lay it upon the Predestination of God and would excuse it by ignorance or say he cannot be good because he is otherwise destined which in the next words he calls A Stoical Opinion refuted by those words of Horace Nemo adeo ferus est c. But that which makes most against the absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree of Predestination whether it be life or death is the last clause of our second Article being the seventeenth of the Church as before laid down where it is said that we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture and that in all our doings that will of God is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in holy Scriptures And in the holy Scripture it is declared to us That God gave his Son for the World or for all mankind that Christ offered himself a Sacrifice for all the sins of the whole World that Christ redeemed all mankind that Christ commanded the Gospel to be preached to all that God wills and commands all men to hear Christ and to believe in him and in him to offer grace and salvation unto all men That this is the infallible truth in which there can be no falshood otherwise the Apostles and other Ministers of the Gospel preaching the same should be false witnesses of God and should make him a liar than which nothing can be more repugnant to the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination which restrains Predestination unto life in a few particulars without respect had to their faith in Christ or Christs sufferings and death for them which few particulars so predestinate to eternal life shall as they tell us by an irresistible Grace be brought to God and by the infallible conduct of the holy Spirit persevere from falling away from grace and favour Nothing more contrary to the like absolute decree of Reprobation by which the infinitely greatest part of all mankind is either doomed remedilesly to the torments of Hell when they were but in the state of Creability as the Supralapsarians have informed us and unavoidably necessitated unto sin that they might infallibly be damn'd or otherwise as miserably leaving them under such a condition according to the Doctrine of the Sablapsarians which renders them uncapable of avoiding the wrath to come and consequently subjected them to a damnation no less certain than if they were created to no other purpose which makes it seem the greater wonder that Dr. Vsher afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland in drawing up the Article of predestination for the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. should take in so much as he doth of the Lambeth Articles and yet subjoyn this very clause at the foot thereof Article of Ireland Numb 12.14 17. which can no more concorporate with it than any of the most heterogeneous metals can unite into one piece of refined Gold which clause as it remaineth in the Articles of the Church of England how well it was applyed by King James and others in the Conference at Hampton Court we shall see hereafter In the mean time we must behold another Argument which fights more strongly against the positive decree of Reprobation than any of the rest before that is to say the reconciliation of all men to Almighty God the universal redemption of mankind by the death of Christ expresly justified and maintained by the Church of England For though one in our late undertaking seem exceeding confident that the granting of universal redemption will draw no inconvenience with it as to the absoluteness of Gods decrees or to the insuperability of converting Grace Cap. 10. or to the certain infallible perseverance of Gods Elect aftec Conversion Yet I dare say he will not be so confident in affirming this That if Christ did so far die for all as to procure a salvation for all under the condition of faith and repentance as his own words are there can be any room for such an absolute decree of Reprobation Antecedaneous and precedent to the death of Christ as his great Masters in the School of Calvin have been pleased to teach him Now for the Doctrine of this Church in that particular it is exprest so clearly in the second Article of the five before laid down that nothing needs be added either in way of explication or of confirmation howsoever for avoiding of all doubt and hesitancy we will first add some farther testimonies touching the Doctrine of this Church in the point of universal Redemption And secondly touching the applying of so great a benefit by universal Vocation and finally we shall shew the causes why the benefit is not effectual unto all alike And first as for the Doctrine of Universal Redemption it may be further proved by those words in the publick Catechism where the Child is taught to say that he believeth in God the Son who redeemed with him all mankind in that clause of the publick Letany where God the Son is called the Redeemer of the World in the passages of the latter Exhortation before the Communion where it is said That the Oblation of Christ once offered was a full perfect and sufficient Sacrifice for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD in the proper Preface appointed for the Communion on Easter day in which he is said to be the very Paschal Lamb that was offered for us and taketh away the sins of the world repeated in the Gloria in excelsis to the same effect Hom. Salvation p. 13. And finally in the Prayer of Conservation viz. Almighty God our heavenly Father which of thy tender mercies didst give thine only Son Jesus Christ to suffer death upon the Cross for our Redemption who made there by his own Oblation of himself once offered a firm and perfect and sufficient Sacrifice Oblation and Satisfaction for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD To this purpose it is said in the book of Homilies That the World being wrapt up in sin by the breaking of Gods Law God sent his only Son our Saviour Christ into this world to fulfil the Law for us and by shedding of his most precious blood to make a Sacrifice and Satisfaction or as it may be called amends to his Father for our sins to asswage his wrath and indignation conceived against us for the same Out of which words it may be very well concluded That the World being wrapt up in sin the Recompence and Satisfaction which was made to God must be made to him for the sins of the World or else the plaister had not been commensurate to the sore nor so much to the magnifying of Gods wonderful mercies in the offered means of Reconcilement betwixt God and man the Homily must else fall short of that which is taught in the Articles In which besides what was before delivered from the second and 31. concerning the Redemption of the world by the death of Christ it is affirmed in the 15. as plain as may be That
last in the line collateral However be this so or not we have three Bishops sitting in the Church of Rome between the martyrdom of Peter and the death of John first Linus who held the same twelve years Cletus or Anacletus who survived and held twelve years more and Clemens finally who suffered martyrdom at Rome the next year after the decease of Saint John at Ephesus I take it then for a most manifest and undoubted truth not only that Saint Peter was at Rome but that he also took upon him the Episcopal charge and was the Bishop of that City The Arguments devised in this later Age to evince the contrary do nothing less in my opinion than prove the point for which they were first devised For first it is objected that the Episcopal charge requiring residence could not consist with that of an Apostle who was to be perpetually in motion Which argument if it be of any force will militate as well against Saint James his being Bishop of Herusalem as against Saint Peters being Bishop of the Church of Rome And then will Calvin come very opportunely in to help us Comment in Act. c. 21. who speaking of S. James his constant residence in Hierusalem doth resolve it thus Quanquam commune illi cum reliquis collegis mandatum erat c. Although saith he the Lords Commandment of preaching to all Nations was common unto him with the residue of the Lords Apostles yet I conceive that they did so divide the charge amongst them as to leave him always at Hierusalem whither such store of strangers did use continually to resort Id enim perinde erat ac si Evangelium longè latéque promulgasset in locis remotis for that saith he was as sufficient as if he had promulgated or preached the Gospel in the parts remote This if it may be used for James will serve for Peter Assuredly there was a greater confluence of all sorts of strangers to the City of Rome than used to be unto Hierusalem and therefore Peter being there might spread abroad the Gospel with the greater speed and with no less success than those others did who did not fix themselves in a certain station But whereas Calvin doth object in another place Institut l 4. c. 6. n. 14.15 that Saint Paul writing to the Romans and saluting many of the Saints there makes no speech of Peter and that writing many of his Epistles from the City of Rome he makes no mention of him neither this may infer indeed that Saint Peter was then absent when those things were done as one that had not so immured himself in the walls of Rome but that he travelled up and down in several quarters of the world doing sometimes the Office of an Apostle discharging otherwhiles the place and function of a Bishop All the Epistles of Saint Paul which bear date from Rome were written in the first two years of his being there and therefore any argument derived from thence must be very weak either to prove that Peter never was at Rome or never Bishop of that place being so many ancient Writers do affirm them both And yet I would not have the Papists think that this makes any more for the Popes supremacy because he sits in Peters seat than it did make for Vibius Rufus to attain Tullies eloquence Dion in Tiber. hist l. 57. or Caesars power because he married Tullies Widow and bought Caesars Chair though the poor Gentleman as the story telleth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did presume on both But to go on the Church of Christ being thus setled by Saint Peter both in Rome and Antioch his next great care is for Alexandria the great and most renowned City in the parts of Africa that so there might be no prime City in all the habitable World to which the Gospel was not preached In the discharge of this great business was Saint Mark employed a principal and constant follower of Saint Peters who mentioneth him in his Epistle by the name of Son 1 Pet. 5.13 The Church which is at Babylon saluteth you and so doth Marcus my son The planting of this Church is thus remembred by Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Euseb hist l. 2. c. 15. It is affirmed saith he that Mark did first of all Christs followers pass into Egypt and there promulge and preach the Gospel which before he writ and that he first did plant the Church of Alexandria in which his undertakings had so good success that on his very first endeavours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Author hath it great multitudes both of Men and Women did believe in Christ his holiness and strict behaviour gaining much upon them This Church as he first founded in the faith of Christ so did he take upon himself the charge thereof and became Bishop of the same This witnesseth S. Hierom of him Marcus interpres Petri Apostoli Alexandrinae Ecclesiae primus Episeopus Hieron in Proem super Matt. that Mark the interpreter of Saint Peter was the first Bishop of the Church of Alexandria The same he also doth affirm in his Epistle to Euagrius whereof more anon And when Eusebius doth inform us Euseb Eccl. Hist l. 2. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in the eighth year of the Emperour Nero Anianus a right godly Man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the story calls him succeeded Mark the Evangelist in Alexandria he doth infer ex consequenti that Mark was Bishop there before him So that is seemeth he sat there 19. years by this account For he came hither Anno 45. being the third of Claudins Caesar and finished his course in the eighth of Nero which was the 64. of our Redeemer Finally Anianus having continued Bishop here 23 years died in the 4th Euseb Hist Eccl. l. 3. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 year of Domitianus being Anno Chr. 87. and had Abilius to succeed him after whom Cerdo did succeed in the year 100. what time Abilius left this World S. John the Apostle being yet alive So that there were four Bishops of Alexandria succeeding one another in that weighty charge during the lives of the Apostles a pregnant evidence that they both instituted and approved the calling Now for the Church of Alexandria there are some things observed by the Fathers which are worth our noting and may give great light to the present business It is observed by Epiphanius Haeres 66. n. 6. Smectymn p. 53. that Alexandria never had two Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as had other Cities which words not rightly understood have made some conceive that anciently Bishops were the same with Presbyters it being against the usual custom to have two Bishops in one Church or City But if we look considerately upon Epiphanius there is no such matter all that he drives at being this that whereas in most other Churches for the preventing of schisms and factions amongst the
people in the electing of their Bishops it had been ordinary for the Bishop yet in place to consecrate some one or other that should assist him whilst he lived and succeed after his decease only the Church of Alexandria never had that custom And they that had that custom Aug. ep 110. as it seems did not like it well for whereas Valerius Bishop of Hippo out of a vehement desire to have S. Austin his successour did consecrate or ordain him Bishop whilst as himself was yet alive Saint Austin was resolved for his part not to do the like it being a thing prohibited by the Nicene Council Quod ergo reprehensum est in me noli reprehendi in filio meo as he there resolveth So that the place in Epiphanius tendeth unto this alone viz. to shew the reason why Athanasius could not succeed Alexander in that See though by him designed which was that he being yet alive Ep. ad Euag. it was against the custom of that Church to ordain another Saint Hierom secondly observeth that the Presbyters of Alexandria unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant did use to chuse one from amongst themselves whom being placed in a more eminent degree than any of the rest they called a Bishop And this saith he continued in that Church à Marco Evangelista ad Heraclam Dionysium Episcopos from the time of Mark the Evangelist until the Bishopricks of Heraclas and Dionysius Smectymn p. 31. Some hereupon infer that the persons who brought in the imparity of Ministers into the Church were not the Apostles but the Presbyters An inference as faulty as was that before All that Saint Hierom means is this that from the time of Mark till the days of Heraclas and Dionysius the Presbyters of Alexandria had no other Bishop than one whom they had chosen out of their own body just as a man may say on the like occasion that from the first foundation till the time of Sir H Savil the Colledg of Eaton never had a Provost but one Euseb hist l. 6. c. 12. â—â— whom they had chosen out of their own society Now Heraclas before he was ordained Bishop was not a Presbyter of that Church although a Reader in the Schools of that famous City and belike Dionysius also was And therefore it is well observed by the Cardinal that Hierom writing to Euagrius relateth quid in ea Ecclesia usque ad haec Dionysii tempora in electione Episcoporum agi consueverit Annal. An. 1248. n. 5. what was the usage of the Church of Alexandria in the election of their Bishops until the times of Dionysus However we have gained thus much by Hierom that from Mark downward till those times and a long time after there wanted not a Bishop properly so called Hier. Comment in ep ad Titum in that famous Church and therefore sure they came not first into the Church Diaboli instinctu by the Devils instinct as he elsewhere saith There is another observation in the Commentaries ascribed to Ambrose which having some resemblance unto that before and a like sinister use being made thereof I shall here lay down and after give some Annotations on it to explain the place Comment in Eph. c. 4. The Author of those Commentaries affirmeth that Timothy whom Paul created Presbyter was by him called a Bishop because the first Presbyters were called Bishops it being the custom of the Church for so I think the sense must be made up ut recedente eo sequens ei succederet that he the first departing the next in order should succeed But being it was found that the following Presbyters were utterly unworthy of so high preferment that course was altered and it was provided by a Council ut non ordo sed meritum crearet Episcopum c. that merit and not seniority should raise a man he being appointed by the suffrages of many Priests to be a Bishop lest an unfit person rashly should usurp the place and so become a publick scandal These are the Authors words Resp ad tract de divers minist gradibus c. 23. be he who he will And from hence Beza doth collect that Bishops differed not from Presbyters in the Apostles times that there was only in every place a President of the Presbytery who called them together and porposed things needful for their consideration that this priority went round by course every one holding it in his turn for a week or more according as the Priests in the Jewish Temple had their weekly courses and finally that this Apostolical and primitive order was after changed upon the motives and inducements before remembred Smectymn p. 31. Some of our modern Writers against Episcopacy have gone more warily to work than so affirming from those words of Ambrose or whosoever was the Author that this Rectorship or priority was devolved at first from one Elder to another by succession when he who was in the place was removed the next in order amongst the Elders succeeded and that this course was after changed the better to keep out unworthy men it being made a matter of election and not a matter of succession These men come neer the point in their Exposition though they keep far enough in the Application inferring hence that the imparity of Ministers came in otherwise than by divine Authority For by comparing this of Ambrose with that before mentioned out of Hierom the meaning of the Author will be only this that as in some places the Presbyters elected one of their own Presbytery to be their Bishop so for preventing of Ambition and avoiding Faction they did agree amongst themselves ut uno recedente that as the place did vaike by death or deprivation by resignation cession banishment or any other means whatever the Senior of the whole Presbytery should succeed therein as the Lord Mayor is chosen for his year in London But after upon sight of those inconveniences which did thence arise it was thought fit in their election of the person rather to look upon his Merit than his Seniority So that for all this place of Ambrose were those Comments his the Bishop may enjoy a fixt preheminence and hold it by divine Authority not by humane Ordinances But to return unto Saint Peter and to the Churches by him planted and founded by him in Episcopacy in these Western parts I shall in part rely on the Authority of the Martyrologie of the Church of Rome though so fat only and no further as it is backed by venerable Bede and Vsuardus ancient Writers both the latest living in the year 800. and besides them in some particulars by other Authors of far more Antiquity Bellarm. de Scriptor And these for better methods sake we will behold according to the several Countries into which S. Peter either went himself or sent forth his Disciples to them to preach the Gospel And first for Italy
the care of all the Church should appertain that so the seeds of schism might be rooted up And from the time when Paul ordained those Presbyters in Lystra and Iconium and those other Churches which was in Anno 48. according as Baronius calculates it unto Saint Paul's return unto Hierusalem which was in Anno 58. are but ten whole years Before which time immediately upon his resolution to undertake that journey and from thence to Rome he had appointed Bishops in the Churches of his own plantation so that the government of the Presbyters in the largest and most liberal allowance that can be given them will be too short a time to plead prescription Now that Saint Paul ordained Bishops in many of the Asian Cities or in the Churches of those Cities which himself had planted before his last going thence into Greece and Macedon may well be gathered out of Irenaeus who lived both neer those times and in those parts and possibly might have seen and known some of the Bishops of this first foundation Item l. 3. c. 14. Now Irenaeus his words are these In Mileto enim convocatis Episcopis Presbyteris qui erant ab Epheso reliquis proximis civitatibus c. Paul saith he calling together in Miletum the Bishops and Presbyters which were of Ephesus and other the adjoyning Cities told them what things were like to happen to him in Hierusalem whither he meant to go before the Feast Out of which words of Irenaeus I collect thus much First that those Presbyters whom Paul called to Miletum to meet him there were not all of Ephesus though all called from Ephesus Ephesus being first appointed for the Randevouz or place of meeting and secondly that amongst those Presbyters there were some whom Paul had dignified with the stile and place of Bishops In which regard the Assembly being of a mixt condition they are entituled by both names especially those Presbyters which had as yet no Bishops over them having the charge and jurisdiction of their Churches under the Apostles as before was said And this perhaps may be one reason why the Apostle in his speech to that Assembly makes no words of Timothy who being present with the rest received his charge together with them as also why he gave the Presbyters of Ephesus no particular charge how to behave themselves before their Bishop there being many Bishops there which were not under the command of Timothy However we may gather thus much out of Irenaeus that though we find not in the Scripture the particular names of such as had Episcopal Authority committed to them but Timothy and Titus yet that there were some other Bishops at that time of S. Paul's Ordination who doubtless took as great a care for Thessalonica and Philippos for Lystra and Iconium as for Crete and Ephesus And that these two were by Saint Paul made Bishops of those places will appear most fully by the concurrent testimony of ancient Writers And first for Timothy that he was Bishop of the Church of Ephesus and the first Bishop there appeareth by an ancient Treatise of his death and martyrdom bearing the name of Polycrates who was himself not only Bishop of this Church of Ephesus but born also within six or seven and thirty years after the writing of the Revelation by Saint John Which treatise of Polycrates entituled De martyrio Timothei is extant amongst the lives of Saints printed at Lovaine An. 1585. and cited by the Learned Primate of Armagh in his brief Discourse touching the original of Episcopacy Sigebertus de Eccl. Script Certain I am that Sigebertus doth report Polycrates to be the Author of a Book entituled De passione Sancti Timothei Apostoli but whether that it ever came unto the hands of those of Lovain I am not able to determine More like it is the book is perished and the fragments of the Treatise which remain in Photius Photius in Biblioth n. 254. touching the death and martyrdom of Timothy is all which have escaped that shipwrack And yet in those poor fragments there is proof enough that Timothy was Bishop of the Church of Ephesus in which it is expresly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Timothy was both Ordained and Inthroned Bishop of the Metropolis of Ephesus by the great Apostle Secondly this appeareth by the testimony of Eusebius who reckning up Saint Pauls assistants his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and coadjutors as it were bringeth in Timothy for one and this adds thus of him Eccles hist l. 3. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that as Histories recorded of him he was the first Bishop of the Diocess of Ephesus Thirdly by Epiphanius Epiph. har 75. n. 5. who in a glance gives him the power and stile of Bishop where he relateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Apostle speaking unto Timothy being then a Bishop doth advise him thus Rebuke not an Elder c. Fourthly by Ambrose if the work be his Ambr. Praef. in Epist 1. ad Timoth. who in the preface to his Commentaries on the Epistles unto Timothy thus resolves the point Hunc ergo jam creatum Episcopum instruit per Epistolam that being now ordained a Bishop he was instructed by Saint Pauls Epistle how to dispose and order the Church of God Fifthly by Hierom who in his Tract De Eccles Scriptoribus doth affirm of Timothy Hieron de Script Eccles Ephesiorum Episcopum ordinatum à Beato Paulo that he was ordained Bishop of the Ephesians by Saint Paul Sixthly by Chrysostom as in many places so most significantly and expresly in his Comment on the Epistle to the Philippians saying Chrysost Hom. in 1. ad Tim. in Praef. ad eand Paul saith in his Epistle unto Timothy Fulfil thy Ministry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being then a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that he was a Bishop appears by Pauls writing thus unto him Lay hands hastily on no man Seventhly by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia Concil Chal. Act. 11. one of the Fathers in the great Council of Chalcedon affirming publickly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that from blessed Timothy unto his times there had been 26 Bishops of the Church of Ephesus Eighthly by Gregory the Great De cura Pastorali pars 2. c. 11. where he saith that Paul admonisheth his Scholar Timothy Praelatum gregi being now made the Prelate of a Flock to attend to reading Com. in 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Ninthly by Sedulius an ancient writer of the Scotish Nation who lived about the middle of the first Century affirming on the credit of old History Timotheum istum fuisse Episcopum in Epheso that Timothy to whom Paul wrote had been Bishop of Ephesus Primas in Tim. 1. Ep. 1. c. 4. Tenthly by Primasius a writer of the first 600 years who in the Preface to his Commentaries on the first to Timothy gives us this short note Timotheus Episcopus fuit Discipulus Pauli that
vocatur ad principatum sed ad servitutem totius Ecclesiae is not invited to an Empire or a Principality but to the Service of the whole Church And this he keeps himself to constantly in that whole discourse being the sixth Homily on the Prophet Esay in which although he afterwards doth call the Bishop Ecclesiae Princeps yet he affirms that he is called ad servitutem to a place of service and that by looking to his service well ad solium coeleste ire posset he may attain an Heavenly Throne And so much shall suffice for Origen a Learned but unfortunate man with whom the Church had never peace either dead or living From him then we proceed unto his Successor Heraclas an Auditor at first of Clemens â—â—sâ—b hist l. 6. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then of Origen who being marvellously affected with the great Learning of the man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made him his Partner in the Chair which after Origen was laid by Id. c. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he managed wholly by himself with great applause A man that had the happiness to succeed the two greatest Enemies in the world Origen and Demetrius the one in the Schools the other in the Church of Alexandria unto which honour he was called on Demetrius death who had sate Bishop there three and forty years On this preferment of Heraclas unto the Patriarchate the Regency of the Alexandrian Schools was forthwith given to Dionysius another of Origens Disciples who after fourteen years or thereabout succeeded also in the Bishoprick And here began that alteration in the Election of the Bishops of this Church which S. Hierom speaks of Hieron ad Evagrium The Presbyters before this time used to Elect their Bishop from among themselves Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam Dionysium Episcopos Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant as the Father hath it But here we find that course was altered though what the alteration was in what it did consist whether in the Electors or the condition of the party to be Elected is not so clearly evident in S. Hierom's words For my part I conceive it might be in both both in the unum ex se and the collocabant For first the Presbyters of that Church had used to choose their Bishop from amongst themselves Electing always one of their own body But in the choice of these two Bishops that course was altered these two not being Presbyters of the Church but Readers in the Schools of Alexandria and so not chosen from amongst themselves And secondly I take it that the course was altered as to the Electors to the Collocabant For whereas heretofore the Presbyters had the sole power of the Election to choose whom they listed and having chosen to enthrone him without expecting what the people were pleased to do the people seeing what was done in other Churches begun to put in for a share not only ruling but finally over-ruling the Election What else should further the Election of these two I can hardly tell but that their diligence and assiduity in the discharge of the employment they had took upon them the great abilities they shewed therein and the great satisfaction given thereby unto the people who carefully frequented those publick Readings had so endeared them to the multitude that no other Bishops could content them had not these been chosen And this I am the rather induced to think because that in a short time after the interess of the people in the Election of their Bishop was improved so high that the want of their consent and suffrage was thought by Athanasius a sufficient bar against the right of the Elected Atha in Epi. ad Orthodoxos affirming it to be against the Churches Canons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to the precept of the Apostles But which of these soever it was an alteration here was made of the ancient custom which is as much as is intended by S. Hierom in the words alledged How others have abused this place to prove that the imparity of Bishops is not of Divine Authority but only brought in by the Presbyters we have shewn before Part I. Cha. 3. But to go on with Dionysius for of Heraclas and his acts there is little mention we find the time in which he sate to be full of troubles both in regard of Persecutions which were raised against the Church without and Heresies which assaulted her within Novatus had begun a faction in the Church of Rome grounding the same upon a false and dangerous doctrine the sum whereof we find in an Epistle of this Dionysius Eus hist Ec. lib. 7. cap. 7. unto another Dionysius Pope of Rome And whereas Fabius Bishop of Antiochia was thought to be a fautor of that Schism he writes to him about it also Id. l. 6. c. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So when Sabellius had begun to disperse his Heresies he presently gives notice of it to Sixtus or Xystus Bishop of the Church of Rome as also unto Ammon Bishop of Bernice and Basilides the Metropolitan of Cyrenaica or Pentapolis and to divers others And when that Paulus Samosatenus began to broach strange doctrins in the Church of Christ although he could not go in person to suppress the same yet writ he an Epistle to the Bishops Assembled there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declaring his opinion of the point in question And on the other side when as the Persecutors made foul havock in the Church and threatned utterly to destroy the Professors of it Id. l. 6. c. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he by his Letters certifieth his neighbouring Bishops in what estate Gods Church stood with him with what heroick resolutions the Christians in his charge did abide the fury and conquered their tormenters by their patient sufferings so giving houour to the dead and breathing courage in the living Indeed what Bishops almost were there in those parts of Christendom with whom he held not correspondence with whom he had not mutual and continual entercourse by the way of Letters from whom he did not carefully receive in the self-same way both advice and comfort Witness his several Epistles besides those formerly remembred unto Cornelius Pope of Rome Id. li. 6. c. 38. commending him for an Epistle by him written against Novatus and giving notice to him of the death of Fabius and how Demetrianus did succeed him in the See of Antioch and also to the Church of Rome discoursing of the publick Ministeries in the Christian Church Witness that also unto Stephanus the Predecessor of Cornelius Id. l. 7. c. 2. Id. l. 7. c. 4. entituled De Baptismate a second to the aforesaid Stephanus about the faction of Novatus
of Enos Seths son that he was born Anno two hundred thirty six And till that time there was no Sabbath But then as some conceive the Sabbath day began to be had in honour because it is set down in Scripture that then began men to call upon the Name of the Lord. That is as Torniellus descants upon the place then Gen. 4. Annal. Anno 236. n. 4. were spiritual Congregations instituted as we may probably conjecture certain set Forms of Prayers and Hymns devised to set forth Gods glory certain set times and places also set apart for those pious duties praecipue diebus Sabbati especially the Sabbath-days in which most likely they began to abstain from all servile works in honour of that God whom they well knew had rested on the seventh day from all his labours Sure Torniellus's mind was upon his Mattins when he made this Paraphrase He had not else gathered a Sabbath from this Text considering that not long before he had thus concluded That sanctifying of the Sabbath here on Earth was not in use until the Law was given by Moses But certainly this Text will bear no such matter were it considered as it ought The Chaldee Paraphrase thus reads it Tunc in diebus ejus inceperunt filii hominum ut non orarent in nomine Domini V. 3. of this Chapter which is quite contrary to the English Our Bibles of the last Translation in the margin thus then began men to call themselves by the name of the Lord and generally the Jews as Saint Hierom tells us do thus gloss upon it Tunc primum in nomine Domini Qu. Hebraic in Gen. in similitudine ejus fabricata sunt idola that then began men to set up Idols both in the name and after the similitude of God Ainsworth in his Translation thus Then began men prophanely to call upon the Name of the Lord who tells us also in his Annotations on this Text out of Rabbi Maimony That in these days Idolatry took its first beginning and the people worshipped the stars and all the host of Heaven so generally that at the last there were few left which acknowledged God as Enoch Methuselah Noah Sem and Heber So that we see not any thing in this Text sufficient to produce a Sabbath But take it as the English reads it which is agreeable to the Greek and vulgar Latin and may well stand with the Original yet will the cause be little better For men might call upon Gods Name and have their publick meetings and set Forms of Prayer without relation to the seventh day more than any other As for this Enos Eusebius proposeth him unto us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Praeparat Evang. l. 7 ◠as the first man commended in the Scripture for his love to God that we by his example might learn to call upon Gods Name with assured hope But yet withal he tells us of him that he observed not any of those Ordinances which Moses taught unto the Jews whereof the Sabbath was the chief as formerly we observed in Adam And Epiphanius ranks him amongst those Fathers who lived according to the Rules of the Christian Church Therefore no Sabbath kept by Enos We will next look on Enoch who as the Text tells us walked with God and therefore doubt we not but he would carefully have kept the Sabbath had it been required But of him also the Fathers generally say the same as they did before of others For Justin Martyr not only makes him one of those which without Circumcision and the Sabbath had been approved of by the Lord but pleads the matter more exactly The substance of his plea is this that if the Sabbath or Circumcision were to be counted necessary to eternal life we must needs fall upon this absurd opinion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dial. cum Tryphone that the same God whom the Jews worshipped was not the God of Enoch and of other men about those times which neither had been Circumcised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor kept the Sabbath nor any other Ordinances of the Law of Moses So Irenaeus speaking before of Circumcision and the Sabbath placeth this Enoch among those Lib. 4. cap. 30. qui sine iis quae praedicta sunt justificationem adepti sunt which had been justified without any the Ordinances before remembred Tertullian more fully yet Enoch justissimum nec circumcisum Adv. Judaeos nec sabbatizantem de hoc mundo transtulit c. Enoch that righteous man being neither Circumcised nor a Sabbath-keeper was by the Lord translated and saw not death to be an Item or instruction unto us that we without the burden of the Law of Moses shall be found acceptable unto God He sets him also in his challenge as one whom never any of the Jews could prove Sabbati cultorem esse to have been a keeper of the Sabbath De Demonstr l. 4. c. 6. Eusebius too who makes the Sabbath one of Moses's institutions hath said of Enoch that he was neither circumcised nor medled with the Law of Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and that he lived more like a Christian than a Jew the same Eusebius in his seventh de praeparatione and Epiphanius in the place before remembred affirm the same of him as they do of Adam Abel Seth and Enos and what this Epiphanius saith of him Scal. de Emend Temp. l. 7. that he affirms also of his son Methusalem Therefore nor Enoch nor Methusalem ever kept the Sabbath It 's true the Aethiopians in their Kalendar have a certain period which they call Sabbatum Enoch Enoch's Sabbath But this consisteth of seven hundred years and hath that name either because Enoch was born in the seventh Century from the Creation viz. in the year six hundred twenty two or because he was the seventh from Adam It 's true that many of the Jews Beda in Ger. 4. and some Christians too have made this Enoch an Emblem of the heavenly and eternal Sabbath which shall never end because he was the seventh from Adam and did never taste of death as did the six that went before him But this is no Argument I trow that Enoch ever kept the Sabbath whiles he was alive Note that this Enoch was translated about the year nine hundred eighty seven and that Methusalem died but one year only before the Flood which was 1655. And so far we are safely come without any rub To come unto the Flood it self to Noah who both saw it and escaped it it is affirmed by some that he kept the Sabbath and that both in the Ark and when he was released out of it if not before Yea they have arguments also for the proof hereof but very weak ones such as they dare not trust themselves It is delivered in the eighth of the Book of Genesis that after the return of the Dove into the Ark Noah stayed yet other seven days before he sent
day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 once a month beginning their account with the New-moon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but that the Jews did keep every seventh day constantly It 's true that Philo tells us more than once or twice how that the Sabbath was become a general Festival but that was rather taken up in imitation of the Jess than practised out of any instinct or light of nature as we shall see hereafter in a place more proper Besides which days before remembred the second day was consecrate to the bonus Genius Hospin de orig Fest cap. 5. the third and fifteenth to Minerva the ninth unto the Sun the last to Pluto and every twentieth day kept holy by the Epicures Now as the Greeks did consecrate the New-moons and seventh day to Phoebus the fourth of every month to Mercury and the eighth to Neptune sic de caeteris So every ninth day in the year was by the Romans anciently kept sacred unto Jupiter the Flamines or Priests upon that day offering a Ram unto him for a Sacrifice Nundinas Jovis ferias esse ait Granius Licinius Saturnal l. 1. c. 16. siquidem Flaminica omnibus nundinis every ninth day in regia Jovi arietem solere immolare as in Macrobius So that we see the seventh day was no more in honour than either the first fourth or eighth and not so much as was the ninth this being as it were a weekly Festival and that a monthly A thing so clear and evident 2. Edit p. 65. that Dr. Bound could tell us that the memory of Weeks and Sabbaths was altogether suppressed and buried amongst the Gentiles And in the former page But how the memory of the seventh day was taken away amongst the Romans Ex veteri nundinarum instituto apparet saith Beroaldus And Satan did altogether take away from the Graecians the boly memory of the seventh day by obtruding on the wicked Rites of Superstition which on the eighth day they did keep in bonour of Neptune So that besides other holy days the one of them observed the eighth day and the other the ninth and neither of them both the seventh as the Church doth now and hath done always from the beginning It 's true Diogenes the Grammarian Sueton. in Tiber. c. 32. did hold his disputations constantly upon the Saturday or Sabbath and when Tiberius at an extraordinary time came to hear his exercises in diem septimum distulerat the Pedant put him off until the saturday next following A right Diogenes indeed and as rightly served For coming to attend upon Tiberius being then made Emperour he sent him word ut post annum septimum rediret that he would have him come again the seventh year after But then as true it is De illustrib Grammat which the same Suetonius tells us of Antonius Gnipho a Grammarian too that he taught Rhetorick every day declamaret vero non nisi nundinis but declaimed only on the ninth But then as true it is which Juvenal hath told us of the Roman Rhetoricians that they pronounced their Declamations on the sixth day chiefly Nil salit Arcadico juveni cujus mihi sextâ Sat. Quâque die miserum dirus caput Annibal implet As the Poet hath it All days it seems alike to them the first fourth sixth eighth ninth and indeed what not as much in honour as the seventh whether it were in civil or in sacred matters I am not ignorant that many goodly Epithets are by some ancient Poets amongst the Grecians appropriated to this day which we find gathered up together Clem. Strom. l. 5. Euseb Praepar l. 13. c. 12. by Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius but before either of them by one Aristobulus a learned Jew who lived about the time of Ptolomy Philometor King of Egypt both Hesiod and Homer as they there are cited give it the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an holy day and so it was esteemed amongst them as before is shewn but other days esteemed as holy From Homer they produce two Verses wherein the Poet seems to be acquainted with the Worlds Creation and the perfection of it on the seventh day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On the seventh day all things were fully done On that we left the waves of Acheron The like are cited out of Linus as related by Eusebius from the collections of Aristobulus before remembred but are by Clemens fathered on Callimachus another of the old Greek Poets who between them thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which put together may be thus Englished in the main though not verbatim On the seventh day all things were made compleat The birth-day of the World most good most great Seven brought forth all things in the starry Skie Keeping each year their courses constantly This Clemens makes an argument that not the Jews only but the Gentiles also knew that the seventh day had a priviledg yea and was hallowed above other days on which the World and all things in it were compleat and finished And so we grant they did but neither by the light of Nature nor any observation of that day amongst themselves more than any other Not by the light of Nature For Ariftobulus from whom Clemens probably might take his hint speaks plainly that the Poets had consulted with the holy Bible and from thence sucked this knowledg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that Author saith of Hesiod and Homer Which well might be Ap. Euseb considering that Homer who was the oldest of them flourished about five hundred years after Moses death Callimachus who was the latest above Seven hundred years after Homers time Nor did they speak it out of any observation of that day more than any other amongst themselves The general practice of the Gentiles before related hath throughly as we hope removed that scruple They that from these words can collect a Sabbath had need of as good eys as Clemens who out of Plato in his second de republ Strom. l. 5. conceives that he hath found a sufficient warrant for the observing of the Lords day above all the rest because it is there said by Plato That such as had for seven days solaced in the pleasant Meadows were to depart upon the eighth and not return till four days after As much a Lords day in the one as any Sabbath in the other Indeed the Argument is weak that some of those that thought it of especial weight have now deserted it as too light and trivial Ryvet by name who cites most of these Verses in his notes on Genesis to prove the Sabbath no less ancient than the Worlds Creation doth on the Decalogue think them utterly unable to
maximi eorum fanis jus Asyli manere c. neque cogi ad praestanda vadimonia sabbatis aut pridie sabbatorum post horam nonam in Parasceve Quod si quis contra decretum ausus fuerit gravi poena mulctabitur This Edict was set forth Anno 4045. and after many of that kind were published in several Provinces by Mar. Agrippa Provost General under Caesar Phil. legat ad Caium as also by Norbanus Flaceus and Julius Antonius Proconsuls at that time whereof see Josephus Nay when the Jews were grown so strict that it was thought unlawful either to give or take an Alms on the Sabbath day Augustus for his part was willing not to break them of it yet so to order and dispose his Bounties that they might be no losers by so fond a strictness For whereas he did use to distribute monthly a certain Donative either in Mony or in Corn this distribution sometimes happened on the Sabbath days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Philo hath it whereon the Jews might neither give nor take neither indeed do any thing that did tend to sustenance Therefore saith he it was provided that their proportion should be given them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the next day after that so they might be made partakers of the publick benefit Not give nor take an Alms on the Sabbath day Their superstition sure was now very vehement seeing it would not suffer men to do the works of mercy on the day of mercy And therefore it was more than time they should be sent to School again to learn this Lesson I will have mercy and not sacrifice And so indeed they were sent unto School to him who in himself was both the Teacher and the Truth For at this time our Saviour came into the World And had there been no other business for him to do this only might have seemed to require his presence viz. to rectifie those dangerous Errours which had been spread abroad in these latter times about the Sabbath The service of the Sabbath in the Congregation he found full enough The custom was to read a Section of the Law out of the Pentateuch or five Books of Moses and after to illustrate or confirm the same out of some parallel place amongst the Prophets That ended if occasion were and that the Rulers of the Synagogue did consent unto it there was a word of Exhortation made unto the people Chap. 13.15 conducing to obedience and the works of Piety So far it is apparent by that passage in the Acts of the Apostles touching Paul and Barnabas that being at Antioch in Pisidia on the Sabbath day after the reading of the Law and Prophets the Rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying Ye men and brethren if ye have any word of exhortation to speak unto the people dicite say on As for the Law I note this only by the way they had divided it into 54 Sections which they read over in the two and fifty sabbaths joyning two of the shortest twice together that so it might be all read over within the year beginning on the Sabbath which next followed the Feast of Tabernacles ending on that which came before it So far our Saviour found no fault but rather countenanced and confirmed the custom by his gracious presence and example But in these rigid Vanities and absurd Traditions by which the Scribes and Pharisees had abused the Sabbath and made it of an ease to become a drudgery in those he thought it requisite to detect their follies and ease the people of that bondage which they in their proud humours had imposed upon them The Pharisees had taught that it was unlawful on the sabbath day either to heal the impotent or relieve the sick or feed the hungry but he confutes them in them all both by his Acts and by his Disputations Whatever he maintain'd by Argument he made good by Practice Did they accuse his followers of gathering Corn upon the Sabbath being then an hungred he le ts them know what David did in the same extremity Their eating or their gathering on the Sabbath day take you which you will was not more blameable nay not so blameable by the Law as David's eating of the Shew-bread which plainly was not to be eaten by any but the Priest alone The Cures he did upon the Sabbath what were they more than which themselves did daily do in laying salves unto those Infants whom on the Sabbath day they had Circumcised His bidding of the impotent man to take up his Bed and get him gone which seemed so odious in their eyes was it so great a toyl as to walk round the walls of Hiericho and bear the Ark upon their shoulders or any greater burden to their idle backs than to lift up the Ox and set him free out of that dangerous Ditch into the which the hasty Beast might fall as well upon the Sabbath as the other days Should men take care of Oxen and not God of Man Not so The Sabbath was not made for a lazy Idol which all the Nations of the World should fall down and worship but for the ease and comfort of the labouring man that he might have some time to refresh his spirits Sabbatum propter hominem factum est The Sabbath saith our Saviour was made for man man was not made to serve the Sabbath Nor had God so irrevocably spoke the word touching the sanctifying of the Sabbath that he had left himself no power to repeal that Law in case he saw the purpose of the Law perverted the Son of man even he that was the Son both of God and Man being Lord also of the Sabbath Nay it is rightly marked by some that Christ our Saviour did more works of Charity on the Sabbath day than on all days else Zanchius observes it out of Irenaeus In Mandat 4. Saepius multo Christum in die Sabbati praestitisse opera charitatis quam in aliis diebus and his note is good Not that there was some urgent and extream necessity either the Cures to be performed that day or the man to perish For if we look into the story of our Saviours actions we find no such matter It 's true that the Centurions son and Peters mother-in-law were even sick to death and there might be some reason in it why he should haste unto their Cures on the Sabbath day But on the other side the man that had the withered Hand Matth. 13. and the Woman with her flux of Blood eighteen years together Luke 13. he that was troubled with the Dropsie Luke 14. and the poor wretch which was afflicted with the Palsie John 5. in none of these was found any such necessity but that the Cure might have been respited to another day What then Shall it be thought our Saviour came to destroy the Law No. God forbid Himself hath told us that he came to fulfil it rather He came to let them understand
joyn'd together So whereas those of the Monastick life did use to solemnize the Eve or Vigils of the Lords day and of other Festivals with the peculiar and preparatory service to the day it self that profitable and pious custom began about these times to be taken up and generally received in the Christian Church Of this there is much mention to be found in Cassian as Institut lib. 2. cap. 18. l. 3. c. 9. Collat. 21. c. 20. and in other places This gave the hint to Leo and St. Austin if he made the Sermon to make the Eve before a part or parcel of the day because some part of the Divine Offices of the day were begun upon it And hence it is that in these Ages and in those that followed but in none before we meet with the distinction of matutinae vespertinae precationes Mattins and Evensong as we call it the Canons of the Church about these times beginning to oblige men to the one as well as formerly to the other The Council held in Arragon Conc. Tartaconens Can. 7. hereupon ordained Vt omnis clerus die Sabbati ad vesperam paratus sit c. That all the Clergy be in readiness on the Saturday vespers that so they may be prepared with the more solemnity to celebrate the Lords day in the Congregation And not so only sed ut diebus omnibus vesperas matutinas celebrent but that they diligently say the morning and the evening service every day continually So for the mattins on the Sunday Gregory of Tours informs us of them Motum est signum ad matutinas Erat enim dies dominica how the Bell rung to mattins for it was a Sunday I have translated it the Bell according to the custom of these Ages whereof now we write wherein the use of Bells was first taken up for gathering of the people to the house of God there being mention in the Life and History of St. Loup or Lupus Baron Ann. Anno 614. who lived in the fifth Century of a great Bell that hung in the Church of Sens in France whereof he was Bishop ad convocandum populum for calling of the congregation Afterwards they were rung on the holy-day Eves to give the people notice of the Feast at hand and to advertise them that it was time to leave off their businesses Solebant vesperi initia feriarum campanis praenunciare so he that wrote the life of Codegundut Well then the Bells are rung and all the people met together what is expected at their hands That they behave themselves there like the Saints of God in fervent Prayers in frequent Psalms and Hymns and spiritual Songs hearing Gods holy Word receiving of the Sacraments These we have touched upon before as things that had been always used from the beginnings of the Church Collections for the poor had been sometimes used on this day before but now about these times the Offertory began to be an ordinary part of Gods publick Worship Pope Leo seems to intimate it in his fifth Sermon de collectis Et quia die dominico proxima futura est collectio vos omnes voluntariae devotioni praeparare c. and gives them warning of it that they may be ready For our behaviour in the Church it was first ordered by St. Paul that all things be done reverently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of the Angels according to which ground and warrant it was appointed in these Ages that every man should stand up at the reading of the Gospel and the Gloria Patri that none depart the Church till the service ended Pope Anastasius who lived in the beginning of the fifth Age is said to have decreed the one Dum S. S. Epl. Decret 1 ap Bin. Evangelia in Ecclesia recitantur sacerdotes caeteri omnes praesentes non sedentes sed venerabiliter curvi in conspectu sancti Evangclii stantes dominica verba attente audiant fideliter adorent The Priests and all else present are enjoyned to stand their Bodies bowed a little in sign of reverence during the reading of the Gospel but by no means to hear it sitting adding some joyful acclamation at the end thereof such as is that of Glory be to thee O Lord. So for the Gloria Patri that form of giving to the Lord the Glory which belongs unto him we find in Cassian that they used to stand upon their feet at the doing of it In clausula Psalmi Institut lib. 2 c. 8. omnes astantes pronunciant magno clamore Gloria Patri c. that gesture being thought most natural and most proper for it No constitution needed to enjoyn those Duties which natural discretion of it self could dictate As for the last it seemed the people in those parts used to depart the Church some of them before the Service ended and the blessing given for otherwise there had been no Canon to command the contrary Ex malis moribus bonae nascuntur leges the old saying is And out of this ill custom did arise a Law made in a Synod held in a Town of Gallia Narbonensis the 22 of the Reign of Alaricus King of the Visi-Gothes or Western-Gothes Anno 506. Conc. Agathens Can. 47. that on the Lords day all Lay-people should be present at the publick Liturgy and none depart before the Blessing Missas die dominico secularibus audire speciali ordine praecipimus ita ut egredi ante benedictionem sacerdotis populus non praesumat So the Canon hath it According unto which it is provided in the Canons of the Church of England Can. 19. that none depart out of the Church during the time of Service and Sermon without some reasonable or urgent cause The Benediction given and the Assembly broken up the people might go home no doubt and being there make merry with their Friends and Neighbours such as came either to them of their own accord or otherwise had been invited Gregory of Tours informs us of a certain Presbyter that thrust himself into the Bishoprick of the Arverni immediately upon the death of Sidonius Apollinaris who died about the year 487 and that to gain the peoples favour on the next Lords day after Jussit cunctos cives praeparato epulo invitari Hist l. 31. he had invited all the principal Citizens to a solemn Feast Whatever might be said of him that made the invitation no doubt but there were many pious and religious men that accepted of it Of Recreations after Dinner until Evening prayers and after Evening prayer till the time of Supper there is no question to be made but all were practised which were not prohibited Nam quod non prohibetur permissum est as Tertullian Of this more anon Thus have we brought the Lords day to the highest pitch the highest pitch that hitherto it had enjoyed both in relation unto rest from worldly business and to the full performance of religious Duties Whatever was
in a time when he is not predestinated seeing he is always so and generally the divided sense hath no place where the accident is inseparable from the subject Therefore others thought to declare it better saying that God governeth and moveth every thing according to its proper nature which in contingent things is free and such as that the act may consist together with the power to the opposite so that with the act of predestination the power to reprobation and damnation doth stand But this was worse understood than the first The other Articles were consured with admirable concord Concerning the third and sixth they said it hath always been an opinion in the Church that many receive divine Grace and keep it for a time who afterwards do lose it and in time are damned Then was alledged the example of Saul Solomon and Judas one of the twelve a case more evident than all by these words of Christ to the Father I have kept in thy name all that thou hast given me of which not one hath perished but the son of Perdition To these they added Nicholas one of the seven Deacons and others first commended in the Scriptures and then blamed and for a conclusion of all the Fall of Luther Against the sixth they particularly considered that Vocation would become impious derision when those that are called and nothing is wanting on their side are not admitted that the Sacraments would not be effectual for them all which things are absurd But for censure first the Authority of the Prophet was brought directly contrary in terms where God saith That if the Just shall abandon justice and commit iniquity I will not remember his works The example of David was added who committed Murther and Adultery of Magdalen and S. Peter who denied Christ They derided the folly of the Zuinglians for saying the Just cannot fall from Grace and yet sinneth in every work The two last were uniformly condemned of temerity with exception of those unto whom God hath given a special Revelation as to Moses and the Disciples to whom it was revealed that they were written in the Book of Heaven Now because the Doctrine of Predestination doth naturally presuppose a Curse from which man was to be delivered Hist of the Council fol. 175. It will not be amiss to lay down the Judgment of that Council in the Article of Original sin which rendred man obnoxious to the dreadful curse together with the preparatory Debates amongst the School-men and Divines which were there Assembled touching the nature and transmitting of it from Adam unto his Posterity and from one man to another Concerning which it was declared by Catarinus That as God made a Covenant with Abraham and all his Posterity when he made him Father of the faithful So when he gave Original Righteousness to Adam and all man-kind he made him seal an Obligation in the name of all to keept it for himself and them observing the Commandment which because he transgressed he lost it as well for others as himself and incurred the punishment also for them the which as they are derived in every one and to him as the cause to others by vertue of the Covenant so that the actual sin of Adam is actual sin in him and imputed to others is Original for proof whereof he grounded himself upon this especially that a true and proper sin must needs be a voluntary act and nothing can be voluntary but that transgression of Adam imputed unto all And Paul saying that all have sinned in Adam it must b e understood that they have all committed the same sin with him he alledged for example that S. Paul to the Hebrews affirmeth that Levi paid Tyth to Melchisedeck when he paid in his great Grandfather Abraham by which reason it must be said that the Posterity violated the Commandments of God when Adam did it and that they were sinners in him as in him they received Righteousness Which Application as it was more intelligible to the Prelates Assembled together in the Council than any of the Crabbed Intricacies and perplexities of the rest of the School-men irreconcilable in a manner amongst themselves so did it quicken them to the dispatch of their Canons or Anathamatisms which they had the Notions in their heads against all such as had taught otherwise of Original sin Idem sol 181. than was allowed of and maintained in the Church of Rome but more particularly against him 1. That confesseth not that Adam by transgressing hath lost Sanctity and Justice incurred the wrath of God Death and Thraldom to the Devil and is infected in Soul and Body 2. Against him that averreth that Adam by sinning hath hurt himself only or hath derived into his Posterity the death only of the Body and not sin the death of the Soul 3. Against him that affirmeth the sin which is one in the beginning and proper to every one committed by Generation not imitation can be abolished by any other remedy than the death of Christ is applied as well to Children as to those of riper years by the Sacrament of Baptism ministred in the Form and Rite of the Church CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will with the Conclusions of the Council in the Five Controverted Points 1. The Articles against the Freedom of the Will extracted out of Luer's Writings 2. The exclamation of the Divines against Luer's Doctrine in the Point and the absurdities thereof 3. The several Judgments of Marinarus Catarinus and Andreas Vega. 4. The different Judgment of the Dominicans and Francisans whether it lay in mans power to believe or not to believe and whether the Freedom of the Will were lost in Adam 5. As also of the Point of the co-operation of mans Will with the Grace of God 6. The opinion of Fryer Catanca in the point of irresistibility 7. Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer and more cordially approved by others but in time rejected 8. The great care taken by the Legates in having the Articles so framed as to please all parties 9. The Doctrine of the Council in the Five controverted Points 10. A Transition from the Council of Trent to the Protestant and Reformed Churches THese Differences and Debates concerning Predestination the possibility of falling away from the Faith of Christ and the nature of Original sin being thus passed over I shall look back on those Debates which were had amongst the Fathers and Divines in the Council of Trent about the nature of Free-will and the power thereof In order whereunto these Articles were collected out of the Writings of the Lutherans to be discussed and censured as they found cause for it Now the Articles were these that follow viz. 1. God is the total cause of our works good and evil and the Adultry of David the cruelty of Manlius and the Treason of Judas are the works of God as well as the Vocation of Saul 2. No man hath power to think well or
they were over-ruled by the Entreaties of some and the power of others A matter so unpleasing to the rigid Calvinians that they informed against him to the State for divers Heterodoxies which they had noted in his Writings But the business being heard at the Hague he was acquitted by his Judge dispatcht for Leyden and there confirmed in his place Toward which the Testimonial Letters sent from the Church of Amsterdam did not help a little In which he stands commended Ob vitae inculpatae sanae doctrinae morum summam integritatem That is to say for a man of an unblameable life sound Doctrine and fair behaviour as may be seen at large in the Oration which was made at his Funeral in the Divinity Schools of Leyden on the 22. day of October 1609. Thus died Arminius but the Cause did not so die with him For during the first time of his sitting in the Chair of Leyden he drew unto him a great part of the University who by the Piety oâ—he man his powerful Arguments his extream diligence in that place and the clear light of Reason which appeared in all his Discourses were so wedded unto his Opinions that no time nor trouble could drown them For Arminius dying in the year 1609 as before was said the heats betwixt the Scholars and those of the contrary persuasion were rather increased than abated the more increased for want of such a prudent Moderator as had before preserved the Churches from a publick Rupture The breach between them growing wider and wider each side thought fit to seek the Countenance of the State and they did accordingly for in the year 1610. the followers of Arminius address their Remonstrnace containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines and the substance of them to the States of Holland which was encountred presently by a Contra Remonstrance exhibited by those of Calvins Party from hence the names of Remonstrants and Contra Remonstrants so frequent in their Books and Writings each Party taking opportunity to disperse their Doctrines the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries For the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points Viz. The Method and Order of Predestination The Efficacy of Christs Death The Operations of Grace both before and after mans Conversion and perseverance in the same the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague in the year 1611. in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have had much the better of the day Now for the five Articles above mentioned they were these that follow VIZ. I. De Electione ex fide praevisa DEus aeterno immutabili Decreto in Jesu Christo filio suo ante jactum mundum fundamentum statuit ex lapso peccatis obnoxio humano genere illos in Christo propter Christum per Christum servare qui spiritus sancti gratia in eundem filium ejus credunt in ea fide fideique obedientia per eandem gratiam usque ad finem perseverant II. De Redemptione Universali Proinde Deus Christus pro omnibus ac singulis mortuuus est atque id ita quidem ut omnibus per mortem crucis Reconciliationem Peccatorum Remissionem impetrarit Ea tamen conditione ut nemo illa peccatorum Remisione fruatur praeter hominem fidelem John 2.26 1 John 2.2 III. De causa fidei Homo fidem salutarem à seipso non habet nec vi liberi sui arbitrii quandoquidem in statu defectionis peccati nihil boni quod quidem vere est bonum quale est fides salutaris ex se potest cogitare velle aut facere sed necessarium est eum à Deo in Christo per spiritum ejus sanctum regigni renovari mente affctibus seu voluntate omnibus facultatibus ut aliquid boni posset intelligere cogitare velle perficere secundum illu JOhn 15.5 sine me potestis nihil IV. De Conversionis modo De gratia est initiumi progressus perfectio omnis boni atque adeo quidem ut ipse homo Kegenitus absque hac praecedanea seu Adventitia excitante consequente co-operante gratia neq boni quid cogitare velle aut facere potest neq etiam ulli male tentationi resistere adeo quidem ut omnia bona opera quae excogitare possumus Dei gratiae in Christo tribuenda sunt Quoad vero modum co-operationis illius gratiae illa non est irresistibilis de multis enim dicitur eos spiritui sancto refistisse Actotum 7. alibi multis locis V. De Perseverantia incerta Qui Jesu Christo per veram fidem sunt insiti ac proinde spiritus ejus vivificantis participes ii abunde habent facultatum quibus contra Satanam peccatum mundum propriam suam carnem pugnent victoriam obtineant verumtamen per gratiae spiritus sancti subsidium Jesus Christus quidem illis spiritu sus in omnibus tentatinnibus adest manum porrigit modo sint ad certamen prompti ejus Auxilium Petant neque officio suo desint eos confirmat adeo quidem ut nulla satanae fraude aut vi seduci vel e manibus Christi eripi possint secundum illud Johannis 10. Nemo illos è manu mea eripiet Sed an illi ipsi negligentia sua principium illud quo sustentantur in Christo deserere non possint praesentem mundum iterum amplecti à sancta doctrina ipsis semel tradita deficere conscientiae naufragium facere à gratia excidere penitus ex sacra scriptura esset expendendum antequam illud cum plena animi tranquillitate Plerephoria dicere possumus VIZ. I. Of Election on t of Faith foreseen ALmighty God by an Eternal and unchangeable Decree ordained in Jesus Christ his only Son before the foundations of the World were laid to save all those in Christ for Christ and through Christ who being faln and under the command of sin by the assistance of the Grace of the Holy Ghost do persevere in Faith and Obedience to the very end II. Of universal Redemption To this end Jesus Christ suffered Death for all men and in every man that by his death upon the Cross he might obtain for all mankind both the forgiveness of their sins and Reconciliation with the Lord their God with this Condition notwithstanding that none but true Believers should enjoy the benefit of the Reconciliation and forgiveness of sins John 2.16 1 John 2.2 III. Of the cause or means of attaining Faith Man hath not saving Faith in and of himself nor can it attain it by the power of his own Free-will in regard that living in an estate of sin and defection from God he is not able of himself to think well or do any thing which is really or truly good amongst which sort saving Faith is to be accounted And therefore it is necessary that by God in Christ and through the Workings of the Holy Ghost he be regenerated and renewed
Assistants whom I reverence do purpose to proceed in disquieting and traducing me as you have done by the space of three quarters of this year and so in the end mean to drive me out of the University I must take it patiently because I know not how to redress it but let God be judg between you and me These things I leave to your Worships favourable consideration for this I must needs say and peradventure it may tend to your credit when I shall report it that above the rest hitherto I have found you most courteous and most just I leave your Worship to Gods Direction and holy tuition expecting a gracious Answer Your daily Beadsman WILLIAM BARRET But here perhaps it may be said that though Barret might be as obstinate in refusing to publish the Recantation as this Letter makes him yet it appears by the whole course of those proceedings that his Doctrines were condemned by the heads of the University as being contrary to that which was received and established in the Church of England And that it was so in the Judgment of those men who either concurred in his Censure or subscribed the Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh above-mentioned is a thing past question But this can be no Argument that Barrets Doctrines were repugnant to the Church of England because these Heads either in favour of Dr. Whitacres or in respect to Mr. Perkins were pleased to think no otherwise of them for if it be we may conclude by the same Argument that the Church of Rome was in the right even in the darkest times of ignorance and superstition because all those who publickly opposed her Doctrines were solemnly enjoyned by the then prevailing party to a Recantation and which is more it may be also thence concluded that the Doctrine maintained by Athanasius touching Christs Divinity was contrary to that which had been taught by the Apostles and men of Apostolical spirits because it was condemned for such by some Arrian Bishops in the Council or rather Conventicle of Tyre which was held against him 2. It cannot be made apparent that either Dr. Duport the Vice-Chancellor who was most concerned or Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professour for Divinity there had any hand in sentencing this Recantation Not Dr. Baroe because by concurring to this Sentence he was to have condemned himself Nor Dr. Duport for I find his place to be supplyed and the whole action govern'd by Dr. Some which shews him to be absent at that time from the University according to the stile whereof the Title of Procancellarius is given to Dr. Some in the Acts of the Court as appears by the Extract of them in the Anti-Arminianisin p. 64. compared with p. 63. But thirdly admitting that the Heads were generally thus enclined yet probably the whole body of the University might not be of the same Opinion with them those Heads not daring to affirm otherwise of Barrets Doctrine in their Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh than that it gave just offence to many And if it gave offence unto many only it may be thought that it gave no offence to the Major part or much less to all for if it had the writers of the Letter would not have been so sparing in their expressions as to limit the offence to many if they could have said it of the most But of this we shall speak more in the following Chapter when we shall come to feel the pulse of the University in the great competition between Wotton and Overald after Whitacres death Of which Opinion Harsnet was we have seen before And we have seen before that Baroe had many Disciples and Adherents which stood fast unto him And thereupon we may conclude that when Dr. Baroe had for fourteen or fifteen years maintained these Opinions in the Schools as before was shewed which are now novelized by the name of Arminianism and such an able man as Harsnet had preached them without any Controul when the greatest audience of the Kingdom did stand to him in it There must be many more Barrets who concurred with the same Opinions with them in the University though their names through the Envy of those times are not come unto us CHAP. XXI Of the proceedings against Baroe the Articles of Lambeth and the general calm which was in Oxon touching these Disputes 1. The differences between Baroe and Doctor Whitacres the addresses of Whitacres and others to Archbishop Whitgift which drew on the Articles at Lambeth 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth presented both in English and Latin 3. The Articles of no authority in themselves Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship nor compelled to leave it the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had defired it 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridg to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the Grace received his own private judgment in the point neither for total nor for final and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same Opinion 7. The general calm which was at Oxon at that time touching these Disputes and the Reasons of it 8. An answer to that Objection out of the Writings of judicious Hooker of the total and final falling 9. The disaffections of Dr. Bukeridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins doctrines an Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same 10. Possession of a Truth maintained but by one or two preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times the case of Liberius Pope of Rome and that the testimonies of this kind are rather to be valued by weight than tale FROM Barret pass we on to Baroe betwixt whom and Dr. Whitacres there had been some clashings touching Predestination and Reprobation the certainty of Salvation and the possibility of falling from the Grace received And the heats grew so high at last that the Calvinians thought it necessary in point of prudence to effect that by power and favour which they were not able to obtain by force of Argument To which end they first addressed themselves to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh then being their Chancellor acquainting him by Dr. Some then Deputy Vice-Chancellor with the disturbances made by Barret thereby preparing him to hearken to such further motions as should be made unto him in pursuit of that Quarrel But finding little comfort there they resolved to steer their course by another compass And having prepossest the most Reverend Archbishop Whitgift with the turbulent carriage of those men the affronts given to Dr. Whitacres whom for his learned and laborious Writings against Cardinal Bellarmine he most highly favoured and the great inconveniences like to grow by that publick discord they gave themselves good hopes of
was the Authority of the Ephori erected in the time of King Theopompus about 130 years after the death of Lycurgus A second reason which induced those Kings to ordain these Ephori was to ease themselves and delegate upon them that remainder of the Royal power which could not be exercised but within the City For the Kings having little or no command but in Wars abroad cared not for being much at home and thereupon ordained these Officers to supply their places Concerning which Cleomenes thus discourseth to the Spartans after they had destroyed the Ephori and suppressed the Office Id in Agis Cleomenes informing them that Lycurgus had joyned the Senators with the Kings by whom the Common-wealth was a long time governed without help of any other Officers that afterwards the City having great Wars with the Messenians the Kings were always so imployed in that War that they could not attend the affairs of the State at home and thereupon made choice of certain of their friends to sit in judgment in their stead whom they called the Ephori 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for a long time did govern only as the Kings Ministers though afterwards by little and little they took unto themselves the supreme Authority Another reason hath been given of the institution which is that if a difference grew between the two Kings in a point of judgment there might be some to arbitrate between them and to have the casting voice amongst them when the difference could not be agreed And this is that which Lisander and Mandroclidas two that had been Ephori suggested unto Agis and Cleombrotus the two Kings of Sparta declaring Id. ibid. That the Office of the Ephori was erected for no other reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But because they should give their voices unto that King who had the best reason on his side when the other would wilfully withstand both right and reason and therefore that they two agreeing might lawfully do what they would without controlment that to resist the Kings was a breach of Law considering that the Ephori by Law had no power nor priviledge but only to arbitrate between them when there was any cause of jar or controversie And this was so received at Sparta for an undoubted truth that Cleomenes being sole King upon the death of Agis of the other house recalled Archidamus the Brother of Agis from his place of Banishment with an intent to make him King not doubting but they two should agree together and thereby make the Ephori of no power nor use So then we have three reasons of the institution and more than these I cannot find of which there is not one that favoureth the device of Calvin or intimateth that the Authority of the Ephori was set up to pull down the Kings And to say truth it is a most unlikely matter that the Kings of Sparta having so little power remaining should need more Officers to restrain them than they had before that they should make a new rod for their own poor backs and add five Masters more to those eight and twenty which Lycurgus had imposed upon them Which makes me wonder much at Tully who doth acknowledge that the Ephori were ordained by Theopompus as both Aristotle and Plutarch do affirm and yet will have them instituted for no other cause nisi ut oppositi sint Regibus but to oppose and curb the Kings Aristot Polit. l. 5. c. 11. Cicero de legibus l. 3. but more that Plato who had so much advantage of him both in time and place should ascribe the institution to Lycurgus and tell us that he did not only ordain the Senate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato Ep. 8. edit gr lat To. 3. but that he did also constitute the Ephorate for the strength and preservation of the Regal power For out of doubt it is affirmed by Plutarch confirmed by Scaliger and may be gathered from some passages in Eusebius Chronicon and the Authority of Aristotle Plut. in Lycurgo Scalig. animadvers in Euseb Chron. who refers the same to Theopompus as before was shewed that the first Institution was no less than 130 years after the death of Lycurgus Who was the first that bore this Office hath been made a question but never till these later times when men are grown such Sceptics as to doubt of every thing Plutarch affirms for certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the first Ephorus that is to say the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch in Lycurgo who had the name of Ephorus by way of excellency for otherwise there were five in all was called Elatus and hereto Scaliger did once agree as appears expresly pag. 67. of his Annotations on Eusebius where he declares it in these words Primus Elatus renunciatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But after having a desire to control Eusebius he takes occasion by some words in Diogenes Laertius to cry up Chilo for the man first positively Primus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuit Chilon and next exclusively of Elatus Quibus animadversis non fuerit Elatus primus Ephorus sed Chilon To make this good being a fancy of his own and as his own most dearly cherished he produceth first the testimony of Laertius and afterwards confirms the same by a new emendatio temporum a Calculation and accompt of his own inventing The words produced from Laertius are these verbatim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which is thus rendred in the Latine Diogen Lat. 1. l. 1. in Chilo and I think exactly Fuit autem Ephorus circa quinquagessimam quintam Olympiada Porro Pamphila circa sextam ait primumque Ephorum fuisse sub Euthydemo autore Sosicrate primumque instituisse ut Regibus Ephori adjungerentur Satyrus Lycurgum dixit If it be granted in the first place that Chilo was not made Ephorus until the 55. Olympiad as 't is plain it was not and Scaliger affirms as much it must needs follow upon true account that either Chilo was not the first Ephorus or that the Ephori were not instituted in more than twice an hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus had new molded the Common-wealth contrary unto that which is said by Plutarch and out of him repeated by Joseph Scaliger For from the time wherein Lycurgus made his Laws which was in the 25 year of Archelaus the eighth King of the Elder House unto the death of Alcamenes which was the year before the first Olympiad Euseb Chron. lib. post p. 114. of Scaligers edit were 112 years just none under From thence unto the last year of the 55. 220 years compleat which put together make no fewer than 332 years full a large misreckoning Whereas the second year of the fifth Olympiad in which Eusebius puts the Institution of the Ephori both in the Greek and Latine Copies set out by Scaliger himself Pag. 117. of the Latin and 35 of the Greek Edition that second
the Common-wealth A Priviledg which they found good use of in the times succeeding and made it serve their turns upon all occasions Martius complained of them in the Senate for disobedience to the Consuls and an intent to bring an Anarchy upon the State Platarch in Coriolano they Vote this for a breach of priviledg and nothing but his death or banishment will give them satisfaction for it Appius being Consul sends his Lictor to lay hands upon them for raising Tumults in the City Livie hist Rom. lib. 2. this is another breach of priviledg and he shall answer for it when his year was out Caeso Quintius like a noble Patriot joyns with the Consuls and the Senate to oppress their insolencies when neither Law nor Reason would prevail upon them this also is a breach of priviledg Id. l. 3. and his life shall pay for it But to proceed having obtained this Law for their own security their next work was to break or pass by those Laws by which the State was governed in all times before and which themselves had yielded to at their first creation It was the practice of the City from the first foundation and a continual custom hath the force of Law to give such respect unto the Senate Dionys Halicarnass l. 7. that the people did not vote nor determine any thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Senate had not first debated and resolved upon This though no breach of priviledg was a main impediment to the advancing of those projects which they had in hand and therefore fit to be removed as removed it was and so a way made open unto that confusion which did expose the State to so many changes that it was never constant to one Form of Government Which being obtained the next thing to be brought about was to bring the Election of the Tribunes into the hands of the people who had before the least part in it that so depending mutually upon one onother they might co-operate together to destroy the State and bring it absolutely under the command of the common people For at the first according to the Articles of the Institution the Tribunes were to be elected in Comitiis Centuriatis as before was said where none but men of years and substance such as were of the Livery as we speak in England had the right of suffrage By means whereof the Patricians had a very great stroke in the Elections Et per Clientum suffragia creandi quos vellent poteâ—tatem Livie hist and by the voices of their Clients or dependents set up whom they listed They must no longer hold this Power The Tribunes were the creatures of the Common people and must be made by none but them A Law must therefore be propounded to put the Election wholly into the hands of the People and to transact the same in Comitiis Tributis where no Patrician was to vote but all things carried by the voices of the rascal Rabble Which though it caused much heat and no small ado yet it was carried at the last Appius complaining openly as his custom was Rempub. per metum prodi that the Senate did destroy the Common-wealth by their want of courage And whereas at the first they had so much modesty as not to come into the Senate Sed positis subselliis ante fores decreta Patrum examinare Valer. Maxim lib. 2. c. 2. but to sit without upon some Benches whilest they examined the decrees which had passed the House they challenge now a place though no vote in Senate and had free ingress and egress when they would themselves But their main business was to pull down the Nobles and make them of no more esteem than the common sort And upon this they set their strength and made it the first hansel of their new authority Martius had spoken some words in Senate which displeased the Tribunes and they incense the People to revenge the injury who promising to assist them in their undertakings an Officer is forthwith sent to apprehend him This caused the Patricians whom the cause concerned to stand close together and to oppose this strange encroachment and generally to affirm as most true it was that when they yielded to the setting up this new Authority there was no power given them by the Senate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarn l. 7. but only to preserve the Commons from unjust oppressions The like did Martius plead in his own behalf as we find in Livie auxilii non poenae jus datum illi potestati plebisque non Patrum Tribunos esse Livie hist lib. 2. that they were trusted with a Power to help the Commons but with none to punish and were not Tribunes of the Lords but of the People And so much also was affirmed in the open Senate that the Authority of the Tribunes was at first ordained not to offend or grieve the Senate but that the Commons might not suffer any grievance by it and that they did not use their Power according to such limitations as were first agreed on and as of right they ought to use it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarn l. 7. but to the ruin and destruction of the Laws established Enough of conscience to have stayed them from the prosecution but that they had it in design and resolved to carry it For Brutus had before given out and assured the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he would humble the Nobility Id. ibid. and bring down their pride and 't was no reason that such a man as he should be disappointed and not be master of his word Martius being banished at the last their next bout was with Appius Claudius a constant and professed Enemy of the popular faction one who had openly taken part against them in behalf of Martius and after seeing them apprehend some Gentlemen who opposed their insolencies had openly denied jus esse Tribuno in quenquam nisi in plebeium Liv. l. 2. that they could exercise their power on any but the Commons only Him therefore they accused of Treason or at least sedition in that he had intrenched upon their Authority which was made sacred by the Laws and doubtless had condemned him to some shameful punishment had he not died before his Trial. Which Victory on Martius and the death of Appius did so discourage the Nobility and puff up the Tribunes that from this time forwards as the Historian doth observe the Tribunes cited whom they listed to answer for themselves before the People and to submit their lives to their final sentence which as it did increase the Power of the popular faction in the depressing of the Nobles and weakning the Authority of the Senate so did it open them a way to aim at and attain to all those dignities in the Common-wealth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarn l. 7. which were most honourable in themselves and had formerly belonged to
the Patricians and to none but them And yet the Senate and Nobility did not so give over but that sometimes they put them in remembrance of their first conditions and challenged them of breaking all those bonds and Covenants which were so solemnly agreed on and accepted by them at the first erection of their Office For this did Fabius press upon them when they went about to make some Law for the restraint and regulating of the power of the Consuls viz. that their authority was given them ad auxilium singulorum for the relief of such particulars as did want their help not for the ruin of the publick Livie l. 3. and that they should do well to bethink themselves Tribunos plebis se creatos non hostes Patribus that they were chosen Tribunes to protect the people not Enemies to oppress the Senate And the expostulation of the Senate was both just and necessary when they demanded of the Tribunes on the same occasion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who gave them power to introduce new Laws and subvert the old Dionys Halicarn l. 10. and told them in plain terms they had broke their Covenants and that they were not made upon such Conditions as to do all things that they listed nor to do any thing at all but only to protect the poor and preserve the Commons from oppression Which put together makes it a most evident Truth that in the creation of the Tribunes there was nothing less intended than to curb the Senate or to set up a Power to oppose the Consuls as vainly and seditiously is supposed by CALVIN though true it is they did abuse their power with the Common people and the authority of their Office to suppress them both And this they were resolved to do although they had no other way to effect the same than by raising seditions in the State and putting the people into Arms upon all occasions at which they were so perfect and so constant in it that seldom the whole year went round without some Tumult or sedition of their setting forward as will appear to any one who is versed in Livie If they held quiet for one year as they seldom did till they had brought the City under their obedience they broke out in the next that followed with the greater violence and when the course of the distemper was so intermitted that it held not always a Quotidian it proved a Tertian Feaver or at most a Quartan and therefore like to tarry longer with the afflicted Patient How many seditions did they raise about the Law Argaria of which Livie tells us that it was never moved sine maximis motibus without great Tumults and Dissentions Hist Rom. l. 2. How many Tumults did they raise to oppose the Consuls when they had any Wars in hand and were to press the Souldier to pursue those Wars Id. lib. 3. How often find we in that Author Tribunitium bellum domi territare patres that when the Fathers had no Wars abroad they found a Tribunitian War at home which did more affright them Id. lib. 4. How often find we them complaining non ultra ferri posse Tribunitios furores that the insolencies of the Tribunes were no longer sufferable and that they could not look to be without continual Alarms and renewed distractions whilest the seditions and the Authors of them did succeed so prosperously Nay they were so accustomed to it that having had some intermission and that no otherwise obtained but by yielding all things to the people which they had a mind to Livie takes notice of it as a thing observable Id. lib. 10. permultos annos esse that many years had intervened since the Patricians and the Tribunes had their last contention And all this while they managed their seditions by the Tongues end only seldom proceeding unto blows and much less to blood But when the two Gracchi came in play and attained the Office they fell from words to blows and from blows to murther Tiberius one of the two Brothers and many of his Friends and followers being tumultuously slain in the Common Forum as he was acting the part of a busie and seditious Tribune whom Caius the other of the two not long after followed both in life and death Velleius Patercul hist And this saith the Historian initium in urbe Roma Civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit was the first time that the Sword was suffered to range at liberty in the streets of Rome and to be discoloured with the blood of the Citizens their differences before that day though not often afterwards being determined by Parlies but not by bloud-shed Which being put together and considered seriously it will appear to be no Paradox which we find in Florus where he affirmeth Seditionum omnium causas Tribunitiam potestatem excitasse Florus histor Rom. l. 3. that the Tribunitian power was the source and fountain of all those seditions wherewith the quiet of the State had been disturbed Nor was it said by Quintius without very good reason that the Authority of the Tribunes in seditione ad seditiones nata was born in a sedition and to raise seditions Cicero de Legibus l. 3. that it was pestifera potestas a pestilent pernicious Office and that Pompey did exceeding ill to re-invest the Tribunes with that height of power of which they had been justly dispossessed by Sylla Upon which grounds it had been formerly averred by the Consuls and the rest of the Senate that the Tribunes were the cause of those distractions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Authors words which did so miserably afflict the Common-wealth Dionys Halicarn l. 10. But this to say the truth is so clear a point that it needs no proof I only shall observe and so pass it by how justly the Nobility and Senate were punished by their own Example and for how little time they enjoyed that Sovereignty which they had wrested from their Kings From the expulsion of the Kings to the creating of the Tribunes were but sixteen years and from the death of Tarquin to the reign of Brutus and Sicinius but one year no more and in that little span of time the people profited so well in the School of Rebellion that they did not only beat the Senate at their own weapon of Disloyalty but choaked them with their own Objection For when it was objected against the Tribunes that their Authority was gotten and maintained by seditious courses the Tribunes handsomly replyed that that Objection might as well be made against the Authority of the Consuls which had been introduced and established by no other means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. lib. 10. than the Rebellion of the Nobles or Patricians against their Kings A very shrewd retortion if you mark it well and fit to be considered of in these present times If any ask to what end all these stirs were raised and these seditions set on
the matter so aimed at by his Predecessors The Tribunes had been insolent enough in the former times but the obtaining of these Laws made them more unsufferable Before they used to quarrel all the greatest Officers as if the State could not consist but by their contentions there being no Magistrate so great nor man so innocent whom they exposed not sometimes to contempt and scorn and made not subject to their Tyranny The renowned Scipio himself the very Atlas of the State when it was in danger a man in whom there was not any thing but brave and gallant could not scape so clear but that he was accused by these factious Tribunes and forced to live retired in his Countrey-house Livie hist lib. 28. far from the employments of that State which did not otherwise subsist but by his abilities Nor could they look on their Dictators but with eyes of malice although they had as much Authority as that State could give them or any of their Kings had enjoyed before whom they endeavour to make subject to their pride and Tyrenny by all means imaginable And to that end sometimes denied him the honour of a Triumph though he had deserved it in all mens judgments but their own and sometimes making their Magister Equitum Id. lib. 22. to be of equal power and authority with him and finally sometimes they declaim against him Id. ibid. to make him of no reputation with the common people And for their dealing with the Consuls in had been a complaint of old even if the dawning of the day of their new Authority Consulatum captum oppressum à Tribunitia postestate Id. lib. 2. that the Consulship was suppressed and captivated by the power of the Tribunes and we can no where find that they improved their modesty as they did their power Nor did they only quarrel with the Consuls and proceed no further though that had been an high affront to the Supream Magistrate but threatned to commit them to the Prison also and many times their threatnings were not made in vain Plutarch in Mario For thus we read that Caius Marius being Tribune threatned to send Cotta the Consul unto Prison but afterwards was taken off by fair persuasions and Sulpitius one as violent as he though not so valiant assaulted both the Consuls as they sat in the Senate-house Id. ibid. and killed one of their sons there who was not so quick of foot as to scape his hands Which though they were but bare attempts were yet lewd enough sufficiently to the dishonour of such eminent Magistrates and to the infamy and disgrace of the publick Government And therefore to make sure work of it and that the world might see they could more than threaten Quintius will tell you in the Dialogue with his Brother cicero Brutum P. Scipionem tales tantos viros hominum omnium infimum sordidissimum Trib. Pl. C. Curiatium in vincula conjecisse Cicero de Legibus lib. 3. that C. Curiatius a most base and unworthy person had caused such gallant men as Brutus and P. Scipio to be cast into Prison And if we make a further search we shall quickly find that M. Drusus being Tribune caused Philip the Consul to be cast headlong out of his Seat to the no small danger of his life only for interrupting him in the middle of a factious Speech which was an insolency beyond imprisonment To speak of their behaviour towards the other Magistrates were a thing impertinent For if the Consuls and Dictators could not scape their hands there is no question to be made b ut that the Praetors Censors Quaestors yea the Pontifices themselves were most abundantly debased and insulted on by these popular Tyrants Thus have we brought the Tribunes to as great an height both for power and insolency as were the Ephori before and thereby made them ready for the greater fall A sall which was not long acoming after they had made up the measure of their pride and Tyranny For Lucius Sylla having brought the Estate of Rome under his command and knowing full well how dangerous these men would be to him if they were suffered to continue in their former power set forth a Law by which they were reduced to their ancient bounds inabled only to relieve not to wrong the Subject Sylla Tribunis Plebis lege sua injuriae faciendae potestatem ademit auxilii ferendi reliquit as we read in Tully Id. ibid. A thing that much displeased the people and the Tribunes more But Sylla was no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no great applyer of himself to the peoples humers and therefore cared but little how they took the matter Pompey succeeding him in power and in purpose too took a course quite contrary and re-established them in that Authority whereof Sylla had of late deprived them For finding that the common people longed for nothing more than to see the Office of the Tribunes in the height again and being resolved to lay the foundation of his greatness on the affections and dependence of the common people Platarch in Pompeio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he gratified them in that point and thought himself a happy man to find so fair an opportunity to oblige them to him On which deceitful grounds for they proved no other he set them in their power again as before was said for which he stands accused by Quintus Cicero de Legibus l. 3. and I think deservedly Certain I am that Pompey bought the short affection and applause of the common people at no less a price than his own destruction Plutarch in I. Caesare the Tribunes being the very men which pulled down his pride and set up Caesar to oppose him who going the same way to work that Sylla did and knowing that a Tribune and a Tribunitian spirit were no friends to Monarchy left them the name but nothing else The power and priviledg of the Office he kept unto himself for his own security as one that understood none better how many notable advantages he should gain thereby Dion histor Som. lib. 53. for the confirming of his Empire Which Course Augustus followed also taking the Tribunitian power into his own hands posito Triumviri nomine as soon as the Triumvirate was expired by the death of his Partners Tacitus Annal lib. 1. and from thence reckoned the years of his Government as Tribunitiae potestatis tertium quartum c. which his Successors did after his Example till the time of Constantine when the name of Tribune was laid by as a thing forgotten Rosin Antiq. Rom. The Empire was then cast into another kind of mould than it had been formerly new Offices ordained new Forms of Government introduced and a new Rome built and to what purpose should they keep the name when the thing was gone Let us look back on all that is said before and we shall find but little reason to
no appeal but only to the whole body of that Court the King Case of our Assairs p. 7 8. and both the Houses the Head and Members But this they do not as the upper House of Parliament but as the distinct Court of the Kings Barons of Parliament of a particular and ministerial jurisdiction to some intents and purposes and to some alone which though it doth invest them with a power of judicature confers not any thing upon them which belongs to Sovereignty Then for the Commons all which the Writ doth call them to is facere consentire to do and consent unto such things which are ordained by the Lords and Common Council of the Kingdom of England and sure conformity and consent which is all the Writ requireth from them are no marks of Sovereignty nor can an Argument be drawn from thence by the subtlest Sophister to shew that they are called to be partakers of the Sovereign power or that the King intends to denude himself of any branch or leaf thereof to hide their nakedness And being met together in a body collective they are so far from having any share in Sovereignty that they cannot properly be called a Court of Judicature as neither having any power to minister an Oath Id. p. 9. or to imprison any body except it be some of their own Members if they see occasion which are things incident to all Courts of Justice and to every Steward of a Leet insomuch that the House of Commons is compared by some and not incongruously unto the Grand Inquest at a general Sessions whose principal work it is to receive Bills and prepare businesses Review of the Observat p. 22. and make them fit and ready for my Lords the Judges Nay so far were they heretofore from the thoughts of Sovereignty that they were lyable to sutes and punishments for things done in Parliament though only to the prejudice of a private Subject until King Henry VIII most graciously passed a Law for their indemnity For whereas Richard Strode one of the company of Tinners in the County of Cornwall being a Member of the Commons House had spoken somewhat to the prejudice of that Society and contrary to the Ordinances of the Stanneries at his return into the Country he was Arrested Fined Imprisoned Complaint whereof being made in Parliament the King passed a Law to this effect viz. That all suites condemnations 4 Hen. 8. c. 8. executions charges and impositions put or hereafter to be put upon Richard Strode and every of his Complices that be of this Parliament or any other hereafter for any Bill speaking or reasoning of any thing concerning the Parliament to be communed and treated of shall be void and null But neither any reparation was allowed to Strode nor any punishment inflicted upon those that sued him for ought appears upon Record And for the Houses joyned together which is the last capacity they can claim it in they are so far from having the supream Authority that as it is observed by a learned Gentleman they cannot so unite or conjoyn as to be an entire Court either of Sovereign or Ministerial jurisdiction no otherwise co-operating than by concurrence of Votes in their several Houses for preparing matters in order to an Act of Parliament Case of our Affairs p. 9. Which when they have done they are so far from having any legal Authority in the State as that in Law there is no stile nor form of their joynt Acts nor doth the Law so much as take notice of them until they have the Royal Assent So that considering that the two Houses alone do no way make an entire Body or Court and that there is no known stile nor form of any Law or Edict by the Votes of the two Houses only nor any notice taken of them by the Law it is apparent that there is no Sovereignty in their two Votes alone How far the practice of the Lords and Commons which remain'd at Westminster after so many of both Houses had repaired to the King c. may create Precedents unto Posterity I am not able to determine but sure I am they have no Precedent to shew from the former Ages But let us go a little further and suppose for granted that the Houses either joynt or separate be capable of the Sovereignty were it given unto them I would fain know whether they claim it from the King or the People only Not from the King for he confers upon them no further power than to debate and treat of his great Affairs to have access unto his person freedom of speech as long as they contain themselves within the bounds of Loyalty authority over their own Members Hakewell of passing Bills in Parliament which being customarily desired and of course obtained as it relates unto the Commons shews plainly that these vulgar priviledges are nothing more the rights of Parliament than the favours of Princes but yet such favours as impart not the least power of Sovereignty Nor doth the calling of a Parliament ex opere operato as you know who phrase it either denude the King of the poorest robe of all his Royalty or confer the same upon the Houses or on either of them whether the King intend so by his call or otherwise For Bodin whom Mr. Prynn hath honoured with the title of a grand Politician Prynn of Parliament par 2. p. 45. Bodin de Repub doth affirm expresly Principis majestatem nec Comitorum convocatione nec Senatus populique praesentia minui that the Majesty or Sovereignty of the King is not a jot diminished either by the calling of a Parliament or Conventus Ordinum or by the frequency and presence of his Lords and Commons Nay to say truth the Majesty of Sovereign Princes is never so transcendent and conspicuous as when they sit in Parliament with their States about them the King then standing in his highest Estate as was once said by Henry VIII who knew as well as any of the Kings of England how to keep up the Majesty of the Crown Imperial Nor can they claim it from the People who have none to give for nemo dat quod non habet as the saying is The King as hath been proved before doth hold his Royal Crown immediately from God himself not from the contract of the People He writes not populi clementia but Dei gratia not by the favour of the People but by the grace of God The consent and approbation of the People used and not used before the day of Coronation is reckoned only as a part of the solemn pomps which are then accustomably used The King is actually King to all intents and purposes in the Law whatever immediatly on the death of his Predecessor Nor ever was it otherwise objected in the Realm of England till Clark and Watson pleaded it at their Arraignment in the first year of King James Speeds History in K James Or grant
be Lords of Parliament concerning which take this from Chief Justice Coke where he affirms that only a Lord of Parliament shall be tryed by his Peers being Lords of Parliament and neither Noblemen of any other Countrey nor others that are called Lords and are no Lords of Parliament are accounted Peers that is to say Peers within this Statute he meaneth the Magna Charta or Great Charter of England the ground of all our Laws and Liberties to this very day by which it seems that he conceived a Peer and a Lord of Parliament to be terms equivalent every Peer of the Realm being a Lord of Parliament and every Lord of Parliament a Peer of the Realm which clearly takes away the pretended difference that is made between them But secondly admit the distinction to be sound and solid yet it will easily be proved that Bishops are not only Lords of Parliament but Peers of the Realm In order whereunto we must take notice of some passages in our former Treatise touching the Bishops place and Vote in Parliament that is to say that from the first planting of the Gospel in the Realms of England parcelled at that time amongst several Kings the Bishops always had the principal place in their Common Councils which the Saxons call by the name of Wittenegemote or the Assembly of wise men and afterwards in the time of the Normans took the name of Parliaments In all which Interval from Ethelbert the first Christian King of Kent in the year of our Lord 605. till the death of Edward the Confessor which happened in the year 1066 no Common Council of the Saxons had been held without them and all this while they held their Courts by no other Tenures than purâ perpetuâ Eleemosynâ franke Almoigne as our Lawyers call it discharged from all Attendances upon secular Services And therefore they could sit there in no other Capacity than ratione officii spiritualis Dignitatis in regard of their Episcopal function which as it raised them to an height of eminence in the eye of the people so it was probably presumed that they were better qualified than the rest of the Subjects as the times then were for Governing the great Affairs of the Common-wealth But when the Norman Conqueror had attained the Crown he thought it an improvident Course to suffer so much of the Lands of the Nation as then belonged unto the Prelates whether Bishops or Abbots in the Right of their Churches to be discharged from doing service to the State And therefore he ordained them to hold their Lands sub militari servitute either in Capite or by Baronage or some such military hold whereby they were compellable to aid the Kings in all times of War with Men Arms and Horses as the Lay-subjects of the same Tenure were required to do Concerning which our Learned Antiquary out of Matthew Paris informs us thus viz. Cambden Brit. fol. 123. Rex enim Gulielmus Episcopatus Abbatias quae Baronias tenebant in purâ perpetuâ Eleemosynâ catenus ab omni servitute militari libertatem habuerunt sub servitute statuit militari Irrotulans singulos Episcopos Abbatias pro voluntate sua quot milites sibi successoribus hostilitatis tempore à singulis voluit exhiberi Which though at first it was conceived to be a great Disfranchisement and an heavy burden to the Prelacy yet Cambden very well observes that it conduced at last to their greater honour in giving them a further Title to their place in Parliament a claim to all the Rights of Peerage and less obnoxious to Disputes if considered rightly than that which formerly they could pretend to so that from this time forwards we must look upon them in all English Parliaments not only as Bishops in the Church but as Peers and Barons of the Realm of the same Tenure and therefore of the same preheminence with the Temporal Lords Which certainly must be the Reason that the Bishops of the Isle of Man are not called to Parliament because they hold not of the King by Barony as the rest of the English Bishops do but hold the whole Estate in Lands from the Earl of Darby Thus also saith a Learned Lawyer Coke Institut part 2. f. 3. Every Arch-bishoprick and Bishoprick in England are of the Kings foundation and holden of the King per Baroniam and many Abbots and Priors of Monasteries were also of the Kings foundation and did hold of him per Baroniam and in this Right the Arch-bishops and Bishops and such of the Abbots and Priors as held per Baroniam and were called by Writ to Parliament were Lords of Parliament And yet not Lords of Parliament only but Peers and Barons of the Realm as he shall call them very shortly on another occasion In the mean time we may observe that by this changing of their Tenure the Bishops frequently were comprehended in the name of Barons and more particularly in that passage of Magna Charta Coke Institut part 2. fol. 23. where it is said Comites Barones non amercientur nisi per pares suos that Earls and Barons are not to be amerced but by their Peers concerning which the said Great Lawyer tells us thus viz. That though this Statute as he calls it be in the negative yet long use hath prevailed against it for now the Amerciament of the Nobility is reduced to a certainty viz. a Duke 10 l. an Earl 5 l. a Bishop that hath a Barony 5 l. where plainly Bishops must be comprehended in the name of Barons and be amerced by their Peers as the Barons were though afterwards their Amerciaments be reduced to a certainty as well as those of Earls and Barons in the times succeeding And then if Bishops be included in the name of Barons and could not be legally amerced but by their Peers as neither could the Earls or Barons by the words of this Charter it must needs follow that the Bishops were accounted Peers as well as any either of the Earls or Barons by whom they were to be Amerced And for the next place we may behold the Constitutions made at Clarendon the tenth year of King Henry the 2d Matth. Paris in Hen. 2d Anno 1164. in which it was declared as followeth viz. Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae personae Regni qui Rege tenent in Capite habeant possessiones suos de Rege sicut Baroniam inde respondeant Justiciariis Ministris Regis sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse Curiae Regis cum Baronibus quousque perventum sit ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem Where first I think that those words universae personae are to be understood of none but Ecclesiastical persons according to the notion of the word persona in the Common Law and so to comprehend the Regular Clergy as well as the Arch-bishops and Bishops But secondly if we must understand it of the Laity also it
Christ came to be a Lamb without spot who by the Sacrifice of himself once made should take away the sins of the world Than which there can be nothing more conducible to the point in hand And to this purpose also when Christ our Saviour was pleased to Authorize his Holy Apostles to preach the good Tidings of Salvations he gave them both a Command and a Commission To go unto all the World and preach the Gospel to every Creature Mark 16.15 So that there was no part of the World nor any Creature in the same that is to say no rational Creature which seems to be excluded from a Possibility of obtaining Salvation by the Preaching of the Gospel to them if with a faith unfeigned they believe the same which the Church further teacheth us in this following Prayer appointed to be used in the Ordering of such as are called to the Office of the holy Priesthood viz. Almighty God and Heavenly Father which of thine Infinite Love and Goodness toward us hast given to us thy only and most Dear Beloved Son Jesus Christ to be our Redeemer and Author of Everlasting Life who after he had made perfect our Redemption by his Death and was ascended into Heaven sent forth abroad into the world his Apostles Prophets Evangelists Doctors and Pastors by whose labour and Ministry he gathered together a great Flock in all the parts of the World to set forth the Eternal Praise of his Holy Name For these so great Benefits of thy Eternal Goodness and for that thou hast vouchsafed to call thy Servant here present to the same Office and Ministry of Salvation of Mankind we render unto thee most hearty thanks and we worship and praise thee and we humbly beseech thee by the same thy Son to grant unto all which either here or elsewhere call upon thy Name that we may shew our selves thankful to thee for these and all other thy benefits and that we may daily increase and go forward in the knowledg and faith of thee and thy Son by the Holy Spirit So that as well by these thy Ministers as by them to whom they shall be appointed Ministers thy Holy Name may be always glorified and thy Blessed Kingdom enlarged through the same thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ who liveth and reigneth with thee in the Vnity of the same Holy Spirit world without end Amen Which Form in Ordering and Consecrating Bishops Priests and Deacons I note this only by the way being drawn up by those which had the making of the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and confirmed by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth of the said King was afterwards also ratified by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth and ever since hath had its place amongst the publick Monuments and Records of the Church of England To these I shall only add one single testimony out of the Writings of each of the three godly Martyrs before remembred the point being so clearly stated by some of our Divines commonly called Calvinists though not by the Outlandish also that any longer insisting on it may be thought unnecessary First then Bishop Cranmer tells us in the Preface to his Book against Gardiner of Winchester aforementioned That our Saviour Christ according to the will of his Eternal Father when the time thereof was fully accomplished taking our Nature upon him came into this World from the high Throne of his Father to declare unto miserable Sinners the Goodness c. To shew that the time of Grace and Mercy was come to give light to them that were in darkness and in the shadow of death and to preach and give Pardon and full Remission of sin to all his Elected And to perform the same he made a Sacrifice and Oblation of his body upon the Cross which was a full Redemption Satisfaction and Propitiation for the sins of the whole World More briefly Bishop Latimer thus The Evangelist saith When Jesus was born c. Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. What is Jesus Jesus is an Hebrew word which signifieth in our English Tongue a Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankind born into the World This Title and Name To save appertaineth properly and principally unto him for he saved us else had we been lost for ever Bishop Hooper in more words to the same effect That as the sins of Adam Pref. to the ten Commandments without Priviledg or Exemption extended and appertained unto all and every of Adams Posterity so did this Promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every and singular of Adams Posterity as to Adam as it is more plainly expressed where God promiseth to bless in the seed of Abraham all the people of the World Next for the point of Vniversal Vocation and the extent of the Promises touching life Eternal besides what was observed before from the Publick Liturgy we find some Testimonies and Authorities also in the Book of Homilies In one whereof it is declared That God received the learned and unlearned and casteth away none Hom. of Holy Scrip. p. 5. but is indifferent unto all And in another place more largely that the imperfection or natural sickness taken in Adam excludeth not that person from the promise of God in Christ except we transgress the limits and bounds of this Original sin by our own folly and malice If we have Christ then have we with him Hom. against fear of death p. 62. and by him all good things whatsoever we can in our hearts wish or desire as Victory over death sin hell c. The truth hereof is more clearly evidenced in the Writings of the godly Martyrs so often mentioned as first of Bishop Latimer who discourseth thus We learn saith he by this sentence that multi sunt vocati that many are called c. that the preaching of the Gospel is universal that it appertaineth to all mankind Serm. Septure that it is written in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum through the whole world their sound is heard Now seeing that the Gospel is universal it appeareth that he would have all mankind be saved that the fault is not in him if they be damned for it is written thus Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri God would have all mankind saved his salvation is sufficient to save all mankind Thus also in another place That the promises of Christ our Saviour are general they appertain to all mankind He made a general Proclamation saying Qui credit in me 1 Serm Lincol habet vitam aeternam Whosoever believeth me hath eternal life And not long after in the same Sermon That we must consider wisely what he saith with his own mouth Venite and me omnes Hook pres to Commo c. Mark here he saith mark here he saith Come all ye wherefore should any body despair or shut out himself from the promises of Christ which be general and appertain to the whole