least come up to the Purity and Eloquence of his Stile and besides he mentions the Adoration of the Cross. There are likewise some Arguments upon Ovid ' s Metamorphosis and Notes upon the Thebais of Statius that some Persons have attributed to Lactantius but they really belong to Lactantius Placidius a Grammatian They are quoted by Boetius and Sedulius Lactantius is the most Eloquent of all the Ecclesiastick Authors that wrote in Latin His Stile is Pure Equal and Natural in a word it is extremely like Cicero's and he justly deserves the Name of the Christian Cicero not only for the cleanness and purity of his Language but also for the turn of his Phrase and his Way of Writing which is so conformable to that of Tully that the most accurate Criticks have been troubled to find out any difference between them Nay there have been some Persons in the World as we are informed by e Picus Mirandula Picus lib. de Hist. Divinae Philosophiae c. 7. Quis apud nos non videat esse Ciceronem sed Christiannm hoc est aliquem qui eum ad lineam vivumque expresseâ—it Quis enim non advertit Lactantium Firmianum aequasse ipsum forte praecelluisse in Eloquendo Idem lib. 3. Epist. 10. Lactantius Ciceronis stilum effigiavit vel ut quibusdam placet supergressus est mihi videtur rebus sententiis crebrior nec numeris injucundior nec sibi aequibilitate candore posterior Has quippe virtutes viribus maximis amulatus assecutus est hunc nec â—qualem posteri momorderunt nemo elumbem fractum Asiaticum redundantem nemo causatus est Picus Mirandula who made no difficulty at all of preferring his Stile to Cicero's Be that as it will we are very certain that Lactantius abundantly surpasseth Cicero in his Thoughts because the Matter of that Religion which he
together with Sound and true Doctrine This he proves by a particular Induction of their Opinions because there is no Theology but this which teaches the Immortality of the Soul which commands Men to Adore one God only which informs them that he was the Creator of the World which teaches them that the Word is the Son of God and that the Holy Ghost is to be Worship'd with the same Worship that is due to the Father and the Son There is no other Religion but this which teaches Men that they must not Adore the Angels as Gods but honour them as the Ministers of God which gives a rational Account of the Fall of some of the Angels and instructs Man that he is made after the Image of God In a word there is none but this whose Doctrine is agreeable to Right Reason After this he subjoins a long Fragment out of a Treatise of Maximus which demonstrates that Matter is not Eternal In the Eighth Book he gives the History of the Version of the Septuagint and to prove the Authority of the Holy Scriptures he makes it appear by the Testimony of the Jews that their Law is Mystical and very Significant which he afterwards represents as worthy of all Esteem by the holiness of their Lives who have embrac'd it by the Example of the Essenes whose manner of Life he describes and by the Wisdom of Philo. In the Ninth Book he relates the Testimonies of the Pagans who have spoken in favour of the Jewish Religion and of those who allow the Truth of Moses's History In the 10th he shows that Plato and the Pagan Philosophers have taken the greatest part of what they have written from the Books of Moses In the 11th Book he demonstrates particularly that the Doctrine of Plato is agreeable to that of Moses and compares many of the Opinions of that Philosopher with those of the Jews He carries on that Comparison in the 12th and 13th Books But in the mean time he demonstrates that this Philosopher had his Errors and that no Book but the Scriptures is wholly free In the 14th and 15th Books he relates the Opinions of the Philosophers he shows their Contradictions and oftentimes confutes one of them by another From all which he concludes that the Christians had reason to forsake the Religion of the Pagans and embrace that of the Jews After he has thus prepar'd the Minds of Men to receive the Christian Religion by establishing the Authority of the Religion and of the Books of the Jews he demonstrates the Truth of it against the Jews themselves by their own Prophecies This is the Subject of his Books of Evangelical Demonstration of which there are only Ten remaining of Twenty which he compos'd In the First Book he shows that the Law of the Jews was calculated for one Nation only but the New Testament was design'd for all Mankind That the Patriarchs had no other Religion but that of the Christians since they ador'd the same God and the same Word honour'd him as they do and resembled their holy Lives In the Second Book he shows by the Prophecies that the Messias was to come into the World for all Mankind In the Third he makes it appear in favour of the Faithful that Jesus Christ is the Saviour of the World and demonstrates against the Infidels that he was no Seducer as his Doctrine his Miracles and many other Reasons do evidently prove In the Fourth Book he shows that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and gives an Account of the Reasons for which he was made Man he explains the Name of Christ and cites many Prophecies wherein he was foretold by that Name In the following Books he brings abundance of Prophecies to demonstrate that the Coming of Jesus Christ the time of his Birth the Circumstances of his Liâ—â— and Passion and in a word all things that concern'd him were foretold in the Books of the Old Testament What we have of these Books ends with the last words of Christ upon the Cross And in the following Books he recited the Prophecies concerning his Death his Burial his Resurrection his Ascension the Establishment of the Church and the Conversion of the Gentiles But these are wholly lost These Books of Evangelical Preparation and Demonstration are the largest Work that has been made by any of the Ancients upon this Subject where a Man may find more Proofs Testimonies and Arguments for the Truth of the Christian Religion than in any other They are very proper to instruct and convince all those that sincerely search after Truth In fine Eusebius has omitted nothing which might serve to undeceive Men of a false Religion or convince them of the true The Treatise against Hierocles was written against a Book of that Philosopher publish'd by him under the Name of Philalethes against the Christian Religion wherein to render it ridiculous he has compar'd Apollonius Tyanaeus with Jesus Christ and says That Apollonius wrought Miracles as well as Christ and ascended into Heaven as well as he But Eusebius has prov'd in his Answer That Apollonius Tyanaeus was so far from being comparable to Jesus Christ that he did not deserve to be rank'd among the Philosophers and that Philostratus who wrote his Life is an Author unworthy of Credit because he contradicts himself very often he doubts himself of those very Miracles which he relates and he reports many things which are plainly Fabulous At the End of this Treatise Eusebius has given some Observations against Fatal Necessity In the First of the Five Books against Marcellus of Ancyra Eusebius endeavours to prove That this Bishop wrote his Book upon no other Motive but the hatred of his Brethren he charges him with Ignorance of the Holy Scriptures and rallies him for the impertinent Explications of some Greek Proverbs brought in not at all to the purpose In fine he blames him for accusing Origen Paulinus Narcissus Eusebius of Nicodemia and Asterius of Error touching the Mystery of the Trinity and endeavours to justifie their Doctrine about it In the Second Book he discovers the Errors of Marcellus and proves from many Passages of his Book That he believes the Word was not a Person subsisting before he was born of the Virgin That he denies the distinction of the Son from the Father That he is positive in asserting the Flesh and not the Word to be the Image of God the Son of God the King the Saviour and the Christ and in short That he durst affirm that this Flesh shall be destroyed and annihilated after the Day of Judgment After he has discovered the Errors and the Malice of Marcellus of Ancyra he confutes his Opinions in the Three following Books Entitled Ecclefiastick Theology and Dedicated to Flacillus Bishop of Antioch In the First Book he proposes the Faith of the Church which he explains very exactly rejecting the Errors of the Ebionites Paulianites Sabellians and Arians After this he shows that Marcellus is guilty of
strict sence In the Third he says That the Word dwells in the Humane Nature as in its Temple an Expression which Nestorius often made use of In the last he says That the Scepter which God prepar'd for his Son does not agree to the Father nor to the Word but only to the Man Christ Who is says he the Lord of all the Creatures because of the Mixture of the Divine Word 'T is evident that these Expressions are not exact but then we ought not for this to accuse him of Error for 't is easie to excuse him not only because of the time when he wrote but also because 't is common enough with those that liv'd a long time after him to make use sometimes of Expression very like this to distinguish the Humanity of Christ from his Divinity to which it is united To which we may add That 't is plain from the passages related by Theodoret that he was far enough from the error of the Nestorians But his Doctrine must not be anathematiz'd says Facundus upon the account of some Expressions that are less exact which he made use of at a time when he spoke simply and without precaution because the Error of Nastarius did not yet appear The Passage of Eustathius which Theodoret gives us in Greek Hist. B. I. Ch. 8. is much more considerable than those which are cited by Facundus It is taken out of the same Work against the Arians and probably out of the two First Books Take it whole as Monsieur Cousin has Translated it A very numerous Council being Assembled about this Matter in the City of Nice where 270 Bishops or thereabouts assisted for the Number was so great that I cannot precisely set it down and besides I took no great care to inform my self of it When they first began to enquire into the Faith a Libel of Eusebius's was produc'd which contain'd a convincing Proof of his Blasphemies The reading of it caus'd a sensible Grief in all that heard it and great Confusion in its Author The Malignity of Eusebius's Associates being discover'd and the Impious Writing being publickly tore in pieces some under pretence of the Peace which they proposed impos'd Silence upon those that used to speak better than others The Arians apprehending that they should be cast out of the Church by the Judgment of so great an Assembly condemn'd the Impious Doctrine and sign'd the Confession of Faith But having secur'd by their Cabals the principal Dignities to themselves instead of suffering Canonical Penance as they ought they maintain'd the Doctrine that was Condemn'd sometimes in private and sometimes in Publick by several Arguments which they had invented for that purpose The desire they had to sow the Seeds of Division made them shun meeting with the Learned and attacquing the Defenders of the Faith but we do not think that these Atheists can overcome God for whatever Efforts they make will be vanquish'd according to the authentick Testimonies of the Prophet Isaiah Theodoret adds See here what Eustathius has written of the Arians There is also another passage in Greek taken out of this Work related by Anastasius in his Collections wherein Eustathius maintains That Jesus Christ cannot be said to be Created and Begotten according to the same Nature for if he was Created he was not Begotten and if he was Begotten he was not Created The same Theodoret citeth in his Dialogues many passages of Eustathius about the Incarnation taken out of his Book upon the Soul and his Discourse upon these words of the Proverbs God hath created me in the beginning of his ways out of his 15th and 92d Homilies upon the Psalms and out of two other Treatises upon the Inscriptions or Titles of some Psalms k Upon the Inscriptions or Titles of some Psalms The First is taken from the Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Second from the Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The 6th Psalm which is our 5th has for its Title in the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the Inscription of a Title for David and the 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an Inscription to David or to David for an Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly an Inscription upon a Pillar The Psalms 57 58 and 59. have the like titles The Treatise which Theodoret cites in this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was compos'd upon these Inscriptions as the Second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was compos'd upon thâ—…â—nscriptions of the Psalms of Degrees St. Gregory Nyssen has since made a Treatise upon the Inscriptions of the Psalms This Observation I owe to the Learned Cotelerius All the passages of Eustathius reported by Theodoret l All the Passages of Eustathius reported by Theodoret. In the Passages cited from the First Second Dialogue he asserts That Christ had a Body and Soul of the same Substance with ours and there he calls the Flesh of Christ the Temple in which the Divinity dwelt He observes in the last passage of his Second Dialogue that Christ had no need of the legal Sacrifices to purifie himself because he purifies himself and sanctifies all things but he voluntarily submitted to the Law to deliver us from that Bondage us who were enslav'd under and liable to the Malediction of Sin In the Passages recited out of the last Dialogue he proves That the Divinity of Jesus Christ was not subject to any Pains or Sufferings but only his Humanity There he affirms That Jesus Christ had a Soul That he truly suffer'd though voluntarily and that the Word dwelling in the Body of the Man as in a Temple restor'd by the Resurrection that Temple which Death had destroy'd In a word he shows that all the Properties of the Humane and Divine Nature were found in Christ but that we must not attribute to the Divinity that which agrees only to the Humanity or deny because of his Divinity the Properties which agree only to the Humane Nature prove That there are two Perfect Natures in Jesus Christ the Divine and the Humane Nature That He has a Body and a Soul like us That He is passible according to the Humane Nature and That the Humanity is not chang'd into the Divinity From whence it appears that Eustathius did more formally reject the Error of the Eutychians than that of the Nestorians although there are some Expressions in the same Passages which plainly enough show that he was perswaded That these two Natures were united in one and the same Person But the Oriental Writers have always more applied themselves to remark the distinction of the two Natures in Christ than their intimate Union whereas on the contrary the Egyptians are more addicted to discourse of their Union than their Distinction Which thing afterwards was the Subject of the great Disputes that were amongst them about the Mystery of the Incarnation The Treatise of Eustathius concerning the Pythoniss m The Treatise of Eustathius concerning the Pythoniss
by some Modern Greek and seem to be all written by the same Author The Homily of the Vigils of Easter has nothing of the Stile of St. Athanasius but is dry and barren and full of affected Figures The Fragments of the Commentary upon the Psalms related by Nicetas in his Catena are very dubious and so much the more because we have no account in the Ancients that St. Athanasius ever compos'd a Commentary upon the Psalms The same must be said of the Passages taken out of the Catena upon Job for there is not much Credit to be given to these Catena's made by the Modern Greeks But the Passages cited by Theodoret are more valuable for they are almost all found in some of the Works of St. Athanasius which we have mention'd excepting only those which he cites as taken out of a large Discourse of this Father about Faith We must also acknowledge for Genuine the Fragment of a Treatise of St. Athanasius upon these words of Jesus Christ My Soul is troubled which is recited in the Sixth Council Art 14. for besides the Authority of this Council which cites it as St. Athanasius's 't is easie to perceive that it has the Stile and Air of this Father 'T is also very probable that the Passages cited by Gelasius and St. John Damascene and set down at the end of the Second Volume P. 547 and 548 are St. Athanasius's The Passage of a Letter to Eupsychius pp The Passage of a Letter to Eupsychius Theodoret and the Council of Chalcedon cite a Letter of Atticus of Constantinople Successor to St. Chrysostom directed to Eupsychius St. Athanasius mentions one Eupsychius Bishop of Cappadocia Orat. 1. against Ar. But the sixth Council says that the Eupsychius mention'd by him was a Priest of Caesarea recited in Latin in the Sixth Council is not so certainly his for it is not written in his Stile and we read no-where else that St. Athanasius ever wrote to Eupsychius Photius mentions a Commentary of St. Athanasius upon Ecclesiastes and the Canticles we have nothing of it at present and I doubt very much whether it was St. Athanasius's since Photius himself confesses that it had not the Stile of his other Works and that none of the Ancients mention it The Eleven Books of the Unity of the Godhead in the Trinity belong to Vigilius qq The Eleven Books and the Conference of Arius and S. Athanasius belong to Vigilius Tapsensis It has been observ'd long since that these were the Works of a Latin Author who wrote long after S. Athanasius Sirmondus first discover'd that they were written by Vigilius Tapsensis This he observ'd in his Notes upon Theodolphus of Orleans where he says that these Two Books are found in an ancient Manuscript together with the Books of this African Bishop against Nestorius and Eutyches in which he testifies himself that he compos'd these Dialogues under the Name of St. Athanasius a Deacon of Africk and afterwards Bishop of Tapsa as well as the Dialogue or Conference of Arius and St. Athanasius which follows these Eleven Books The Exhortation to the Monks and to the Spouse of Jesus Christ which is in the Collection of Holstenius has nothing of the Stile of St. Athanasius no more than the Book entituled Instructions abridg'd for Monks and Christians publish'd not long ago in Greek and Latin by Arnoldus and printed at Paris by the Widow Martin in the Year 1685. These Books are written in a mean Stile and contain such Rules and Precepts as neither agree with the Person nor the Genius of St. Athanasius The Letters of St. Athanasius to the Bishops of Egypt to the Popes Marcus and Felix rr To the Popes Marcus and Felix 1. The Author of this Letter to Marcus uses the Words of the Epistle to Felix 2. The Author of this Letter places the Persecution against St. Athanasius which happen'd in 355 under Liberius Nineteen Years after the Death of Pope Marcus 3. This Letter is compos'd of Passages of Authors who liv'd since St. Athanasius as St. Leo Atticus St. Cyril St. Celestine c. 4. He says that there were Eighty Canons of the Nicene Council Forty Greek and Forty Latin which is a manifest Falshood 5. He adds that he reduc'd them to Seventy that there might be as many Canons as there were Disciples of Jesus Christ and Languages in the World which is the Heighth of Impertinence 6. The Stile is very different from that of St. Athanasius and is of a Latin Author 7. In 336 when this Letter is suppos'd to be written St. Athanasius was in Gaul and consequently could not write from Alexandria In a Word the Letter is dated the 1st of December and Marcus died the same Year in the Beginning of November The same Reasons prove that the Answer could not be written by Marcus for 't is dated about a Month after his Death The Letter written to Felix has as many Marks of Falshood 1. St. Athanasius never communicated with this false Pope 2. It has not the Stile of St. Athanasius but of a Latin Author 3. 'T is compos'd of Passages taken out of St. Innocent Celestine the Roman Council Adrian 4. When Felix was chosen St. Athanasius lay conceal'd and could not then assemble a Synod The Answer of Felix is compos'd of Passages out of the decretal Epistles forg'd by Isidore and of Testimonies out of the Fathers and the Date of the Consuls is false and those of these Popes to these Bishops are notoriously False and Supposititious The Relation of the Passion of the Image of Jesus Christ in the City of Berytus ss The Relation of the Passion of the Image of Jesus Christ in the City of Berytus Sigibert in his Chronicle relates this Story at the Year 765 and so the Treatise which he cites cannot be St. Athanasius's I shall give a short Account of the Story and leave the Reader to judge whether it be fabulous or no. 'T is said that a Christian having over-against his Bed an Image of Jesus Christ which was of his natural Bigness removing out of his Lodging forgot it in the Lodging where it was though he knew that Jesus Christ gave it to Nicodemus who left it to Gamaliel and that from Gamaliel it pass'd to St. James and from St. James to Simeon and from him to Zachaeus and so it pass'd from Hand to Hand till the Destruction of Jerusalem That a Jew having hir'd the House where this Image was for some time did not perceive it but having invited some of his Friends to eat with him they discover'd it and after that all the Jews assembled together to beat it and one of them having pierc'd it with a Lance there came forth Blood and Water which wrought Abundance of Miracles The Title of this Story says that it happen'd under Constantine and Irene 'T is related also in the 2d Council of Nice and 't is said that it made the Fathers of
Letter to Palladius he commends him for being Orthodox and approves of his staying with Innocent He rebukes those Monks that would not obey St. Basil but praises this Bishop saying he was the Glory of the Church for he contended for the Truth and taught those that needed Instruction and none could be good Catholicks that had any Dispute with him He adds That he had written to his Monks to obey him as their Father and that they were to blame for complaining of him Probably 't was about the Question of the Hypostases that the Monks had some Dispute with St. Basil. After we have spoken of his Historical Works let us now come to the Dogmatical The First of these are the two Treatises against the Gentiles whereof the Second is now entituled Of the Incarnation In the First of these two Books he Opposes Idolatry and Establishes the Worship of the true God he discovers the source of Idolatry that it comes from the Corruption of Man's Heart who being created after the Image of God fell under the guilt of Adam's Sin and inherited from him an unhappy Inclination to Sin which the Will does very often follow though it be free to resist it From this Principle he concludes in the first place against the Hereticks That 't is not necessary there should be two Principles or two Gods one Good the Author of Good and another Evil the Author of Evil. He refutes this Impious Opinion by Reason and Authority and concludes that Sin is not a Substance but that it entred into the World by the Fall of the First Man He observes that this is the source of all Idolatry that Men being faln from their first Estate do no longer raise their Heart and Spirit to things Spiritual but fix them on things Terrestrial and Sensible He refutes afterwards the different kinds of Idolatry and shows that we ought not to Worship nor Acknowledge for Divinities either the Gods of the Poets or the World or any part of it After he has thus overthrown all kinds of Idolatry he establishes the Existence and Worship of the true God He demonstrates that God may be known by the Light of Nature 1. From our selves that 's to say by Reflexion upon our own Thoughts that he is neither Corporeal nor Mortal 2. From the Beauty of the Universe which discovers the Existence of him as the Cause of it Then he shows that this God is the Father of Jesus Christ and that he created all things and governs them by his Word The Second Treatise against the Gentiles is that which is entituled Of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ because there he treats of that Mystery For explaining the Causes of it he goes back as far as the Beginning of the World and proves that it was not made by chance nor fram'd of an Eternal Matter but that God the Father created it by his Word After this he speaks of the Fall of Man who being created after the Image of God addicted himself to things corruptible and perishing and so became the Cause of his own Misery and Corruption He says that the Fall of Man was the cause of the Incarnation of the Word because God pitying Man resolv'd to send his Son to Save him and to give him the means of obtaining that Immortality which he had lost Upon this Principle he founds the Necessity of the Incarnation of the Word which he proves First Because the Son being the Essential Image of his Father there was none but he that could render Man like to God as he was before his Fall 2. Because as the Word is the Reason and Wisdom of his Father there is none but he can teach Men and undeceive them of their Errors From the Causes of the Incarnation he passes to its Effects and after he has described the Graces which the Word has merited for Mankind by his Incarnation he speaks of his Death and shows that he was to die as he did by the Torments of the Cross that by his Death he might conquer Death both in himself and us Lastly He proves the Resurrection of Jesus Christ by the wonderful Effects that follow'd his Death and by the contempt of Death wherewith it inspir'd his Disciples After he has thus explain'd the Doctrine of Christians he refutes the Jews and Pagans the former by proving from the Prophets that Jesus is the Messias promis'd in the Old Testament and the latter from the Miracles of Jesus Christ from the destruction of Idolatry and the Establishment of the Doctrine of the Gospel which though contrary to the Lusts and Passions of Men was entertain'd without difficulty and in a little time by the greatest part of the World He concludes these Discourses with an Advertisement to his Friend Macarius to whom they are directed That he should have recourse to the Holy Scripture which is the Fountain from whence these things are drawn to which he adds this Remark that for the better understanding of it we should lead a Life like to that of the Authors of these holy Books St. Athanasius wrote but two Treatises against the Gentiles for his other Dogmatical Treatises are either about the Trinity or the Incarnation The Four Discourses against the Arians are the chief of his Dogmatical Works In the First which is call'd the Second he convicts the Sect of the Arians of Heresie for which end he first makes use of an Argument which he employs against all Hereticks which is the Novelty of their Sect and the Name which it bears Then he explains their Doctrine and proves that 't is Impious full of Blasphemies and comes near to that of the Jews and Gentiles Lastly He refutes their Reasons and clears up a great many difficulties which they propose against the Doctrine of the Church In the Second Treatise which is the Third in the common Editions he explains some of the Passages which the Arians alledge to prove that the Son is a Creature and insists chiefly upon that in Chap. 8. of the Proverbs The Lord hath created me in the beginning of his ways c. He says towards the end That the Arians run a hazard of having no true Baptism because to make this Sacrament valid 't is not sufficient to pronounce the words but we must also have a right understanding of them and a right Faith He adds That if the Baptism of other Hereticks who pronounce the same words be null and void because they have not a true Faith 't is to be thought that we ought to give the same Judgment of the Baptism of the Arians who are become the worst of all Hereticks These words of St. Athanasius shew That in his time those that had been Baptiz'd by Hereticks were Rebaptiz'd in the Church of Alexandria though they had been Baptiz'd in the Name of the Trinity In the Third Discourse which is reckon'd for the Fourth he proves That the Father and the Son have but one and the same Substance and one
Besiege the City of Nisibis St. James upon this occasion did the Office both of a Governor and a Bishop for he not only made fervent Prayers for his People but encourag'd them by his Exhortations to Rebuild a Wall in the room of that which the Besiegers had beat down he mounted upon the Walls of the City and appear'd Miraculously cloathed with Purple as if he had been an Emperour 'T is said also That at his Prayer God rain'd an infinite Multitude of Gnats which so annoy'd the Besiegers that they were forc'd to retire in disorder This Story is related not only by Theodoret who has written the Life of this Saint in his Book entituled Philotheus which is an Historical Account of Thirty eminent Asceticks and who speaks also of this Circumstance in his Hist. Ch. 30. of his Second Book but also by Philostorgius who cannot be suspected of too much favour to so great an Enemy of the Arians St. Athanasius speaks of this Saint as of a Bishop who had written for the Church And if St. Jerom has not plac'd him among the number of Ecclesiastical Writers it is because as Gennadius has observ'd that this Father understood not the Syriack Tongue having never read those Syriack Writers This with Gennadius's leave is something strange for it is not credible that a Man who lived so long in Palaestine where Syriack was the Mother-Tongue and who understood Hebrew so well as St. Jerom did should not understand Syriack which is but a different Dialect whom he mentions but in their Version so that we must not wonder that he says nothing of his Works because they were never translated into Greek Gennadius has made a Catalogue wherein he says That the Work of this Author contain'd 26 Books but he names but 23. The 1st is concerning Faith The 2d against all Heresies The 3d. of Charity in general The 4th of Charity towards our Neighbour The 5th of Fasting The 6th of Prayer The 7th of the Resurrection The 8th of the Life after Death The 9th of Humility The 10th of Patience The 11th of Penance The 12th of Satisfaction The 13th of Virginity The 14th of the Life of the Soul The 15th concerning Circumcision The 16th concerning the Benediction of the Grape which is the cause that the Bunch of Grapes is preserv'd which is mention'd by the Prophet Isaiah Ch. 65 The 17th of Jesus Christ to prove that he is the Son of God and Con-substantial to his Father The 18th of Chastity The 19th against the Gentiles The 20th of the Building of the Tabernacle The 21st of the Conversion of the Gentiles The 22nd of the Empire of the Persians The 23th of the Persecution of the Christians Gennadius says also That this Father made a Chronicle less studied indeed than that of the Greeks but more bold for by using the words of Scripture he stops the mouth of all those that question the Coming of Jesus Christ upon vain Conjectures This holy Man as Gennadius goes on died under Constantius and was buried by Constantine's Order in the City of Nisibis to be a kind of a Defender of it after his Death but some time after Julian entring into this City either because he could not endure the Glory of this Saint or because he would reproach the Memory of Constantine commanded that the Relicks of his holy Body should be thrown out of the City wherefore in a few Months after the Emperour Jovian was forc'd to save his Empire to Surrender it to the Persians under whose Dominion it still remains Theodoret gives us another Account of the removal of St. James's Body He says That when Jovian Surrendred up Nisibis to the Persians the Inhabitants who left the Town carried the Martyrs Bones along with them His Testimony is the more valuable because he lived near the place and also because as he tells us himself in his Ecclesiastical History he took a great deal of pains to collect and write down the Wonderful Things which were related of this Saint MARCELLUS of Ancyra MARCELLUS Bishop of Ancyra assisted at the Council of Nice where he defended the Faith and oppos'd the Arians as Pope Julius affirms upon the Report of St. Sylvester the Marcellus of Ancyra Pope After that Council he wrote a Book against Asterius and other Bishops of the Arian Faction entituled Concerning the Submission of Jesus Christ wherein he advances many Propositions favouring the Error of the Sabellians The Eusebians immediately accus'd him of this Heresie and 't is said that he promis'd in the Council of Jerusalem to burn his Book but refusing to do it when he was at Constantinople he was condemn'd and depos'd in a Council held in that City by the Eusebians in the Year 336. There is some probability that he was restor'd again to his See after the Death of Constantine but he was driven away at the same time that St. Athanasius was forc'd out of Alexandria and oblig'd to fly for Refuge into the West where he was Absolv'd in the Councils of Rome and Sardica Socrates and Sozomen say That after this last Council he was restor'd to his Bishoprick as well as St. Athanasius but that he could not live there in quiet because Basil who was Ordain'd in his room in the Year 336 was in Possession of his See and what became of him afterwards is not known St. Hilary and Sulpitius Severus affirm That St. Athanasius having discover'd that he favour'd the Error of Photinus depriv'd him of his Communion and this Bishop seeing himself condemn'd by his Judgment refrain'd from coming to the Church-Gate But this Relation is not true for St. Athanasius does always speak of him in his Writings as a Catholick Bishop and we understand by the Letters which St. Basil wrote to St. Athanasius a little before his Death that this Father continued always in Communion with him St. Jerom places Marcellus of Ancyra among the number of Ecclesiastical Writers and says that he compos'd many Volumes upon different Subjects but chiefly against the Arians We have nothing of his Works remaining but some Fragments recited by Eusebius in the Books which he wrote against this Author These passages are very intricate and favour the Error of the Sabellians Some have accus'd Eusebius that he took for a positive Assertion what Marcellus had only propos'd by way of Doubt or Objection but the contrary appears sufficiently from Eusebius's Book where 't is plain that in the greatest part of the passages which he recites Marcellus of Ancyra proposes his true Sentiment which 't is very difficult to explain in a Catholick Sence It appears by these Fragments that Marcellus was a Man that talked much who had little Wit or Knowledge or Eloquence and was altogether void of good Sence St. Epiphan in Haeres 72. recites a Letter of Marcellus of Ancyra HOSIUS HOSIUS Bishop of Corduba a City of Spain did generously confess the Faith of Christ in the Persecution of the Emperour Dioclesian The
understanding this sent Lucifer Calaritanus with Pancratius a Priest and Hilary a Deacon to carry a Letter to the Emperour Constantius wherein after he had given an Account of what we have already said concerning every thing that had been done since the Beginning of his Pontificate in the Cause of St. Athanasius he prays him to Order the Examination of this Affair in a Free Council upon Condition that they should begin with Confirming the Nicene Creed He gave to the same Deputies a Letter of Recommendation address'd to Eusebius Vercellensis and indeed he wrote two other Letters to him one of Recommendation and another of Thanks About the same time He wrote also to Hosius and to other Bishops concerning the Lapse of Vincentius of Capua Immediately after the Council of Milan held in the Year 355 which was not more favourable to St. Athanasius than that of Arles had been before Liberius wrote an Elegant Letter to Eusebius Vercellensis Denys and Lucifer then in Banishment wherein he praises them for their Constancy and testifies to them That he was ready to suffer the same Persecution for the same Cause He says He knew not whether he should be griev'd for their Absence or rejoyce for their Glory which he observes to be greater than that of former Martyrs because these suffer'd only the Torments of their Pagan Persecutors but they endur'd the Injuries of their false Brethren He prays them to assist him with their Prayers That God would give him Grace to bear with Patience and Constancy the Tryals that he was threaten'd with And indeed a little after Constantius perceiving that there was none almost left but Liberius who justified the Innocence of this Saint and desiring to confirm his Condemnation by the Authority of the Bishop of Rome sent an Eunuch thither who urg'd him to Subscribe to the Condemnation of St. Athanasius to no purpose for all the Answer he could get from him was That he should call a Free Council in some place that was distant from the Court where there should be neither Guards nor Officers That this Council should begin with making a Profession of the Faith as it had been explain'd in the Council of Nice That it should drive away all the Arians and anathematize their Error and then afterwards should examine the Cause of St. Athanasius The Emperour having receiv'd this Answer sent an Order to the Governour of Rome to surprize Liberius and send him to Court which Order was executed And when he was in the Emperour's presence he spoke to him with no less Constancy than he had done at Rome to his Eunuch We have his Answers in Theodoret in B. II. of his Hist. Ch. 16. wherein he discovers an unconceivable Firmness of Mind in refusing to Subscribe to the Condemnation of St. Athanasius Constantius objected to him That he had been condemned by all the World and says he You are the only Bishop in the World that justifies an impious Disturber of the Peace to which he answered with great Constancy Tho' I were alone yet the Cause of Faith is nevertheless Good for at another time there were found but three young Men that disobey'd the Orders of the King After this he pray'd him That he would call a Synod but withal desir'd That before they should proceed to examine St. Athanasius's Cause He would make all the Bishops Subscribe the Nicene Creed Constantius being enrag'd against St. Athanasius as supposing him the cause of that Enmity which his Brother Constans had against him Liberius as to this answer'd him wisely You ought not Sir to make use of Bishops to revenge your Quarrels for the hands of Ecclesiasticks ought not to be employ'd but only to Bless and to Sanctify At last Constantius threatning him with Banishment I have already says he bid adieu to my Brethren at Rome for the Ecclesiastical Laws are to be preferr'd before my Living there Three Days time were given him to consider of it and because he did not change his Opinion in that time he was Banish'd two Days after to Beraea a City of Thrace The Emperour the Empress and the Eunuch Eusebius offer'd him Money to bear the Expence of his Journey but he refus'd it and went away chearfully to the place of his Banishment The Clergy of Rome having lost their Head took an Oath to chuse no body in the Room of Liberius as long as he was alive But Constantius by the management of Epictetus Bishop of Centâ—…cellae in Italy procur'd one Felix a Deacon to be ordain'd Bishop who was himself also one of those that had sworn not to chuse a Bishop in the Room of Liberius St. Jerom says That Acacius had a hand in this Ordination St. Jerom and Socrates accuse this Felix of Arianism but Theodoret and Ruffinus say That he was not an Arian in Doctrine but only communicated with that Party However all the Ancients agree That this Ordination was not lawful a However all the Ancients â—gree That this Ordination was not lawful St. Athanasius in his Epistle to those that lead a Monastick Life says that he was ordain'd in the Palace without the Consent of the People or the Election of the Clergy by Epictetus in the Presence of Three Eunuchs and Three Bishops who were rather Spies than Bishops that the People would not permit him to enter into the Church and withdrew themselves from his Communion St. Jerom says that he was an Antipope Optatus and St. Austin in the Catalogue of Popes make no mention of Felix but place Damasus immediately after Liberius And certainly Liberius being a lawful Bishop another could not be ordain'd in his Room And whereas 't is suppos'd that after his Lapse he fell from his Bishop-rick This can never make the Ordination of Felix valid which was null from the Beginning Besides Liberius was not depos'd after his Fall but on the contrary was always acknowledg'd as a lawful Bishop and continued in the Possession of his See with the Consent of all the Bishops of the Catholick Church and some laâ—e Authors are very much to be blam'd for putting this Man in the Catalogue of Popes and yet they have far less Reason to place him among the Holy Martyrs in very many Martyrologies b They have far less Reason to place him among the holy Martyrs in very many Martyrologies His Festival is kept on August 4th Mombritius was the first that publish'd his Life and after him Bâ—lusius put forth a more correct Edition of it There was a Dispute about the Saintship of Felix among the Correctors of the Roman Martyrology in the Time of Gregory and 't is said there was then found an old Inscription in the Church of St. Cosmus and St. Damian express'd in these words The Body of St. Felix Pope and Martyr by whom Constantius was Condemn'd But the Life of this Felix and these Monuments are apochryphal For first they suppose that Constantius put him to Death But 't is evident by
Spiritual and the Angels are active Spirits whom God makes use of to assist the weakness of Men. In his Commentary upon Psalm 132. he observes That the Woman which anointed the Head of Jesus Christ was different from her that anointed his Feet He takes notice that some have said That it was upon Mount Hermon the Angels descended to have commerce with Women but he rejects this Imagination because we cannot trust those things but to that which is written in the Book of the Law In Psalm 135. he reproves those that are not Attentive to what is Read in the Church In the Comment on Psalm 137. he observes That true Repentance consists in refraining from all those Sins which we know our selves to have formerly committed and in doing them no more In the Comment upon the following Psalm he blames the Ministers of Jesus Christ who addict themselves wholly to the Affairs of this World that they may purchase Temporal Riches He says That we are permitted to hate the Enemies of God that 's to say as far as they are the Enemies of God according to that excellent Saying That we should hate the Vices and love the Persons Upon Psalm 140. he distinguishes Four sorts of Prayer Deprecation Oration Petition and Thanksgiving And he says That it belongs to our Humility to Pray to the Majesty of God to be Pray'd unto it belongs to our Faith to Petition and to our Gratitude to Thank God for his Benefits He describes the Easiness and Danger of offending God by the Sins of the Tongue He observes that the Book of Wisdom which the Latins attribute to Solomon passes among the Greeks and Hebrews for Jesus the Son of Syrach's An infinite number of other Remarks might yet be drawn from these Commentaries but these are sufficient for our Design For if we should give an Account of all the Commentaries of Authors upon the Scripture and all that they contain we should never have done Wherefore we pray the Reader that he would be content with these Extracts which we have made from the Commentaries of St. Hilary which cannot but be too long already 'T is plain That these Commentaries are almost wholly taken out of Origen They contain many Allegories and many Moral Thoughts There is much Wit and Learning observable in them He advertises the Reader often that the Latin does not fully express the sence of the Greek word which also discovers that this Work was taken from a Greek Commentary and that he follow'd the Emphasis of the Greek words the sence whereof the Latin Translator was oblig'd to express St. Jerom calls St. Hilary the Rhosne of Latin Eloquence Latinae Eloquentiae Rhodanum alluding not only to the Country where he was Born but also to the Genius of his Stile which is violent and rapid like the Course of the Rhosne for as this River by the Violence of its Waters carries all before it that hinders its course so St. Hilary ravishes the Mind and Judgment and extorts a Consent by the Vehemence of his Expressions His manner of expressing things smites astonishes overthrows and perswades His Periods are commonly long and intricate which renders him every-where obscure and almost unintelligible in some places He often uses barbarous terms and there are some places in his Works where there is no Syntax He is full of Figures and Antitheses his Reasons though solid yet are much improv'd by the lively and smart turn that he gives them He does not spare his Adversaries but he speaks to Powers and of Powers with an unparallell'd freedom He is partial to none but is a rigid Censor of Manners and a severe defender of the Faith Though St. Jerom says in his Seventh Epistle to Leta That one may read St. Hilary's Works without meeting any thing that is offensive to Piety and Religion inoffenso decurrat pede yet it must be confess'd that there are some Errors and some Expressions which are not agreeable to the Doctrine of the Church One of the principal is his Opinion concerning the Passion of Jesus Christ. He thinks that he had no sense of Pain though he received upon his Body the Wounds and Blows which cause Pain The Schoolmen have endeavour'd to give a good sence to this Expression Some have said with the Master of the Sentences That he does not deny but Jesus Christ felt Pain but he denies that the Pain he had was the Effect of Sin as it is in other Men. Others have said That he does not exclude his Sufferings but the Necessity of Suffering Some have affirm'd That he speaks in this place of the Divinity of Jesus Christ and not of his Humanity But all these Solutions appear to me to be groundless and if one would excuse St. Hilary it might better be done by saying That the words Pain Suffering Fear and Sorrow are not to be understood precisely of the perception that is in the Senses but of the trouble that results from thence in the Soul and Spirit of the uneasiness of Pain or the sensible Commotions of Fear or Sorrow And in this sence it may be said That Jesus Christ had no Pain nor Fear because his Soul continued in a perfect Tranquillity St. Hilary had not very clear Notions concerning Spiritual Beings for in the Fifth Canon of his Commentary upon St. Matthew he says That all Creatures are corporeal and that the Souls which are in Bodies are corporeal Substances He held also an intolerable Error concerning the Last Judgment I do not insist upon some smaller Errors as when in Canon 31st and 32d upon St. Matthew he excuses the Sin of St. Peter when he says in Canon 16th That the Words of Jesus Christ Get thee behind me Satan were not address'd to this Apostle when he affirms in Canon 33d that the Divinity of Jesus Christ was separated from his Humanity at the time of his Death upon Psalm 119. That the Virgin shall be Purg'd by the Fire of the Day of Judgment In Canon 14th and upon Psalm 129th That God created the Soul of the first Man before his Body In Canon 17th That the World shall not continue above 6000 Years In Canon 20th That Moses did not Die and that he shall come again at the Day of Judgment But if this Father had some Errors of this Nature yet it must also be acknowledg'd that he held a very Orthodox Doctrine about the chief Mysteries of Faith He speaks of the Attributes of God in a Sublime and Noble manner He explains the Mystery of the Trinity with wonderful clearness and exactness Every time that he speaks of the Mystery of the Incarnation he uses the most proper terms to express the Hypostatical Union of the two Natures in Jesus Christ. He explains the different Orders of the Angels and their Ministry He makes Happiness to consist in the Vision of God and says expresly That the Good and Evil are Happy or Miserable before the Day of Judgment He thinks that on
afterwards he put himself in the Service of a Quack and having gain'd some Money with him he set up for a Physician and that at last he learn'd the Subtilties of Aristotle's Logick and by this means was admitted into the presence of Gallus Caesar. However it was this is certain that Aëtius learn'd all the Subtleties and Sophistical Tricks of the Aristotelian Logick but he was ignorant in Scripture and Ecclesiastical Antiquity A Man of this Temper was very proper to advance all sorts of Impiety to maintain them with Impudence and also to entangle those that he disputed against He was Ordain'd Deacon by Leontius of Antioch who depos'd him soon after Eudoxus try'd in vain to restore him and was hindred from doing it by the hatred which the Christians of Antioch bore towards him He continued nevertheless in this City being in Friendship with Eudoxus till he was banish'd to Pepuza by the Order of the Emperour Constantius He came to the Council of Constantinople where he disputed with the Semi-Arian Bishops who having detected his Impiety rendred him odious to the Emperour and procur'd his Banishment from the Palace So that Eudoxus Acacius and those of his own Party were oblig'd to condemn him in the Year 360. After this Condemnation he was banish'd to Mopsuestia and from thence removed to Amblada a Castle in Phrygia He return'd under the Emperour Julian and Eudoxus who was gone to the See of Constantiâ—â—â—â—â— wrote to Euzoius Bishop of the Arian Party at Antioch to receive him and the Sentence of Condemnation pass'd against him But Euzoïus not doing it very readily Eudoxus caus'd him to be Ordain'd Bishop by some Bishops assembled at Constantinople and soon after Euzoïus having Assembled a Council of Nine Bishops declar'd the Sentence null which was given against this Heretick at Constantinople But at last under the Reign of Jovian Aëtius being abandon'd by Eudoxus and the other Bishops that had maintain'd him made a Faction by himself and Ordain'd many Bishops for his own Party He was forc'd in the time of the Emperour Valens to retire to the Isle of Lesbos and yet he died at Constantinople in the Year 366. The Doctrine of Aëtius was the pure Doctrine of Arius without disguise but he us'd Terms and Comparisons that were very odious to explain it He affirm'd without hesitation That the Son of God was unlike to his Father That he was of another Substance That he was created of nothing Wherefore his Disciples were call'd Anomaeans Heterousians Exoucontians Terms that denote the three Dogmes which we just now mention'd He affirm'd the same things of the Holy Spirit as of the Word He imagin'd That God reveal'd to himself the Mysteries that were unknown to the Apostles He affirm'd That he had a clear and distinct Knowledge of God and comprehended him even as he comprehends himself He maintain'd also with Arius That the Word assum'd the Flesh without a Soul His Disciples baptiz'd with one Immersion only and in the Name of the Death of Jesus Christ they re-baptiz'd those that came over to them tho' they had been baptiz'd by Catholicks Some of them are accus'd of having taught That the most enormous Crimes would not hinder the Salvation of those that were of their Judgment Aëtius as Theodoret observes made Theology an Art of Tricks or Sophistry He rais'd a great number of Propositions which contain'd unanswerable difficulties in his Opinion to destroy the Mystery of the Trinity We have in the Haeres 76. of Epiphanius a Libel which contains 47 Propositions of this Nature and the same Author attesteth that Aëtius compos'd 300 of the very same sort I shall set down one or two of them by which ye may sufficiently judge of the rest Is it possible for God to make that a person begotten should not be begotten If God is not begotten according to his Essence How can it be said that he who is begotten is of his Essence Can the same Essence be begotten and not begotten Eunomius the Disciple of Aëtius was the Son of a Husbandman in a Village of Cappadocia He wrote some time for the publick after which he was made Master of a School and at last he put himself under the Discipline of Aëtius He was not so subtile as his Master but he had a greater command of Words After he was Ordain'd Deacon by Eudoxus he was quickly banish'd to Myda a City of Phrygia He return'd to Constantinople at the time of the Council in the Year 359 and some time after he was Ordain'd Bishop of Cyzicum by Eudoxus his Protector who advis'd him to conceal his Doctrine But he not following this Counsel was accus'd by his People and Eudoxus was oblig'd to Condemn and Depose him Afterwards he separated himself wholly from this Bishop and retir'd to a House which he had at Chalcedon where he hid the Tyrant Procopius His Master Altius being return'd to Constantinople he liv'd some time with him and did the last Offices to him But he was quickly forc'd to retire to Chalcedon and being accus'd before the Emperour of giving Sanctuary to his Enemy he was banish'd into Mauritania But Valens Bishop of Mursa obtain'd his Restauration and he would have obtain'd the Favour of the Emperour if Eudoxus had not hinder'd him from coming into his sight About the End of the Reign of Valens Modestus the Praetorian Prefect banish'd him into the Isle of Naxos as a Disturber of the Peace of the Church After the Death of this Emperour he return'd to Chalcedon but Theodosius immediately banish'd him to Halmyris which Castle being taken by the Enemy he was remov'd to Caesarea a City of Cappadocia But the Inhabitants of this City not being able to endure him because he had formerly written against St. Basil their Bishop he obtain'd leave to dwell in the place of his Nativity where he died He was alive when St. Jerom wrote his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers He wrote many Books against the Church and Seven Books of Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans which are mention'd by Socrates Ch. 7. of B. IV. of his History The same Author observes That he imitated the Sophistical Stile of his Master and follow'd his way of Arguing That he was not Learned in the Holy Scripture and had no understanding of it but that he had abundance of Words and repeated oftentimes the same thing in different Terms without ever explaining clearly what he propos'd That tho' he employ'd many Words to explain the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans yet he could never discover the true Sense of that Apostle He adds That his other Books were written after the same manner and that whoever would take the pains to read them would find multitudes of Words and very little Matter St. Basil quotes in his Books against Eunomius some part of the Books of this Heretick which he afterwards refutes Eunomius answer'd St. Basil's Book by an Apology and St. Gregory Nysseâ— undertook the Defence
Fire All that I can do is to exhort you 't is your part to Labour and God's to Perfect Raise up your Minds direct your Intentions prepare your Hearts it is for your Souls that you fight and they are Eternal Treasures which you hope for The First Lecture is also an Exhortation to those that are to be baptiz'd to prepare themselves by a Holy Life and by Good Works that so they may receive the Grace of Baptism It is compos'd upon a Lesson taken out of the First Chapter of Isaiah Verse 16. which begins with these words Wash you make you clean put away the evil of your doings c. He exhorts them wholly to put off the Old-man sincerely to renounce all Sin and to spend in the Exercises of Piety the 40 Days that are appointed to Prepare them for Baptism The Second is concerning Sin and Penance He teaches them That Sin is committed voluntarily by the bad use we make of our Free-Will That the Devil was the first Sinner that afterwards he made the first Man sin That by the Sin of the first Man all Men fell under Blindness and Death That he who rais'd Lazarus rais'd our Souls and deliver'd them from Sin by his Blood That therefore we ought not to despair whatsoever Sins we have committed but to trust to the Mercy of God and to have recourse to the Remedy of Repentance He relates many Examples of God's Mercy towards the greatest Sinners He alledges also the Example of the Angels to whom he thinks God pardon'd many Faults He adds towards the end the Example of St. Peter and concludes with these words These are my Brethren the many Examples of Sinners whom God hath pardon'd as soon as they repented Do you also Confess your Sins unto the Lord and you shall obtain the Kingdom of Heaven and enjoy the Heavenly Reward together with all the Saints in Jesus Christ to whom be Glory for ever and ever The Third Lecture is concerning the Necessity of Baptism and of Penance which ought to precede it You must prepare your selves says he by Purity of Conscience for you ought not to consider the External Baptism but the Spiritual Grace which is given with the Water that is Sanctified by the Invocation of the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost The Water washes the Body but the Spirit sanctifies the Soul that we being purified may become worthy to approach unto God You cannot be perfect unless you be sanctified by the Water and the Spirit So if any one be baptiz'd without having the Holy Spirit he receives not the Grace of Baptism and likewise if any one receive not Baptism though his Conversation were never so well order'd he shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven This Discourse is bold but it is not mine but Jesus Christ's who has pronounc'd this Sentence when he said Except a man be born again of Water and the Holy Spirit he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven He proves this Truth by the Example of Cornelius then he shows the Necessity of Baptism by Water and says That none but Martyrs only can enjoy the Kingdom of Heaven without being baptiz'd The Ancients generally believed that Martyrdom was that Baptism by Fire which John Baptist fore-told Mat. 3. 11. and that was the Cup which our Saviour foretold Zebedee's Children that they should drink and the Baptism wherewith they were to be baptized He teaches That since Jesus Christ was baptiz'd to sanctifie the Waters of Baptism we must descend into the Water to be sanctified and as the Holy Spirit did then visibly appear so now he descends likewise though after an invisible manner upon those that are baptiz'd if they be well prepared for it In short he still exhorts those to whom he speaks to prepare themselves in the remaining part of Lent that so they may obtain by Baptism the Pardon of their Sins and the Grace of the Holy Spirit St. Cyril begins in the Fourth Catechetical Discourse with the Explication of the Articles of our Faith He says in his Exordium That the Worship of God consists in two things in the belief of those Doctrines that Religion teaches us and in the practice of Good Works That Faith is unprofitable without Good Works and that Good Works will prevail nothing without Faith He observes That the Articles of Faith are opposed by Pagans Jews and Hereticks and therefore it is necessary to propose it and explain it to those that enter into the Church He says That before he explains them more largely he will first give a summary of them and prays those that are already instructed to hear with Patience his Catechetical Discourses Afterwards he summarily explains the chief Doctrines of our Religion He instructs them concerning the Divinity That there is but one God only the Creator of all things who is every where present who knows all things who can do all things who never changes who will reward the Good and punish the Wicked c. He adds That we must believe also in Jesus Christ our Lord the only Son of God God begotten of God like in all things to him who begat him who was from all Eternity who sitteth now at his right hand and reigneth with him That we must not believe that the Son is of another Nature than the Father nor confound the Persons of the Father and the Son That he is the Word and the Word of God but a Word subsisting which is nothing like to the Word of Men That this Word was truly and really united to the Humane Nature That he assum'd real Flesh from the Virgin That he was truly Man subject to Humane Infirmities and to Death it self That he was crucified for our Sins That he was buried in the Grave and that he descended into Hell to deliver the Just who had been shut up there a long time with Adam That he was truly risen from the Dead That being ascended into Heaven he was worship'd by all the World and that he shall come again to Judge the Quick and the Dead and to establish an Eternal Kingdom Concerning the Holy Spirit he teaches That we ought to have the same Notions of him as of the Father and the Son That he is One Indivisible and Almighty That he knows all things That he descended in the form of a Dove upon Jesus Christ That he spoke by the Prophets That he Sanctifies the Soul in Baptism and that he ought to be honoured as the Father and the Son being one and the same Divinity He Exhorts his Auditors to hold fast this Creed and gives them Notice That he will prove it in the following Discourse by Testimonies of Scripture For says he we ought not to teach any thing concerning Divine Mysteries but what we can confirm by the Testimonies of Scripture Do not believe what I say if I do not prove it by the Holy Scriptures St. Cyril after having inform'd those whom he instructs what they ought
by a Synod of Western Bishops tho' they were condemn'd in it and explains the Faith of the Church about the Incarnation and plainly rejects not only the Errors of Apollinarius but also those that have been since publish'd by Nestorius by Eutyches and by all the other Hereticks He gives to the Virgin the Name and Title of The Mother of God Afterwards he refutes the Objections of Apollinarius and observes another Error of this Author concerning the Trinity He affirms towards the end of this Letter that we ought not to communicate with this Heretick In the 2d Letter he discovers the Tricks and Subtilties which the Apollinarians used to make People believe that they were Orthodox Towards the end of this Letter he has these excellent Words O strange folly He pretends to preach that Wisdom which has been discover'd since Jesus Christ. What pity ' t is For if the Gospel was not known till about 30 Years ago then the Gospel was of no use for 400 Years that the Church has been establish'd In vain have Christians believ'd and so many Martyrs suffer'd in vain have so many Holy Bishops govern'd the Church The Paraphrase upon Ecclesiastes was written by St. Gregory Thaumaturgus as we have observ'd in speaking of this Father's Works But we must add here to what we have said in that place to prove it that not only St. Jerom testifies in his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers that St. Gregory Thaumaturgus wrote a Treatise upon Ecclesiastes but that he cites this Treatise as his in his Commentary upon the 4th Chapter where he quotes a Passage which is Word for Word in the 4th Chapter of this Paraphrase The Poems of St. Gregory Nazianzen were the Fruits of his last Retirement he wrote them in the last Years of his Life In them is to be found all the Fire and Vigour which one would desire in the Works of a young Man and all the thoughts which the practice of Vertue for the space of many Years could inspire into an old Man of consummate Piety The 1st is a Poem which contains the History of his own Life from his Birth till his departure from Constantinople There never was any thing of this Kind written more pleasantly more elegantly and more naturally than this Life is In the first part he describes his publick and known Actions where he says many things which are very useful to explain the History of the Council of Constantinople and the Divisions of the Eastern and Western Churches and there also he discourses against the Ignorance the Pride and the corrupt Manners of the Bishops of his time In the 2d Part he describes the Dispositions of his Mind The former part relates to History and this to Morality and as there are in the former part many Circumstances that belong to Ecclesiastical History so this contains many Christian and Moral Thoughts The former is written in Iambick Verse the latter in Hexameters In his Poem of the praise of Virginity he handles with much Wit and Eloquence the Question about the Preheminence of Celibacy above Marriage and that he may explain this Question the more pleasantly after he has enlarg'd upon the Praises of Virginity he makes an excellent Prosopopoeia wherein he brings in married Persons and those who observe Celibacy speaking for both their Opinions each of them says all that can be said on their side in favour of their State but the latter have the better The 3d. Poem contains many Precepts for Virgins he recommends to them Silence Modesty Retirement Labour and other Vertues necessary for a Virgin These Two Poems are in Hexameter Verse In the 4th Poem he bewails in general the Misery of Mankind caus'd by the Sin of Adam and relates some Circumstances of his own Life This is in Elegiacks In the 5th having described the Crosses and Sicknesses which he had endur'd in his Life he submits himself to the Will of God and offers to him the remainder of his painful Life The 6th is upon the Vanity and Uncertainty of this Mortal Life In the 7th he bewails his Miseries and prays to God to deliver him from them The 8th is upon the same Subject In the 9th he describes a Dream which he had about the Church of Anastasia In the 10th after having described the Likeness and Hypocrisy of the Bishops of his time he congratulates himself upon his departure from Constantinople The 11th Poem describes the Vices of wicked Bishops and deplores the Division of the Church there he observes that Persecutions encreased the Church but Abundance and Riches have done it great Prejudice In the 12th which is addressed to the Bishops of the Council of Constantinople he describes after what manner he was forc'd away from that City and testifies his joy for that God had recall'd him to his Retirement In the 13th he describes the Misery and Weakness of Humane Nature He continues the same Subject in the 14th wherein he describes the Miseries of Life and the Horror of Death to teach Men to Love nothing but Jesus Christ and to have no Affection for any thing but the Treasures in Heaven The 15th is also upon the same Subject wherein he represents the Uncertainty and Instability of this Mortal Life and of Worldly Riches to convince Men that there is nothing Solid here below but the Love of Jesus Christ. The 16th contains the Beatitudes of the Gospel and the Rules of a Christian Life In the 17th he wishes many Imprecations upon himself if he should wander from the Faith of Christ and the Precepts of the Gospel The 18th is against the Desires of the Flesh. The 19th is against the Devil The 20th is an Exhortation which he made to himself to stir himself up to Conversion The 21st is an Imprecation upon the Devil and an Invocation of Jesus Christ. The 22d is a Prayer to God to be deliver'd from this Life of Sin and Death The 23d is a Reflection upon the Uncertainty of Life and the Contempt we ought to have of it The 24th and 25th is upon the Weakness and Misery of our Nature The 26th is of the Desire of God The 27th and 28th is a Lamentation upon the view of his own Miseries and Sins The 29th is a Prayer to Jesus Christ. The 30th is a kind of Epitaph The 31st is a Prayer of a Penitent Person The 32d is a Farewell to the Devil In the 33d he makes a Catalogue of the Books of the Holy Scripture He distinguishes those of the Old Testament into Historical Poetical and Prophetical he reckons 12 Historical viz. The Five Books of Moses Joshua Judges Ruth the Two Books of Kings the Chronicles and Ezra He reckons Five Poetical the Book of Job the Psalms of David Ecclesiastes the Proverbs and the Song of Solomon and Five Prophetical which are the 12 lesser Prophets that make but one Book only Isaiah Jeremiah Ezekiel and Daniel which in all make the number of 22 Books according to the
Circumcision A Treatise of the Words of Jesus Christ Whoever shall be guilty of Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost c. Two Letters to Serapion upon the Divinity of the Holy Ghost A short Discourse against the Arians Conference between St. Athanasius and the Arians in the Presence of Jovian Epistle to Ammon A Fragment of a Festival Epistle An Epistle to Ruffinian The Book Entituled An Abridgment of the Holy Scripture The Life of St. Anthony interpolated extremely if not Spurious BOOKS Lost. A large Treatise of Faith A Treatise upon these Words of Jesus Christ My Soul is troubled even unto Death Some Dogmatical Treatises Supposititious BOOKS A Treatise to Prove that there is but one Jesus Christ. A Treatise of the Incarnation against Paulus Samosatenus A Refutation of the Hypocrisie of Meletius A Treatise concerning Virginity A Treatise of the Testimonies of Scripture for the Trinity An Homily of the Annunciation of the Virgin The Life of St. Syncletica The Creed which bears the Name of St. Athanasius An Exposition of Faith upon the Incarnation A Disputation against Arius A Letter to Liberius An Explication of these Words of Jesus Christ Go to the Village c. A Homily upon the Passion A Homily upon Seed-time A Discourse against all Heresies A Discourse of the Ascension of Jesus Christ and of Melchizedech A Letter to Jovian A Book of Definitions Seven Dialogues of the Trinity A Book Entituled a Tragedy Questions to Antiochus c. A Homily upon Easter Eve A Fragment of a Letter to Eupsychius Eleven Books of the Unity and of the Trinity An Exhortation to the Monks A short Instruction to the Monks Letters of St. Athanasius to the Popes Marcus and Foelix A Relation of the Passion and of the Image of Jesus Christ in the City of Berytus A Fragment upon the Incarnation against the Disciples of Paulus Samosatenus A Fragment upon the Sabbath Seven Homilies Published by Holstenius Four Discourses Published by F. Combefis Fragments of Commentaries upon Job and the Psalms cited in the Catenae upon the Scriptures JACOBUS NISIBENUS BOOKS Lost. Twenty three Treatises cited by Gennadius the Titles of which are set down in Pag. 49. MARCELLUS of Ancyra BOOKS Lost. Treatises on different Subjects and particularly against the Arians Eusebius cites several Passages in them which he Refutes HOSIUS Genuine BOOK still Extant A Letter to Constantius BOOKS Lost. Several Treatises against the Arians A Letter to his Sister in Praise of Virginity JULIUS Genuine BOOKS still Extant A Letter to the Bishops of the East A Letter to the Egyptians produced by St. Athanasius Supposititious BOOKS A Letter to Dionysius concerning the Incarnation A Letter to Docius upon the same Subject The two Decretals attributed to this Pope ASTERIUS BOOKS Lost. Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans upon the Gospels and upon the Psalms THEODORUS BOOKS Lost. Commentaries upon St. Matthew St. John the Epistles of St. Paul and upon the Psalms TRYPHILLIUS BOOKS Lost. Commentaries upon the Canticles and several other Books HELIODORUS BOOK Lost. A Book of the Nature of Principles DONATUS BOOKS Lost. A Treatise of the Holy Ghost A Letter on the same Subject VITELLIUS BOOK Lost. A Book shewing that the Servants of God are hated by the World and some other Writings concerning Discipline MACROBIUS BOOK Lost. A Treatise Addressed to Confessors and Virgins St. ANTHONY Genuine BOOKS Extant Seven Letter to Monasteries An Exhortation to Monks A short Rule Supposititious BOOKS A Sermon against Vice Other Sermons St. PACHOMIUS Genuine BOOKS Extant A Rule for the Monks Moral Precepts Eleven Letters ORESIESIS Genuine BOOK still Extant A Treatise of the Institution of Monks THEODORUS Genuine BOOK Extant A Letter concerning Easter WORKS Lost. Several other Letters The MACARII Genuine BOOKS Extant Fifty Homilies or Discourses to the Monks Seven small Tracts A Rule for the Monks Another Rule in the Form of a Dialogue BOOK Lost. A Letter cited by Gennadius SERAPION Genuine BOOK still Extant A Treatise against the Manichees BOOKS Lost. A Treatise upon the Titles of the Psalms Several Letters EUSEBIUS EMISENUS BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against the Jews Another against the Gentiles Another against the Novatians A Commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians Several Homilies upon the Gospels Supposititious BOOK A Homily in Latin BASIL of Ancyra BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against Marcellus of Ancyra A Treatise of Virginity Some other small Tracts LIBERIUS Several Letters See the Catalogue p. 63. St. HILARY Genuine BOOKS still Extant Twelve Books of the Trinity A Treatise of Synods Three Discourses addressed to Constantius Fragments Conference with Auxentius Commentaries upon the Psalms and upon St. Matthew BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against Ursacius and Valens An Historical Treatise A Tract against Dioscorus Commentaries upon Job Commentaries upon the Canticles A Collection of Hymns A Treatise of Mysteries to Fortunatus Letters Supposititious BOOKS A Hymn and Letters to his Daughter Apra LUCIFER Genuine BOOKS still Extant Five Books for St. Athanasius against Constantius and against the Arians VICTORINUS of Africa Genuine BOOKS still Extant Four Books against Arius A Treatise in Defence of the Term Consubstantial Three Hymns of the Trinity A Poem of the Maccabees A Treatise against the Manichees A little Tract about the beginning of Day BOOKS Lost. Commentaries upon St. Paul St. PACIANUS Genuine BOOKS still Extant Three Letters against the Novatians A Treatise of Baptism GREGORY of Boetica BOOKS Lost. Several Treatises A Book concerning Faith unless this be the same with the 49th Discourse among St. Gregory Nazianzen's PHAEBADIUS Genuine BOOK still Extant A Treatise against the Second Creed of Sirmium OPTATUS Genuine BOOKS still Extant Six Books against the Schism of the Donatists Supposititious BOOK A Seventh Book ACACIUS of Caesarea BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against Marcellus of Ancyra The Life of his Predecessor Eusebius Seventeen Volumes of Commentaries upon the Scripture Seven Volumes upon divers Subjects PHOTINUS BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against the Gentiles A Treatise addressed to the Emperour Valentinian A Conference with Marcellus of Ancyra cited by St. Epiphanius Haeres 71. Several other Discourses AETIUS BOOK Lost. An Impious Libel upon the Trinity whereof St. Epiphanius relates some Fragments Haeres 76. EUNOMIUS BOOKS Lost. Seven Books of Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans Several Discourses against the Church An Apology against the Treatise of St. Basil. GEORGE of Laodicea Genuine BOOKS still Extant Two Letters produced by St. Athanasius A Circular Letter against Aëtius cited by Sozomen BOOKS Lost. A Treatise against the Manichees The Life of Eusebius Emisenus The APOLLINARII Genuine BOOK still Extant A Translation of the Psalms in Verse BOOKS Lost. Several Commentaries upon the Scriptures Treatises against the Arians against Origen and against several other Hereticks A Treatise against Porphyrie divided into Thirty Books A Treatise of the Truth of the Christian Religion against Julian Some Letters A Poem containing the History of the Jews divided into Twenty Four Books Tragedies
upon Usury His 37th and 38th Letters COMMENTARIES AND DISCOURSES Upon the Holy Scripture Books of Criticism EUsebius's Treatise of the Places in the Holy Land Evangelical Canons and Letter to Carpianus Eustathius of Antioch's Discourse of the Pythoniss or Witch of Endor St. Gregory Nyssen's Treatise on the same Subject Fragment of St. Athanasius's Festival Epistle St. Athanasius's Abridgment of the Scriptures Book to Marcellinus upon the Psalms St. Gregory Nyssen's Treatise upon the Inscriptions of the Psalms Questions upon the Old and New Testament believed to be written by Hilary the Deacon St. Ambrose's Preface upon St. Luke St. Epiphanius of Weights and Measures Physiologus Of the Twelve Precious Stones on the Breast of the High-Priest Of the Life and Death of the Prophets Upon the Old Testament Victorinus's Tract upon the beginning of Day St. Basil's Commentary upon the beginning of Genesis Two Homilies upon the Creation of Man A Homily upon Paradise St. Gregory Nyssen of the Creation of the World Of the Formation of Man Of the Life of Moses St. Hilary's Commentary upon the Psalms Translation of the Psalms in Verse by Apollinarius Twenty Two Homilies of St. Basil upon the Psalms St. Gregory Nyssen's Homily on the fifth Psalm St. Basil's Homily upon the sixth Chapter of Proverbs Commentary upon the sixteen first Chapters of Isaiah St. Gregory Nyssen's Homily upon Ecclesiastes and the Canticles Victorinus's Poem upon the Maccabees St. Ambrose's Treatise of the Creation of the World and the rest that follow in the First Volume of his Works Upon the New Testament Juvencus's Paraphrase of the Gospels in Verse St. Hilary's Commentary on St. Matthew's Gospel St. Gregory Nyssen upon the Lord's Prayer and upon the Beatitudes St. Athanasius upon these Words of our Saviour Whoever shall blaspheme c. Fragments upon these Words of our Saviour My Soul is heavy even unto Death c. Commentaries upon all the Epistles of St. Paul attributed to St. Ambrose but believed to belong to Hilary the Deacon St. Gregory Nyssen's Homily upon the fifteenth Chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians Didymus's Commentary upon the Canonical Epistles St. Ambrose's Commentary upon St. Luke's Gospel Letters 7th 8th 27th and the five following also 43d 44th 50th 65th and the nine following Historical Discourses Eusebius's Apology for Origen Chronicon Ecclesiastical History Treatise concerning the Martyrs of Palaestine Books of the Life of Constantine Of the Names of Places in the Holy Land Panegyrick upon Constantine Constantine's Letters and Edicts Harangue to the Council of Nice Juvencus's Poem of the Life of Jesus Christ. St. Athanasius's Historical Treatises Apologetick to Constantius Letters to the Egyptians and to the Orthodox First Apology Second Apology Historical Treatise to those that lead a Monastick Life Letter to Serapion upon the death of Arius Discourse of Synods Letters of Lucifer Letters to the Bishops of Egypt Arabia c. Letters of the Council of Alexandria Letter to Jovian Letter to the Africans Letter to John and Antiochus Letter concerning the Opinion of Dionysius of Alexandria Letter concerning the Decision of the Council of Nice Epistle to Palladius Conference with the Arians Life of St. Anthony Hosius's Letter to Constantius Julius's Letter to the Eastern and Egyptian Bishops Liberius's Letters St. Hilary's Treatise of Synods Discourses to Constantius Fragments Conference against Auxentius Peter of Alexandria II. his Letters St. Cyril's Letter upon the Apparition of the Cross. Damasus's Letters The greatest part of the Letters of St. Basil. St. Gregory Nazianzen's Discourses 7th 25th 26th 30th 41st and some others His Panegyricks which are Sermons 6th 10th 11th 18th 19th 20th 22d 23d and 24th First Poem upon his Life Discourse upon Bishops His Testament St. Gregory Nyssen's Funeral Orations and Panegyricks Letter to Flavianus Eusebius Vercellensis his Three Letters Marcellinus and Faustinus Luciferians their Petition addressed to the Emperours Valentinian and Theodosius St. Ambrose's Letters 20th 22d and 24th Panegyrick on Theodosius and Valentinian Philastrius of Heresies St. Epiphanius of Heresies An Abridgment of it by himself His History of the Lives and Deaths of the Prophets Hilarion's Chronicle A General INDEX of the Principal Matters contained in the Second Volume The Figures shew the Pages and the Small Letters the Notes A. ABstinence from Meats Usage and Usefulness of it III. Fasting consists not in abstaining from Meats 150. Acacius of Caesarea succeeds Eusebius 97. His Doctrine and Writings ibid. Difference with St. Cyril ibid. Death ibid. Achillas Bishop of Alexandria 27. Acesius a Novatian Bishop 253. Adultery Canons against Adulterers and against other Sins of uncleanness 140 141 c. 196. Adrian Pope Upon what occasion he implored the Succour of Charlemaigne 19. Aetius History of his Life and of his Condemnation 98 99. Death 99. Africanus's Chronicon 5. Agapae Feasts of Charity 268 269. Agapetus Pope sent by Theodatus to the Emperour Justinian 18. Agapius Bishop of Caesarea 2. Agapius Bishop of Bostra Difference with Bagadius for that Bishoprick 285. St. Agnes 207 209. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria Ordination 27. Assembles a Council at Alexandria against Arius ibid. Letter to his Collegues ibid. Another Letter of this Bishop ibid. Advertisement or Pastoral Letter ibid. Assists in the Council of Nice 28. Death ibid. Alexandria Council of Alexandria of the Year 306. under Peter Bishop of that City 242. Council in 323 against Arius 250. Another Council against Arius in 324 ibid. Another in 362 to Determine how the Arians that desired to be reunited to the Church should be received 265. Another in 341 in favour of St. Athanasius 255. Council of Alexandria in the Year 399 where the Books of Origen were condemned 284. Alipius Priest of Alexandria defends St. Athanasius before Constantine 29. Alms. Effects and Necessity of Alms-Deeds 151. 181. Exhortation to it 166. Not to be done to Persons unworthy 207 Alms of Constantine 12. 15. Ambrose of Alexandria His Writings 196. St. Ambrose Bishop of Milan 198. Time and Place of his Birth ibid. and a. b. Parents 198. Prodigy at his Birth ibid. 199. Education and Studies ibid. Elected Governour ibid. And after Bishop 200. Avoided being Bishop ibid. At last Ordained ibid. and c. acquits himself worthily in the Function of the Ministry ibid. Persecuted by Justina ibid. and 201. Writings ibid. 202 c. Stile 232 Editions of his Works 233. St. Amphilochius His Country 184. Ordained Bishop of Iconium ibid. Assists in the Council of Constantinople and holds one at Sida against the Massilians ibid. Handsome reply to the Emperour Theodosius ibid. Writings 185. Ancyra Council there in 314. 248. Its Canons ibid. 249. Another Council in 358 against Aëtius 263. Anger Contrary to the Spirit of Christianity 153. Angels Not to be adored 5. Antioch A pretended Council held there in 330 against Eustathius 254. Councils of Antioch in the Years 341 and 342. Upon what Subject 256. Another in 345. 258. Another in 358. which condemned the Terms Consubstantial and of like Substance 263.
Foundation of Confession and the Fisherman of the whole Earth The Second Sermon of this Volume is against Dancing and Luxury there he shews that Preachers are bound to reprove Vice and that they ought never to forbear though their preaching seems to be without Fruit Then he begins to explain the Parable of Dives and Lazarus making several moral Reflexions on the particulars of that Parable in the four following Sermons The last is quoted by Photius in the 277th Volume of his Bibliotheca where he speaks of an Earth-quake at Antioch where he preached these Sermons He observes in the Fourth that God does not permit any to return from the Dead and gives the reason of it The Seventh Sermon is an Exposition of the Parable of the Man that was sick of the Palsie he uses Jesus Christ's Words concerning that sick Man and his Cure to prove the Divinity of Jesus Christ. The Eighth is upon these Words of Jesus Christ in S. Matthew Chap. 26. v. 39. Father if it be possible let this Cup pass c. There he explains the Mystery of Christ's Incarnation and in what sence he feared Death and would have avoided it The Ninth on these words of S. Matthew Enter in at the strait Gate is against publick Shews At the latter End of it the case of Dives is compared with that of Lazarus The Tenth contains an Exposition of the Lord's Prayer This Prayer is not written in S. Chrysostom's style The Eleventh is upon the Resurrection of Lazarus That Discourse is none of S. Chrysostom's the style elocution and the very thoughts are quite different from his The Twelfth is upon the Title of the Acts of the Apostles where after a Discourse concerning the Establishment and Perpetuity of the Church which could neither be shaken nor ruined by the severest Persecutions he shews that a Christian Life and good Works are more to be valued than the Gift of working Miracles he ends with a Commendation of the Bishop of Antioch whom he calls the Successor of S. Peter For saith he it is one of the Prerogatives of our City is to have had for our Master S. Peter the first of the Apostles It was just that that City which had the advantage of bearing first the Name of a Christian City should have for her Bishop the first of the Apostles But having enjoy'd that happiness we would not ingross it to our selves but consented he should go to Rome the Imperial City Yet in giving we have not lost him we have him still we have not his Body but his Faith and having S. Peter ' s Faith we may truly say we have S. Peter himself He justifies himself in the Thirteenth for the length of his Prefaces he shews there the Usefulness of Reproof and treats of the Conversion of S. Paul and of the changing of his Name and reproves them that neglect to labour in their own conversion under pretence that God will convert them God saith he forceth no man he draweth only them that are willing to go to him he is willing to save us but that is if we be willing to be saved The Fourteenth is upon these words of S. Paul Rom. c. 5. v. 3. Rejoycing in tribulations Here he shews what is the fruit of afflictions and of persecutions The same Subject is handled in the following discourse upon these words of the same Apostle All things work together for good to them that love God The Preface of the Sixteenth is against such as frequent not the Assemblies of the Faithfull in Churches and then he expounds these words of the Apostle If thine enemy hunger feed him exhorting Men to forgive injuries In the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Sermons he makes many very usefull reflections upon these words of S. Paul Salute Aquila and Priscilla In these discourses we have an example justifying how many Moral Thoughts may be suggested by a subject which of it self seems dry and barren For what is there more simple in appearance and of less instruction than this Salutation of S. Paul Yet by a wonderfull Art S. Chrysostom makes use of it for the explanation of many important instructions As about the respect we ought to have for the Poor Charity towards our Brethren the small regard that is to be had to Nobility the profit of working with our own hands and the reverence due to Church-men c. The Nineteenth and Twentieth Sermons are about what S. Paul saith of Marriage in 1 Cor. c. 7. from which he takes occasion to speak against Dancing Feasting and other profane Pomps of Weddings He teaches what ought to be the end of Marriage among Christians and how it is to be used Marriage saith he is a remedy against Fornication let us not therefore dishonour it by filthy Pomps Christians ought to banish from their Weddings devilish Pomps filthy Songs lascivious Consorts undecent Dancings obscene Words Riots excessive Laughter and they ought to introduce the Servants of Jesus Christ and his Priests to have Jesus Christ in Person in the midst of them as of the Marriage in Cana. Let no man tell me it is the custom do not tell me of a custom if it is sinfull If the thing be Evil in it self how old soever the use of it be retrench it If it be Good and not usual bring it in But know that this custom is not ancient but an Innovation Remember the Marriage of Isaac with Rebecca of Rachel with Jacob the Scripture tells us how those Weddings were kept it shews indeed that there was a Feast more splendid than ordinary that the Relations and Neighbours were invited but there were no Fiddles no Dancing nor any other shamefull Excesses of our Age. Now at Weddings such lascivious Songs are sung as teach Adultery and inspire foolish Love the Guests full of Wine do attend the Bride with impure Discourses With what reason can you pretend to require Chastity in a Woman whom you have taught from the very First day to be impudent and before whom you suffer that to be said and done which your Foot-men would blush to doe or hear To what purpose do ye bring in a Priest to crave a blessing and the next day your selves commit base actions In the same Homily there are a great many Exhortations of the same nature against such disorders which are not less frequent in our days than they were in the time of this Bishop Afterwards he adviseth both Men and Women to behave themselves holily in Marriage and not only to avoid Adultery but not so much as give an occasion of suspicion He proves that Second Marriages are not forbidden though it is better to forbear and concludes with a sensible Declamation against Adultery and Fornication The Twenty-first is upon these words 1 Cor. c. 10. Our Fathers were all under the cloud c. After a large Exposition of which words he speaks of Alms-deeds and of the necessary Dispositions to communicate worthily The Twenty-second is upon
these words of S. Paul There must be Heresies He commends the Old Agapae or Feasts of Charity The Twenty-third is of Alms-deeds and the care which Men ought to have of such as are in want This should be placed among the Sermons of Morality The Twenty-fourth is upon these words 2 Cor. c. 4. Having the same Spirit of Faith c. He gives great Praises to Virginity and to a Monastick life which he describes in these words Doe you not take notice of those Monks who live privately and dwell upon the tops of Mountains What Austerities and Mortifications doe they not practise They are covered with Ashes cloathed with Sackcloth loaden with Chains and Irons shut up in little Cells struggling continually with Hunger they spend their time in Watchings to blot out part of their Sins He observes also that though Virginity is a super-natural Gift yet it is unprofitable if it be not accompanied with Charity and Meekness The Twenty-fifth is upon the same Text he opposes the Manichees and exhorts them to give Alms. The Twenty-sixth upon the same words presses the Duty of Alms-giving The Twenty-seventh is upon these words 2 Cor. Bear a little with my folly He lays down Rules very judicious both at what time and upon what occasions a Man may commend himself The Twenty-eighth reproves them who abuse what S. Paul saith Phil. c. 1. v. 18. What matters it how Christ is preached His Discourse is about Prayer and Humility In the Twenty-ninth he treats of the Marriage of Christians and of the Duties of those that are Married The Thirtieth is upon these words 1 Thess. c. 4. v. 13. But I would not have you to be ignorant Brethren concerning them which are asleep that ye sorrow not even as others which have no hope He discourses of the way how Christians should bear with the Death of Relations and confirms what he says by the Examples of Job and of Isaac The Thirty-first is concerning the Duty of Widows on these words 1 Tim. c. 5. v. 9. Let not a Widow be chosen of less than Sixty years He there discourses of Children's Education The following Sermons have less relation to Texts of Scripture being for the most part upon solemn Festival-days The Thirty-second is about Judas's Treason where he speaks of the necessary Dispositions to communicate worthily The Thirty-third concerns the Festival of Christmas which was celebrated for Ten years before in the East upon the 25th of December as it had been before at Rome S. Chrysostom proves by several reasons that this was exactly the day of Jesus Christ's Nativity The Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth are upon the Passion of Jesus Christ In the latter he speaks of forgiving Enemies upon occasion of the good Thief The Thirty-sixth is upon the Resurrection from the Dead The Thirty-seventh is a Sermon upon the Resurrection of Jesus Christ preached upon Easter-day The Thirty-eighth upon the Ascension was preached in a Church of Martyrs The Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Sermons are upon Whit-sunday In the former he answers that curious Question Why Miracles are not wrought now as they were in the time of the Apostles The Forty-first is of the Dignity of the Eucharist and the respect we ought to shew to the holy Mysteries This discourse seems to me to be neither of the Style nor the Order of S. Chrysostom The Seven following Sermons being Panegyricks upon S. Paul were translated by Anianus who lived in Athalaricus his time The Forty-ninth is of Meekness The Fiftieth upon the Conversion of S. Paul was preached at Antioch after that upon the Title of the Acts. The Fifty-first is upon the Inscription in the Temple of Athens To the unknown God spoken of Acts c. 17. v. 17. The Fifty-second is upon the beginning of the First Epistle to the Corinthians Paul called an Apostle c. The Fifty-third shews the Profitableness of Reading the holy Scripture It is dedicated to persons newly baptized there he extolls the Quality of an Apostle It is one of the Four upon the beginning of the Acts preached at Antioch before Flavianus The Fifty-fourth of Christ's Prayers and Qualities is the First Sermon upon the Incarnation The Fifty-fifth is against those that Fast at Easter The Fifty-sixth against such as observe the Jewish Fasts In the Fifty-seventh he speaks of Alms-deeds upon occasion of the Hospitality practised towards the Prophet Elijah who was reliev'd by the Widow of Sarepta The Fifty-eighth of the Pleasures of the Life to come and of the Vanity of this World's goods The Fifty-ninth is against those that despair when they receive not what they ask of God or who petition for unjust things he there occasionally speaks of the Duty of Husbands towards their Wives In the Sixtieth he compares Riches with Poverty treats of the manner how Sinners are to be reproved and blames those who call upon God against their Enemies The Sixty-first begins with an Exclamation against those that communicate unworthily He shews that a Preacher is not to preach God's Word with complaisance but to reprove Vice with fervency because this is profitable for Sinners to make them know and confess their Sins The Sixty-second concerns Martyrs there he proves That the best way of honouring Martyrs is to imitate their Vertues The Sixty-third is against those who teach That Daemons govern the affairs of this World and against such as doe not endure with patience the Chastenings of God and lastly against those who are scandalized at the prosperity of the Wicked and the misfortune of the Righteous In the Sixty-fourth he treats of S. Paul's action in resisting S. Peter and endeavours to prove that both did it by agreement for the instruction of the Faithfull The Sixty-fifth is a Discourse or rather a Treatise against Jews and Gentiles to prove the Divinity of Jesus Christ. The Sixty-sixth is another Treatise against those who were offended because of the mischiefs that happened to the City and the persecution of the Priests and of the Faithfull It is an excellent Explanation of that hard Question Why there is so much evil in the World if the Providence of God governs it Both these Pieces should be put among S. Chrysostom's Treatises The Sixty-seventh is an Homily concerning the Two Paralyticks of the Gospel There he proves the Divinity of the Son of God The Preface to the Sixty-seventh is about the Use that Men are to make of Sermons preached in the Church He gives a reason why the Acts of the Apostles are read in the Church at Whitsuntide Lastly he shews that the Miracles of the Apostles proved the Certainty of Christ's Resurrection and rendred it more famous This Sermon follows that which he made upon the Title of the Acts. In the Sixty-eighth having reproved those who complained that his Sermons were either too long or too short he gives a reason of altering S. Paul's Name and that of Abraham and of the Signification of that of Adam The Sixty-ninth Sermon was preached at
the Divine Nature is so high and unsearchable that it is not possible to comprehend it and pursues this Reasoning so far that he sticketh not to say that Seraphims and Angels themselves do not see the Substance of God but only an Emanation of his Divine Light This passage Ib. Orat. 1 hath made some modern Greeks suppose that the Saints do not see the Substance of God but only a Corporeal Light such as they say appeared upon Mount Tabor This also hath exercised the Subtilty of our Divines who constitute Happiness in the Vision of the Substance of God And yet S. Chrysostom hath respect in this passage neither to that Light of the Modern Greeks not to the Disputes of the Schoolmen his only design is to shew against Aetius that the Divine Nature is not to be comprehended and that evident Reasons of the Mysteries are not to be given It is not necessary to inlarge upon the Opinions of S. Chrysostom concerning the Mystery of the Trinity it is certain that he maintained the Faith of the Council of Nice and that he proved the Divinity both of the Son and of the Holy Ghost yet it ought to be observed that he was of Meletius's opinion concerning the Signification of the word Hypostasis and that he owned Three Hypostases and one Nature in God As to the Mystery of the Incarnation tho' he was equally contrary to the Errour Ep. ad Caesarium Homil. de Consub in lib. Quod Christus sit Deus V. Theodor. in Dialog of those who distinguished two Persons in Christ and that of those who confounded the two Natures and their Properties yet he in several passages of his Writings declared against the latter Opinion very eagerly In his Panegyricks of the Saints he ascribeth to them all manner of Felicity Homil de B. Philog Hom. de S S. Homil. 39. in ep 1. ad Cor. Hom. 28. in ep ad Hebr. Hom. 29. Matth. he places them in Heaven in the same Rank with Angels and Archangels of Prophets and Martyrs and yet in other places he seems to affirm that their Happiness is referred to the Day of Judgment but these may agree well enough if we say that he spake in the latter of a perfect and consummated Happiness Angels if we believe S. Chrysostom are so called because they declare the Will of God unto Men for which cause the Scripture representeth them with Wings Homil. 3. de Incompreh Hom. 3. in ep ad Coloss. Hom. 14. in ep ad Hebr. They take care of Men are present at Divine Services and every Christian hath his Guardian Angel The Devil is not wicked of his own Nature but is become such by Sin God permits him to tempt Men for their good It is a Childish thing to believe that Hom. de Diabolo tentatore Hom. 22. in Genesim those are Angels which the Scripture calleth the Children of God in Genesis and of whom it is said that they conversed with the Daughters of Men since they are of a spiritual and incorporeal Nature He Confesses in several places that the Fall of the first Men was prejudicial to the whole Race which ever since is become subject to Pains Sicknesses and Death from which it was free before Sin He acknowledgeth that an inclination to Evil and Lusts are Consequences of the first Man's sin but he seemeth not to have owned Original sin after the same manner that S. Austin doth at least it cannot be denied that he hath given another Sence to those places of S. Paul which seem to prove it most As for Example when he expoundeth that famous passage Rom. 5. 12. By One man sin entred into the World c. He understandeth of Death what S. Paul saith of Sin because it is the Wages of Sin and upon those other words of the same Chapter As by the disobedience of one many are become Guilty c. This Sentence saith he seems to have much of Difficulty for how can it be that one only Man having sinned many should be made guilty by his sin We may easily conceive that the first Man being become mortal it was necessary that his Off-spring should be mortal likewise but what Likelihood and what Reason is there that a man should be a Sinner because of anothers disobedience ... What then signifyeth the word Sinner In my Opinion it signifyeth nothing else but a condemned Man subject to Pain and Death This is a way of speaking which does not agree with S. Augustin's Doctrine Tho' it is not hard to defend S. Chrysostom by saying That tho' he spake thus yet he admitted all that Divines own concerning Original sin For what is Original sin according to them It is either a Privation of Original righteousness or Lust with the guilt of Sin or pain and Guilt together But S. Chrysostom acknowledges all these for in the first place he Confesseth that by the first Man's sin all men were deprived and spoiled of the State of Innocence that they are become not only mortal and subject to Pain and Grief but also inclined to Evil. Thus in his Opinion Lust is an effect of the first Man's sin and that Concupiscence in men makes them unworthy of eternal Life if the Grace of Jesus Christ saveth them not by Baptism He ascribes much to the strength of Free-will He always speaks as if he believed that it depends upon our selves to do good or evil and affirms that God always gives his Grace to those De verbis Jer. Hom. 1. Hom. 2. in 1. ad Cor. Hom. 41. in Genesim Hom. de tribus pueris Hom. 12. in ep ad Hebr. 8. in ep ad Phil. 19. ibid Hom. 17. in Joan. Hom. 18. in ep ad Rom. 12. in ep 1. ad Cor. In Matth. Hom. 83. Hom. 45. in Joan. In orat de S. Pelagia Serm. de Zachaeo Hom. 34. in Matth. Hom. 80. in ep ad Rom. Hom. 16. 18. in ep ad Rom. Hom. de obscur Prophet Serm. 5. de Lazaro Hom. 45. in Matth. who on their side doe all they can That we must begin and God makes an end That he followeth the motions of our Wills and giveth them their Perfection yet he owns the necessity of Grace to do good but submits it still to our Will So that according to him We are to will and chuse the good and God gives us the necessary Grace to fulfil the same he prevents not our Will that our Liberty may not be prejudiced he worketh good in us but that is when we are willing when our Will is determined he draweth to himself but only those who do all their endeavours to come near to him Those Principles about foreknowledge and Predestination agree very well with these Conclusions God did not predestinate men but as he foresaw their merits foreknowledge is not the cause of the event of things but God foresaw them because they shall happen He calls all men Jesus Christ died
give their Children good Education In the 60th Homily upon S. Matthew he blameth the Carelesness of Parents in the choice of a Tutour Lastly In the 21st and 22d Homilies upon the Epistle to the Ephesians he admonishes Fathers to be less sollicitous about their Children's getting School-learning and to take more care that they be taught Piety and the Christian Religion Read the 59th Homily upon S. Matthew the 9th upon 1 Tim. and the 1st upon Rom. where he discourseth of the Duties of a Master in a Family in relation to his Wife Children and Servants He observes in the 15th Homily upon the Epistle to the Ephesians That a Mistress is not to abuse her Maid-servants See also the 16th Homily upon the 1st Epistle to Timothy Of Afflictions S. Chrysostom not only teaches us that we ought to bear the losses sicknesses and other afflictions that may happen in this World patiently But he shews besides that they are the portion of all good Men He gives Eight Reasons for it worth reading in the Homily upon these Words of S. Paul to Timothy Use a little Wine in the 4th and 5th Discourses concerning Statues in the 28th Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews in the 33d upon S. Matthew in the 8th upon 2Tim and in the 28th and 29th Homilies upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Of Death S. Chrysostom's Homilies are full of excellent Instructions concerning Death wherein he shews that instead of fearing Death a Christian ought to desire it To what purpose saith he in the 5th Homily of Statues should a Man fear sudden Death Is it because it brings us the sooner to our Haven and hastens our passage to an happy life What folly is this We expect eternal felicity and those good things which no Eye hath seen no Ear heard and which never entred into the Heart of Man and yet we doe not only put off the fruition of them but we fear it yea we abhor it He tells us in other places That this life being but a journey a train of Miseries a banishment from our own Country c. we should be very miserable if it never were to end See the 21st and 32d Homilies upon Genesis the Discourse upon these Words of S. Paul Be not sorry for the death of your Brethren where he carries this Notion further and saith That we should be as glad to go out of this World as Criminals are to get out of Prison See the 1st Homily upon Genesis the 14th upon the Epistle to Timothy and the 7th upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Last of all He hath one Sermon to prove that Death is not to be feared From these Principles he concludes in several places that we ought not to weep for the Dead but on the contrary rejoyce for that they have quitted this miserable life to enter into one which is both eternal and happy See the 34th Homily upon S. Matthew the 62d upon S. John the 21st upon the Acts the 6th upon the Epistle to the Thessalonians and the 4th upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Christian Maxims which S. Chrysostom lays down and maintains in his Sermons WE ought not to be addicted to the Goods of this World Hom. 2. upon Matthew Persons who are not vertuous will receive no advantage from the Vertues of others Hom. 〈◊〉 in Matthew The Vertue of our Relations will doe us no good if we our selves want Piety Hom. 10. on Matt. Men ought to exercise themselves in the practice of all Vertues Hom. 11. on Matthew No Mercy is to be looked for after Death but only severe Justice there is no middle place between Hell or Heaven Hom. 14. upon Matthew He that reflects upon the joys of Heaven will find it easie to practise Vertue Hom. 16. upon Matthew The Commandments of God are not impossible to those that are willing to keep them Hom. 21. on Matthew Nay they are easie with God's grace Hom. 56. and 76. on Matthew and 87. upon S. John Let him that is in the State of Grace not trust too much to his own strength lest he fall neither let him that is fallen despair Hom. 26. and 67. upon Matthew Spiritual advantages are to be preferr'd before those things that otherwise seem to be most necessary Hom. 26. upon Matthew A Man of an ill life is worse than a dead Man Hom. 26. upon Matthew Passionate intemperate debauched and covetous Men are worse than those that are possessed with the Devil Hom. 28. upon Matthew The Yoke of Vertue is light and easie that of Sin is heavy and troublesome Hom. 38. upon Matthew and 88. upon John We ought to examine and be sorry for our faults and not be concerned for those of other Men. Hom. 24. upon Matthew and 60. upon S. John Vertue is more to be esteemed than Miracles Hom. 46. upon Matthew To feed the Poor is better than to give Ornaments of Gold or Silver to the Church Hom. 50. upon Matthew He that offends another wrongs himself more than the other Hom. 51. upon Matthew A Man that is addicted to worldly things is in the most unhappy slavery that can be Hom. 58. upon Matthew It is better to adorn our Souls with Vertue than the Body with rich Clothes Hom. 69. upon Matthew A Soul polluted with Crimes stinks worse than a putrefied Body Hom. 57. upon Matthew It is to no purpose to have been Baptized and to be in the true Church unless we lead our Lives conformably to the Doctrine of the Gospel and our Baptismal profession Hom. 6. and 10. upon John Whatever appears great in this World is nothing before God Hom. 44. in Joan. Nothing ought to be better husbanded than Time Hom. 58. upon John We should not ask of God temporal but spiritual Goods Hom. 43. and 54. upon John A Christian ought to work not only for himself but also for others Hom. 20. upon the Acts. It often happens that those who design to afflict the Righteous and hinder the purposes of God concerning them doe further them when they do not intend it Hom. 49. upon the Acts. The loss of worldly Goods ought not to be lamented but that only of the joys of Heaven Hom. 10. upon the Romans We ought to doe that which is good in this World and not depend upon the Prayers of our kindred and friends after death Hom. 42. upon 1 Cor. The Salvation of others ought to be preferred before our own satisfaction Hom. 29. upon 2 Cor. Vertues are like Treasures they must be hid to be kept If they be exposed publickly there is danger of losing them Hom. 3. upon Matthew To be Master of one's own Passions is true liberty Hom. 17. upon 1 Tim. Nothing is to be lamented but Sin Hom. 3. upon the Hebrews No Man is offended but by himself See his Discourse upon this Paradox and his Letters Passim It is easie to get Vertue and preserve it too Passim It is more easie to live well than ill
after the accomplishment of Six thousand Years and that those Dead who appeared after Christ's death were of the number of those Righteous ones whom the Soul of Christ that descended into Hell delivered in that day These are the Ten Sermons which Gaudentius preached in Benevolus his absence during Easter Holy-days The other Sermons are particular Tracts which he collected to joyn them to the foregoing The First is upon the Sick of the Palsie whom Jesus Christ cured on the Sabbath-day The Second is upon Christ's Words John 12. And now is the judgment Which he expoundeth thus The World is going to judge its Creator and Master The Third is upon the Nativity of Jesus Christ and of that patience wherewith he endured Judas his Treason Upon occasion of this unhappy Apostle's covetousness he exhorteth to Alms-deeds which he makes no scruple of comparing with Baptism saying That as the Water of Baptism quenches Hell-fire so abundance of Alms quenches the fire of Lust that remains after Baptism or at least hinders it from breaking out into a Flame He occasionally speaks by the bye against those who say they cannot fast because they will not He concludes with an Exhortation to love God and our Neighbour This Sermon is better written and more usefull than the others The Fourth is about the sending of the Holy Ghost and contains a curious Observation against such as pretend to fathom Mysteries We ought to believe that God is what he hath revealed himself to be his Actions are not to be examined with a rebellious Spirit but to be admired with Faith and Submission For the Word of God is direct and all his Actions are for the exercise of our Faith .... And so let us have a care of assaulting if we may so speak the Divine Mysteries with injurious Questions Neither Scrupulousness nor Curiosity will help us to discover them but only make us lose the Faith which leads to Salvation and Eternal life The Fifth Sermon is in commendation of the Maccabees Gaudentius endeavoureth to give reasons Why Swine's flesh was forbidden to the Jews The Sixth Sermon is that which he preached at his Ordination in the presence of S. Ambrose and the other Bishops He speaks at first of the Violence that was used towards him to make him accept the Bishoprick of Brescia He commends his Predecessor Philastrius He entreateth S. Ambrose the first of the Bishops there to speak in the Name of all the Bishops as S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles speaketh for them all He ends desiring the Bishops to implore God's mercy that he would assist him with the Vertue of the Holy Ghost to govern his Diocess well The Seventh is a Panegyrick upon the Forty Martyrs for whose honour they had built a Church to deposit their Relicks S. Gaudentius who called many Bishops to that Feast having spoken concerning the Relicks of several Martyrs which he had gathered viz. those of S. John Baptist S. Andrew S. Thomas S. Luke S. Gervasius S. Protasius S. Nazarius and the Ashes of the SS Sisinnius and Alexander who had lately suffered Martyrdom He adds that Travelling through Cappadocia he found at Caesarea a Convent of Women where S. Basil's Nieces were who were so kind as to give him part of the Relicks of the Forty Martyrs left with them by their Uncle He describeth afterwards those Saint's Martyrdom taken out of S. Basil's discourse then he makes an end saying That the then consecrated Church being adorned with the Relicks of so many Saints was to bear the Name of an Assembly of Saints The Eighth Discourse is a Letter to Germinius wherein he explains the Parable of the Unjust Steward related Luke 16. There he treateth chiefly of the Obligation to give Alms. The Last Discourse is likewise a Letter to a Deacon called Paul to expound that notable place of S. John's Gospel which the Arians did alledge against the Divinity of Jesus Christ My Father is greater than I. Gaudentius there refutes Arius and the Arians with great earnestness affirming that this place is to be understood of Christ's human Nature It is not necessary to give a Character of S. Gaudentius He is sufficiently known by what we have said of him His Style is plain and without affectation full of forced Allegories extraordinary Notions and far-fetcht Allusions His Sermons are dry barren neither instructive nor moving in any considerable degree In one word they have not the strength eloquence beauty or exactness observed in the Sermons of those Greek Authors formerly mentioned JOHN of Jerusalem AFter the Death of S. Cyril which happened in the Year 387 a Monk called John a great Defender of Origen's Books Opinions and Followers succeeded in that See S. Epiphanius John of Jerusalem being perswaded that the Origenists were very dangerous Hereticks reproved him before several persons for taking their part But instead of yielding to S. Epiphanius's admonition John declared himself openly against him and upbraided him as a Patron of the Anthropomorphites that is of those who affirmed that God had a Body Soon after S. Epiphanius ordained Paulinianus S. Jerom's Brother out of his own Diocess in that of Caesarea and that gave John an occasion to complain of him and to accuse him of violating the Canons S. Epiphanius excused himself upon the account of the Custom of his Country and observes in his Letter that it was not this Ordination which most offended John but that he was accused of being an Origenist This Letter of S. Epiphanius was written in 392. S. Jerom was much engaged in the quarrel and upholding S. Epiphanius's Party was excommunicated of John who used all his endeavours to expell him out of Palaestine On the other side Ruffinus took John's part so that this quarrel betwixt two zealous Bishops being fomented by these two learned Men grew to a great heighth in a little time Count Archelaus endeavoured to accommodate the matter and as they accused one another of Heresie it was agreed That for their Reconciliation they should make a Confession of Faith but John appearing not in the Assembly called for that purpose the Accommodation was broke off Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria informed of this Division thought it his duty to endeavour to quiet it Therefore he sent his Deacon Isidore for that end who being already pre-possessed in Origen's behalf strengthned John's Party and returned without effecting any thing and only brought Theophilus a Letter from John wherein he justified himself and accused S. Epiphanius This Letter having been spread in the West obliged both S. Jerom and S. Epiphanius to write to Theophilus that he should make haste to declare against the Origenists This Bishop deferr'd for some time to make this Declaration suspecting that S. Epiphanius was guilty of the Anthropomorphites Error which he abhorred But he found himself obliged to declare himself of a Party by the Secession of certain Monks of Egypt infected with the Anthropomorphites Error who after they had read a
of the Province declaring farther that one Bishop alone cannot Ordain The Second prohibits the admitting of those into the Clergy that have been Soldiers after they were baptized The Third allows a Synod of the provincial Bishops to take Cognizance of all Causes relating to the Persons of Clerks and Bishops according to the Decree of the Nicene Council but he addeth Yet without prejudice to the Rights of the Roman Church to which great regard is to be had in all Causes And if they be Causae Majores devolved to the Holy See they are not to be brought hither nor judged before Judgment is given by the Bishops of the Province The Fourth forbids to admit into Orders a Person that has married a Widow or a Woman that is divorced from her Husband The Fifth extends this Prohibition even to those that have married such a Woman before Baptism He confirmeth the same Law in the Sixth with respect to those that have been twice married The Seventh forbids Bishops to ordain Clerks of the faithful of another Church except the Bishop of that Church permits it The Eighth ordaineth that the Novatians and Donatists be received by the sole Imposition of hands because that tho' they were baptized by Hereticks yet were they baptized in the Name of Jesus Christ. He addeth That if any Catholicks being entred into their Sect were baptized and are willing to return to the Bosom of the Chuch they must be put to a long Penance before they be admitted The Ninth is concerning the Celibacy of Priests and Deacons The Tenth forbids the Monks that were ordained Clerks to leave their way of living In the Eleventh the Officers of the Emperor and such as are in publick Employments are not to be admitted into Orders The Twelfth prohibits the admitting of those Virgins that being solemnly consecrated to God Married or were corrupted to Penance before the Death of the person with whom they have committed the Crime For saith he if a Woman who during the Life of her Husband marrieth another is an Adulteress and is not admitted to do Penance before the Death of one of them with how much more reason should the same rigour be observed towards her who being united to an immortal Husband went over to an humane Marriage The Thirteenth enjoyns a Penance of some time to the Virgins that Marry after promising Virginity tho' they had not solemnly been veiled by the Bishop Pope Innocent finishes his Letter saying that if these Canons were observed by the Bishops there would be no more Ambition among them Divisions would cease Schisms and Heresies would be stifled and the Devil would have no occasion to assault the Flock of Jesus Christ c. The Third Epistle of the same Nature with the two former is written in 405. to Exuperius Bishop of Tholouse In the First Canon of this Letter he confirms Siricius his Law concerning the Celibacy Priests and Deacons yet he forgiveth those who thro' Ignorance observed it not upon condition that they shall continue in that Order and not be admitted to an higher But he ordains that those should be degraded who violated it knowingly The Second Canon relates to Sinners who stay till the hour of Death to desire Penance Pope Innocent saith that they were dealt withal after two different manners That the ancient Discipline was more severe because Penance was granted them without allowing them the Communion but in his time it was administred to dying Men that they might not imitate the hardness of Novatian These last words with several others that are in the Text of that Canon manifest that by the word Communion is not to be understood the Administration of the Eucharist but Absolution The Third Canon exempts those from Penance that condemned any Persons to Death who put any to the Rack or were obliged by their Office to condemn the guilty to any Punishment because the civil Powers saith this Pope are established by God for the Punishment of Criminals The Fourth Canon gives a Reason why more Women do Penance for Adultery than Men. Pope Innocent saith That the Christian Religion punisheth this Sin equally both in Men and Women but Wives not being able to accuse their Husbands of this Crime the Bishop cannot pass Judgment upon secret Sins whereas Husbands do more freely accuse their Wives and discover them to the Priests The Fifth excuses those who by their Office are obliged to demand the Death of a Criminal or to condemn him The Sixth ordaineth that those should be put out of the Church both Men and Women that Marry again after a Divorce but this penalty is not to extend to their Kindred and Allies except they contributed to that forbidden Marriage The last Canon contains a Catalogue of the Sacred Books comprehending all the Books both of the Old and of the New Testament which we now own for Canonical He rejects the Acts published under the Names of S. Matthias S. James the Less S. Peter and S. John S. Andrew S. Thomas and such-like The Fourth Letter without Date is directed to Felix Bishop of Nuceria Having commended that Bishop for asking his advice about some Doubts he tells him in the First Canon That those are not to be admitted into Orders who voluntarily have dismembred themselves In the Second That it is forbidden to Ordain such as have been married twice or have married Widows In the Third That those must not be Ordained that have been Soldiers that have pleaded at the Bar or have born Offices at Court In the Fourth That those of the Laity are to be chosen who are Baptized of approved Morals who have spent their Time with Clerks or in Monasteries and who have kept no Concubines Lastly in the Sixth he commands the Observation of the Interstitia i. e. the Times between every Ordination upon any promotion from lesser to higher Orders that they Ordain no Man a Reader an Acolyth a Deacon or a Priest of a sudden that so having been long in the inferiour Degrees his Behaviour and Conduct may be tried In the Fifth Letter directed to Two Bishops of Abruzzo he bids them depose the Priests that were accused of having had Children since their Ordination if they be convicted of that crime He observes in the beginning that a Bishop ought not to be ignorant of the Canons The Sixth is to some Bishops of Apulia He enjoyns One Bishop to be deposed though he had done publick Penance He reproacheth them with allowing many things to be done in their Province contrary to the Canons which might easily have been corrected if Bishops themselves were not Authors of such Disorders The Seventh is directed to the Bishops of Macedonia about Two Bishops Bubalius and Taurianus who had caused the Judgment that was given against them to be re-viewed again and falsely boasted of having a Letter from P. Innocent written in their behalf In the Eighth he exhorteth Florentius Bishop of Tivoli to restore to his Brother Bishop a
after his return into Africa about the Year 389. In the First Book he speaks of Musick in general In the Second of Syllables and Feet In the Three following he discourses of Measure Harmony and Verses In the Last he shows That Musick ought to raise up the Mind and Heart to a Divine and Heavenly Harmony St. Augustin's Discourse of a Master was written about the Year 395. It is a Dialogue betwixt himself and his Son Adeodatus wherein he shews That it is not by Men's Words that we receive Instruction but from the eternal Truth viz. Jesus Christ the Word of God who informeth us inwardly of all Truth The First of the Three Books of Free-Will was composed at Rome in 387. and the Two others in Africa in 395. In the First St. Augustin resolves that hard Question touching the original of Evil And having explained what it is to do Evil he shews That all manner of Evil comes from the Free-Will which readily followeth the Suggestions of Lust adding That our Will makes us either happy or unhappy That if we are not happy though we desire to be so it is because we will not live conformably to the Law of God without which it is impossible to be Happy In the Second Book the Difficulty alledged by Evodius VVhy God hath left in Man a Liberty of Sinning which is so prejudicial to him hath started these Three other Questions How we are sure that there is a God Doth all Good come from him Is the VVill free to do Good as well as Evil St. Augustin clears all these Difficulties proving That Free-VVill was given for a good End and that we received it of God that there is a Being more perfect than our Soul that this Being is Truth it self Goodness VVisdom it self that every good and perfect Thing cometh from it and that Free-VVill is to be reckoned among the good Things That there are Three sorts of Goods The greatest are the Vertues that make us live VVell the Idea's of Corporeal Objects without which we cannot live VVell are the least and the Power of the Soul are the middle Ones That the First cannot be abused but both the Second and the Last may be put to ill Uses That Free-VVill is of the Number of these middle Goods When the VVill adheres to the sovereign Good it renders Man Happy but when it departeth from that to cleave to other Objects then Man becometh Criminal and so Unhappy VVherefore neither the VVill nor the Objects it embraceth are Evil but it is a Separation from God that makes all Evil and Sin but God is not the Author of this Separation From whence then is this Principle of Aversion This St. Augustin clears in the Third Book It is not Natural since it is Guilty It is Free and Voluntary and it is enough to say That we may chuse whether we will follow it or no to justifie God's Justice But how can this Liberty agree with the fore-knowledge of God Nothing is more easie according to St. Augustin in this Place VVe are Free when we do what we please But Prescience doth not take away our Will on the contrary it supposes it since it is a Knowledge of our Will But are not the Creature 's Faults to be imputed to the Creator Why did he not make it impeccable Had not Men been more perfect if they had been created at first in the same condition with the Angels and the glorified Saints that cannot be separated from the love of God But St. Augustin replies Doth it therefore follow That because we may conceive a more Perfect State therefore God was obliged to create us in that State Should we not rather believe that he had his Reasons why he did not create us more Perfect There are several sorts of Perfections If the State of a Creature that enjoyeth God makes Soveraign Felicity then the State of a Creature that is subject to Sin which liveth in hope of recovering the Happiness which it lost is also in God's Order and exceedingly above that of a Creature that lies under the necessity of sinning eternally The Condition of these last is the worst of all and yet God cannot be accused of Injustice for giving a Being to Creatures which he knew would be eternally miserable He is not the Cause of their Sin That Being which he gave them is still a Perfection their Sins and their Misery contribute to the Perfection of the Universe and to exalt the Justice of God by the Punishment of their Sins What then is the Cause of Sins There is none but the Will it self which freely and knowingly inclineth to do Evil. For if Sin could not be resisted it were impossible to know or to avoid it and then there would be no Sin Wherefore then doth God punish Sins of Ignorance How cometh it to pass that he blameth those Actions that are done out of Necessity What mean those words of the Apostle I do not the Good that I would but the evil that I would not All that saith St. Augustin is spoken of Men born since Mankind was condemned to Death because of the First Man's Sin For were this Natural to Man and not a Punishment for his Sin it is certain there would be no Sin of Ignorance nor Necessity But when we speak here of Liberty we speak of that which Man had when God created him Here St. Augustin answers the greatest Objection that can be urged against Original Sin Though say they both Adam and Eve have sinned yet what had we done wretched Persons that we are to be thus abandoned to Ignorance and to Lust Must we therefore be deprived of the knowledge of the Precepts of Righteousness and when we begin to know them Must we see our selves under a kind of Necessity not to keep them by reason of the resistance of Lust St. Augustin confesseth That this Complaint were just if Men were under an impossibility of overcoming their Ignorance and Lust. But God being present every where to call his Creature to his Service to teach him what he ought to believe to Comfort him in his hopes to confirm him in his Love to help his Endeavours and to hear his Prayers man cannot complain That that is imputed to him which he is unavoidably ignorant of but then that he must blame himself if he neglects to seek after that which he knows not It is none of his fault that he cannot use his broken Members but he is guilty if he despiseth the Physician that proffers to cure him for none can be ignorant that Man may profitably seek for the Knowledge of what he knows not and which he thinks to be necessary And it is well enough known that Men ought humbly to acknowledge their Weakness to obtain Help In a word If Men do that which is Evil out of Ignorance or if it so happens that they cannot do the Good which they would there is Sin in that because it is in consequence
desireth Oceanus to send him a Treatise of that Father whereof Orosius had spoken to him and wherein he treated of the Resurrection of the Flesh. The 181st 182d 183d and 184th Letters are Pope Innocent's Answers to those of the African Bishops whereby he approves and confirms all that was done in Africa against Pelagius and Coelestius they are of the Year 417. The 185th Letter is amongst those Discourses that St. Augustin mentions in his Retractations where he calls it the Book of the Correction of the Donatists against those who found fault that the Imperial Laws were put in Execution to make them return into the Church He directs it to Bonifacius a Tribune and afterwards Count in Africa Having shewed there the difference betwixt the Arian Heresie and the Donatists Schism he proves That keeping within the Rules of Christian Moderation the terrour of the Laws may be used to reduce Hereticks to the Church He speaketh at large of the Cruelties which the Donatists and particularly the Circumcellians exercised against the Catholicks He refutes all the Reasons then alledged at large which Reasons were now made use of to perswade Men that Hereticks are not to be reclaimed from their Errors by Force or Punishments He says some Things concerning Penance and Remission of Sins That Baptism blots cut all Sins and that by Penance they may also be remitted and That if the Church hath ordained That none of those who have been under Penance shall be admitted into the Clergy or kept in it this is only for the upholding of Discipline least some should do Penance out of Pride with a Design to obtain Ecclesiastical Dignities not that she would cast Criminals into Despair how Guilty soever they be but that this Method is altered upon those Occasions where the Business is not only to secure the Salvation of some particular Men but to deliver whole Nations from Death In which Circumstances the Church hath remitted much of the Severity of her Discipline to find a Remedy for greater Evils and for this very Reason she dealeth thus with the Donatists That she is satisfied if they expiate their Sin of Separation by as bitter Grief as was that of St. Peter and she preserveth their Rank and Dignity among the Clergy That the Church practised this when whole Nations were to be reclaimed from Errour or Heresie That Lucifer Calaritanus was looked upon as a Schismatick for being of another Opinion That the Sin of the Holy Ghost is not Errour or Blasphemy since it would thence follow that no Heretick ought to be admitted to Penance or obtain Remission of his Sin and that by this no other thing can be understood but final Impenitency St. Augustin observes in his Retractations that he wrote this Letter at the same time that he composed the Book of The Acts of Pelagius in 417. The 186th Letter of St. Augustin is written to Paulinus Bishop of Nola not to Boniface as it is entituled in some Manuscripts siince it is quoted as directed to Paulinus in the Book of the Gift of Perseverance Ch. 21. and by St. Prosper Ch. 43. against Cassianus his Conferences And indeed St. Augustin quotes a Passage out of a Letter from the Person to whom he wrote which is found in the 8th Letter of St. Paulinus ' to Sulpitius Severus This whereof we now speak is written in the Names of St. Augustin and Alypius who was an intimate Friend of St. Paulinus against Pelagius whom this Saint had in great Esteem In this Letter St. Augustin layeth open all his Principles concerning Grace and Predestination and refuteth Pelagius his Notions He begins with the Relation of what had been done against him in Africa and sends Copies of it to St. Paulinus Then he layeth down these Positions That the Grace of Jesus Christ that is necessary to enable us to do Good is altogether of Free Gift That God sheweth Mercy to whom he pleaseth That he takes whom he thinks fit out of the Mass of Corruption into which Mankind is fallen through Adam's Sin He insisteth particularly upon the Example of Infants whereof some are saved through God's Mercy and others damned because of Original Sin He refutes Pelagius's Opinion touching the State of Infants whom he supposes to be in a middle State between Heaven and Hell which he calleth Eternal Life He proves That Free-Will does not consist in an Indifference to Good or Evil for it is enclined to Evil and cannot do Good without the assistance of the Grace of God He tells St. Paulinus that Pelagius maintained the contrary in his former Books that afterwards he seems to have retracted his Errours in the Council of Diospolis whereof he had received the Acts and then he dissembled again sometimes confessing the Necessity of Grace and often affirming That the Will had Power of it self to abstain from Sin So that God's Assistance in his Opinion was afforded us over and above to enable us to do that which is good with the greater Ease These are the Opinions refuted by St. Augustin in this Letter where he urges a Passage from a Letter written by St. Paulinus to convince him that he ought to reject them and condemn Pelagius The next Letter to Dardanus is a Didactical Treatise mentioned by St Augustin in his Retractations There he shews how God is said to be Omnipresent upon occasion of Two Questions which Dardanus had proposed to him The one upon these Words of Jesus Christ to the good Thief This Day thou shalt be with me in Paradise and the other Whether Children have any Notion of God in the Womb. The former Difficulty is grounded upon this That the humane Nature of Christ was not in Paradise immediately after his Death because his Soul descended into Hell and his Body was laid in the Grave St. Augustin saith That the Soul of Jesus Christ may be said to have been in the same Place where the Souls of the Righteous were which may be called Paradise But he thinks it more probable That this is meant of Christ's Divinity which never ceased to be in Paradise This puts St. Augustin upon treating of God's Immensity whereof he speaketh after a very high manner shewing That we ought not to conceive of it as of a Corporeal Extention He discourseth likewise of the particular manner how God dwelleth in the Saints and in Baptized Infants that do not yet know him And this leads him to the Second Question about the Knowledge of Children that are yet in their Mother 's Womb. He affirms That they have no knowledge no not after their Birth and that the Holy Ghost dwelleth in them and they know it not whereupon he enlargeth upon Justification that is wrought by Regeneration and speaketh of Birth in Sin the Necessity of Baptismal Grace and of Faith in Jesus Christ. It is evident by St. Augustin's Retractations That this Letter was written in the Year 417. It is directed to the Praefect of Gaul to whom St. Jerom wrote
their Essence from the Father As when 't is said That the Son doth nothing of himself that he receiveth Life from the Father This saith St. Augustin doth not shew That the Son is of a different Nature from the Father but only that the Son receiveth his Substance from the Father And by this Rule he explains the mission of the Son and of the Holy Ghost He speaks also of Apparitions wherein he pretends That not one single Person but the whole Trinity hath either spoken or operated This last Question is the Subject of his Third Book wherein he examines Whether God in his Apparitions formed Creatures to make himself known unto Men by them or Whether thâ—se Apparitions were by the Ministry of Angels who made use of Bodies to accomplish them He concludes in favour of the latter Opinion rejecting the former which had been held by all the Fathers before him The Fourth is about Christ's Incarnation whereby God hath manifested how much he loved us The Word was made Flesh to deliver us from the Darkness wherein we lay to purifie our Hearts and Minds His Death delivered us from Two kinds of Death from that of the Body by restoring Immortality to us and from that of the Soul by washing us from our Sins Here he makes a Digression concerning the perfection of the Number Six which is neither very solid nor much to the Purpose He discourses afterwards of the wonderful Effects of Christ's Mediation and shews at last That the Humiliation of the Son of God by his Incarnation hinders him not from being equal with his Father according to the Divine Nature In the Fifth Book He refutes the Sophisms of Hereticks against the Mystery of the Trinity In the Sixth He considers in what sence the Son is called the Wisdom and Power of the Father Whether the Father be Wise of himself or Whether he is only the Father of Wisdom He puts off the Decision of that Question and treats again of the Unity and Equality of the Father of the Son and of the H. Ghost In the Seventh Book he resolves the Question proposed in the Sixth shewing that the Father is not only the Father of Power and of Wisdom but that he hath in himself both Power and Wisdom and that all the Three Persons of the Trinity are Wise and Powerful by the same Power and Wisdom because they have but one Godhead Afterwards he explains in what sence God is said to have but one Essence and Three Persons or according to the Greeks three Hypostases Having proved in the Eighth Book that the Three Persons together are not greater than any one alone he enters upon the Second Part of his Work by exhorting Men to raise up themselves to the Knowledge of God thro' Charity wherein he finds a kind of Trinity In the Ninth He endeavoureth to find a Trinity in Man who was created after the Image of God he findeth there a Spirit a Knowledge of himself and a Love wherewith he loves himself these three Things are equal among themselves and make but one Essence This is according to S. Augustin an Image of the Trinity Memory Understanding and Will furnish him with another which he believes is clearer and more like He explains it in the Tenth Book He finds some resemblances even in the outward Man in the inward Senses in Knowledge and Wisdom and these are the Subjects of the following Books He concludeth at last in the Fifteenth Book That though we have here below several Representations of the Trinity yet we should not seek for it but in immutable and eternal Things and that we cannot see it in this Life but by a Figure and Enigmatically And thus he pretends That we have an Idea of the Generation of the Word by the production of the Word of our Understanding and an Idea of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost by the Love that proceeds from the Will But he confesseth That these Notions are very imperfect and that there is an infinite Difference betwixt these Comparisons and the Mystery of the Trinity The Treatise of the Five Heresies or rather the Sermon preached against Five sorts of Enemies to the Christians Heathens Jews Manichees Sabellians and Arians which the Louvain Doctors had ascribed to St. Augustin though Erasmus doubted of it is thrown in this Edition amongst the supposititious Treatises And this was done with a great deal of Reason for the Stile thereof is very different from St. Augustin's And the Author of that Sermon preached it when Arianism was the predominant Religion in Africa as appears by the 6th and 7th Chapters which shews That St. Augustin is not the Author of it but some other African who lived at the time of the Vandal's Persecution The Sermon of the Creed against the Heathens Jews and Arians is also of the same time and probably of the same Author The Suit betwixt the Church and the Synagogue is the Work of some Lawyer who try'd to Exercise himself in making the Church to condemn the Synagogue after the same manner that a Judge condemns a Malefactor The Book of Faith against the Manichees is restor'd to Evodius of Uzala upon the Authority of ancient Manuscripts and the different Stile The following Memorial of the manner of admitting the Manichees that were converted into the Churth is very Ancient and in all probability it is an Order of some Council of Africa The Book of the Unity of the Trinity is here restored to Vigilius Tapsensis the true Author who citeth it himself in the Preface to his Books against Varimadus to whom it is attributed in an ancient Copy Both the Books of the Incarnation of the Word are taken as it is observed out of the Translation of Origen's Principles by Rufinus The Treatise of the Unity and Trinity of God is made up of Extracts out of several Passages of St. Augustin's Works both Genuine and Spurious The Book of the Essence of the Divinity which is likewise attributed to St. Ambrose St. Jerom St. Anselm and Bonaventure is partly taken out of a Book written by St. Eucherius The Dialogue of the Unity of the Holy Trinity was found in Two Manuscripts Eight Hundred Years old in one of them it is ascribed to St. Augustin yet it is clearly written in a different Stile from his The Book of Ecclesiastical Maxims ought to be quite expunged out of St. Augustin's Works to which it hath no relation yet it is quoted under that Holy Father's Name by the Master of the Sentences and it beareth his Name in several Manuscripts Trithemius ascribes it to Alcuinus and Gratian citeth it under the Name of Paterus But the vulgar Opinion is That Gennadius writ it to whom it is attributed by Algerus Walafridus Strabo the Master of the Sentences and Thomas Aquinas in several Places It is likewise cited under his Name in several MSS. This Book contains an Abridgment of the principal Articles of Religion It is evident That the
and Pelagius at first But since both of them were convicted of Heresie by the Bishops of Africa The Love of Truth prevailed in him over the secret Satisfaction which he would have had by the Condemnation of Heros and Lazarus We have three Letters besides ascribed to Zosimus which do not seem to have had any relation to either of these Affairs we have now spoken of The First is directed to Hesychius Bishop of Salona to whom he prescribes with much Imperiousness and with a very Commanding Tone the Distances which he should cause to be observed between the Sacred Orders The Date is of February 418. The Second is directed to the Clergy of Ravenna He speaketh there against those who durst go to Court to Complain against him telling the Clergy of Ravenna That they were Excommunicated The Letter is of the 2d of October of the same Year The Last if it be true is directed to the Bishops of the Province of Byzacena in Africa and not to the Bishops of Byzantia as it is in the common Title There he blames those Bishops for admitting Lay-men to Judge Church-men It is dated Novemb. 14th 418. But it is very probable that it is Supposititious because it is of a very different Style from the rest Zosimus writes purely and nobly He speaks with Vigour and Authority and turns every thing to his own Advantage He discerneth the weak side of his Adversaries and omits nothing that can do them Hurt In a word He writes like a Man throughly skill'd in Business whoâ—knows the strong and the weak side of every Thing and the exact Management of Affairs BONIFACE I. AFter the Death of Pope Zosimus the Church of Rome was divided about the Election of his Successor The Arch-Deacon Eulalius who aspired to the Bishoprick of Rome shut himself up in the Church of the Lateran with part of the People some Priests and some Boniface I. Deacons and made them chuse him in Zosimus's room On the other side a great Number of Priests several Bishops and part of the People being assembled in the Church of Theodora elected Boniface Both were ordained Eulalius was ordained by some Bishops among whom was the Bishop of Ostia who used to ordain the Bishop of Rome Boniface was likewise ordained by a great Number of Bishops and went to take Possession of St. Peter's Church Symmachus Governour of Rome having try'd in vain to make them agree writ to the Emperor Honorius about it In his Letter of the 29th of December 418. he speaks in Eulalius's behalf and judges Boniface to be in the wrong The Emperor believing his Relation sent him word immediately That he should expell Boniface and uphold Eulalius The Governour having received this Order sent for Boniface to acquaint him with it but he would not come to him so that the Governour sent to him to signifie the Emperor's Order and kept him from returning into the City The Bishops Priests and the People that sided with Boniface wrote immediately to the Emperor to entreat him that he would order both Eulalius and Boniface to go to Court that their Cause might there be judged To satisfie them the Emperor sent to Symmachus an Order of the 30th of January 419. signifying That he should enjoin Boniface and Eulalius to be at Ravenna about the 6th of February Honorius conven'd some Bishops thither to judge of their Cause and that they might not be suspected of favouring any one side he commanded That none of those who had ordained either of them should be a Judge in the case The Bishops that were chosen to judge this Cause being divided the Emperor put off the Judgment till May and forbad Eulalius and Boniface to go to Rome and sent thither Achilleus Bishop of Spoleto to perform the Episcopal Functions during the Easter Holy-Days In which time he prepared a numerous Synod and invited the Bishops both of Africa and Gaul but Eulalius could not endure that Delay and spoiled his business by his impatience For whether he distrusted his Right or whether he was of a restless temper he returned to Rome the 16th of March and would have stay'd there notwithstanding the Emperor's Orders which obliged Symmachus to use Violence to drive him out of Rome and the Emperor having been informed of his Disobedience waited for no other Judgment but caused Boniface to be put in possession in the beginning of April 419. One of the First Things that Boniface did was to write to the Emperor to entreat him to make an Edict to prevent for the future the Intrigues and Cabals that were made use of to get the Bishoprick of Rome This Letter bears Date the First of July To cut off the Root of these Divisions Honorius ordained That if ever Two Men should be ordained Bishops of Rome that neither should remain in Possession but that both the Clergy and People should chuse a Third Boniface's Second Letter ought to go before this now mentioned if the order of their Dates were observed since this is of the 13th of June 419. It is directed to Patroclus and to the other Bishops of the Seven Provinces of Gaul concerning Maximus Bishop of Valence who was accused by the Clergy of that City who had carried their Accusation directly to the Pope in all probability about the Contests which had been in that Province concerning the Right of Primacy Boniface accuses that Bishop not only for refusing to appear at Rome to plead for himself but for avoiding to appear before Provincial Synods to which he was remitted by the Popes his Predecessors Yet he declares That he would not condemn him because he ought to have been judged in his own Province Wherefore he desireth them to call a Council before the First of November that he might appear there to make his own defence to the Accusations formed against him adding That if he refused to appear he should hope no longer that his absence could put a stop to his Condemnation For saith he it is a shrew'd Mark of a Man's Guilt who when he is accused and has so many occasions of clearing himself yet neglects to make use of them Boniface's Third Letter to Hilary Bishop of Narbonna of the 2d of February 422. overthrows all that Zosimus had done in the behalf of the Church of Arles For upon the Complaint of the Inhabitants of Lodevae a City of Gallia Narbonensis Prima against Patroclus Bishop of Arles for ordaining a Bishop without consulting with the Metropolitan he declares That it was an Action against the Canons of the Council of Nice which he could not patiently bear with because he was obliged to maintain the Canons Wherefore he sends word to the Bishop of Narbon That if that Church be of his Provence he should go to that City and there perform a lawful Ordination and put a stop to the Bishop of Arles's Presumption who undertook beyond the Bounds of his Jurisdiction Lastly He ordaineth That for the future every Province shall
recommends Modesty also to them but more especially to Widows l. 1. 179. Advice to Parents Concerning the Education of their Children l. 1. 316. Advice to those that take the Holy Sacrament with a defiled Conscience l. 1. 170. Advice to Sinners The most perfect State is not to sin but it is good to repent when we have sinned and to rise again as soon as may be from our Fall Since you are fallen from your first Estate which is above your Strength have a care that you do not neglect the second means of gaining your Salvation and take heed that Despair do not entirely ruin you l. 1. 381. l. 2. 160. l. 3. 62. Yet the Hopes of Pardon ought not to encourage us in Sin for it is much easier to preserve Innocency than to restore it forasmuch as some Scar always remains after the Cure and it can never be recovered but with much Pain l. 3. 157. Advice to a Physician who lived wickedly You profess a Science which requires a great deal of Prudence and Wisdom but you have a Spirit of Contradiction you cure small Wounds for others but do not heal your own Distempers which are very great and dangerous If you will be a True Physician begin to cure your own diseased Soul l. 1. 391 437. There are an infinite number of such like Instructions in the Letters of S. Isidore They are full of Maxims of Piety and the Rules of a Spiritual Life He in several Places of them recommends Charity Humility Vigilance Holiness Modesty Sobriety Patience Contempt of the World Repentance Labour Prayer and other Christian Vertues of which he teaches the Practical Part. He renders the contrary Vices detestable and propounds fit Remedies for us to apply to them He principally inveighs against Three Vices very common in his Time Ambition Covetousness and Intemperance Lastly All his Letters are full of most solid and profitable Christian Maxims This is an excellent one which he often repeats Our Lives must correspond with our Words and we ought to practise our selves what we teach others for it is not enough to say but we must do what we say Letters concerning the Discipline and Life of the Monks As S. Isidore professed a Monastick Life so 't is to the Monks that the greatest part of his Instructions which we have already spoken of are directed He extols a Monastick State in general l. 1. Let. 129. and gives the Description of a true Monk l. 1. 200 298 308 319. He makes that estate to consist principally in two things In Retiredness and Obedience l. 1. 1. The Apparel of the Monks according to him ought to be like S. John Baptist's that is to say Of Hair and their Food ought to be nothing but Herbs But if they are not able to undergo so great Austerities they ought to live in that Way which the Bishop commands them and follow the Rules which he shall prescribe them l. 1. 5 74 They ought not to live as they list but put themselves under the Government of some Superior l. 1. 193 260. They ought not to concern themselves with worldly Affairs nor maintain any Trade or Commerce with the World l. 1. 25 75 92 220. When any Man hath once embraced a Monastick Life he ought to persevere with Zeal l. 1. 91 110. Inconstant and fickle Monks are blame-worthy l. 1. 41 173 314 318. They ought not to be allowed to live in Idleness but they must be employed and labour l. 1. 49. They may not read the Books of Profane Authors nor affect to speak or declaim elegantly l. 1. 62 64. I omit to speak of the Practice of such Christian Vertues as he recommends to them and of those Vices which he reproves in some Monks of his Time because that were to repeat what we have already said What we have spoken of S. Isidore of Damiata may suffice to inform us of his Style and Person Nothing remains more to be spoken of but the Editions of these Letters which I shall do in a few Words The three first Books were translated into Latin by the Abbot Billius and printed after his Death in Greek and Latin at Paris in 1585. with a Collection of the excellent Observations of that Learned Man as well upon S. Isidore as upon other Greek Fathers Ritterhusius added a Fourth Book to these and caused it to be printed with the other Three and his own large Notes upon all the Four Books by Commelinus at Heidelberg in 1605. The Jesuit Schottus joyned a Fifth Book to them which was printed in Greek at Antwerp in 1623 in Latin at Rome in 1624. and in Greek and Latin illustrated with Notes Glosses and Arguments at Franck fort in 1629. They are all collected into one Volume and printed in the last Edition at Paris in 1638. JOANNES CASSIANUS JOANNES CASSIANUS a Native of Scythia a A Native of Scythia Gennadius says plainly That he was a Scythian M. Holstenius and F. Norris endeavour to prove that he was a Frenchman and this they pretend to do from ch 1. conf 24. but that Place doth not prove what they assert nor destroy the Testimony of Gennadius which is of great weight Photius says That he was a Roman but he means it of the Place of his Abode and the Tongue he wrote in Honorius calls him an African perhaps because he thought Scythia was in Africa Some say he was a Native of Scythia and born at Carthage but this is without Ground What some say That he wrote too elegantly in Latin to be a Greek is not to be regarded It is very possible that a Greek living among the Latins might write Latin as well as he hath done Besides he lived in an Age when almost all Learned Men were skilled in both Tongues having devoted himself to God in his Childhood withdrew himself into the Monastery of Bethlehem b He withdrew himself into the Monastery of Bethlehem He says so himself in the Preface of his Institutions dedicated to Castor where speaking of his First Exercise in that Monastery he says A pueritia nostra constituti afterward being J. Cassian desirous to attain the utmost perfection of a Religious Life he departed from thence with another Monk named Germanus with whom he had contracted an intimate Friendship to go into Aegypt and Thebais to see the Solitaries and Monks of that Country and gather some Advantage by their Example and Instructions Having lived Seven Years c Having lived seven Years In his First Conference ch 1. he tells us That it was the Desire he had to visit the Monks and profit by their Instructions that made him undertake that Voyage Germanus with whom he travelled had been longer in the Monastery than he they always were very intimate He relates in his Conferences the principal Discourses which they had with the most Spiritual Religious all-a-long their Voyage and the Places whither they went in the seventeenth Conf. ch 31. He says That
he lived under Arcadius and that he was likewise a Recluse from that Time since he wrote two Letters to that Emperor about the Banishment of S. Chrysostom which happened in 405. which are Letter 279. lib. 3. and 265. lib. 2. He must needs be pretty ancient since he had been Governor of Constantinople He was about Fifty Years Old when the Monastery of Sinai was afflicted by the Incursions of the Barbarians as he himself says Now this must needs happen about the Year 410 or 411. He could not then live to the Empire of Mauricius which did not begin till the Year 583. Wherefore we must correct the Menologiâ—s where it is said That he lived under or to the Empire of Maurice and put the Name of Marcian instead of that of Maurice Allatius affirms That he lived in the Sixth Age because in Let. 70. lib. 1. directed to Tribunus Zozarius he proves That the Kingdom of the Jews is destroyed for ever because there have passed Five hundred Years since the Death of Jesus Christ and yet it hath not been re-established nor have the Jews had any Help But S. Nilus doth not precisely say that the Five hundredth Year was passed but that it drew near 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say Lo it draws apâ—ce to Five hundred Years Four hundred Years are quite pass'd and we are going on in the Fifth Age. We have placed this Author after Isidore and Cassian because he hath written upon the same Matters The Works of this Holy Religious Man known and esteemed by the Ancients have been printed several Times as well by themselves as in the Bibliotheca Patrum and not long since were published in Greek and Latin by the Care of Suarez at Rome 1673. The First is a Treatise of the Monastick Life which had been translated already by Zinus and was printed at Venice with some other Works of the same Author anno 1657. and since put into the Bibliotheca Patrum S. Nilus in this Tract reproves the Vices and Disorders of the Monks of his Time which he describes in a very smart manner He condemns those who were ambitious to be Superiors and Governours of others not having acquired by long Exercise such Vertues as were necessary to discharge that Office well He also gives them many very useful Precepts and Instructions which he delivers by Allegories He exhorts the Religious to renounce their Estates wholly and all worldly Pleasures and to practise the Vertues that are becoming Monks recommending in an especial manner Retirement and Solitude This Treatise is written with much Fervor and Acuteness and is full of very Judicious Observations What he says in the beginning concerning the Rise Perfection and Decay of the Monastick State is well worth our Consideration Having shewed That neither the Heathens nor the Jews had any true Philosophers nor perfect Sages That Jesus Christ is the First who manifested to Men the true way of Vertue and Wisdom and that the Apostles and First Christians imitated their Master in all things and following his Steps have given us Examples of a most Wise and Regular Life and Conversation He Adds That the Zeal of Christians who should follow that Example being cooled some Persons have taken up a Resolution to abandon the perplexing Business of the World and the Tumults of the Cities to retire themselves in Solitude that these Persons have exactly imitated the Apostles in curbing their Passions and renouncing the Riches and Pleasures of the World in contenting themselves with meer Necessaries in living in great Union and having all things in Common but that at length this Profession so Holy in the Original had degenerated by degrees and was now become clear another thing That the present Professors of it disgraced their State and the Memory of their Predecessors by their Disorders and Irregularities The Second Treatise dedicated to the Monk Agathius is entituled Peristeria from the name of a noble Lady whom Agathius had propounded to S. Nilus as an eminent Example of Vertue and Piety in an Age which he affirmed to be as Corrupt as his This Treatise contains in it several moral Considerations about Temperance Humility Prayer Contempt of the World and the Obligation of doing Alms. He describes the miserable condition of the Worldly-minded Man when he comes to the Point of Death He advises them that are Rich to distribute to the Poor their Estates rather than Bequeath or Leave them to their Heirs He bewails the Misery of those who being at the Point of Death think of nothing but Worldly Business He derides the Folly of those Persons who give the Poor Legacies after their Death but enjoy their Estates as long as they live without bestowing any thing on them He enveighs against the Luxury Covetousness and Injustice of the Rich Men of his Time The rest of his Discourse is about the Life of Good Men and the Temptations Persecutions and Misfortunes which they must endure And he gives us several Famous Examples of this taken from the Old and New Testament The Third Treatise of S. Nilus is a Discourse of Voluntary Poverty dedicated to a certain Deaconess of the Church of Ancyra called Magna It treats at large on the Happiness of those who have forsaken their worldly Possessions for the Service of God He commends that Estate and recites many Passages of Holy Scripture in praise of it but many of them do not at all prove what he designs He also recommends Obedience Concord and Humility The Following Discourse is a Sermon of Morality whose Subject is no special Matter and in which there is nothing remarkable The Manual of Epictetus which follows in the Roman Edition is nothing like the Works of S. Nilus He that published this Edition affirms That this Manual was extracted out of Epictetus's Works by S. Nilus but he brings no Proof of it And Simplicius assures us That it was Arian that made this Manual We have already observed That the Book call'd Pachâ— and another Dogmatical Discourse belong to Evagrius Ponticus The Treatise which begins at Page 377. is upon this Question viz. Whether the Life of the Anchorites or Hermites which S. Nilus also calls Hesicasts or Quietists who dwell in Solitude is to be preferred before the Life of thâ—se Religious who dwell in Cities This is a very Curious Question about which the Judgment of the Spiritual Men is much divided S. Nilus takes the affirmative for the Hermites but many others as he confesses were of a contrary Opinion There are Reasons of both sides They who preferr the Religious who live in Communities in Cities before the Anchorites say That they have more Worth because they meet with more Opposition whereas they that live in Solitude being at Queit and not subject to Temptation have not so much Vertue S. Nilus answers to this Reason which seemed very plausible That there are as many Temptations in Solitude as in Cities and that the Reason why some Persons argue
Solitary Life The Desart is the Temple of God In the Desart God is found The earthly Paradise is the Figure of it Moses saw God in the Desart The People of Israel were delivered by passing through the Desart The Red-Sea opened it self to give them a free Passage into the Desart and afterward closed again to prevent their return from thence In the Desart they were nourished with the Heavenly Food and quenched their Thirst with the miraculous Water In the Desart they received the Law David was preserved in the Desart Elias Elisha and the Prophets dwelt in Desarts Jesus Christ was baptized in the Desart There it was that Angels ministred unto him where he fed 5000 Men. It was upon a Mountain in the Wilderness that his Glory appeared He prayed in the Desart The Saints retired themselves into the Desart The Habitation of Desarts is to be preferr'd before all others there God is more easily found there we converse more familiarly with him there we live more quietly and free from Temptations The Praises of Desarts in general are attended by the particular Commendations of the Desart of Lerins That is a sweet Place full of Fountains over-spread with Herbs abounding with most pleasant Flowers grateful as well to the Eyes as Smell an abode fit for Honoratus who first founded the Monasteries and had Maximus for his Successor blessed Lupus his Brother Vincentius and Reverend Caprasius and many other Holy Old Men who dwelt in separate Cells have made the Life of the Aegyptian Monks to flourish among us Lastly After he hath spoken of their Vertues he congratulates Hilarius That he was return'd again to such a Charming and Delightful Dwelling The Second Work is a * Epistola de contemptu mundi saecularis Philosophiae Dr. Cave Treatise of the Contempt of the World dedicated to his Kinsman called Valerian who was of an Illustrious Family to exhort him to fly from the World He represents to him the two principal Duties incumbent upon Man 1. To know and worship God 2. To take Care of the Salvation of his Soul That these Two Duties are inseparable because no Man can be careful of his Soul unless he worship God nor honour God unless he take care of his Soul That it is more reasonable to be sollicitous for the Safety of our Souls than our Bodies because the Life of the Soul is Eternal whereas the Life of the Body must have an end and for that Reason we must labour in this Life for Eternity That it is easy to obtain the Eternal Happiness which we desire provided that we contemn this miserable Life That the World hath Two principal Attractives to allure us to it Riches and Honour but that we ought to tread them both under our Feet That Riches are ordinarily the Causes of Injustice that they are uncertain that we must necessarily leave them at our Death That Honours are common to the Good and Evil that Fortune hath her flittings and nothing is stable and permanent but true Piety That the true Honours and Riches are celestial That it is impossible to make a serious Reflection upon the shortness of Life and the necessity of Death but we must think that these are not the only good Things for our Salvation That we ought not to follow the Examples of those who lead a worldly Life but to propound to themselves the Lives of them who renounce the World that they may lead a truly Christian Life although they were Persons of Quality and might have enjoyed Honours and Riches S. Clemens S. Greg. Thaumaturgus S. Basil S. Greg. Nazianzen S. Paulinus of Nola S. Hilary Bishop of Arles and Petronius are those whom S. Eucherius propounds to Valerian he mentions the excellent Orators who renounced the Honours which they might have hoped for in the World yet laid aside all their Glory to write for Religion such as Lactantius Minutius Foelix S. Cyprian S. Hilary S. J. Chrysostom and S. Ambrose He propounds to him also the Examples of Holy Kings Lastly He makes use of the whole Frame of Nature and all the Visible World to prove that the only Employment of Man ought to be to honour the Creator of all Things After all these Considerations he discovers to him the Vanity of all Philosophical Knowledge and shews him that there is no true Wisdom taught nor any true Happiness to be found but in the Religion of Jesus Christ. This Writing is dated in the 1085th Year from the first Building of Rome which is the 432. of our common Aera These Two Treatises are written in a Style very Clean and Elegant the Matter is Spiritual and the manner of handling it very agreeable It may be said that these little Books are not inferior in the Politeness and Purity of Language to the Works of those Authors who lived in those Ages when Language was in greater Purity They have been printed distinctly at Antwerp in 1621. This Treatise to Valerian was printed at Basil with Erasmus's Notes who commends it to us as one of the most elegant Pieces of Antiquity anno 1520 and 1531. It was also publish'd by Rosoeidus with Notes at Antwerp 1620. together with the former in the Praise of Solitude which Genebrard put out at Paris 1578. His other Treatises are not so Profitable nor so Elegant as the former by a great deal His Treatise of * De formulis spiritualis intelligentie Cave Spiritual Terms and Phrases directed to Veranus is a Collection of Mystical and Spiritual Reflections upon the Terms and Expressions of Holy Scriptures in which there is very little Solidity His first Book of Instructions contains the Explication of several Questions which he proposes to himself out of the Old and New Testament Some of them are very well resolved and we may find in them some very good Remarks The Second Book contains 1. The Explication of the Hebrew Names 2. The Signification of some Hebrew Terms which are often met withal in the Bible such as Amen Hallâ—… c. 3. The Explication of some special Phrases 4. An Explication of the Names of Nations Cities and Rivers which are not known 5. Of the Hebrew Months and Festivals 6. The Names of Idols 7. The Explication of their Habits and Cloathing 8. Of Birds and Beasts 9. A Comparison of the Jewish Weights and Measures with those of the Greeks and Latins and the Signification of some Greek Names The Usefulness and Worth of this Critical Work may be easily known but the composing of it is very hard S. Eucherius hath not examin'd these Things throughly but contents himself to give the Meaning of every Thing in short without troubling himself to prove them He hath taken the greatest part of what he discourseth of out of several Authors He discusses them very often well enough but he is mistaken in many Places Gennadius makes mention of these Books The Commentaries upon Genesis and the Books of Kings which go under the Name of
of Orange II. 121 Orentius 26 Council I. of Orleans 113 Council II. of Orleans 125 Council III. of Orleans 127 Council IV. of Orleans 129 Council V. of Orleans 130 Council of Osca or Huesca 161 P COuncil II. of Paris 147 Council III. of Paris ibid. Council IV. of Paris 151 Council V. of Paris 152 Pascâ—acius 62 Paterius 103 Paulus Silentiarius 58 Pelagius I. 58 Pelagius II. 65 Council of Poictiers 158 Pontianus 49 Primasius 56 Procopius Gazaeus 35 R COuncils of Rome under Pope Symmachus 108 Council of Rome under Boniface II. 122 Rusticus 56 S COuncil of Saintones 149 Council of Sâ—â—agossa 160 Sedatus 64 Severus 27 Severus Bishop in Spain 104 Council I. of Sevil. 157 Pope Silverus 46 Symmachus 1 T COuncil of Tarrago 114 Tetradius 51 Theodorus 27 Council II. of Toledo 123 Council III. of Toledo 155 Council of Toledo in 597. 161 Council II. of Tours 149 Trifolius 24 Trojanus 50 Council of Tutella 131 V COuncil II. of Vaiso 121 Council of Valentia 119 Council II. of Valentia 154 Victor of Capua 55 Victor Tunnuensis 58 Pope Vigilius 47 Z ZAcharias 52 BIBLIOTHECA PATRUM OR A NEW HISTORY OF Ecclesiastical Writers TOME IV. CONTAINING An Account of the LIVES and WRITINGS of the Primitive FATHERS that Flourished in the Sixth Century of Christianity with Censures upon all their BOOKS determining which are Genuine and which Spurious Pope SYMMACHUS AFTER the Death of Pope Anastasius which happen'd at the end of the Year 498 there was a fierce contention in the Church of Rome between Laurentius and Symmachus which Pope Symmachus of them two was duly promoted to that See Symmachus who was Deacon was chosen and ordain'd by the far greater number but Festus a Roman Senator who had promis'd the Emperor Anastasius that his Edict of Agreement with the Bishop of Rome should be sign'd procur'd Laurentius to be chosen and ordain'd This Schism divided the Church and the City of Rome and the most eminent both of the Clergy and the Senate took part with one of these two Bishops but at length both Parties agreed to wait upon King Theodoric at Ravenna for his Decision in the case which was this That He should continue Bishop of Rome who had been first chosen and should be found to have the far greater number of Voices for him Symmachus had the advantage of Laurentius on both these Accounts and so was confirm'd in the possession of the Holy See and he ordain'd Laurentius Bishop of Nocera if we may believe Anastasius At the beginning of the next Year he call'd a Council wherein he made a Canon against the ways of solliciting men's voices which were then us'd for obtaining the Papal Dignity But those who oppos'd the Ordinance of Symmachus seeing him possess'd of the Holy See against their mind us'd all their endeavours to turn him out of it for which end they charg'd him with many Crimes they stirr'd up a part of the People and Senate against him and caus'd a Petition to be presented to King Theodoric that he would appoint a Delegate to re-hear the Cause He nam'd Peter Bishop of Altinas who depos'd the Pope from the Government of his Diocese and depriv'd him of the Possessions of the Church This Division was the cause of so great disorders in Rome that from words they came many times to blows and every day produc'd fighting and murders Many Ecclesiasticks were beaten to death Virgins were robbed and driven away from their habitation many Lay-men were wounded or kill'd insomuch that not only the Church but also the City of Rome suffer'd very much by this Schism King Theodoric being desirous to put an end to these disorders call'd a Council wherein the Bishops being possess'd with a good Opinion of Pope Symmachus would not enter upon the examination of the particula Articles alledg'd against him but only declar'd him Innocent before his Accusers of the Crimes that were laid to his Charge And they prevail'd so far by their Importunity that the King was satisfy'd with this Sentence and both the People and the Senate who had been very much irritated against Symâ—…chus were 〈◊〉 and acknowledg'd him for Pope Yet some of the discontented Party still remain'd who 〈◊〉 a Writing against this Synod and spread their Calumnies forg'd against Symmachus as far as the East The Emperor Anastasius objected them to him which obliged Symmachus to write a Letter to him for his own Vindication But notwithstanding these Efforts of his Enemies he continued in peaceabâ—â— possession of the Holy See until the Year 514 wherein he died The first Letter of this Pope is written to Aeoniâ— Bisâ—op of Arâ—es which is dated Septemb. 29. in the Year 500. In this Letter he decâ—ares that his Predecâ—ssor had unjustly taken away from the Bishop of Arles the Right of Ordaining Bishops to some Churches and given it to the Bishop of Vienna contrary to the Custom and the Canons of his Predecessors Upon this occasion he says That the Priesthood being one and indivisible altho' it be administred by many Bishops the Successors can make no Innovation contrary to the Canons of their Predecessors and moreover That it is of great importance to Religion that no difference of Judgment should appear among the Bisâ—ops and chiefly among the Bishops of the Church of Rome from whence he concludes That Aeonâ—us should follow the ancient Custom in Orâ—aining Bishops and that the New Canon of Anastasius ought not to take plâ—ce The second Letter written to the same Bishop ought to be plac'd before the former not only because of the Date which is written Octob. 30. 499. but also because it is a Citation of the Bishop of Vienna to come and defend his pretended Right which ought to precede the Judgment given against him which is contain'd in the first Letter There is also a third Letter on the same Subject written to Avitus Bishop of Vienna Octob. 13. 501. published in the fifth Tome of the Spicilegium of Luc Dachera and is there reckon'd the twelfth wherein he answers that Bishop and tells him That the Judgment he had given should be no ways prejudicial to him if he could prove that the Canon made by his Predecessor was useful altho it was not regular because what is done for a just cause is not against the Law and one may depart from the Rigor of the Law for the Good of the Church since the Law it self would have excepted such a case if it could have foreseen it and he adds That it would be oft-times cruel to adhere to the Letter of the Law when the strict observation of it is found prejudicial to the Church because the Laws were made to serve the Church and not to do it any prejudice After this he exhorts the Bishop of Vienna to produce his Reasons and Defence in a Letter to himself At last in the Year 502 he ended this Difference by confirming the Canon made about this matter by S. Leo who
address'd to the Orientalists wherein he does earnestly exhort them to suffer all sorts of Persecutions rather than communicate with the Complices and Followers of Eutyches Dioscorus Timothy Peter of Foulon and Acacius This Letter is dated Octob. 8. in the Year 512. The ninth Letter is a Letter of the Orientalists to Pope Symmachus They pray him to put an end to that Schism which had now continued many years upon the account of Acacius's Disobedience They remonstrate to him that their Faith is Orthodox that they condemn the Errors of Nestorius and Eutyches and those of their Followers that they approve the Council of Chalcedon That those who separated from the Communion of others upon the account of Acacius's affair did not take sufficient care of the Flock of Jesus Christ. That on the contrary those who overlook'd that formality had made Churches for the Publick Good that both the one and the other are Orthodox and that he ought not to refuse Communion to either of them To prove that they were Catholicks in their Judgment they propose an Exposition of their Faith wherein they do clearly reject the Errors of the Nestorians and Eutychians We have already spoken of the tenth Letter which is the Definitive Sentence that pass'd about the difference between the Churches of Arles and Vienna In the eleventh he confirms to the Bishop of Arles upon the Request of that Bishop presented to him the Right of Citing the Bishops of Gaul and Spain to the Synods that were necessary to be held for Judging of Ecclesiastical Matters He orders him to give an account to the Holy See of those Causes which should want his Authority to determine them The twelfth Letter wherein it is suppos'd that Pope Symmachus gave the Pallium to the Bishop of Laurea in Pannonia appears to me to be a Forgery It is no where cited it is taken from a place of little authority the style is different from that of the other Letters and does plainly discover that it is very late In short it is stuff'd with thoughts so mean and impertinent that it cannot be attributed to any man of sense You need only read it to be convinc'd of the Truth of what we say and that it is a suppositious Piece The style of Symmachus's Letters is harsh but it has smartness and vehemence AVITUS Bishop of Vienna Avitus Bishop of Vienna SExtus Alcimus Ecditius Avitus Son to the Senator Isychius and Brother to Apollinaris Bishop of Valentia was promoted in the beginning of the Sixth Century to the Episcopal See of the Church of Vienna which his Father had also governed for some years This Bishop laboured very much in the Conversion of the Arians held many Conferences with Gondeband King of the Burgundians who was an Arian converted his Son Sigismond and vigorously opposed the Hereticks of his time Dr. Cave says he converted King Gondeband to the Catholick Faith and made him publickly profess it when he endeavour'd to conceal it from his Subjects Hist. Lit. p. 372. He wrote also in defence of Pope Symmachus he presided in a Council held at Epaon in 517 he died in 523 he wrote Letters Sermons and Poems His Letters are the most curious and most beautiful of all his Works and they are in number 87. The first is addrest to Gondeband King of the Burgundians In it he first explains two places of the Gospel and takes occasion from the former to remark that the word Mass is used in Churches in Palaces and Courts to dismiss the People Afterward he proves that the Holy Spirit is not a Creature and that the Breath of Life which God breathed into the first man is not the very Substance of the Holy Spirit In the second Letter addressed to the same Prince he treats of the Incarnation and opposes the Errors of Nestorius and Eutyches but he was so ill informed of their History that he attributes to the latter the Error of the former although it be perfectly contrary to his Opinions In the following Letter he appears to be no better informed of the Transactions in the East which happened in his own time for there he accuses the Bishop of Constantinople of having cut off in the year preceding these words from the Trisagion O thou that was crucified for us have pity upon us and he defends this Expression as being very ancient Now it 's certain that it was Peter of Foulon who had added these words to the Trisagion a little while before and the Bishop of Constantinople was so far from cutting them off that on the contrary he approved this addition and caused the Trisagion to be sung after this manner which caused a Tumult in the Church of Constantinople mention'd by Avitus who is mistaken in attributing the Disorder to the cutting off of these words which had not happened but because they were added In the fourth Letter he examines two places in the Writings of Faustus Bishop of Regium One is about a very short Penance which is done at the point of Death and the other is about the unprofitableness of Faith without good Works Avitus maintains in speaking of the former That it 's false and very harsh to affirm that the Penance which is granted at the point of Death does not at all profit a man But he confesses that if those who have received it relapse afterward into their former Debauchery it was unprofitable to them and that hereby they render themselves unworthy of the Communion Nevertheless he does not think that they can be obliged to renounce altogether the use of Marriage After this he remarks upon the second place of Faustus That it cannot be said that Faith without Works is altogether unprofitable since Infants are justified by Faith without Works and That the Faith of Adult Persons is commonly accompanied with Good Works In the sixth Letter addressed to Victorius Bishop of Grenoble Avitus maintains That it is never lawful for Catholicks to use the Altars Oratories or Churches of Hereticks He procur'd this Prohibition to be made in the Council of Epaon altho the contrary had been establish'd in the first Council of Orleans The seventh Letter is written to the Patriarch of Constantinople wherein he congratulates his Reconciliation to the Bishop of Rome This Patriarch was John of Cappadocia who was reconcil'd to Pope Hormisdas in the year 519. In the eighth Letter he praises Eustorgius Bishop of Milan for his Charity to the Captive Gauls whom he had caus'd to be redeem'd In the ninth he recommends to Caesarius Bishop of Arles a Foreign Bishop call'd Maximianus who was come into his Country to find there an able Physician who could cure him of a distemper in his eyes wherewith he was afflicted There are two things remarkable in this Letter the first is That a Catholick Bishop in whatsoever place he is ought not to pass for a Stranger the second is That a Bishop is oblig'd to take care of his health that he may be
St. Gregory 100 R RHeims Vicaracy granted to St. Reâ—â— Archbishop of Rheims by the Pope Hâ—rmisdâ—s 10 Relicks The true Crolâ— 5. Veneration due to Relicks 87. Filings of the Chains of St. Peter and St. Paul ibid. Relicks used in the Consecration of Churches ibid. Their Honour defended by Eulâ—gius 66. They ought not to be put in Chappels where they cannot be honoured 116. Proof of them made by putting them in the fire 160 Repentance and Penance Remission of sins not to be obtained but in this Life and in the Church 15 and in making a true Repentance 16. Repentance useless out of the Church 19. How Remission ought to be demanded and to whom granted 111. True Repentance consists in sinning no morâ— 74. Rules concerning Repentance 156. The Benediction of Penance granted to one on his Death-bed hinders not but that afterwards he must do Penance 115. It is not permitted to the Priest to give the Benediction to the Penitent 112. Those that forsake it punished 113. Death-bed Repentance not useless to all the World but serves nothing to those that return to their Irregularities 4 5. Penance of Clerks for divers sins 74 84 116 127 Clerks fallen into the sin of Incontinence may be restored 118. Those that abandon Penance excommunicated 116 128. Absolution not to berefused to any at Death 117. The Resolution of a Bishop to make a Man do Penance that had abused a young Woman 6 Regulation of the Names of the Clergy of England described by Gildas 64 Ecclesiastical Revenues Use that ought to be made of them 81 92 113 148 Rogatiâ—â—s Institution of Rogations 6. When and how they ought to be celebrated 114 115 Rome The Jurisdiction of the Holy See over Illyrium established 122 Bishop of Rome Primacy of the Church and Bishops of Rome in what it consists 76. Authority of the Pope in Ecclesiastical Judgments ibid. His Authority over the Bishops of the Vicariate 77. Respectful Terms to the Pope 5. He is called Bishop of the Universal Church ibid. He cannot be judged by his Inferiors according to the Opinion of Avitus 5. Priviledges of the Bishops of Rome inviolable 48. Priviledges of the Pope not to be judged by a Council if it be not assembled by his Authority 9. A Paradoxal Proposition that a Pope became holy ibid. Rusticus Deacon of Rome Of his Writings and his Opinions 56 S SAbinus Bishop of Lanusa wrought Miracles 99 Sacrifice of the Altar It is not only offer'd to the Father but to the Word also 15 Schism of the Church of Rome after the Death of Anastasius 1. c. Council of Rome against Schismaticks 108. Another Schism after the death of Felix IV. between Boniface and Dioscorus 30. Another Schism between Silverus and Vigilius 46 Holy Scripture Rules and Critical Reflections upon the Canonical Books 57. Catalogue of the Canonical Books ibid. Severus of Antioch His Ordination and Deposition 132. He divides the Eutychians ibid. Anathematized in the Council under Mennas 133. His Error and his Writings 27 Severus Priest raised one dead 99 Severus Bishop of Malaga Author of a Treatise against Vincent an Arian 104 Sees Apostolick Their Consideration 78 Silverus Pope His Election was made with Freedom 46. His Persecution and Death 47. His Letters supposititious ibid. Simony It is forbidden to take any thing for holy things 161. It is forbid to demand Money for Ordination or other holy things 125 151. It is forbidden in all its parts 82 Slaves Regulation to hinder Christian Slaves from serving Jews 87. Regulation concerning the Christian Slaves belonging to Jews 130. Forbidden to be made Clerks without permission of their Masters ibid. Souls Spiritual Souls 100. State of the Souls after Death ibid. Divers apparitions of Souls ibid. A fabulous History of the Soul of Trajan 102. Question concerning the Original of Souls undecided 18. What we ought to believe of the Nature of the Soul ibid. They act and appear after death 105 Stephen of Larissa Acts of the Council held at Rome upon his Affair 122. Agapetus would that his Cause be instructed by his Legats 31 Another Stephen Accused of Incest and Condemned by the Council of Lyons 117 Symmachus His Ordination 1. Contested by Lawrence ibid. Confirmed ibid. His Letters 2 3. Accused and absolved 2. His Apology 3. Supposititious Letter 3. His Absolution forbidden by Ennodius 8. Councils held upon occasion of this Pope and under him 108 T TEtradius hath written a Rule for Monks 51 Tetradia Wife of Eulalius Count of Auvergne Her History 158 Theft In what manner it ought to be punished 92. Theft in a Clerk punished 111 Theodorus of Mopsuestia His Writings defended 53 Abstracts of his Works alledged against him in the fifth Council 141. Authorities alledg'd against him ibid. Inquest made against him ibid. Accusations and Invectives against his memory 60 Theodorus the Reader His Writings 27 Theodoret. Defence of his Doctrine and his Person 53. Letter attributed to this Author against St. Cyril 142. His Writings defended 146. Concerning an Image of Theodoret carried about with pomp 144 Theodoricus Labours to appease the Schism of Lawrence 1. He names a Visitor to the Church of Rome 2 Theology The true Principles of Divinity 13 Three Chapters By whom and upon what design invented 131. Condemned by Justinian ibid. by a Council 137. Commotions which followed excited by Vigilius 138. Council held at Constantinople upon that occasion 139. Justinian's Letter to the Council against the Three Chapters ibid. The Council send for Vigilius 140. Examin the Question in his absence 141. The Transaction of that Affair 140 c. to 143. Vigilius defends them by Writing 143. Judgment of the fifth Council by which they condemned the Three Chapters 144. Vigilius approves the Condemnation 145. Pelagius pursues the Execution of this Decree ibid. Impartial Judgment upon the whole Affair 145 146. Defence of the Three Chapters by Facundus 53. Defence of the Three Chapters 22. Against the Defenders of the Three Chapters 89. Admonitions to the Bishops of Istria who were separated by reason of the Condemnation of the Three Chapters 65. The Condemnation of the Three Chapters maintained against them ibid. The Bishops of Istria and others Condemned for separating themselves upon the Affair of the Three Chapters 59 Timothy Aelurus His History 132 Traditions The Church hath its Traditions which are not in Scripture 68 Trifolius His Life and Writings 24 Trisagion Addition to the Trisagion 4 34 Trinity Scholastical Explication of this Mystery by Boetius 26. Divinity of the Three Persons of the Trinity 18. If the Three Persons of the Trinity are separable 20. Why we say that the Son Reigns with the Father in the Unity of the Spirit ibid. Rusticus says that it is uncertain if the Holy Ghost from the Son 56. Agnellus assures the contrary 59 Trojanus Bishop of Saintones His Letter 50 V VIctor Capuensis His Writings 55 Victor Turmonensis His Chronicle 58 Vicar Bishop of Rheims made Vicar of Gallia by Pope
Patriarchates of Jerusalem and Antioch to receive those that will renounce their Error and to confirm them in their Churches provided there be no other Canonical Impediment For saith he we ought to be the Defenders and not Betrayers of the Canons Thus he will not have him to confirm them who have chosen themselves noâ— those whose Election was not Canonical He mentions particularly the Election of Macedonius Bishop of Antioch who was made Bishop in a strange Country without the Consent of the People and without a Decree of Election as well as that of Peter Bishop of Alexandria He will have them that shall be admitted not only to abjure the Error of the Monothelites but moreover to condemn Theodorus Cyrus Sergius Pyrrhus Paul and all of the same Opinion with them to reject the Type and to make a clear Profession That they believe two Wills in Christ. He appoints two Bishops named Theodorus and Antony with an Abbot to help him in that Function 〈◊〉 them he directs the three next Letters to exhort them to joyn themselves with that Bishop for the Defence of the Faith In the last he speaks of Stephen and Eastern Bishop whom he had also made his Vicar He explains that Matter in the next Letter directed to Pantaleo in which he complains That they had accused that Bishop and hindred him from receiving the Letter which he had sent him to ordain Priests and Bishops He repeats also here That those Bishops ought not to be confirm'd who have been elected in another Town than that whereof they are Priests or Bishops and without the Consent of the Bishop or the Metropolitan thus he declares â—ord all the Ordinations made in Sophronius's Patriarchate which had not been done by his Authority In the Tenth he recommends his Vicar to a great Lord named Peter In the Eleventh to the Church of Jerusalem he acquaints them with the Condemnation of the Error of the Monothelites and declares void the Ordinations of Macedonius Patriarch of Antioch and Peter Bishop of Alexandria In the Twelfth he declares to Paul of Thessalonica That he hath excommunicated and deposed him for his Errors In the Thirteenth he acquaints the Church of Thessalonica with Paul's Condemnation and exhorts them to avoid his Heresy In the Fourteenth to Theodorus he relates what pass'd when he was violently taken away from Rome He says That he coming out of the Constantinian Church encompassed with Guards they said in the presence of the Exarch Anathema to him that believes that Martin did change or will change the least Word in the Faith Anathema to them that shall not persevere in the Orthodox Faith unto death That Calliopas hearing this said He had no other Faith that he answered him He would defend that Faith unto Death and as for the other things charged on him he was altogether innocent of them that he had never writ to the Saracens that he sent them no mony neither only that he had given some Alms to some Servants of God coming to Rome that it was false that he had utter'd any thing against the Respect due to the Virgin and that he pronounced Anathema to whosoever did not reverence and adore her These are the Terms used by him non honorat atque adorat but the Term of Adoring is not to be taken strictly for in the next Letter they make Calliopas say He was come to adore the Pope that is to pay his Respects to him He relates yet the same Story more at large in the Fifteenth Letter directed to the same Theodorus where he says That foreseeing what was to come he had withdrawn himself and all his Clergy into the Constantinian Church thus named because it was the first that Constantine had built near the Bishop's Palace that he was there the Saturday 13th of June in the Year 653. when Calliopas came to Rome with an Army that he sent some of his Clergy to meet him that Calliopas told them That he was come to adore the Pope that is to pay him his Respects that notwithstanding the next Day being Sunday he sent Word That he was too much tired to come to him that on Monday he sent word to the Pope by his Secretary he ought not to call Men together nor prepare Arms and Stones to defend himself that Martin shewed to them he had sent that this was false that he lay sick ever since October and had set his Bed before the Altar that about Noon a multitude of armed Men entred into the Church with a great deal of Tumult and that they broke at their entring all the a Tapers in the Church As several other Heathen and Jewish Ceremonies were received by the Christians in compliance with the Jews and Gentiles that their Conversion might be the more easy So this of burning of Tapers in their Religious Assemblies At first they were indeed lighted only at the keeping of their Vigils to which not Religion but necessity Hieron aâ— Vigilant obliged them but afterward in Jerom's Time they were lighted up upon the Tombs of the Martyrs in honour to them and in the Eastern Church were always lighted up at the Reading of the Gospel and in some Places at the interpreting of it and that at Noon-day At last it was imposed by Gregory the Great and confirmed by Sabinian anno 606. Many Balaeus â—ent 1. Script Brit. Tertul. in Apolog. Lact. Inst. 〈◊〉 6. c. 2. of the Fathers inveighed fiercely against this Custom in the Massalians or Euchitae Cur diem Lucernis infringimus says Tertullian Quis Iucernas vanas proferre compellit And so Lactantius Num mentis compos putandus est qui datori luminis Candelarum lumen offerâ— pro munere But Superstition prevailing in the Church brought in this with other Ceremonies which if the most noxious had been more tolerable Tapers in the Church Then Calliopas shewed an Order from the Emperor declaring That Martin was to be turned out of the Holy See and to be sent to Constantinople and another Bishop be put in his room Which says he was never done for in the Bishop of Rome's Absence the Arch-deacon the Arch-priest and the principal Secretary do occupy his Place Martin unwilling that any Body should be kill'd for him yielded himself presently to them and begg'd only some of his Clerks to accompany him Calliopas finding no Resistance bad Martin come along with them to his Palace when he obey'd all his Clergy came to him the next day and many were ready to gâ—â—â—â—â—g with him but that same Night he was violently carried away without suffering any 〈◊〉 to accompany him but six Men Servants and a Cook From thâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 where he staid one year at the end of which he was brought to 〈◊〉 This is the Abridgment of what is contained in that Lâ—â—â—â—r The Partâ—culars or Memoir written under the name of a good 〈◊〉 to the Bishops of the West He says That Martin being come
Tears I read of Satisfaction I read not saith S. Ambrose Yea Aquinas himself says To pretend to make a Satisfaction for Sin is an Injury to Christ's Death And that this Father was of the same Judgment with Antiquity the following Words shew If ye repent after a godly sort and be sincerely desirous to sin no more ye shall be reconciled by Jesus Christ and by us his Ministers Satisfaction proportionable to the greatness of their Sins If saith he ye repent after a godly sort and ye be stedfastly purposed and sincerely desirous to sin no more ye shall be truly reconciled by Jesus Christ and by us to whom he hath committed the Ministery of Reconciliation But if you be not in that Disposition do not flatter your selves don't deceive your selves for ye cannot deceive God as ye deceive Men and he who by offending him is become his Enemy can no otherwise be Friends again with him than by making him Satisfaction Do not look upon Bishops as the Authors of your Reconciliation but meerly as the Ministers of it It is Jesus Christ who does invisibly absolve and reconcile Men as for us we discharge our Ministery when we do outwardly and visibly perform the Ceremonies of Reconciliation Nevertheless he does comfort those who have not repented throughly giving them Hope that provided they forsake their Sins heartily they may obtain Forgiveness and be truly reconciled He adds That there be several means of expiating our Sins and obtaining the Remission of them and he instances in these a charitable Disposition Alms-giving Sorrow Confession of Sins Mortifying of the Flesh and Spirit amendment of Life the Intercession of Holy and Just Men and the forgiving of Enemies The Fifth Homily is upon the Sacrifice of Isaac it is very short and hath nothing remarkable in it The Sixth is also upon Holy Thursday Therein he exhorts all Christians to Repentance and to expiate their lighter Faults with Fastings Watchings Alms-giving and other Works of Charity He warns them not to put off their Repentance till the hour of Death which often surprizes us when we least think of it without giving us one moment to bethink our selves The Seventh is a short Exhortation to the Penitents and Faithful to give God Thanks for graciously granting them the favour of Reconciliation The Eighth is a long Discourse to the Clergy the People and the publick Penitents He exhorts Presbyters who govern Parishes to be an Example to the People under their Charge He recommends to all the Faithful the love of their Neighbour and the forgiving of Enemies and exhorts them to purifie themselves from light Sins that they may escape not only the Fire that shall burn the Ungodly for ever but u That Fire through which the Righteous who are not wholly purged from their Sins shall pass in the day of Judgment The Doctrine of Purgatory which M. Du Pin would seem to build upon this Expression and another of like Importance p. 59. taken out of the Works of Julian of Toledo is not the same with that which is meant by their words which is no other than what the Fathers before them had held tho' perhaps not so firmly as it was believed in these latter Ages Tertullian Cyprian and Origen Origen Hom. 14. in Luc. Tertul. de anima c. 55. 1 Cor. 3. 12. were of Opinion That after the Resurrection before the Saints entred into Glory they should pass through a Purging Fire to refine their Souls from their Dross their Wood Hay and Stubble before they can become Vessels of Honour fit to obtain a place in the Mansions of Bliss This seems to be S. Eligius's Opinion here because he says That the Righteous shall pass through a Purging Fire in the day of Judgment From these Elder Fathers it passed to S. Jerom and S. Austin who speak of it as a Conjecture not altogether improbable Hieron in Isa. l. 18. c. ult August Enchirid c. 67 68 69. Aug. de Civ Dei l. 2. c. 26. Aug. de pec mer. rem c. 28. Cypr. ad Dem. Tert. de Bapt. Roffen assert Luâ—… Confut. Artic 18. p. 86. but yet very uncertain I think says S. Jerom That there is a moderate and gentle Sentence of the Judge concerning the Burning away the Sins of Christians And S. Austin If betwixt Death and Judgment the Souls of the Departed be said to suffer a Fire of Transitory Tribulation burning up worldly smaller Faults I reprove it not because perhaps 't is true So feeble was the Belief of a Purgatory among the Ancients for some hundred Years And as it was only a probable Opinion at most so it was never looked upon as a separate State but only as it were a Purgation in their Passage to Glory for it was a settled Doctrine in the Primitive Church That there is no middle Place That a Man can be any where but either with the Devil or Christ in Hell or in Heaven There are but two Places after this Life one for the Elect another for the Reprobate So that the Popish Purgatory which is a place of Torment wherein they that have not perfected their Obedience here stay to make Satisfaction for their Sins and then enter into Heaven was altogether unknown to the Ancients And indeed this Pol. Virgil and Roffensis acknowledge Nemo saith the latter nunc Orthodoxus dubitat an Purgatorium 〈◊〉 c No true Catholick now-a-days but believe a Purgatory altho' there is little or no mention of it in Antiquity and the Greek Church believes it not to this day In reality Purgatory is a Novel Invention as it is now taught a perfect contrivance for the Churches advantage never received for a Doctrine till the Council of Florence Anno 1448. that Fire also through which the Righteous who are not wholly purged from their Sins shall pass in the day of Judgment He exhorts also great Sinners to Repent covering themselves with Hair-cloath and lifting up their Hands to Heaven that they may be reconciled by the imposition of the Bishop's hands and he warns them not to relapse into Sin after Reconciliation Lastly he treats of the Ceremonies used by the Church on Holy Thursday which are besides the reconciliation of Penitents v Blessing the Holy Oyl Consecrating the Chrisâ—… It was a Custom among the Bishops upon some great Festival with solemn Prayers and Ceremonies to consecrate that Oyl which the Presbyters used in the Baptism and Confirmation of Children and Others In some Churches they did it at Easter and in others particularly in the French Church where Eligius was Bishop upon Holy Thursday and from the Bishops the Priests fetched it themselves or in case of necessity sent for it for the Service of their Churches the Blessing of the Holy Oyls the consecrating of the Chrism the Washing of Feet of Altars of Sacred Vessels of the Floor and the Walls of Churches He speaks clearly of the real Presence of Christ's Body and Blood in the Eucharist and
words Quippe ante Paschasii Librum de Corpore Sanguine Domini confitebantur Catholici omnes Christi Domini verum Corpus verumque Sanguinem revera existere in Eucharistia itemque Panem Vinum in illa converti at nemo Paschasii tempore illud Corpus esse idem quod ex Maria Virgine natum est tam directe asserere auditus fuerat These Expressions says the same Author again are indeed to be found in the Ancient Fathers but this Age was either ignorant of those Passages or did not take notice of them Id quidem antea ex Patribus tradiderant non pauci sed ignota erant illo aevo aut certe non observata eorum hac de re Testimonia Paschasius therefore adds Father Mabillon teaching this Doctrine in his Book so positively gave occasion for some eminent and learned Men to oppose his Opinion These are his Words Quapropter cum Paschasius in Libro suo tam sidenter asseveranter illud docuisset hujus rei Novitate ut sibi videbatur commoti sunt quidam Viri docti haud incelebres qui scriptis editis hanc The State of the Question betwixt Paschasius and his Adversaries ejus sententiam acriter impugnarunt Paschasius maintained it by a Passage of S. Ambrose in his Book of Mysteries whence he concluded that the Sacrament of the Eucharist was the very Flesh of our Saviour born of the Virgin crucified and raised again from the Dead Which Expression being made publick was disliked by Rabanus Ratramnus and an Anonymous Author in the time of Paschasius then in the next following Age by Erigerus They look'd upon Paschasius as one that receded from the express Words of S. Austin and S. Jerom who said our Saviour's Body might be taken in two or three manners and they could by no means approve of such Expressions Their Controversie was †Not about the Real Presence but only about the Expression Although Transubstantiation be not plainly asserted in this Controversie for it was not yet come so far as to determine how Christ's Body was present in the Sacrament whether In or Trans or Sub or Con yet this Dispute laid the Foundation for it though our Historian would perswade us 't was but a verbal one only Yet the Opposition of such learned men as appeared against Radbertus do plainly intimate more who would not fight with Shadows These Expressions had a plain Tendency to a great Error for though both Parties acknowledged a Real Presence yet herein was the Difference Radbertus was for a carnal and bodily Presence Bertram Scotus c. were for a spiritual and figurative Presence according as the Ancient Fathers had always held which is not less real than the other And if we keep in mind this Distinction Radbertus and Bertram are as far from agreeing as Truth and Error not about the real Presence which they owned with Paschasius but only about the Expression it self Paschasius maintained that not only the Body of our Saviour was really in the Eucharist but also that Christians ought plainly to say that there was no Difference betwixt the one and the other His Adversaries on the other side to whom this Expression appeared too harsh as if there were no Figure in the Eucharist and the outward Species were the very Body of our Saviour were disgusted at it So that the state of their Controversie was not whether Christ's Body was truly and really in the Eucharist but whether we ought to say that he was there in the same manner as he was born crucified and raised from the dead whether he was there without Veils or Figure or whether the outward Signs that appeared to our Senses were the Body and Blood of Christ. 'T is true Paschasius owned the Figure in the Eucharist as they did the real Presence But his Adversaries represented him as one that denied the Figure and he thought his Adversaries disowned the real Presence or at least that they had some Objections against it Thus the whole Controversie betwixt them was merely about Expressions and for want of a right Understanding The first Author that writ against Paschasius was a nameless Author whose Writings upon this The first Author who opposed Paschasius was Anonymous Subject Father Mabillon found in a Manuscript of Gemblours at the end of Erigerus his Treatise with this Title Dicta cujusdam sapientis de corpore sanguine Domini adversus Ratbertum This Author says that as all the Faithful ought to believe and confess that the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ are one and the same Flesh so they ought to believe that of the Bread is made his real Flesh and of the Wine his real Blood by the Consecration and Virtue of the Holy Ghost Yet he opposes Paschasius his Expression viz. Quod non sit alia caro Christi quam quae nata est de Maria passa in Cruce resurrexit de Sepulchro and says that the Notion was perfectly new he never read or heard of it and wonders S. Ambrose should make use of it But he opposes S. Austin to him who says that our Saviour's Flesh is not eaten with our Teeth such as it was upon the Cross or as after it rose from the Dead And to reconcile S. Ambrose with S. Austin he says that our Lord's Body in the Eucharist does not differ in Nature but in Species from his Body born of the Virgin meaning as he explains himself that it is really the same though in another state and under another form viz. under the Species of the Bread and Wine So fully convinced was this Author that Paschasius believed our Saviour's Flesh to be in the same manner and as visibly in the Eucharist as upon the Cross that he charged him with this impious Assertion that as often as Mass is celebrated our Saviour suffered as really as he did upon the Cross. Father Mabillon affirms that this anonymous Book is Rabanus's Letter to Egilo but he brings no certain Proof for it The Title is different nor is the Treatise made in the form of a Letter so that I am apt to think it another Thing However 't is certain Rabanus has also found fault with Paschasius his Expressions for besides Erigerus his Authority who joyns him with Ratramnus as one of Paschasius his Adversaries Rabanâ—… himself in his Letter to Heribaldus speaks on that Subject in these Words Some Men says he not having true Sentiments upon the Sacrament of the Body and Blood assert that that very Body and Blood of our Saviour which was born of the Virgin and in which our Saviour suffered Death upon the Cross is the same Body we receive at the Altar which Opinion we have confuted as much as in us lay in our Letter to Egilo the Abbot wherein we teach what ought to be believed concerning Christ his Body 'T is true these very Words Idem esse quod sumitur in Altari are not in
a Monastery and impos'd on him a Pennance of Seven years A certain very potent Earl having married one of his near Kinswomen he Excommunicated him and refus'd to take off the Excommunication altho' the King had commanded him and the Earl had obtain'd a Brief of the Pope for his Restoration S. Dunstan being inform'd of it reply'd That he was ready to obey the Pope's Commands provided the Person had really repented of his Offence but that he would not suffer him to persist in his Sin nor without submitting to the Discipline of the Church to insult over the Prelates and as it were to triumph in his Crime At last the Earl being mov'd with his Constancy and the fear of those Punishments which the Divine Vengeance usually inflicts upon Excommunicated Persons left his Kinswoman did Publick Penance and threw A Council under S. Dunstan and King Edgar himself down prostrate before S. Dunstan in a Council barefoot cloath'd with a Woollen Garment holding a Bundle of Rods in his Hand and lamenting his Sin from which S. Dunstan gave him Absolution at the request of the Bishops of the Council The Reformation of the Clergy cannot be carried on without great Opposition nor without creating many Male-contents insomuch that in King Edgar's Life time the Clergy-men depriv'd of their Benefices used their utmost Efforts to recover them and having made a Complaint in an A Council at Winchester A. C. 975. Assembly held at Winchester in the beginning of the year 975. they prevail'd upon the King by their Entreaties and the Promises they made to lead a more regular Course of Life for the future But as they were about making a Decree for their Restoration on Condition they should live more regularly a Voice was heard coming as it were from the Crucifix which pronounc'd these words It will turn to no account you have pass'd a just Sentence and you will do ill to alter your Decisions However after the death of King Edgar these Clergy men renewed their Instances and even offer'd force to drive the Monks not only from their Places but also out of the Monasteries which were lately founded But S. Dunstan always maintain'd his Reformation which prevail'd in the most part of the Churches and Monasteries of England under the Reigns of Edward and Ethelred S. Dunstan and S. Ethelwald did not only take pains to Reform the Ecclesiastical Discipline in England but also in reviving the Study of the Liberal Sciences and even they themselves compos'd some Works A modern English writer call'd Pits says that S. Dunstan compil'd certain Forms of Archiepiscopal Benedictions a small Tract on the Rule of S. Benedict a Book call'd Rules for the Monastical Life several Writings against Vicious Priests a Treatise of the Eucharist another of Tythes a Book of Occult Philosophy a Tract for the Instruction of the Clergy and some Letters And indeed we cannot be certainly assur'd upon the Credit of this Writer whether S. Dunstan were really the Author of these Works which are no longer extant but we find a Concordance or Rule for the Monastick Life and under the Name of Edgar set forth by Rainerus which is apparently a Piece of S. Dunstan as well as the other Constitutions of that Prince and there is extant a Letter written by him to Wulfin Bishop of Worcester which Father Mabillon publish'd from a Manuscript of Monsieur Faure Doctor of the Faculty of Paris The Life of S. Dunstan was written by Osborn Chaunter of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury who was Contemporary with this Saint and is found in the Fifth Benedictine Century of Father Mabillon If we may give farther Credit to Pits S. Ethelwald in like manner compos'd several Tracts S. Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester of which he gives us this following Catalogue A Book dedicated to Pope John XIV concerning the Authority of the Bishops over their Priests a Treatise against those Priests who commit Fornication and against their Concubines another of the Abbots of Lindisfarn another of the Kings Kingdoms and Bishopricks of England a History of the Kings of Great Britain a Narrative of his Visitations a Treatise of the Planets and Climates of the World the Treatise of the Abbots of Lindsfarn which this Author attributes to S. Ethelwald is apparently a piece compos'd in Verse by Ethelwulf a Monk of that Abbey The other Works are no longer Extant and perhaps never were but only in Pits's imagination The Writers of Ecclesiastical History are not agreed about the immediate Successor of S. Dunstan Alfric or Aelfric Archbishop of Canterbury in the Archbishoprick of Canterbury Some give him the Name of Siricius and others of Alfric or Aelfric however it is certain that the latter was Archbishop of Canterbury in the beginning of the following Century in regard that he sign'd in that Quality a Priviledge granted by King Ethelred He was a Pupil of S. Ethelwald succeeded him in the Monastery of Abington was afterward made Abbot of Malmsbury by King Edgar then Bishop of some Church in England about which Authors are not agreed and at last being advanc'd to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury he govern'd that Church till about the year 1006. This Archbishop in his time was in great reputation for his profound Skill in the Sciences of Grammar and Divinity insomuch that he was Surnam'd The Grammarian His Sermons were translated into the Saxon Tongue in order to be read publickly in the Churches and his Letters were inserted in the Synodical Books of the Church of England The English Writers assure us that their Libraries were full of a great number of Works of this Archbishop written in the Saxon Tongue and they have lately publish'd some of them translated into Latin viz. A Paschal Homily of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ in which he discourses much after the same manner as Ratramnus or Bertram and two Letters one to Wulfin Bishop of Salisbury and the other to Wulstan Archbishop of York on the same Subject which were printed at London in 1566 1623 and 1638. In the Body of the Councils is contain'd a Canonical Letter of Alfric directed to Wulfin which is a kind of Ritual for the use of the Priests The principal Manuscript Treatises of this Author compos'd in the Saxon Tongue are an History of the Old and New Testament till the Taking of Jerusalem a Penitential Eighty Sermons a Letter concerning the Monastical Life another against the Marriage of Clergy-men a Saxon Chronicle of the Church of Canterbury certain Lives of the Saints and Versions of some Latin Works among others the Dialogue of S. Gregory Sometime before Fridegod a Monk of S. Saviour at Canterbury wrote in Verse at the request Fridegod Monk of S. Saviour at Canterbury of Odo the Lives of S. Wilfrid and of S. Owen Archbishop of York the former was publish'd by Father Mabillon in the first part of the Third and Fourth Benedictine Centuries William of Malmesbury observes that these
Opuscula and is compris'd in the Eighteenth In the Fourth to the Bishop of Osino he makes use of the great number of Dead Persons which he found in his Return as a Motive to perswade that Bishop not to put off his Conversion In the Fifth he gives us a lively and frightful Description of the last Judgment to perswade him to whom he wrote to lead a Life becoming a Christian. In the Sixth he exhorts another Bishop to a Contempt of this World In the Seventh he advises the Bishop to whom he wrote to receive no Presents and upon that Account he relates a Vision that had happen'd to a Priest who had seen the Confessor of Count Hildebrand punish'd in the other World for having receiv'd Presents from him And that Count himself in Torments for not having Repented of his Cruelties so as he ought to have done by the over Indulgence of his Confessor The same Priest said that he likewise saw Count Lotharius in a Fire of Brimstone who intreated him to admonish his Family to restore to the Church a Territory which belong'd to it that so by this means he might be throughly deliver'd from his Torments and that he understood that Count Guy was suddenly expected in that very Place where several Torments were preparing for him After the Relation of this Vision Peter Damien says That it was not requisite to receive Presents indifferently from all sorts of Persons but only from such as were wellpleasing to God because the Gifts of the Wicked are dangerous In the Eighth he exhorts the Bishop of Engubio to redeem the Revenues and the Ornaments of his Churches which were given or Mortgag'd to Laicks He likewise gives him several good instructions about the Virtues which he ought to put in Practice and relates the untimely End of Pope John XII which happen'd that very Day wherein his Guards pull'd out the Eyes of an Holy Abbot In the Ninth directed to the Bishop of Fermo after he had with a great deal of Modesty rejected the Title of Holiness which that Bishop had bestow'd upon him He bewails the Misfortunes and Irregularities of his Age which inclin'd him to think that the End of the World was at Hand More particularly he declaims against the Schism of Cadalous and against the Liberty which at that time was granted to the Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks of maintaining their Rights and Properties with a Sword in their Hand He makes it appear that War and Revenge is downright contrary to the Genius and Spirit of the true Church which breaths forth nothing but Peace and is for Pardoning all Mankind that nothing than them can be more dissonant to the Life which JESUS CHRIST himself led upon Earth and which he propos'd as an Example to his Followers when he Taught to Suffer with Patience and not to Revenge by Force the Injuries offer'd them That Lastly the Difference between the Regal and Sacerdotal Power lay in this that the King makes use of Material Arms but the Priest of the Sword of the Spirit viz. the Word of God That since it had never been allow'd to take up Arms for the Defence of the Faith much less was it Lawful to take them up for the maintenance of temporal and transitory Goods And that if the Saints of old never put any Heretick or Idolater to Death but rather suffer'd Death themselves With what face could any of the Faithful Kill his Brother who was purchas'd and redeem'd by the precious Blood of JESUS CHRIST only for the loss of mere This is sound and orâ—hodox Doctrin which Peter Damien here Preaches and suâ—h as is consonans to the Doctrin and Practice of the primitive Christians But â—ow dissâ—nant to the Spirit and Genius and Practice of the present Church of Rome let their Fire and Faggot their Inquisitions and Dragooning and the Doctrin of your new Doctors the Jesuites Speak perishable and contemptible Things Afterwards he relates an Instance of an Abbot of France who wou'd not by Force and Violence oppose a certain Great Lord who was marching towards him with arm'd Souldiers to fall upon him but went to meet him with his Monks unarm'd with only the Cross carry'd before them This Action so much surpriz'd that Lord and all his Men that instead of offering them any harm they begg'd them Pardon and threw themselves at their Feet Lastly he says that if any one should object that St. Leo 't is Leo IX he here means and not Leo I. did engage himself in a War he would answer him thus that as St. Peter had not the Primacy for having deny'd his Master nor David the Gift of Prophesy for the sake of his Adultery So an Estimate of the Good or Evil of any Person ought not to be drawn from the merit of that Person but all Actions ought to be consider'd nakedly in themselves That St. Gregory who suffer'd so many Plunderings and Injuries from the Lombards never made War against them That St. Ambrose never sat upon the Arians tho' they Persecuted him very Cruelly That not one Instance could be given of any of the Holy Bishops rising up in Arms. That Lastly all Causes relating to Ecclesiastical Matters ought to be try'd either by secular Judges according to the Laws or by the Decisions of Bishops and that they ought not to the Shame and Disgrace of Ecclesiasticks to determine that by Force which ought to be decided by the Courts of Justice or by the Decrees of Bishops In the Tenth he excuses himself to the Bishop of Engubio for having permitted his Church to be Consecrated by the Bishop of Fossombrona who pretended that he had a Right of Consecrating the Churches of that Place tho' it were under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Engubio He says That he durst not oppose his proceeding and the rather because he was already his Enemy But that he did not pretend to exempt himself from the Jurisdiction of the Church of Engubio which he promises to Re-cognize very chearfully Wherefore he intreats the Bishop of Engubio to take off the Interdiction he had issu'd out against that Church and to be perswaded that not only that Place but also that whatsoever his Monastery could enjoy were intirely at his Service and he begs him to grant him his Protection The Eleventh is a Letter whereby he Dedicates several of his Works to the Bishops of Sinagaglia and Engubio In the Twelfth he reproves a certain Bishop who alienated the Revenues of his Church He asks him whether he had forgot that Pope Victor in a Council held at Florence had prohibited it under the Pain of Excommunication Whether he did not know that the Revenues of the Church were appropriated to the Maintenance of the Poor and to the Relief of Widows and Orphans This gave him an occasion of treating concerning the Original of Church Revenues upon which he observes that in the Primitive Church the Faithful brought the Price of their Lands and laid them
Bishops who assisted at the Coronation of the young King and excommunicated or suspended for divers Causes a great part of the Prelates of the Kingdom The publication of that Sentence extremely exasperated the Minds of the Prelates and English Nobility The Arch-bishop upon his arrival met with divers Persons who attempted to take away his Life and he was no sooner at Canterbury but some of the King's Officers accompanied New Broils with Renulphus and three Clergy-men came according to the Order they had receiv'd from the Arch-bishop of York and two other Prelates to require him in his Majesty's Name to absolve all the Bishops who were suspended or excommunicated alledging That what he had done against them was prejudicial to the King himself ruin'd the Customs of the Kingdom and was contrary to the Tranquillity of the State They promis'd at the same time That when the Suffragan Bishops of the Metropolitan See of Canterbury were absolved they would readily submit to his Injunctions as far as they could do it without impairing the Dignity of the Crown The Arch-bishop reply'd That it did not lie in his power to repeal a Sentence passed by the Holy Apostolick See but they persisted in pressing him more earnestly and threaten'd that if he refus'd to do it the King would revenge the Indignity on the whole Church Thomas Becket proffer'd That if the excommunicated or suspended Bishops would take an Oath in his presence in due Form to submit to what he should think fit to ordain for the sake of Peace and upon account of the Respect that he bore to his Majesty he would do all that he could in their favour But they could by no means be persuaded to take such an Oath without informing the King of its purport nor to submit in such a manner to the Will and Pleasure of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury Then the three Prelates above-mention'd went to meet the King implor'd his Assistance and represented to him that the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had disturb'd the Peace of the Kingdom by his Arrival openly accusing him of Arrogancy and Tyranny The King being highly provoked by that Discourse said in a Passion That he was unfortunate in meeting with none that could take Vengeance of one single Prelate who created him more Trouble than all his other Subjects and endeavour'd by all manner of Means to make void his Royal Authority The letting fall of these Words gave occasion to four of his Courtiers to form a Conspiracy A Conspiracy against Thomas Becket and his Death against the Arch-bishop's Life For they immediately set out and being arriv'd in England shew'd him an Order from the King to absolve the excommunicated or suspended Bishops and to take an Oath of Allegeance But the Arch-bishop having refus'd it they took up Arms enter'd the Cathedral Church of Canterbury where he was Officiating and Assassinated him at the Altar one of the last days of the Year 1170. which was the 52 of his Age and the 9th since his promotion to the Metropolitan Dignity As soon as the News of that base Act was brought to King Henry he express'd a great deal of Trouble for his Death and sent Deputies to Rome to assure the Pope That he was by no means consenting to the Fact The Pope was transported with Grief and Indignation but the King's Deputies having depos'd upon Oath that their Master was not at all accessory to that Murder and that he was ready to clear himself by Oath his Holiness contented himself only to excommunicate the Assassins and their Accomplices and sent the Cardinals Theodin of St. Vitalis and Albert of St. Laurence to receive the King's Oath and to oblige him to give Satisfaction to the Church These two Legates being arriv'd in Normandy found the King altogether dispos'd to submit to every thing that the Church should enjoyn him He took an Oath upon the Holy Gospels That he neither commanded nor was desirous that the Arch-bishop of Canterbury should be kill'd and that he was more sensible of Grief at his Death than at that of the King his Father but he confess'd that he had been in some Measure the cause of it by reason of the Animosity which he so often express'd against his Person and that therefore he was ready to undergo such Penance as the Legates should think fit to impose on him The two Cardinals order'd him 1. To maintain 200 Soldiers during a whole Year for the defence of the Holy Land 2. To revoke all Customs and Ordinances introduc'd under his Reign to the prejudice of the Church and to reform by the Pope's advice such as were establish'd 3. To restore to the Church of Canterbury all its Revenues and Territories and to make the same restitution to all others that were pillaged 4. and lastly To deliver Spain from the Oppression of the Infidels in case it were requir'd by his Holiness They likewise privately enjoyn'd him Fasting Alms-giving and some other particular Penances The King accepted of all those Conditions with the Marks of an extraordinary Humility and the Legates gave him Absolution at the Church-door The young King took an Oath to observe the same things obliging himself that if his Father died without fulfilling his Penance to perform what was ordain'd in his stead Afterwards Thomas Becket was canoniz'd for a Saint A. D. 1173. and King Henry being The Canonization of Thomas Becket His Letters attack'd by his unnatural Son who rebell'd against him implor'd his Assistance going bare-footed to his Tomb as it were an humble Suppliant There are still extant Six Books of the Letters of this Prelate and of those that were written to him during his Troubles which were collected by John of Salisbury published by Christianus Lupus and printed at Bruxels in Quarto A. D. 1682. with a Relation of his Life taken out of four contemporary Authors viz. Herbert his Clerk William of Canterbury the Abbot Alanus and John of Salisbury The Life and Actions of that famous Man sufficiently shew his Character viz. That he was resolute of an undaunted Courage and inflexible to the highest degree and his Letters that he was eloquent had the Art of stirring up the Affections and was endu'd with pious and generous Principles CHAP. XI An Account of the Lives and Writings of the principal Authors who flourish'd in the Twelfth Century GEFFREY Abbot of VENDOME GEFFREY was a Native of Anger 's descended of a noble Family was educated by Geffrey Abbot of Vendome Garnier Arch-deacon of that City and enter'd very Young into the Monastery of Vendome which was founded A. D. 1050. by Godfrey Martel Count of Anger 's A little while after he was made Abbot in 1093. being as yet only a Deacon Ives of Chartres gave him the Benediction and exacted of him an acknowledgment that he should be subject to the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Chartres However that Abbot soon repented of what he had done and caus'd himself to be freed
St. Rictruda published by the Continuers of Bollandus to the 12th of May. BALDWIN Earl of Flanders and Emperor of Constantinople has writ a long circular Baldwin Letter being a Relation of the taking of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204 wherein he takes care to forget nothing that may render the Greeks odious It is to be met with in the Annals of Rainaldus and in a Collection of some Pieces by Aubert de la Mire GEOFFREY Lord of Villehardwin near Troies in Champagne composed in French the Geoffrey History of the taking of Constantinople by the Latins where he himself assisted It is written in an old Stile but after a noble and impartial manner GONTHIER a Monk in the Monastry of Paris in the Diocess of Basil who flourished about Gonthier the beginning of this Century has left us the History of the taking of Constantinople by the Latins the Circumstances of which he had from Abbot Martin an Eye-witness It was published by Canisius in the first Tome of his Antiquities ARNOLD Provost of the Church of Hildesheim and afterwards Abbot of Lubeck flourished Arnold in the Reigns of the Emperors Philip and Otho IV. He is the Author of the Continuation of the Chronicle of the Sclavonians made by Helmoldus from the year 1171 to the year 1209. This Work was printed at Lubeck in 1659 larger in the first Edition of Helmoldus at Franckfort in 1556 which contains only the nine first Chapters Yet this wants the four last Chapters which have been published by Meibomius with the Opuscula Historica and printed at Helmstadt in 1660. Vossius's Remarks upon this Author is that he is to be credited in what relates to the History of the Sclavonians but not in what he has written of the Histories of Italy Sicily and Greece GERVAIS Sirnamed of Tilbury from the name of the Town where he was born Gervais which is in England upon the Thames of the Family of Henry the II. King of England and Great Marshal of the Kingdom of Arles flourished much about the year 1210 and wrote divers Historical Works among others An Universal History of the Kingdoms of the West with the Title of Otia Imperialia An History of England and some others which are kept up in Libraries out of which there 's no great likelihood of their quickly being set free WALTER MAPES an Englishman distinguished himself by his Wit under Henry II. Walter Mapes John and Richard Kings of England Though he was Canon of Salisbury Chanter of Lincoln and afterwards Archdeacon of Oxford yet he could not forbear making Satyrical Verses upon the Popes Cardinals and other Ecclesiasticks wherein he very freely censures their Irregularities You may see these Poetical Pieces themselves in the first Tome of the memorable Lessons of Voltius and a Catalogue of them here The Revelation of Priest Golias Four Pieces against disorderly Ecclesiasticks and one against the Irregularities of the Court of Rome WILBRANDUS of Oldenburg Canon of Hildesheim in the year 1211 made a Voyage Wilbrandus into the Holy Land whereof he has given us a Relation a part of which was published by Allarius in his Collection of Pieces printed at Cologn in 1653. Allatius commends this Author for a learned and curious Man his Stile is close and Historical but he dos not make use of many barbarous words ROBERT a Regular Canon of the Order of Premontre in the Monastry of St. Marianus Robert and Hugh of Auxerre composed a Chronology from the beginning of the World to the year 1212 the time of his Death It was published by Nicholaus Camuzatus Canon of Tours and printed at Troies in 1608 with a Continuation of it by HUGH Canon Regular of the same Monastry LAMBERT of Leige a Benedictine Monk of St. Laurence of Duitz is thought most probably Lambert to have flourished at the beginning of this Age. He wrote the Life of Herbert Archbishop of Cologn some Hymns and some Epigrams About the same time the Life of St. William Abbot of Roschild who died in 1202 was wrote A nameless Author by an Anonymous Author PETER a Monk of the Valleys of Cornay of the Order of Citeaux in the Diocess of Paris Peter accompanied his Abbot Guy afterwards Bishop of Carcassonne in his Voyage to Languedock to encounter the Albigensâ—s he being one of the 12 Abbots appointed by Innocent III. for this purpose Peter by the Order of Innocent III. has wrote a History of the Albigenses printed at Troies in 1615 and in the Library of Citeaux published by Father Tissier We shall have occasion to talk of him when we come to the History of the Albigenses About the same time WILLIAM of Puilâ—â—rent wrote a Chronicle of the Heresy of the William Albigenses printed at Thoulouse in 1623 and among Duchesne's French Historians JOHN of Oxford Dean of Salisbury flourished about the beginning of this Century and John of Oxford wrote a History of England and a Relation of his Voyage into Sicily About the same time with him lived JOHN Abbot of Fordeham Confessor to John John of Fordeham King of England He wrote the Life of St. Wolfrick the Actions of King John and a Chronicle of Scotland About the year 1214 JOCELINE BRAKELONDE an English Monk of the Monastry Joceline of Brakelonde John Gray of Usk composed a Chronicle of his Monastry a Treatise of the Election of Hugh and the Life of St. Robert Martyr JOHN GRAY Bishop of Norwich much about the same time wrote a Chronicle as did Adam of Barking HUGH WHITE a Benedictine Monk of Peterborough has wrote a History of his own Hugh White Monastry and of the Foundation of the Church of Mercy PREPOSITIVUS a famous Divine of Paris flourished about the year 1225. He composed Prepositivus a Sum of Scholastical Divinity which has not yet been printed but is very common in Manuscript in Libraries St. Thomas sometimes quotes it in his Sum. CESAIRE Monk of the Order of Citeaux in the Monastry of Heisterback into which he Cesaire was entred in 1199 and was afterwards made Prior of that of Villiers in Brabant composed a great Work in 12 Books Dialogue-wise in imitation of St. Gregory containing an account of the Miracles and Visions that happened in his time particularly in Germany He assures us in the Preface that none of it is his own Invention but all that he wrote he had from others But yet he is not to be excus'd for his too easily crediting those who did not deserve it and upon their relation heaping together as he has done in this Work a great many idle and forged Stories He likewise composed in 1226 three Books of the Life and Passion of St. Engelbert Arch-bishop of Cologn and Homilies upon the Sundays and Holidays of the whole year These Works have been printed viz. His History of Miracles at Cologn in 1591 and in Father Tissier's first Tome
deputed to wait upon the Pope he said unto them God be thanked we are now agreed about the Principal Doctrin in which we differ'd Ye must presently treat of the Questions about Purgatory the Primacy of the Pope and the use of Leavened and Unleavened Bread in the Eucharist and about the Divine Sacrifice to the end That all occasion of Discord may be remov'd and after that an Union be immediately settled for the Time is short They begun with the Question of Unleavened Bread and it was determin'd That they might use indifferently either that which is Leaven'd or Unleaven'd provided it were made of Bread-Corn That the Minister had receiv'd Orders and that the place of Celebration was consecrated As to Purgatory it was determin'd That the Souls of Saints had obtain'd in Heaven a perfect Recompence as they were Souls That those of Sinners were punish'd to the highest degree and that the Souls of those who were in a middle State between these two were in a place where they endur'd Punishment but it was not material whether it be said That this was done by Fire or by Darkness by Tempest or after any other manner Concerning the Primacy of the Pope it was decreed That he should enjoy all the Privileges which he had at the beginning of and before the Schism In fine the Latins demanded concerning the Sacrifice why the Greeks after they have pronounc'd these Words This is my Body This is my Blood repeat this Prayer Make this Bread the precious Body of your Christ and what is in this Chalice his precious Blood in changing them by your Holy Spirit The Greeks answer'd That they confess'd the Bread was consecrated and made the Body of Jesus Christ by these Words This is my Body c. But that as the Latins after they have pronounc'd them say Order O Lord that these Gifts may be carried by the Hands of your Holy Angel unto your sublime Altar so likewise the Greeks do pray That the Holy Spirit may descend upon them that he may make this Bread the Body of Jesus Christ and that which is in the Chalice his Blood to purifie the Souls of the Communicants and forgive their Sins and that it may never be the Cause of their Judgment and Condemnation The Greeks were also ask'd what they thought of the Essence and Operation of God they answer'd That their Sentiment about it was the same with that of all the East That moreover they would go and give an account of all these Things to the Emperor The same Deputies being return'd the next Day the Pope told them That they were at present agreed and that there remain'd only some small Questions about which they must explain themselves That they were noted down in a Writing which he had and which he gave them to read It contain'd four Heads First That the Holy See and the Pope Vicar of Christ should enjoy their Privileges and that they should acknowledge he could add to the Creed what he had added unto it The Second That there were three kinds of those that Die the Saints Sinners and those who are in a middle State i. e. Christians who had sinn'd and done Penance but had not perfectly made satisfaction for whom Prayers were made and Alms given That the first did see immediately the Essence of God that the second were in Eternal Torments and that the third were in the Fire of Purgatory That after they are purified they are plac'd in the number of those who see the Essence of God The Third That they might indifferently make use of Bread Leaven'd or Unleaven'd provided it were made of Corn and were consecrated by a Priest and in an Holy Place The Fourth That the Questions concerning the Essence and Operation of God should be examin'd in the Council The Deputies replied That they had no Power from the Emperor to answer these Questions but that in their own Name and as Private Persons they would declare what they thought about them As to the first Head That it was altogether unreasonable for how said they can we acknowledge That the Pope has Power to add to the Creed without consulting his Brethren the Patriarchs and that therefore tho' an Addition should be permitted yet it could not be made without the consent of a Council And they agreed to the second and third Head but would give no answer to the last It was propos'd that they should take the Writing but they would not charge themselves with it and only told by word of Mouth to the Emperor and Patriarch what had been propos'd to them The same Night the Patriarch who had been Sick for a long time Died having written some Moments before his Death a Profession of Faith wherein he declar'd That he died in the Sentiments of the Roman Church The next Day he was Interr'd and the Greeks pray'd the Pope to conclude quickly the Union because they could continue there no longer having no Patriarch The next Day the Pope sent for the Archbishops of Russia Nice and Mitylene and having made them his Complements of Condoleance he propos'd a-new the Questions of Unleavened Bread of Purgatory of the Pope's Supremacy of the Addition to the Creed and the Words of Consecration The Greek Prelats answer'd That they had no Power from a Synod of the East but as Private Persons they said That it was indifferent to make use of Bread Leaven'd or Unleaven'd That it was needless to speak of Purgatory since the Greeks had not divided upon this Subject and that the Question between them and the Latins about it was not material That as to the Supremacy the Pope should enjoy all that of Right belong'd to him That as to the Addition to the Creed the Eastern Churches would never admit it That they would only permit those of the West to make use of it and acknowledge that this was not another Faith but an Explication of the Creed Lastly as to Consecration they confess'd that it was made by the Words of Jesus Chirst tho' they added after them a Prayer wherein they desir'd that the Eucharist might be made the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. These Things being reported to the Emperor he held an Assembly wherein it was resolv'd That in the Treaty of Union they should speak of Unleavened Bread the Supremacy of the Pope and the Addition to the Creed without saying any thing of Purgatory or the Consecration but the Latins insisted upon Purgatory Three Days after the Emperor and Greek Prelats went to wait upon the Pope who having exhorted them to admit the Article of Purgatory caus'd two Discourses to be spoken before them one concerning the Pope's Supremacy and the other concerning the Unleavened Bread The Emperor requested That they should presently make an end because he must return home and pray'd the Pope to cause prepare what was necessary for their Voyage He said That he had already taken care and that he had sent a Captain to
whereof one respects the Blood of Jesus Christ of which many pretend to have a Relick and in what sense Jesus Christ may be called Bread As to the First He determines that Jesus Christ being Glorified did take up with him all his own Blood and that there is no Remains of it on Earth and that the greatest part of the Miracles which are reported about the Apparition of the Blood of Jesus Christ are the Frauds and Impostures of Covetous Men. In the Second He maintains that Jesus Christ may be called Bread but neither in the one nor the other does he depart from the Doctrin of the Church about the Transubstantiation of the Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. At the same time Peter of Dresden being driven out of his own Country came to Prague and perswaded Jacobelle of Misnia a Priest of the Chappel of St. Michael to preach up the Re-establishment of the Communion under the Species of Wine The Hussites embrac'd this Opinion and began to Preach that the use of the Cup was necessary to the Laity and that the Sacrament should be Administred under both kinds Sbinko seeing this Disorder implor'd the help of Wenceslaus but when this Prince did not afford any Cure to these Novelties the Archbishop had recourse to Sigismund King of Hungary who promis'd him that he would come quickly into Bohemia to set in order the Affairs of the Church in that Kingdom but before he could make this Journey Sbinko died in Hungary Wenceslaus Advanc'd to his Place an Ignorant Man Covetous and Negligent Nam'd Albicus who never troubled himself about his Church nor took any care to oppose the Hussites but suffer'd them to continue their Sermons The Bulls of John XXIII Publish'd at Prague in 1412. against Laodislaus King of Naples by which the Pope order'd a Croisade for making War with this Prince and granted Indulgences to all those who should go to this War furnish'd ample Matter to John Huss who was now return'd to Prague who Declaim'd against the Indulgences the Croisades and Confuted these Bulls The Populace being animated by his Discourses began to publish that John XXIII was Antichrist the Magistrates having caused some of the most Seditious to be apprehended the Common People put themselves in Arms to deliver them and the Magistrates had much ado to pacifie them by promising that no hurt should be done to the Prisoners But they were so far from keeping their word that they order'd them to be secretly Executed in the Judgment-Hall and the Blood which ran out from the place of Execution discovering the Massacre of these Men to the Common People they took Arms again carried off by force the Bodies of those who were put to death Interr'd them Honourably in the Church of Bethlehem and look'd upon them as Martyrs The Magistrates having a mind to publish their Reasons why they opposed the Doctrin of the Hussites call'd together many Doctors of Divinity at Prague who drew up a Censure of Forty Five Propositions of Wicklef and put a Preface before it wherein they assert the Authority of the Pope the Cardinals and the Church of Rome and accuse the Hussites of Faction It was about this time that John Huss wrote a great many Books and Discourses against the Censure of these Doctors whom he calls Praetorians He maintains some of the Articles which they had Condemn'd viz. Those which concern'd the Liberty of Preaching the Power of Secular Princes over the Revenues of Ecclesiasticks the voluntary payment of Tithes and the forfeiture which Spiritual and Temporal Lords make of their Power when they live in Mortal Sin He wrote a Great Treatise about the Church to confute the Preface of that Censure wherein he maintains that the Church consists only of those who are predestinate That Jesus Chist is the Head and Foundation of it That the Pope and Cardinals are only Members of it and that the other Prelates are Successors to the Apostles as well as they That none is oblig'd to obey them but when they Command what is agreeable to the Law of God and not in things that are evil or indifferent That an Excommunication which is groundless does not bind at all He answers also particularly the Writings of Stephen Paletz of Stanislaus Zuoima and of Eight other Doctors who had written against the Censure and caus'd a Writing to be fix'd up upon the Church of Bethlehem wherein he accuses the Clergy of Six Errors First Of believing that the Priest by saying Mass becomes the Creator of his Creator Second Of saying that we ought to believe in the Virgin in a Pope and in the Saints Third That the Priests can when they will and when it pleases them remit the pain and guilt of Sin Fourth That every one must obey his Superiors whether they Command what is just or unjust Fifth That every Excommunication just or unjust binds the Excommunicate Sixth About Simony He wrote two particular Pieces against the second of these pretended Errors wherein he confesses that we must believe the Church and the Saints but maintains that it cannot be said that we must believe in the Church as 't is said that we must believe in God which was never affirm'd by any Catholick He insinuates in one of these two Pieces that Confession to a Priest is not necessary He wrote also at the same time three thick Volumes against the Clergy the 1st Entituled The Anatomy of the Members of Antichrist the 2d Of the Kingdom of the People and the Life and Manners of Antichrist the 3d Of the Abomination of Priests and Carnal Monks in the Church of Jesus Christ and some other Tracts against Traditions about the Unity of the Church Evangelical perfection the Mystery of Iniquity and the Discovery of Antichrist His heat and passion transport him against the Clergy in all these Pieces and the same Principles and Errors are found in them The Council of Constance being now appointed the Pope and Emperor Invited John Huss to come thither and give an account of his Doctrin and that he might do it with all freedom John Huss goes to the Council of Constance the Emperor granted him a safe Conduct whereby he gave him leave to come freely to the Council and return from it again John Huss before his Departure out of Pâ—ague caus'd some Placarts to be fix'd upon the Gates of the Churches in that City wherein he declares that he went to the Council to answer all the Accusations that were made against him and that he was ready to appear at the Court of Conrad Archbishop of Prague to hear all those who had any thing to say against him and to justifie his Innocence He demanded also of the Bishop of Nazaret the Inquisitor whether he had any thing to propose against him from whom he received a favourable Testimony but when he presented himself at the Court of the Archbishop who had called an Assembly against him he
and of John of Tambach Regent of the University of Prague and the Bull of a Legat publish'd at Vienna in 1448. 'T is written on Paper and has this Title in Red Letters Incipit Tractatus Joannis de Canabaco de Imitatione Christi contemptu omnium vanitatum mundi dividitur in quatuor libros The Bull dated in 1448. written with the same hand shews that it could not be written before this Year The Name of Canabaco was added some time after and above the Line but still it is done by the same hand in the same Writing and with the same Vermilion Mr. Naude and the Assembly in 1671. are in this of the same Opinion Mr. Naude judg'd that the Writing of the Manuscript was no older than 1480 or 1500. The Assembly gave no Judgment of its Antiquity This Surname of Canabacum given to John the Author of the Book of the Imitation has been differently explain'd Some say That Canabacum was the place of the Birth of this John whom they suppose to be the same with Gersen and since Canabacum is a Place unknown they have interpreted it Cavaglia which is a Borough in the Country of Verceil This was the Opinion of Quatremaires and Walgrave Father Delfau and those who have written since seem to have forsaken this Opinion and durst not maintain that Canabacum was the Country of John Gersen and that this Place was Cavaglia And so it is not known what the Surname is from whence it was taken nor what gave occasion to mention it here Some may conjecture that the Writer of this Manuscript having copied it from another wherein de Gersonio was ill written wrote Canabaco for Gersonio or rather that lighting upon a Manuscript wherein there was Cancellario abbreviated as Canâ—lrio he read it Canabaco Howsoever this be it cannot be prov'd by any Place that this Joannes de Canabaco is the same who is call'd Joannes Gersen in the other Manuscripts The seventh is the Manuscript of Cave upon which it is written Iste Liber est Congregationis Cassinensis and a little after asservatur in Monasterio Cavae The Book of the Imitation in this Manuscript is written upon Parchment in fair Characters and has no Name of the Author nor any Date of the Time being imperfect at the end But in the first Letter Q there is the Image of a Benedictine Monk having a Cross in his hand some think that this is the Pourtraiture of Gersen Afterwards 't is said That the Words of ch 56. B. 3. gave occasion to this Picture I have receiv'd from your hand a Cross and I will carry it until Death It may indeed be that this Sentence gave occasion to him who wrote this Manuscript to make this Picture at the beginning But upon what grounds can it be thence concluded That the Book of the Imitation was therefore written by a Benedictine Monk All that can be thence conjectur'd is That the Writer of this Manuscript was a Benedictine The last Piece which is produc'd is a Copy of some Works printed at Venice in 1501. among which is the Book of the Imitation of Jesus Christ under the Name of John Gerson Chancellor of the University of Paris at the end whereof are to be found these Words written upon Design Hunc librum non compilavit Johannes Gerson sed D. Johannes This Word Johannes has been mended by the Confession of Father Delfau and that which follow'd has been raz'd out in the room whereof there is still a blank space and after it there are these Words Abbas Vercellensis After which there is yet more Writing raz'd out and then at last follow these Words Ut habetur usque hodie propria manu scriptus in eadem Abbatia This Copy being one of those which were presented at Rome in 1641. to Sieur Naude he judg'd that this Manuscript Observation had been falsified and pretends That Johannes had been made of the Name Thomas after so gross a manner That the Sieur Vincent Galeotti when he came to read this Writing read Thomas for Joannes This Copy was not produc'd at the Assembly in 1671. tho' it was at Paris and Father Delfau gave no other Reason for it but that it was in the Library among the printed Books without his knowledge If this had been the only Reason which hindred the Benedictines from producing it then they would certainly have shewn it in the Assemblies in 1674. and 1687 But they had Reason to suppress it because they truly judg'd that this Manuscript Note was of no Authority First Because 't is well known that 't is much later than 1501. but 't is not known at what time it was written nor who is the Author of it Secondly Because the Name of Johannes being foisted in and that of Gersen or Gessen being not there it was unserviceable to their Cause Thirdly Because this Note however very late yet was falsified by a Forger who put into it all that he pleas'd Fourthly Because the space might be fill'd up with any other Name besides that of Johannes Gersen or even that of Thomas a Kempis that perhaps he might be call'd Abbas Windesemensis or perhaps even Abbas Vercellensis because there was one Thomas a Canon-Regular of St. Victor Abbot of St. Andrew of Verceil whom some make a Canon-Regular upon the Credit of an ancient Register of Burials of St. Victor's and others a Benedictin according to the Picture of a Monk which is said to be upon his Tomb Fifthly Because 't is not certain whether these Words Abbas Vercellensis are the Forgers or his who first wrote this Note And thus the Title of the Abbot of Verceil which is given to John Gersen being founded only upon this Note is a meer Chimaera since Gersen is not at all nam'd there and the Name of John is foisted in and therefore no regard ought to be had to a Piece of this Nature There are two Abbies at Verceil that of St. Stephen and that of St. Andrew This latter was founded at the Expence of Henry II. King of England after the Murder of Thomas of Canterbury Whereof the first Abbot in 1227. was Thomas Gallas a Canon-Regular of St. Victor or according to others an English Benedictine He was Abbot till the Year 1260. Upon which account John Gersen is made Abbot of St. Stephen of Verceil and not of St. Andrew This Monastery is more ancient and was of the Order of St. Benedict until Paul III. in the Year 1536. gave it to the Canons-Regular after which it was destroy'd in 1581. But no ancient Author speaks of this Abbot John Gersen Francis Augustin a Clergy-man hath indeed plac'd him in the Edition of his Chronicle at Piemont in 1648. among the Abbots of Verceil and ascrib'd to him the Imitation of Jesus Christ but 't is only upon hear-say from some Benedictine since the Contest of Cajetan and he durst not mention him in his History of Verceil There is also cited a Manuscript History of
has a Guardian Angel yet owns that the same Angel may serve as a Guardian to several Persons and afterwards proceeds to examine in what particulars the Knowledge of the Angels may be augmented In the following Sections to the Sixteenth he explains the Work of the Creation In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth he treats of the Creation of Man and enquires in what his likeness to God consists when his Soul was created and in what Place he was set He discourses in the Eighteenth of the Formation of Woman and endeavours to explain why she was taken out of the Man 's Rib. In the Nineteenth he treats of the State of Immortality in which the First Man was created In the Twentieth he debates concerning the Manner how Men were to be brought into the World and how they were to be nourished in case the State of Innocence had continu'd In the Twenty first he gives an Account after what manner the Devil tempted Man He discusses in the Twenty second divers Questions relating to the Quality and Circumstances of the Sin of Adam and Eve In the Twenty third he resolves this difficult Point Why God permitted Man to be tempted knowing that he was to Fall And afterwards treats of the Knowledge with which the First Man was endu'd In the Twenty fourth he begins to discourse concerning the Free Will and Grace inherent in the First Man and treats in general in the Two following Sections of the Freedom of Grace according to St. Augustin's Principles In the Twenty seventh Section he discourses of Vertue and Merit which are the Effects of Grace and Free Will. In the Twenty eighth he confutes the Errors of the Pelagians as also those of the Manichees and of Jovinian In the Twenty ninth Section he returns to the State of the First Man and after having shewn that Man even in the State of Innocency stood in need of operating and co-operating Grace for the doing of Good he debates certain Questions about the manner how he was expell'd Paradise and concerning the Tree of Life which preserv'd him from Death In the Thirtieth Thirty first Thirty second and Thirty third he treats of Original Sin and enquires in what it consists how it is transferr'd from Parents to their Children after what manner it is remitted by Baptism whether Children contract the Sins of their Parents as Original Sin c. In the Thirty fourth and Thirty fifth he discourses of the Nature of Actual Sin In the Thirty sixth he shews that there are Sins which are both the Cause and the Punishment of Sin He makes it appear in the Thirty seventh that God is the Author of the Actions by which Sin is committed and of the Punishments of Sin although he is not the Author of Sin In the Thirty eighth he demonstrates that it is the End and Intention of the Will which renders the Action either Good or Bad and that in order to its being Good it must of necessity be terminated in God In the Thirty ninth he enquires into the Reason Why of all the natural Faculties the Will only is susceptible of Sin In the Fortieth he continues to shew that an Action to be denominated Good ought to have a good End and Intention In the Forty first he produces divers Passages of St. Augustin about the necessity of Faith and of an upright Will to avoid the committing of Sin and shews that the corrupt Will is the cause of Sin He enquires in the Forty second Whether the Will and the Action be two different Sins And Afterwards explains the Division of the Seven Capital Sins shewing that they derive their original from Pride and Concupiscence In the Forty third he relates the Opinions of St. Ambrose and St. Augustin concerning the Sin against the Holy Ghost Lastly he makes it appear in the Forty fourth Section that the Power of committing Sin proceeds from God and that the Power the Devil has to tempt us to Evil ought to be resisted The Third Book begins with the Questions relating to the Mystery of the Incarnation In the First Section the Author lays down the Reasons Why it was more expedient that the Son should be Incarnate rather than the Father or the Holy Ghost and discusses this Question Whether Two Persons were in like manner capable of being Incarnate In the Second Section he treats of the Union of the Word with the Body and the Soul In the Third he shews that the Body taken by the Word was free from the corruption of Sin that the Virgin Mary herself was then also free from Sin and that in the very moment that the Humanity of Jesus Christ was conceiv'd the Word was united to it He enquires in the Fourth Why the Incarnation is attributed to the Holy Ghost rather than to the other Persons of the Trinity and in what Sense it is said Jesus Christ was conceiv'd and born of the Holy Ghost In the Fifth Section he treats of the Union of the Person of the Son with the Human Nature and shews that the Word was not united to the Person but to the Nature In the Sixth he gives an Account of these Propositions viz. God was made Man God is Man and produces Three several Explications of them made by the Fathers The same matter is farther handled in the Seventh Distinction In the Eighth he resolves this Question Whether it may be said that the Divine Nature was born of the Virgin Mary And discourses of the two-fold Nativity of Jesus Christ. In the Ninth he produces certain Passages of the Fathers concerning the Adoration of the Body of Jesus Christ. In the Tenth he proposes this Question viz. Whether Jesus Christ quatenus Man be a Person or a Thing He maintains the Negative and afterwards proves that the Quality or Title of adoptive Son cannot be appropriated to him In the Eleventh he asserts that neither ought Jesus Christ to be call'd a Creature without adding quatenus Man In the Twelfth he discusses divers Questions viz. Whether it may be said of Jesus Christ as Man that he always was or that it was possible that he might not be God He determines that it cannot be said of the Person of Jesus Christ but only of his Human Nature In the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Sections he treats of Knowledge Grace and the Power of Jesus Christ quatenus Man In the Fifteenth and Sixteenth he proves that Jesus Christ took upon him the Infirmities of Human Nature Sin and Ignorance only excepted and that he was capable of undergoing Sufferings In the Seventeenth he explains the two-fold Will of Jesus Christ. In the Eighteenth he discourses of what Jesus Christ merited for himself and of what he merited for us In the Nineteenth he treats of Redemption In the Twentieth he enquires Why Jesus Christ redeem'd us by his Passion and Death And whether he could not have done it by some other means In the Twenty first he proposes this Question viz. Whether the Word remain'd united
to the Body of Jesus Christ as well as to his Soul after his Death And concludes in the Affirmative In the Twenty second he enquires Whether it may be said that Jesus Christ was Man during the time that his Body lay in the Supulchre In the following Sections he treats of Faith Hope and Charity In the Thirty third he discourses of the Four Cardinal Vertues In the Thirty fourth of the Seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost and chiefly of the Fear of God In the Thirty fifth he explains the difference between Wisdom and Knowledge In the Thirty sixth he treats of the Connexion of all the Vertues and of the Relation they have to Charity The Four last Sections of this Book contain a compendious Explication of the Decalogue The Holy Sacraments are the principal Subject treated of in the last Book In the first Section he gives a Definition of the Sacraments shews the Causes of their Institution observes the difference between those of the Old and New Law and treats in particular of Circumcision which he believes to have been so necessary for the remission of Original Sin that he affirms that the Children of the Jews who died without partaking of that Sacrament were consign'd to Damnation In the Second after having nominated the Seven Sacraments of the New Law he discourses of the Baptism by St. John the Baptist. In the Third he treats of the Baptism of Jesus Christ and after having confirm'd St. Ambrose's Opinion that Baptism might be absolutely administer'd in the Name of Jesus Christ he enquires When the Baptism of Jesus Christ was instituted and under what Form the Apostles baptized Persons As also Why Water is us'd in the Administration of this Sacrament and no other Liquor and how many Immersions ought to be made in Baptizing In the Fourth Section he treats of the Effects of Baptism shewing how some Persons receive the Sacrament and the Grace of the Sacrament and how others receive the Sacrament without the Grace and the Grace without the Sacrament He proves that Infants receive both and adds that they even receive Actual Grace which afterwards enables them to perform good Actions In the Fifth he makes it appear from St. Augustin's Principles that Baptism administred by an unworthy Priest is no less Holy than that which is perform'd by the Hands of a worthy one because the effective Power of Baptizing is inherent in Jesus Christ which he does not communicare to the Ministers In the Sixth Section he observes that the Bishops or Priests have a Right to administer this Sacrament although in case of necessity it may be done by Lay-men and even by Women And that it is valid by whomsoever it be administer'd nay when perform'd by Hereticks provided it be done in the Name of the Holy Trinity He asserts that an Infant cannot be baptized in the Mother's Belly and afterwards handles several other Questions relating to the Form and Ceremonies of Baptism In the Seventh Section he treats of the Sacrament of Confirmation and at first observes that the Form of this Sacrament are the Words pronounced by the Priest when he anoints the Fore-head of the Baptized Persons with the Holy Chrism The Author adds that the Administration of this Sacrament was always reserv'd to the Bishops that they alone are capable of administring it effectually in due Form and that it cannot be reiterated He begins in the Eighth Section to discourse of the Sacrament of the Eucharist and after having shewn some of the ancient Figures of this Sacrament proceeds to treat of its Institution of its Form which he makes to consist in these Words This is my Body this is my Blood and of the Things contain'd therein He says Three Things are to be distinguished in the Eucharist viz. the Sacrament consisting in the visible Species of the Bread and Wine the Sacrament and the Thing which is the proper Body and the proper Blood of our Lord contain'd under the Species and the Thing which is not the Sacrament that is to say the mystical Body of Jesus Christ 〈◊〉 the inward Grace In the Ninth Section he distinguishes Two Manners of receiving the Body of Jesus Christ viz. one Sacramental which is common to the worthy and to the unworthy Communicants and the other Spiritual which is peculiar only to the former In the Tenth he proves the Real Presence and the changing of the Bread and Wine into the Body ond Blood of Jesus Christ and refutes the Opinion of those who believe the Eucharist to be only a Figure In the Eleventh he at first enquires of what Nature this Change is and proves it to be substantial insomuch that the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ are under the Accidents which before cover'd the Substance of the Bread and Wine which is annihilated or return'd to the first Matter He confutes those Persons who asserted that the Substance of the Bread remain'd after the Consecration and afterwards gives an Account why the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ are administer'd to us under Two different Kinds and why Water is intermixed with the Wine In the Twelfth he endeavours to explain divers Questions relating to the Eucharistical Species and affirms that the Accidents remain therein without the Subject and that they only are broken and divided into many Parts Afterwards he discourses of the Quality which is peculiar to this Sacrament as also of its Institution and Effects In the Thirteenth Section he acknowledges that unworthy Ministers may consecrate the Elements but denies that it can be done by excommunicated Persons and declared Hereticks In the Fourteenth he begins to treat of Repentance distinguishing the Vertue of Repentance from the Sacrament of Penance He gives divers Definitions of Repentance and shews the Necessity of it as also that it may be often reiterated In the Fifteenth he proves that one cannot be truly penitent for one Sin without actually repenting of all In the Sixteenth he distinguishes the Three Parts of Repentance viz. the Compunction of the Heart the Confession of the Mouth and the Satisfaction of Works and discourses in particular of the Satisfactions that ought to be made for venial Sins He treats of Confession in the Seventeenth Section and shews that is requisite to confess ones Sins to a Priest in order to obtain the remission of them In the Eighteenth he treats of the Sacerdotal Power and of the use of the Keys and after having produced different Opinions relating to that matter concludes That God alone has the Power of absolutely binding and loosing the Sinner by cleansing the Pollution of his Sin and remitting the Penalty of Eternal Damnation That the Priests do indeed bind and loose by declaring that such Persons are bound or loosed by God and by imposing Penance or by readmitting to the Communion those whom they have excommunicated In the Nineteenth he discourses of the Qualities requisite in Ministers who are employ'd to bind and loose Sinners nevertheless he acknowledges that