suffer Penance for Three Years time The 31st declares That a Woman can never Marry though her Husband does not appear as long as she is not sure of his Death and that if she does she commits Adultery The 36th ordains the same thing to Souldier's Wives who Marry again when they have no more News of their Husbands yet he thinks them more excusable because they have more reason to believe that they are dead The 32d ordains That Clergymen who Sin mortally should be degraded but not turn'd out of Communion The 33d That a Woman who takes no care of the Fruit of her Womb and who is brought to Bed in the middle of the Street should be punish'd as one guilty of Murder The 34th That Women guilty of Adultery who voluntarily confess it or are partly convicted of it should not be defam'd left their Crime coming to Publick Notice should be the cause of their Death but that they should be order'd to stay out of Communion till the time of their Penance be over The 35th is That when a Husband is forsaken by his Wife it should be inquir'd whether there was any Fault in him and if there was not but she only was in the Fault then they ought not to deprive the Husband of the Communion of the Church but only punish the Wife The 37th is That if a Man who had Espoused another Man's Wife Marries another Woman after the former was taken away from him he is guilty of Adultery against the First but not against the Second The 38th is That Young Women who follow those that have abus'd them without the consent of their Parents are guilty of Fornication And that though it may seem that their Fault is made up when the Parents afterwards consent to it yet they ought to be put under Penance for Three Years The 39th That she who stays with him whom she had committed Adultery with is to be accounted guilty of the Crime as long as she continues with him The 40th That a Slave who Marries without the consent of his Master has committed Fornication because the Contracts and Promises of all those who are under the Power of others are void without their consent The 41st That the Marriage of a Widow that 's free cannot be null'd The 42d contains this general Maxim That the Marriages of all those who are under the Power of another without his consent are not Marriages but Fornications and therefore that the Marriages of the Sons and Daughters of a Family are void without the consent of their Fathers as that of Slaves is without the consent of their Masters The 43d declares That he who has given a Mortal Wound to another is guilty of Manslaughter whether he first attack'd him or did it in his own defence The 44th That a Deaconess that hath committed Fornication with a Pagan ought not to be Excommunicated but only depriv'd of the Oblation for the space of Seven Years after which she shall be receiv'd if she liv'd chastly during that time In the 45th he observes That the Name of a Christian will stand him in no stead who leads a Life unworthy of a Christian. In the 46th he says That a Woman that without her knowledge espoused a Married Man whom his former Wife was parted from and afterwards separated from him may Marry again to another but that it were better if she continued as she was The 47th Canon is about the Baptism of Hereticks It seems in some Points to be contrary to the first but when the Matter is well examin'd 't is easie to reconcile them He observes That the Encratites the Saccophorians and the Apotactites ought to be treated as Novatians Now he seems to have said the contrary in the First Canon where he affirms That it was absolutely necessary to re-baptize the Encratites This Difficulty made an Author of our Age believe That a Negative Particle must be added in the Canon The Reason which St. Basil alledges to prove this Proposition seems to confirm this Conjecture for he adds That there are Canons which have regulated what concerns the former though differently whereas there is none which speaks of the latter But after a full Examination of the words of this Canon I find that 't is not necessary to change any thing in it Take the true sence of it as follows St. Basil says That the Encratites Apotactites and Saccophorians ought to be treated after the same manner as the Novatians That 's to say That with respect both to the one and the other we must follow the Custom of the Church where we live and the Reason which he gives for it is because there is no Rule and Determination about their Cause since the Canons are found different about the former and there is nothing order'd about the latter He adds That in his Country they were all rebaptiz'd but if this Rebaptization was forbidden in the Province whereof Amphilochius was Bishop as it was at Rome and yet he found the Reasons were convincing which he had brought to prove that the Encratites must be rebaptized then he ought to call a Council to make this Regulation In the 48th Canon he counsels Women divorced by their Husbands not to Marry again since Jesus Christ hath said That he who putteth away his Wife except for Fornication committeth Adultery when he espouseth another and is the cause of her committing Adultery by marrying again In the 50th Canon he says That the Laws do not forbid nor punish Third Marriages and yet the Church looks upon them as shameful Actions The Third Letter to Amphilochius is also a continuation of Canons St. Basil speaks in the Preamble of a Journey he had made a little before into Pontus about the Affairs of the Church He thanks Amphilochius for the Letters he had written to him he declares to him that he desired to see him and that he would do all that lay in his Power to come and meet him but that perhaps he might be obliged to go soon to Nazianzum because of the departure of St. Gregory who was gone from it tho' no body knew the Reason of his going He acquaints him That he of whom he had spoken before probably to make him Bishop of some City depending upon the Metropolis of Amphilochius was fallen sick that there was no other Person that he could cast his Eyes upon He counsels him rather to put into that place one whom the Inhabitants of the City desired to have tho' he had been but lately Baptiz'd He repeats what he had said in the 10th Canon concerning those that had taken an Oath that they would not be Bishops The 51st Canon ordains that Clergy-men should not be otherwise punish'd for their Crimes but by Deposition whether they were in Sacred Orders which are given by Imposition of Hands or in Inferior Orders The 52d is against Women that Voluntarily suffer their Infants to perish The 53d ordains that a Widow-Slave that procures
the Discipline of that time than what is said of the Fall of Marcellinus is contrary to the History 'T is said That Marcellinus at first denied his Fault That the Synod declar'd to him he should be his own Judge That the Bishops durst not judge him because it was not lawful for any body to judge the First See I say nothing of the Impertinences which some of the Bishops are made to say that are unworthy of the Gravity and Simplicity of the Christians of the First Ages Lastly he who forg'd these Acts says that Dioclesian was inform'd of the Condemnation of Marcellinus when he was at War with the Persians which yet further discovers that these Acts are not ancient since the Persian War was ended before the Persecution of Dioclesian from whence it follows that he who fell into so gross a Fault in Chronology is a modern Author unworthy of any Credit Of the COUNCIL of Cirtha THE Violence of the Persecution being a little abated in Africk in the Year of Jesus Christ 305 some Bishops of Numidia assembled at the beginning of the Month of May in the City of Of Cirtha 305. Cirtha in the House of one Donatus because the Churches were not yet restor'd The occasion of this Synod was the Ordination of a Bishop into the See of this City of Numidia in the room of Paul The Bishops which were present there were Secundus of Tigisis Donatus of Mascula Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanae Donatus of Calama Purpurius of Limata Victor of Garbis Felix of Rotarium Nabor of Centurio and Secundus the younger A Bishop call'd Menalius would not be present for fear of being accus'd and convicted of having sacrificed to Idols These Bishops who were afterwards the Heads of the Donatist Faction accus'd one another mutually in this Council and all of them fearing lest they should be convicted of the Crimes of which they had accus'd one another they The Councils pardon'd one another referring themselves to the Judgment of God After which they ordain'd Silvanus Bishop of Cirtha You have the Acts of this Council in St. Austin in his Third Book against Cresconius Chap. 27. Of the COUNCIL of Alexandria under Peter Bishop of that Church IN the Year 306. Peter of Alexandria held a Council wherein he deposed Meletius being convicted Of Alexandria 306. of having sacrificed to Idols We have not the Acts of this Council and we know nothing more in particular of it Of the COUNCIL of Eliberis or Elvira THE place a The place The Name of this Council is very various Some call it Libertinum others Elibertinum others Heberitanum and some Eliberinum but the more common Name is Eliberitanum or Illiberitanum The ancient Geographers mention only Two Cities call'd by this Name whereof one was in Gallia Narbonensis and the other in Boetica 'T is thought that the first is Perpignan and the other in all probability is the City of Granada The First was destroy'd in the time of Pliny and Mela and 't is no wise probable that the Bishops of Spain should come so far to hold a Council Wherefore it is much more probable that this Council was held at the Spanish Elvira i. e. Granada and time b The time Those who said that this Council was held after the Year 400 affirm'd what is manifestly false since at that time the enjoining Penance for those who had sacrific'd to Idols was not debated The same Reason proves that there is no probability that it was assembled after the Council of Nice It seems to have been called before that of Arles but I do not believe that it was called before the Persecution of Dioclesian There is more probability that it was assembled when the Persecution ended in the West and when Dioclesian had abdicated the Empire in the Year 304. of the Council of Eliberis are very uncertain Some have thought that Of Eliberis or Elvira 305. this Council was assembled in a City of Gallia Narbonensis others say that this City was in Boetica and the most Learned think that this City of Eliberis was the same with Granada As to the time some Authors have placed it at the end of the Third Century others have remov'd it unto the end of the Fourth but the most probable Opinion is that it was assembled at the beginning of the Fourth Century before the Councils of Arles and Nice about the Year 305. The little Order that is observed in the Canons of this Council the great variety of Rules that are to be found in it and the multitude of Canons about different Matters make some Learned Men think probably enough that the Canons attributed to this Council are an ancient Code or an ancient Collection of the Councils of Spain However this be it cannot be doubted but these Canons are very Ancient and very Authentick The Discipline which they establish is very rigorous In the 1st Canon they are depriv'd of Communion i. e. of Absolution even at the point of Death who have voluntarily Sacrificed to Idols after they were baptized The 2d establishes the same Penalty against those who taking upon them after their Baptism the Office of Priests to False Gods were obliged to offer up Sacrifices to Idols by themselves or others and who have also encreased their Guilt by Murders or Adulteries The 3d. moderates this Penalty to those who have only caused profane shows to be represented and grants them Communion at the point of Death provided they put themselves under Penance and that they do not afterwards fall into Adultery The 4th is That if the Catechumens cause themselves to be chosen Priests to false Gods and act in profane Shows their Baptism shall be delay'd for three Years The 5th imposes Seven Years Penance upon a Woman that shall beat her Servant-Maid in such a manner that she dies within three Days after if the Woman had a design to kill her and Five Years Penance if she had no such design She is acquitted if the Maid dies more than Three Days after In the 6th Canon it is ordain'd That Absolution shall be refus'd even at Death to him who shall kill another by Treachery The 7th is That those who relapse into Adultery after they have undergone Penance shall not be received even at Death The 8th subjects a Woman to the same Penalty who has forsaken her Husband without cause to marry another The 9th declares That 't is not lawful for a Woman tho' she has forsaken her Husband because of Adultery to marry another and that if she does it she ought not to be admitted to Communion till he whom she has married be dead or at least till the extremity of Sickness make it necessary to grant it her The 10th allows Husbands to be baptiz'd who have forsaken their Wives and Wives who have forsaken their Husbands for Adultery while they were Catechumens But if a Christian Woman marries a Man who has forsaken his Wife without
converted and would be made a Christian after she has renounc'd her Sins The 45th allows Baptism to be given a Catechumen tho' he has been long absent from Church The 46th imposes 10 Years Penance upon one of the Faithful who has lived long in the practice of the same Sin which it looks upon as an Apostacy The 47th ordains That if one of the Faithful who has a lawful Wife has committed many Adulteries fall Sick and promise to commit this Sin no more Communion shall not be deny'd him but if after his Recovery he relapse into his Sin it shall never more be granted to him In the 48th it is ordain'd That the baptiz'd shall not put any more Money into the Boxes or Basons as was commonly done lest it should be thought that the Priest gave for Money what he had freely received It adds That not the Priests but the Ministers shall wash the Feet of the Baptiz'd The 49th forbids those who possess an Estate in Land to suffer the Fruits of it to be bless'd by the Jews The 50th Ordains That those who eat with Jews shall be separated from the Church The 51st forbids to admit into the Clergy those who return from Heresy and pronounces the Sentence of Deposition against such if they are Ordain'd The 52d declares those worthy of an Anathema who publish Deformatory Libels The 53d declares That a Person excommunicated cannot be received but by the Bishop who excommunicated him and forbids all others to receive him into Communion without the consent of his own Bishop The 54th Ordains That those Pagans shall be separated from the Church for Three Years who have violated their Promise of Espousals unless one of the Parties contracted be found guilty of some Crime which hindred them from Marriage The 55th declares That they shall be received into Communion at the end of Two Years who were Priests of False Gods who have carried a Crown but have not sacrific'd nor laid out any Money to the Honour of Idols The 56th separates from the Church a Pagan Magistrate during the time that he discharges his Office The 57th excommunicates for Three Years those Christian Women who lend their Garments for a profane show The 58th Ordains That those who bring Letters of Communion shall be examined in all the Churches and chiefly in that where the First Episcopal Throne is settled that is in the Metropolitical Church The 59th forbids Christians to ascend into the Capitol to Sacrifice there or to see sacrificing there and imposes Ten Years Penance upon those that fall into this Fault The 60th deprives those of the Title of Martyrs who are kill'd for overthrowing Idols publickly because the Gospel commands us not to do any such thing and we never read that it was practis'd by the Christians in the times of the Apostles The 61st imposes a Penance of Five Years upon him that Marries his Wife's Sister unless the extremity of Sickness oblige us to give him the Peace of the Church sooner The 62d declares That an Actor of Plays or a Comedian who would be made a Christian shall not be received till he has renounced his Profession The 63d denies Communion even at the Point of Death to such Women as being guilty of Adultery have murder'd their Infants The 64th treats with the same Rigor those Women who have continued all their Life-time in the habitual practice of the Sin of Adultery but as to those who acknowledg'd their Crime before they were sick and forsook the Man with whom they had committed this Sin it grants them Communion after Ten Years Penance The 65th declares That if a Clergy-man knows that his Wife commits Adultery and sends her not away he is unworthy of the Communion of the Church even This Canon is an authentick Evidence of the Marrying of the Clergy of the Church of Spain at this time at the Point of Death lest it should be thought that those who ought to be a Pattern of a regular Life show an example of Licentiousness The 66th declares That he who marries his Daughter-in-law shall not receive the Communion even at Death The 67th forbids Women that are of the Faithful or Catechumens to have Footmen or Pages that are beautiful and well-shap'd The 68th delays the Baptism of a Catechumeness to the Hour of Death who having committed Adultery murder'd her Child The 69th imposes but Five Years of Penance upon those who have faln but once into the Sin of Adultery The 70th declares That if a Woman commit Adultery with the consent of her Husband he is unworthy of the Communion at the Point of Death nevertheless if he divorces her he maybe received after Ten Years Penance The 71st denies Communion even at the Point of Death By infamous Crimes here is meant abusing their Bodies with Mankind to those who have committed most infamous Crimes The 72d declares That if a Widow commit Adultery and afterwards marries the same Man with whom she had committed this Sin she shall be discharg'd for Five Years Penance but if she marry another she cannot be reconcil'd even at the Point of Death and that if he to whom she marries be one of the Faithful he shall be put under Penance for Ten Years The 73d denies Communion even at the Point of Death to those who have been the cause of the Condemnation or Death of any Man by their false Accusations and imposes Five Years Penance if the Matter be of less consequence The 74th Ordains That a false Witness shall be punish'd proportionable to the greatness of the Crime of which he testified falsly That if the Crime did not deserve Death and he proves That he gave testimony with reluctancy and that he continued long before he was willing to say any thing he shall be acquitted for Two Years of Penance But if he does not prove that he was constrain'd to give this false Testimony he shall not be receiv'd into the Communion of the Church till Five Years after The 75th deprives those of Communion even at the Point of Death who have falsly accus'd a Bishop a Priest or a Deacon The 76th Ordains That if a Deacon being guilty of a Crime suffers himself to be Ordain'd he shall be put under Penance for Three Years if the Crime be discover'd by his own Confession and Five Years if it be detected by the testimony of another The 77th declares That if a Deacon who governs a People baptize any Catechumens without a Bishop or without a Priest the Bishop ought to consummate as one may say the Baptism by his Benediction but if they die before this be done they may be saved by the Faith which they had The 78th imposes upon him who commits Adultery with a Pagan or Jewish Woman a Penance of Three Years if he himself confess his Sin and one of Five Years if he be convicted of it The 79th forbids playing at Games of Chance and declares that if any of the Faithful
See what Dionysius Exiguus has added in his Version No more is it lawful for Priests to do any thing in the Diocess without the permission of the Bishop in writing This Addition is found in the ancient Code of the Roman Church published by Quesnellus and in the Version of Isidore and Justellus has restor'd it in the Greek Text of the Code of the Universal Church The 14th condemns the superstition of some Clergymen who would not eat Meat The Synod Ordains That if they continued in this Superstition and would not eat Herbs boil'd with Meat they should be depriv'd of their Ecclesiastical Function The 15th declares That if Priests sell any thing belonging to the Church while it has not a Bishop it shall be in the power of the Bishop who is chosen either to make void the bargain or to take the price of the thing that is sold. The 16th and 17th impose long Penances upon those who have committed Crimes contrary to Nature The 18th forbids Bishops who cannot be receiv'd into their own Bishopricks to invade those of others and allows them only to keep the rank of other Presbyters of which Honour it Ordains that they shall be depriv'd if they stir up Sedition against the Bishop of the place The 19th subjects those Virgins to the same punishment with Bigamists who violate the Profession that they have made and forbids them to dwell with Strangers as if they were their Sisters The 20th imposes Seven Years Penance for Adultery In the 21st the Synod observes That the ancient Canons delay'd the Absolution of those Women till death who having committed the Sin of Adultery murder'd their Infants but to mitigate this Punishment it imposes upon them only Ten Years Penance The 22d delayeth the Absolution of those till the Point of death who have committed wilful Murder and till then it places them in the rank of Prostrate Penitents The 23d imposes Seven Years of Penance for Manslaughter The 24th subjects those to a Penance of Five Years who meddle with Divination and practise superstitious Actions The last is about a particular Case A Man had defil'd the Sister of her to whom he was contracted and afterwards married this last her Sister hang'd her self for madness The Synod Ordains That all those who were Complices to these Crimes shall be put under Penance for the space of Ten Years These Canons are sign'd by 18 Bishops of the Diocesses of Asia of Pontus and of the East Vitalis Bishop of Antioch is the First among these Bishops 'T is certain that he held the See of the Church of Antioch from the Year 311 until the Year 319. After him there is the Name of Agricolaus Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestine But Eusebius makes no mention of this Bishop and he could be but a very little time Bishop of that Church Marcellus of Ancyra who is the Third is famous enough in History Some think that Basil of Amasea suffer'd Martyrdom under Licinius and St. Jerom affirms it in his Chronicon Yet Philostorgius and St. Athanaesius reckon him among those Bishops who were present at the Council of Nice The same St. Athanasius mentions Lupus of Tarsus and Longinus of Neocaesarea There is mention made of Leontius of Caesarea in Cappadocia in the Life of St. Gregory Nazianzen where 't is said That 't was he who baptiz'd Gregory of Pisa in the time of the Nicene Council The others are less known The Council of Neocaesarea made Fifteen Canons about the Discipline of the Church The 1st is That if a Priest marries after he has been Ordain'd he ought to be degraded and if he commit Fornication or Adultery he ought to be punished more rigorously and put under Penance The 2d is That if a Woman marry Two Brothers she ought to be excluded from the Communion of the Church till the end of her life but at the Point of Death she shall be absolved provided she promises to break the Marriage For if the Husband or the Wife die without being parted the surviving Person can very hardly be admitted to Penance The 3d. is That the time of the Penance of those who Marry often is regulated by the Canons but it may be shortned proportionably to the Conversion of the Penitent and the fervour of his Penance The 4th is That he who having a desire to commit Sin with a Woman and did not accomplish it seems to have been sav'd by the Grace of God The 5th is That if a Catechumen who is in the rank of those who pray with the Faithful fall into Sin he must be plac'd in the rank of Hearers and if he continue to sin he is to be totally turn'd out of the Church The 6th commands those Women to be baptized who are ready to Lie-in The 7th forbids Priests to be present at the Marriage of Bigamists The 8th declares that he cannot be admitted into Holy Orders whose Wife has been convicted of Adultery and that if a Clergy-man's Wife commit Adultery he ought to divorce her upon pain of being depriv'd of his Ministry if he do not The 9th is That if a Priest who has committed the Sin of the Flesh before he was Ordain'd confess his Crime he ought no more to Offer but he shall enjoy all his other Rights for as to other Sins 't is thought that they are pardoned by the Imposition of Hands But if he does not confess this Fault and cannot be convicted of it he shall be left to his own Conscience The 10th is That a Deacon who shall commit the same Crime before his Ordination shall be plac'd in the rank of the other Ministers The 11th forbids to give the Order of Priesthood to those Persons who are under Thirty Years of Age tho' they have well deserved because our Lord was baptized and begun to preach at that Age. The 12th is That those who have been baptiz'd in their Sickness can never be ordain'd Priests because they seem to have embrac'd the Faith only through necessity unless this Favour be afterwards granted them upon the account of their Faith and Zeal and that there be but few Persons who can be Ordain'd The 13th forbids the Priests in the Country to make the Oblation in the presence of the Bishop or of the Priests of Cities and does not allow them so much as to distribute the Bread of the Eucharist or to give the Cup but it permits them to do both the one and the other in the absence of the Bishop and the City-Presbyters The 14th declares That Suffragans represent the 70 Disciples and so they are look'd upon as the Brethren of the Bishops and have the honour of making the Oblation The last Ordains That there should be but Seven Deacons in each City how great soever it be Some of the Bishops who were at the Council of Ancyra subscribed to this Vitalis of Antioch presided there as well as at the Council of Ancyra Which shows that these Two Councils were held after
Seventeenth Letter is from Bethlehem in the Name of Paula and Eustochium to Marcella whom they invite to come to them and to visit the holy Places It may have been written about the Year 400. The Eighteenth is written in S. Jerom's Name to the same Lady and upon the same Subject The Nineteenth is a handsome Letter of Thanks to Eustochium for a Present of some Fruits that she sent him upon S. Peter's Day The following Letter to Marcella is likewise to thank him for some Presents which that Lady had sent him from Rome The Twenty-first is written to an Old Man of Spain of 100 Years of Age. S. Jerom congratulates with him that God had given him a fine Old Age freed from the ordinary infirmities common to persons of those Years he commends his Vertues and desires of him the Commentaries of Fortunatianus the History of Aurelius Victor and Novatian's Letters and tells him that he would send him the Life of the Blessed Paul the first Hermite This Letter may have been written in S. Jerom's first Retreat The Two and Twentieth is a Treatise of Virginity to Eustochium Having spoken of the Excellency of it of the Difficulty of preserving and the Danger of losing it he lays down Precepts which a Virgin is to observe to keep her self pure He forbids her to drink Wine he bids her avoid dainty Fare Effeminateness Pleasures and superfluous Ornaments he recommends Solitude to her and the Reading of the Holy Scripture Prayer Renouncing of the Things of this World Fasting Humility and other Christian Vertues He speaks against some Clergy-men who kept devout Sisters in their Houses And who saith he under pretence of Spiritual consolation entertained a carnal commerce He blames those also that courted Ladies and to please them condescended to do several things unworthy of their Character To dissuade Eustochium from reading prophane Books he tells her That being once too earnest in reading Cicero Plautus and other prophane Authors he fell into a violent Fever and by it into a kind of Agony and then was caught up in the Spirit to the Tribunal of Jesus Christ where having been soundly whips for reading prophane Authors too much he was forbidden to read them any more He assures Eustochium that this Story is not a Dream and calls the Tribunal where he appeared and the Judgment that was given against him to attest the Truth of what he says Yet when Rufinus upbraided him afterwards that for all that he had not given over reading prophane Books he laughs at his Simplicity and jests upon him for taking a Dream for a Truth Declaiming against Covetousness he says that a Monk of Nitria having got together One hundred Pence which were found in his Cell after he was dead they buried him with his Money and with this Imprecation Let this Money perish with thee He observes upon that occasion that there were Five thousand Monks in the Solitudes of Nitria dwelling in separated Cells and that there were three sorts of Monks in Egypt namely the Coenobites who lived in common the Anchorets who dwelt alone in the Wilderness and thosethat were called Remoboth who lived Two and Two together and maintained themselves after their own way with the work of their own hands He blames this last sort and describes the manner of living of the Anchorets and Coenobites at large After this digression he concludes with commending the Purity of Eustochium In all likelihood this Treatise was composed at Rome about the latter end of Damasus's Pontisicate about the Year 385. The Two and Twentieth is written to Marcella upon the Recovery and Conversion of Blaesilla Paula's Daughter and Sister of Eustochium This young Widow after the Torment of a violent Fever for Thirty days together had embraced a Solitary life S. Jerom commends her for that generous Resolution and confounds those that blamed her One may find in that Letter a handsome description of the Habit of those ancient Nuns S. Jerom speaks there against the Finery of Women This Letter was written at Rome about the Year 383. The next was written much about the same time it is directed to Paula concerning the Death of an Holy Nun one Lea. S. Jerom shews that they ought to rejoyce for her Death because she enjoy'd Happiness He commends her Vertues and comparing her Death with that of one designed to be Consul which happened at the same time he shows the vast difference betwixt a poor Righteous Man's death and that of a great rich and impious Lord. The Four and Twentieth is a Letter of Consolation to Paula upon the Death of her Daughter Blaesilla who departed this Life four Months after her Conversion S. Jerom shows that we should not mourn for Christians who die in a State of Grace but rather rejoyce for their Happiness He reproves Paula severely because she had given way to excessive Grief This Letter may pass for an exact Pattern of Elegant and Christian Consolation It was composed at Rome about the Year 384. The Five and Twentieth is likewise a Consolatory Letter to Pammachius upon the Death of his Wife Paulina who was also one of Paula's Daughters He saith but little of Paulina's Death but enlargeth much in Commendation of Pammachius who left the World after his Wife's Death and had bestowed great part of his Estate upon the Poor and built an Hospital for Strangers in the Port of Rome S. Jerom says at the latter end of this Letter that so great a number of Monks flocked to his Monastery at Bethlehem that he was obliged to send his Brother Paulinianus to sell the rest of the Estate which he had in his own Country to enable him to support his Undertaking This informs us that this Letter was written at Bethlehem in 398. The Twenty-sixth is a Funeral-Sermon for the famous Paula whose Life he describes and makes her Panegyrick It is directed to her Daughter Eustochium He sets down at the latter end some Epitaphs which he put upon the Grave and upon the Cave where that holy Lady was buried in Bethlehem and he says that she died Febr. 22d and was buried the 24th under the Seventh Consulship of Honorius and Aristaenetus That is after our way of reckoning the 404th Year since the Nativity of our Saviour And this proves that Funeral Oration to be of that same Year The Seven and twentieth Letter to a Spaniard one Lucinius is very remarkable S. Jerom exhorts that Man who had embraced a Monastical Life with his Wife's Consent to prosecute the design which he had to come to Jerusalem He tells him that he had given Copies of his works to those whom he sent to him That he had not translated Josephus his Books nor the Writings of S. Papias and S. Polycarp That he translated only some Treatises of Origen and Didymus That he had corrected the Version of the Septuagint restored the Greek of the New Testament and that he sent to him part of the Canonical
Books which he revised and made conformable to the truth of the Hebrew He afterwards answers two Questions which Lucinius had put to him about Saturday's Fast and a frequent Communion That Answer is too considerable not to be translated here As to what you ask me concerning the Saturday's Fast whether it ought to be kept and about the Eucharist whether it should be received every day as is Customary in the Churches both of Italy and Spain we have upon that Subject a Treatise of Hippolytus a very Eloquent man and several Authors have occasionally treated of that Matter for my part this is the advice I think ought to be given in that Point That Ecclesiastical Traditions not contrary to the Faith ought to be observed after the same manner that we received them from our Ancestors And I am perswaded that the Custom of one Church is not to be aboushed because of a contrary one in use in another Church Would to God that we could fast every day Do we not read in the Acts of the Apostles that both S. Paul and they that were with him fasted in the days of Pentecost and even upon Sunday's Yet for all that they ought not to be accused for Manichees because they did it out of a Spiritual good before which a Carnal one is not to be preferred As to the Eucharist it is good to receive it daily provided there be no prickings of Conscience and no danger of receiving our own Condemnation Not that I would have Men fast on Sundays or in the Fifty days after Easter but I must still return to my Principle That every Countrey ought to follow its own Custom and look upon the Ordinances of their Ancestors as Apostolical Laws This Letter was written about the Year 406. Lucinius to whom this Letter is directed being dead S. Jerom comforts his Widow Theodora in the following Letter in which he citeth there the Books of S. Irenaeus with Commendation S. Jerom's Eight and twentieth Letter is a Funeral Oration in Commendation of a Roman Lady called Fabiola This Lady had a former very lewd Husband and having procured a Separation she was married to another but having acknowledged her fault she did publick Penance and was admitted to the Communion She built at Rome an Hospital for sick Persons whom she had assisted with wonderful Zeal and surprizing Charity S. Jerom commendeth chiefly those generous Actions and speaks of the Journey which she had undertaken to Bethlehem where she remained some time with him This Letter was written in 400 two years after the Funeral Discourse for Paulina and Four years after that for Nepotian as S. Jerom says in the beginning The Nine and twentieth is a Note to Theophilus wherein he excuseth himself that he had not yet translated into Latin that Bishop's Book concerning Easter because of the troubles of the Church that had disquieted him and Paula's Death which had overwhelmed him with Grief So that this Letter was written in the Year 404. In the Thirtieth S. Jerom comforteth a Spaniard one Abigaâ—s for the Ioss of his sight he commends his Piety and desires him to exhort Theodora Lucinius his Widow to continue her Journey to Jerusalem this shows that this Letter was written after Lucinius his Death about the Year 408 or 409. The Thirty first as likewise a Letter of comfort to another Blind man one Castrutius who was S. Jerom's Countrey-man He thanks him for beginning his Journey to come to see him but desires him to undertake the Journey next year The Year of this Letter is not known It is probable that it was written very near the same time with the foregoing In the Two and thirtieth having administred comfort to Julianus one of his Friends for the loss of two Daughters of his Wife and Estate and for the Discontents occasioned by his Son-in-Law he adviseth him to give himself to God and embrace a monastical Life This Letter is written from the Solitudes of Bethlehem about the Year 408. In the Thirty third he exhorteth Exuperantius to forsake the Wars and the World and to withdraw himself with his Brother Quintillian to Bethlehem The Thirty fourth is to his Aunt Castorina with whom he had had some difference he intreats her by this Letter to be reconciled to him this Letter was in all probability written during S. Jerom's first retreat and since he tells her that he had written to her the year before upon the same Subject this must be of the Year 373 or 374. The Five and thirtieth was written at the same time He prays Julian the Deacon to send him News of his own Countrey and gives him thanks for sending word that his Sister continued in the resolution not to Marry The Thirty sixth to Theodosius and the other Monks was written by S. Jerom after his quitting the Desart of Syria in 374. where those Monks dwelt He desires them to pray that God would call him back into the Desart The Thirty seventh to the Virgins dwelling upon Mount Hermon is written from the Desart of Syria about the Year 373. He complains that they had not answered the Letters that he had written to them The Eight and thirtieth is certainly not S. Jerom's and there is nothing in it worth Observation In the Thirty ninth he invites Rufinus Presbyter of Aquileia who was then in Egypt to come to him in his Solitude of Syria where he was alone with Evagrius only after the going away of Heliodorus and the Death of Innocent and Hylas This Letter is of 373 or 374. The Fortieth Forty first Forty second and Forty third are very near of the same time they are written to his old Friends at Aquileia The First to Niceas Deacon of that Town the Second to Chromatius Eusebius and Jovinus The Third to Chrysogonus a Monk of Aquileia and the last to another Monk called Anthony These are of no great Consequence The Forty fourth to Rusticus is more useful He exhorts that Man to do Penance urging several places of Scripture touching Repentance He invites him to visit the Holy places This Letter is not of the same Stile with the rest of this Father's Letters The Forty fifth Letter is a biting Satyr against Virgins and Women who dwelt with Clergy Men that were not of their Kindred The Six and fortieth is a Declamation against Sabinianus a Deacon whose Life had been disorderly both in his own Countrey and at Bethlehem These Three last are written from the Solitude of Bethlehem The year is uncertain The Seven and fortieth is an Historical Narrative of a Woman of Vercelle who having been falsly accused of Adultery and condemned to die tho' she constantly denied the Fact was tortured seven times but could not be put to Death The Stile of this Letter is florid and childish tho' S. Jerom writ it when he was well in years The Life of S. Paul the first Hermite is one of S. Jerom's first Works This man at Fifteen years of Age
for it and forasmuch as Sigwin Archbishop of Sens who was at the Head of them had been wounded in the Flight Abbo was accus'd of being the Author of this Sedition He made his Defence in this Epistle He wrote a Letter to Bernard Abbot of Beaulieu in the Diocess of Limoges to disswade him from giving a Sum of Money which the Count of Thoulouse and the Archbishop of Bourges would exact from him for the making him Bishop of Cahors That Abbot having resolv'd upon taking a Journey to Jerusalem was disswaded from it by Abbo who advis'd him rather to go to Rome whither he retir'd upon Mount Gargan and being afterwards intreated to return into the World to relieve his Relations he again consulted Abbo about what he ought to do in the Case who in a very elegant Letter return'd him this Answer That he ought not to think of quitting his Solitude to involve himself in the Affairs of this World As to the Question which Bernard propos'd Whether he ought to keep or leave his Abbey he return'd him this Answer That Circumstances would direct him what to do and recommends to him the using his utmost Discretion to examine in his own Conscience which of the two was the most honourable for him and most beneficial to others because on one side t is a great Duty to discharge the Functions of an Abbot when one can conduct Souls to God but that on the other side when there is no hopes of being able to do any good by reason of the Wickedness of those one has to govern 't is more convenient to retire to provide for ones own Salvation Sometime after Abbo went to Rome to obtain a Confirmation of the Priviledges of his Church He there met with Pope John XV. upon the Holy See who was not says Aimoin the Author of his Life such an one as he wish'd him or as he ought to be Having this Pope in detestation he return'd after he had offer'd up his Prayers in the Holy Places of God's Worship Upon his return from this Journey he wrote a Letter to the Abbot of Fulda publish'd by Monsieur Baluzius in the first Tome of his Collection of Miscellanies He was afterwards sent a second time by King Robert to Pope Gregory V. Successor to John who threatned to lay the Kingdom under an Interdiction upon the Account of Arnulphus Archbishop of Rheims He met this Pope at Spoleto was very kindly receiv'd by him and obtain'd of him a Priviledge for his Abbey by which the Bishop of Orleans was prohibited entring into that Monastery unless he were invited thither and the Monks were permitted to celebrate Divine Service in their Monastery always even tho' the whole Kingdom were laid under an Interdiction by the Pope He adjusted the Business of Arnulphus and having engag'd his word to the Pope that that Archbishop should be releas'd out of Prison and re-establish'd he was intrusted to carry the Pall to him Upon his return to France what he had promis'd was accordingly done and he gave the Pope notice of it About the end of his Life he re-establish'd the Monastery of Squires in Gascony which was call'd the Monastery of the Rule and in the Country Language la Reoule where he was kill'd in the year 1004. in an Insurrection which the Monks or Women of that Country rais'd against him Monsieur Balusius has publish'd a Circular Letter written by the Monks of Fleury upon his Death Besides the Apology and the Letters of Abbo which we have already mention'd the Author of his Life makes likewise mention of the following Tracts Of a Letter in Hexameter Verse in praise of the Emperoâ— Otho The Verses begin and end with the same Letter and may be read six manner of ways which make so many different Senses Of a Treatise directed to Odilo Abbot of Cluny about the Harmony of the Gospel and of another Tract concerning the Cycles of all the Years from the Birth of Jesus Christ down to his time which Sigibert says is a Commentary on the Treatise of Victorius They likewise atribute to him the Abstract of the Lives of the Popes taken out of the History of Anastasius the Librarian printed at Maâ—…ce in the year 1603. The Life of S. Edmond King of England and Martyr Father Mabillon has given us an Excellent Collection of Canons compos'd by Abbo and dedicated to the Kings Hugh and Robert in the second Tome of his Analects Abbo's stile is very pure and elegant and his Conceptions are accurate He was very well vers'd in the Rules of Discipline and Morality His Zeal for the Monastical Order and the Interest of the Monks created him a great many Enemies because as he says himself he had always in his Thoughts the protection of the Monks and had consulted their Interest upon all occasions and oppos'd all who annoy'd them AIMOIN Monk of Fleury THE Life of Abbo was written by Aimoin Monk of the same Monastery He was of Aquitaine the Son of Anentrude the Kinswoman of Gerald Lord of Anbeterre He embrac'd the Monastick Aimoin Monk of Fleury Life in the year 970. under Oilbolde Abbot of S. Benedict upon the Loire and flourish'd under his Successor Abbo whose intimate Friend he was He attended him in his Journey to Gascoigne and after his death return'd to his Monastery The principal Piece of this Aimoin is his History of France dedicated to Abbo It was printed at Paris by Badius Ascensius in the year 1514. under the Name of Aimonius Fifty years after Monsieur Pithou or Pithaeus caus'd it to be re-printed from a Manuscript under the true Name of Aimoin It was publish'd in the year 1567. at the Printing House of Vexel In the year 1603. James of Breuil Monk of S. Germain del Prez caus'd it to be printed and pretended that it was writ by Aimoin a Monk of S. Germain Ten years after Freherus inserted it in the Body of the History of France which he caus'd to be printed at Hanouer Lastly The Messieurs Duchesne inserted it in the Third Tome of their Collections printed in the year 1641. This History is divided into five Books But of Aimon's there are only the three first Books and one and forty Chapters of the Fourth which ends at the founding of the Monastery of Fleury The rest is compil'd by a Monk of very late standing Aimoin is likewise the Author of two Books of the Miracles of S. Benedict which are the second and third Books of these four which are in the Library of Fleury of the Life of S. Abbo mention'd before of a Sermon upon the Festival of S. Benedict and of several Verses upon the first founding of the Monastery of Fleury printed in the Third Tome of the Collection of Duchesne together with another Treatise in Verse concerning the Translation of the Relicks of S. Benedict He is not altogether so elegant as his Master Abbo But he wrote with great accuracy and his Narration is
Thapsus to ordain a Bishop about the Case of some Penitents in the City of Thapsus who having generously confessed Jesus Christ had at last yielded to the Violence of their Torments but had done Penance for it three years afterwards he answers them in the Two and fiftieth Letter that in his Opinion they ought by no means to refuse Pardon to such sort of Persons that their generous Confession ought to attone for the Infirmity of the Flesh and that since it had been judged expedient to grant Reconciliation at the Hour of Death to all those that had fallen we ought to shew greater Indulgence to those who had maintained the Combat a long time than to those who had yielded merely through Cowardise Nevertheless since this was a Question of great importance he promises to propose it to the Synod that was to meet about Easter About this time also he writ against Fortunatianus who had been Bishop of Assuri his Sixty third Letter directed to Epictetus who was Elected in his Place and to the People of that City This Fortunatianus had the unhappiness to fall into Idolatry and was upon that account divested of his Bishoprick After his Deprivation he laboured earnestly to re-possess himself of it and to perform his respective Functions as formerly St. Cyprian condemns these Proceedings in this Letter wherein he demonstrates how necessary a thing Sanctity is to make our Sacrifices acceptable and advises the People not to suffer him to exercise his Office but to separate from him in case he continued in his Design Towards the end of this Letter he exhorts the Penitents that were amongst them not to be impatient at the length of their Penance but to endeavour to satisfie God and to continue knocking at the Gate of the Church Which Passage evidently discovers that it was writ before the Decree of the Council of Carthage which granted Absolution to all Penitents This Council was held in the Year 253 about the time that the Emperors Gallus and Volusian dispatched Letters to all Parts to oblige the People to Sacrifice to Idols so that the Christians had reason enough to apprehend a general Persecution Now to encourage them the more to fight against the Enemies of their Faith the African Bishops thought it convenient to grant Reconciliation to those who were in a State of Penance since their Fall and having accordingly determined it in this Assembly they writ a Letter to Cornelius which is the 53d amongst those of St. Cyprian to acquaint him with their Decree and to advise him to do the like They represented to him that though they had resolved to prolong the Penance of Apostates and not to reconcile them till the Hour of Death yet since they were informed that the Church was going to be persecuted they judged it expedient to strengthen the Christians that so they might the better bear the Attacks of their Enemies and to animate them to the Combat by giving them the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ which would inspire them with Vigour to suffer Martyrdom couragiously That if there were any Bishops who thought themselves obliged to do otherwise it would certainly lye at their Doors to render an Account to God of so ill-timed a Severity that as for themselves they had only done what they owed to Charity as well as to their own Consciences by declaring that the time of Persecution drew near and not hiding that which God had revealed to his Servants A little after this Decree St. Cyprian writ an excellent Letter to the Thibaritans which is the 55th in Pamelius's Order wherein he exhorts them in a very vigorous and moving manner to suffer undauntedly for Jesus Christ. Some time after St. Cyprian being informed that Cornelius was sent into Banishment with many of the Faithful of Rome he writ immediately to him to congratulate him upon the account of his Constancy which he had so visibly shewn by being the first of his Church that confessed the Name of Jesus Christ He extols his Action and from thence takes oceasion to triumph over Novatian saying that the Confession of Cornelius had evidently discovered which of those two was the true Bishop and that the Constancy of those who had fallen away in Decius's Persecution sufficiently proved that there was good reason to reconcile them to the Church At last he exhorts Cornelius to pass Night and Day with all his People in Fasting Watching and continual Praying because the Day of Combat and Triumph was at hand It was perhaps at this time that is to say towards the end of the Reign of Gallus and Volusian that the Empire being invaded on all sides by the Barbarians and several Christians happening to be taken Captives by them in Numidia the Bishops of that Country contributed to redeem them and wrote to St. Cyprian desiring him to assist them in that Conjuncture St. Cyprian intimates to them in the 59th Letter that he was extremely afflicted at the Misfortune that had befall'n his Brethren that Christians being all Brothers one to another ought to be concerned at the Captivity of the Faithful who were carried away Prisoners as much as if it were their own Case That their Suffering ought to represent to them the Person of Jesus Christ who made himself a Captive to deliver us from the Captivity wherein we were inthraled That the extreme Peril of the Virgins who were consecrated to God and had reason to apprehend the loss of their Virginity was a convincing Motive to hasten their Delivery He tells them therefore that he returns them his Thanks because they were willing to let him have a Share in their Works of Charity and for giving him a fertile Field to cast his Seed in that so he might one day reap a plentiful Harvest out of it That all the Christians of his Church had readily and liberally contributed to raise a Sum of Money upon this Occasion That he had sent them this Sum which amounted to an Hundred thousand Sesterces that is to say the 7500 Livres to distribute it as they should think fit and together with it the Names of those who had contributed towards it that so they might remember them in their Prayers and Sacrifices Lucius who was Elected Bishop of Rome after the Death of Cornelius being now returned from his Exile where he had been sent immediately after his Election St. Cyprian writ the 57th Letter wherein he congratulates him at the same time both upon the Score of his Banishment and his Return as he had before writ a Letter to him to Compliment him for s His Election and glorious Confession The English Annalist says that this Letter was written before the Death of Gallâ—s and Volufian in 252 because St. Cyprian there speaks of the Persecution as not being quite over or at least as being still to be feared but this does not prove that Lucius returned before their Death but only that though these Emperors were dead there was
chaste That this is to do like the Pharisees who made every thing appear clean without while they were full of Impurities within That we ought to be Virgins both in Body and Spirit and that we must watch and labour incessantly lest Idleness and Negligence give an open entrance to other Sins After this Discourse all of them Sing their Prayers and several times repeat I preserve my self chaste for thee O my Divine Spouse and desire to walk before thee with a burning Lamp At last Gregoriam and Methodius Surnamed Eubulus who entertained themselves with the Discourses of these Virgins discuss this Question viz. Who were the most perfect Virgins either those that feel no Motions of Desire or those that feel them and though they are assaulted and tormented by them yet heroically resist and extinguish them Gregorium gave the preference to the first But Methodius shews her by the Example of Mariners Physicians and Wrestlers that those Virgins who preserve themselves chaste in the midst of those violent Agitations and Tempests that are excited by their Passions who have the Art to cure the various Diseases of Concupiscence and cannot only resist but also defeat the disorderly Motions of the Flesh deserve a great deal more than those that have no Appetites and Inclinations to struggle with This Dialogue is full of Allegories and Citations out of Scripture explained in a mystical Sence and the Doctrine contained in it is exceeding Orthodox He does not condemn or speak dishonourably of Marriage even when he is setting out Virginity to the greatest Advantages a Moderation seldom to be found in the Ancients Photius tells us That this Book has been corrupted by the Hereticks and that there are some Expressions in it which the Arians use And indeed he tells us in the Seventh Discourse That the Son who is above all Creatures made use of the Testimony of the Father who alone is greater than he But if by reason of this single Expression we must immediately cry out that this Dialogue has been abused by the Arians we must likewise say the same thing of the Gospel of St. John and there is no greater difficulty in giving a good Sence to this Expression in Methodius than in the Gospel and so much the rather since in the same place and indeed as often as he speaks of the WORD in this Dialogue he says That he was before all Ages And towards the end of the following Discourse which is the Eighth explaining these Words of the Psalmist Thou art my Son this day have I begotten thee We ought to observe cries he that he says Thou art my Son being willing to have it known that he had from all time the quality of the Son that he will never cease to have it and that he who was begotten was and ever will be the same As for what concerns the following Passage this day have I begotten thee it is to show that he who was before all Ages in Heaven was born in time for the good of the World A little after he takes occasion to speak of the Hereticks who have erred concerning the Trinity Some of them says he as Sabellius have erred concerning the Person of the Father who maintained that it was the Almighty that suffered Others concerning the Son as Artemas and some others that affirm he was only a Man in outward appearance Others concerning the Holy Ghost as the Ebionites who pretend that the Prophets spoke of themselves For I will not speak of Marchion Valentinus and Helcesaites These Words demonstrate that we may very well defend Methodius from the Imputation of any Errour concerning the Trinity I cannot spend any more time to observe that he taught the Opinion of the Millenaries in this Treatise or to give an exact relation of his Doctrine which may be learnt out of the Abridgment we have made of his Banquet of the Virgins The Treatise of the Resurrection was written against Origen's Opinion who believed that Men were not to be raised up again from the Dead in the Flesh. This Book also was composed in form of a Dialogue between Aglaophon who maintained Origen's Assertion and Proclus and Methodius or Eubulus who dispute against him St. Epiphanius has cited a large Fragment of it in his Account of the Heresie of Origen and Father Cambesis has added some other Fragments to it taken out of a Manuscript of Sermondus He first of all proves under the Person of Procius Thâ—t Man was created Immortal that Death was occasioned by his Sin of which it is the Punishment That Sin was caused by the Envy of the Devil and that the Devil himself who was created in Righteousness like to the other Angels fell through the Sin of Envy and an inordinate Passion he had for Women That our first Parents had a real Body and real Flesh before their Transgression That the Fig-leaves wherewith they covered themselves denote that after the Death of Man Sin shall be entirely rooted out of the Heart For though Mens Sins are blotted out by Baptism yet nevertheless there remains a Root still that shoots up young Branches in this Life So that all we can do to hinder these Branches from spreading is to root them up and prune them often with the Pruning-knife of the Word of God He tells us that Man is like a cast Statue which having been disfigured by some Accident the Workman that made it casts it anew before he erects it again That after the same manner God â—lmighty who made Man was willing that his Work which was disfigured by Sin should be destroy'd by Death that so he might re-establish him by the Resurrection That it is a folly to imagine a Resurrection of the Soul since the Soul does not die That Air Earth Heaven and the World shall not be destroy'd at the Day of Judgment but that they shall only be purged and renewed by the Fire of Heaven That Men shall not change their Nature at the Resurrection and that they shall not be transformed into Angels but that they still have Body and Flesh though immortal and incorruptible All this is extracted from the words of Proclus St. Epiphanius afterwards cites those of Methodius who continues to refute Origen's Errour about the Resurrection and who likewise endeavours to prove in the same place against the same Author That the Body cannot pass the Chains and Prison of the Soul That the Paradice where Adam lived was upon Earth That Man does not consist of the Soul alone as Plato believed but that the Body and Soul are the two parts of him That 't is Fabulous to say that Souls were thrown headlong down from Heaven in their Bodies or that they passed through Vertices of Elementary Fire and through the Waters of the Firmament before they came to the Earth And at last he makes several curious useful Remarks upon the Scriptural Notion of Flesh and of the Sin that dwells in our Bodies explaining at the
what wonder is it if they were received with little Contestation And yet Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims with the i The French Bishops made great Difficulty of acknowledging them Hincmar rejected them as having no Authority Nicholas the First in Epist. 42. to the Bishops of France endeavours to confute those that rejected them but since that time they have been received and inserted into a Collection of Canons though Learned Men always questioned the Truth of them However at present no body dares undertake to defend them the Imposture being so abominably gross that all People may discover the Cheat at first fight They may serve as a remarkable Example both of the Credulity of the preceding Ages and the intolerable Impudence of Impostors French Bishops even at that time made great difficulty of acknowledging them But a short time after they acquired some Authority being supported by the Court of Rome whose pretensions they mightily favoured After having thus represented the Reasons that prove in general that all the Decretal Epistles of the Popes before Syricius are Spurious I shall now descend to particulars and endeavour to show in few Words that every Epistle carries undeniable Signs of its being an Imposture along with it The First and that which seems to bear the greatest Authority is the Epistle of St. Clement to St. James the Brother of our Lord the First Part whereof was formerly Translated by Ruffinus Isidore has added a Second to it and they are both of them equally Supposititious The first because it supposes that St. Clement wrote that Letter after the Death of St. Peter whereas it is a Truth that has been constantly received that St. James to whom it is written died before St. Peter Secondly 'T is there said That St. Clement immediately succeeded St. Peter which is contrary to the Ancients that place St. Linus and Cletus or Anacletus between them two Thirdly the West is there ridiculously called the darkest part of the World Fourthly It is composed to justifie the Itinerary or Book of the Voyages of St. Peter which is Apocryphal The Second Part that was composed by Isidore is yet a more evident Cheat For 1. It was unknown in the time of Ruffinus and therefore has been invented since 2. It is full of Texts of Scripture that follow the Translation of St. Jerome And we likewise meet several Passages there Copied out of St. Cyril of Alexandria against Theodore of Mopsuestia out of the rule of St. Benedict out of the Exposition of the Creed by Venantius Fortunatus out of St. Gregory and Isidore of Sevil. In short it speaks of Arch-Priests and Primates and we find abundance of Words and Expressions in it that are unworthy of the time of St. Clement The Second Epistle of St. Clement directed to St. James has likewise all the same Marks of Forgery In the first place it makes mention of Sacraments of the Habits in which the Priests celebrate the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass of the Pall of Sacred Vessels of Chalices things that seem not to have been in use in the time of St. Clement Secondly It speaks of the Ostiarii or Door-keepers Arch-deacons and other Ecclesiastical Officers that were not then introduced into the Church Thirdly The Letter is writ in a barbarous Stile Fourthly The Author alledges the Authority of his Ancestors Fifthly It ordains several Practices of little or no Censequence to be observed under pain of Excommunication for Six Years Sixthly It supposes that St. Clement instructed St. James in the Actions of our Blessed Saviour and the Discipline of the Church Seventhly It alledges St. James his own words Work out your Salvation with fear and trembling under the Name of St. Peter's This Letter is full of divers Passages taken out of the Author of the Recognitions out of St. Cyril of Alexandria St. Prosper Laurentius Justinianus and St. Gregory the Great Lastly The Scriptures there cited follow St. Jerome's Translation The Inscription of the Third Letter of St. Clement alone is enough to discover the falsity of it It is directed To all Suffragan Bishops Priests Deacons and others of the Clergy To all Princes great and small and to all the Faithful Now in St. Clement's time there were no great or small Princes that were of the Church Secondly This Letter mentions Sub-Deacons an Order not then established in the Church Thirdly It is for the most part wholly composed of Passages drawn out of the Books of Recognitions We ought to reject the Fourth for the same Reasons The Fifth is directed to St. James in the Name of St. Clement Bishop of Rome and Successor of St. Peter Now St. James died before St. Peter from whence it necessarily follows that this Epistle cannot have been written by St. Clement 2. The Author of this Letter seems to approve the Doctrine of the Nicolaitans who taught that Women ought to be kept in common and the place where he maintains this Errour is borrowed out of the Book of Recognitions in which a Platonist is introduced disputing upon this occasion In short the Author of this Letter tells us he was present at the Death of Ananias and St. Clement was not as yet Converted when St. Peter inflicted that terrible Punishment upon Ananias We must add to all the foregoing Arguments this weighty Consideration that all these Letters are of a different Stile from that of the Epistle to the Corinthians which is undoubtedly St. Clement's There were indeed some other Letters formerly assigned to this Saint but they were different from those which we have examined here for St. Epiphanius who mentions them assures us that he there commends Virginity and speak very advantageously of the Prophets Now there is nothing that looks like this in the above mentioned Epistles that are chiefly stoln out of the Itinerary of St. Peter an Apocryphal Work forged by the Hereticks The first Epistles attributed to Pope Anacletus is visibly Spurious For 1. He calls himself in this Letter the Defender of St. Clement now according to St. Irenaeus Eusebius St. Jerome and some other ancients Anacletus â—…d St. Peter and not St. Clement 2. The Author of this Letter is pleased to say That he received several things from his Ancestors by way of Tradition and could this Expression possibly drop from a Man that lived in the time of the Apostles 3. He says That Appeals from Secular Judges ought to he determined before Bishops but this was not Customary in the time of the Apostles 4. He tells us That the Privileges and Laws of the Church ought to be confirmed none of which were written in Anacletus's time 5. He talks of Appeals from Ecclesiastical Judgments to the Holy See and mentions the different sorts of Ecclesiastical Causes But these Questions were never debated under Anacletus and when they came to be afterwards discussed the Authority of this Letter was never alledged 6. He speaks not only of Primates and Metropolitans but also of the
was subjoyn'd to the Versions of the other Works of Eusebius in the Editions which we have already mention'd To conclude The Books of Evangelical Preparation and Demonstration which deserve to be separated from the rest since they belong to different Subjects have been Printed in Greek at Paris in the Year 1628. in Two Volumes in Folio with a new Version of the Fifteen Books of the Preparation made by the Jesuit Vigerus and Donatus's Version of the Books of the Demonstration which Versions are plac'd over against the Greek Moreover in this Edition was added the Greek of Eusebius's Treatise against Hieroâ—les which had been already revised by Holstenius publish'd by Morellus in 1606 together with the Ancient Translation of Acciolus which had also been Printed apart at Cologne in 1532 with the Latin Works of Eusebius and in short the Five Books against Marcellus of Ancyra with the Translation of Richard Montague and some Notes of his added at the end which for the most part are in favour of Marcellus and against Eusebius The Book of the Holy Land has been publish'd in Greek as we have already observ'd by Bonfrerius the Jesuit and printed at Paris in 1631. In 1580 Curterius put forth some Fragments concerning the Lives of the Prophets which he has prefix'd to the Commentaries of Procopius upon Isaiah The Notes upon the Cantioles ascrib'd to Eusebius have also been publish'd in Greek without a Version by Meursius and printed with Polychronius and Psellus in the Year 1617. The Tracts publish'd in Latin by Sirmondus were also printed at Paris in Octavo in 1643. In fine The Letter to Carpianus and the Evangelical Canons of Eusebius are to be found at the beginning of some Editions of the New Testament and in Greek at the beginning of the Greek New Testament printed at the Louvre by Robert Stephen in the Year 1550. CONSTANTINE the first Christian Emperour THough it be a very rare thing to see the Name of an Emperour in a Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers yet this of Constantine is commonly to be found among them because of some Discourses Constantine the Emperour which he made and repeated if we will believe Eusebius and it may be also upon the account of the many Letters which he wrote and Edicts which he made in favour of the Christian Religion But before we say any thing of the Writings of this Emperour it will be necessary according to our usual Method to give a short Abridgment of his Life Constantine was the Son of the Emperour Constantius Chlorus who was the only Person of all those that shar'd the Empire in his time that did not Persecute the Christians a Who was the only Person of all those that shar'd the Empire in his time that did not Persecute the Christians The Dâ—naâ—istâ— in a Petition which they presented to Constantine say That he was the Son of a Just Father who did not Persecute the Christians Euseb. Hist. B. VIII Ch. 13 15. And Ch. 16. he relates That Constantius was very favourable to the Christians And Constantine himself in his Edict recited by Eusebius in his Books of the Life of that Emperour says That his Father was the only Emperour who was favourable to the Worship of the True God His Mother was call'd Helena a Woman of mean Birth who had not the Title of Empress while Constantius liv'd b Who had not the Title of Empress while Constantius liv'd Eusebius 〈◊〉 Jerom Cassiodorus and Orâ—sius make no scruple to give her the Title of Constantius's Concubine Eutropius altho' a Pagan sweetens this Expression by saying That Constantine was born of a Marriage that was but little known i. e. That tho' Helena was Married to Constantius yet she had not the Title of Empress and those Women that had not the honourable Name of Augustae were called the Concubines of the Emperors Helena had not this Dignity till after the Death of Constantius and then her Son gave it her as Eusebius observes She was of Drepane a City of Bithynia to which Constantine gave the Name of Helenopolis in honour of his Mother It is agreed on all hands That she was of mean Extraction and St. Ambrose says She was an Hostess and by this means Constantius first became acquainted with her Constantine in his youth gave early proof of what might be expected from him afterward His Conduct and Courage appear'd a little before his Father's Death For being detain'd as an Hostage by the Emperour Galerius and foreseeing plainly that he and his Associates had a design to kill him that they might Invade that part of the Empire which belong'd to his Father Constantius who could not live long he made his Escape out of the hands of the Tyrants took Post and went in great hast to find his Father in Britain He kill'd all the Horses which he found at the Post-houses on the Road which â—e past to hinder his Enemies from pursuing after him When he came into Britain he found his Father on his Death-Bed who chose him for his Successor After his Death he was Proclaim'd Emperour by the Souldiers on the Sixth day of August in the Year of Jesus Christ 306. He was no sooner Emperour but he gain'd the love of all his Subjects by visiting the Provinces under his Government to give them necessary Orders and by beating back the Barbarians who would have pass'd the Rhine to enter into his Territories but they were defeated and two of their Kings kill'd in the Year 312. After this he attack'd the Tyrant Maxentius who had laid Rome desolate by his Cruelties He march'd towards Italy with an Army of 40000 Men seiz'd upon all the Cities that oppos'd his Passage or constrain'd them to submit and defeated three several times the Troops of Maxentius In short The Tyrant coming to meet him with a great Army near Rome was entirely conquer'd and perish'd by the fall of a Bridge over which he was passing to save himself Eusebius says That Constantine assur'd him he saw then in the Heavens a Cross of Light with this Inscription By this Sign you shall over come your Enemies and that Jesus Christ appear'd to him when he was Sleeping and commanded him to make a Standard after the form of a Cross which he did in Obedience to this Revelation and after his Victory he plac'd his Standard among the Trophies in the midst of the City of Rome with this Inscription By this Salutary Sign which is the Mark of the true Power I have deliver'd your City from the Yoke of Tyranny and Establish'd your Senate and People in their ancient Splendor After he had regulated the Affairs of Rome Constantine came to Milan where he celebrated the Nuptials of his Sister with the Emperour Licinius In this City 't was that the two Emperours publish'd their First Edict in favour of the Christian Religion in which they granted Liberty of Conscience to all their Subjects and a little after at their
and before the death of Peter of Alexandria and before the Celebration of the Council of Constantinople that 's to say in the Year 381. There is one place in it where he seems to assert That Baptism given in the Name of one Person only of the Trinity is valid There are many Explications given of it which may be seen in the Note of the Benedictines upon this Passage The Treatise of the Incarnation is a Discourse which St. Ambrose spoke to refute the Objections which Two Arians Officers who belong'd to the Emperour Gratian had propos'd to him with much pride He engag'd to answer them the next day in his Sermon Paulinus informs us that these Two Officers having mounted up into their Chariot to come to this Sermon were thrown down headlong St. Ambrose who knew nothing of this Accident waited long enough for them and tho' they came not at all yet he did not fail to perform his promise But before he entred upon the Matter to give them yet longer time to come he begun his Discourse with the Explication of the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel Afterwards he applies to Hereticks the Curse which God pronounc'd against the Sacrifice of Cain and makes a Catalogue of the principal Heresies ending with the Apollinarians After this he proves against the Arians the Divinity of the Son and his Humanity against the Apollinarians and demonstrates against both the one and the other That there were in Jesus Christ Two perfect and compleat Natures the Divine Nature according to which he is equal to his Father and the Humane that is to say a real Body and an understanding Soul with the Properties of these Two Natures When St. Ambrose afterwards wrote down this Sermon he added the Answer to a Difficulty which the Arians propos'd to him after his Sermon viz. How it is possible that the Father who was not begotten should be of the same Nature with the Son who was begotten This is the Subject of this Treatise which he compos'd sometime before the Death of Gratian in 383 and after the Book of Faith which he wrote in 379 that 's to say about the Year 382. There is at the end of this Treatise a Passage of St. Ambrose about the Incarnation which is produced by Theodoret in his Second Dialogue as taken out of a Book Entituled An Explication of the Faith The Letters of St. Ambrose are plac'd in a new Order and divided into Two Classes The First contains those whose Time and Order could be found out The Second contains those whose Date is not certainly known The Letter of the Emperour Gratian to St. Ambrose is of a more ancient Date than the rest He wrote to this Holy Bishop after his Return from the East whither he had gone to assist his Uncle Valens He signifies to him how much he desired to have him near him and prays him to send him again that Book which he had given him before meaning the Two Books of the Faith and to add to them the Proofs of the Divinity of the Holy Spirit St. Ambrose in the Answer which he made to this Letter excuses himself for not coming to wait upon him when he return'd from the East and praises the Faith and Piety of this Emperour He promises Satisfaction to his Demands This Letter was written in 379 soon after the Return of Gratian. The Second is written to Constantius who was lately promoted to a Bishoprick He exhorts him to govern his Church well in the midst of Storms and Tempests He discourses to him very largely about the Instructions which he should give to his People He recommends to him the Church of Imola which was without a Bishop and prays him to visit it often till a Bishop were Ordain'd for it because as for himself he was so busy during the time of Lent that he could not go far from his own Church Lastly he admonishes him to take heed lest the Arians that came from Illyricum should spread their Error among the Faithful of his Country He adds that they ought to think of the Misery which had befaln them because of their Infidelity which discovers that the Arians were driven out of Illyricum by the Goths who entred into that Country after the Death of the Emperour Valens And therefore this Letter was written in the Lent of 379. The Two following Letters are address'd to Felix Bishop of Comum In the First St. Ambrose thanks him for the Mushrooms which he had sent him and complains that he had not yet come to see him In the Second he praises him and invites him to be present at the Dedication of the Church of St. Bassianus Bishop of Lodi If we may believe Ughellus the Author of Italia Sacra this Church was Consecrated in the Year 380 but that is very uncertain This Bassianus subscrib'd at the Council of Aquileia The 5th Letter to Siagrius Bishop of Verona concerns a Point of Discipline This Bishop had condemn'd a Virgin who was accus'd of having violated her Virginity to be examined by a Mid wife St. Ambrose nulls this Judgment in a Synod of Bishops Siagrius being offended with this Proceeding wrote to him that 't was to be fear'd the Inhabitants of Verona would complain of the Judgment which he had given St. Ambrose shows in this Letter that his Judgment was as Canonical as that of Siagrius was irregular He accuses this Bishop of being too hasty in giving this Judgment which was so disgraceful to a Virgin who had been consecrated by his Predecessor Zeno and who had always pass'd for a vertuous Maid This was so much the more unjust because there was neither Accuser nor Informer nor Witness against her She had been defam'd by none but a Club of Libertines unworthy of Credit whom she had driven away from her House And therefore this Judgment being against all Laws Ecclesiastical and Civil was void in form neither was it better as to the Matter because what it ordain'd was against good Manners against Modesty and Civility St. Ambrose represents to him that there are other ways to be assur'd of the good behaviour of a Virgin and that we must never proceed to these Extremities That oftentimes this way is not successful and leaves the Matter as uncertain as before That it was very dangerous to make the Reputation of a Virgin consecrated to God depend upon the Credit of a Woman who might easily be corrupted or deceiv'd That if these means might be us'd it was only to be us'd to Maid-servants who are more afraid of a Discovery than of Sinning but it ought never to be us'd for trying the Chastity of Virgins consecrated to God That in this particular Case 't was to no manner of purpose to use these Means because if it were true that this young Woman who was accuss'd had been with Child and put it to death after her being brought to Bed as was given out it had been impossible but this would have been
reason the Canon ordains That the Communion of the Church shall be refus'd her even at the point of Death The 11th Ordains That Baptism shall be delay'd for the space of Five Years to a Catechumeness who has married a Husband that had divorc'd his Wife without cause The 12th Canon denies Communion at death to Women who prostitute their Daughters The 13th subjects to the same Penalty the Virgins consecrated to God who spend their Life in Licentiousness but it grants Absolution at the Point of Death to those who do Penance for their Fault The 14th treats Virgins with much moderation who have lost their Virginity if they marry those who have abused them for it ordains That they should be restored to Ecclesiastical Communion at the end of One Year without being oblig'd to do Penance but then it imposes Five Years Penance if they have had to do with other Men. The 15th and 16th forbid the Faithful to bestow their Daughters in Marriage upon Pagans Jews or Hereticks how great soever the number of Virgins be among Christians and it Ordains That the Fathers who do it shall be separated from Communion for the space of Five Years The 17th denies Absolution even at the Point of Death to those who give their Daughters in Marriage to the Priests of False Gods The 18th forbids Bishops Priests and Deacons to leave their Churches to exercise Merchandise and go to Fairs but it allows them to Traffick in their own Province and to send their Children their Friends and their Servants to trade in Foreign Countries The 19th ordains That Communion shall be refused even at the Point of Death to Bishops Priests and Deacons who have committed Adultery The 20th declares That a Clergyman who is discovered to take Interest should be deposed and removed That the same Crime should be pardoned in a Layman if he promises to amend it but if he relapses he is to be cast out of the Church The 21st Canon is That if any Inhabitant in a City shall be absent from the Church for three Sundays together he shall be separated from Communion for some time to signify that he has been punished for his Fault The 22d declares That he who has abandoned the Church to go over to a Sect of Hereticks shall not be received back into the Church again till he has done Penance for Ten Years As for those who were Children when they were entred into an Heretical Sect and return to the Church the Canon Ordains That they shall be Received without any delay The 23d declares That the ordinary Fasts shall be observed except in the Months of July and August because of the weakness of some of the Faithful The 24th forbids those to be admitted to Sacred Orders who have been baptized out of their own Country because their Life is not known The 25th declares That Credit shall not be given to the Letters of a Confessor but only to Letters of Communion The 26th forbids Fasting on Saturdays The 27th forbids Bishops and Clergymen to have in their Houses strange Women The 28th forbids Bishops to receive Presents from those that are not in the Communion of the Church The 29th forbids to recite at the Altar the Names of those that are possess'd and does not permit them to make any Offering themselves in the Church The 30th Ordains That the Orders of Subdeacon shall not be given to those who have committed Adultery in their Youth lest they should rise to a higher Degree and that those who have been Ordained shall be degraded The 31st declares That those may be admitted to Communion who have committed Adultery after Baptism provided they have fulfilled their Canonical Penance The 32d declares That when any Persons fall sick they ought to be received into Ecclesiastical Communion by the Bishop but yet if the sickness be violent the Priest may grant them Communion and even the Deacon if the Bishop command him The 33d Canon prescribes Celibacy to Priests and Deacons The 34th Canon is very obscure It declares That Wax-Candles are not be lighted in the Coemiteries because we must not disturb the Spirits of the Saints Some understand by the Spirits of the Saints the Souls of the Dead I think that it is more natural to understand by it the Repose of the Spirits of the Faithful that are alive and may be troubled with a great multitude of Lights in the day-time The 35th redresses a dangerous Abuse it is set down in these Words We have thought fit to hinder Women from spending the Night in the Coemiteries because oftentimes under pretence of praying they commit in secret great Crimes The 36th has very much exercis'd Divines Thus it is expressed We would not have Pictures placed in Churches lest the Object of our Worship and Adoration should be painted upon the Walls Many Explications have been given of this Passage but to me it seems better to understand it in the plainest Sence and to confess that the Fathers of this Council did not approve the use of Images no more than that of Wax-Candles lighted in full day-light But these things are Matters of Discipline which may be used or not without doing any prejudice to the Faith of the Church The 37th Canon permits Baptism to be given at the Point of Death to those who are acted by an Evil Spirit and to Catechumens and does not deprive them of Communion if they be faithful Provided adds the Canon That they do not publickly light Lamps This Addition is very obscure and there is no great necessity of explaining it The 38th declares That a Christian who is neither Penitent nor Bigamist may baptize in a case of Necessity those who are on a Journey being at a great distance from a Church upon Condition that he present him to the Bishop if he survive to be perfected by Imposition of Hands The 39th ordains That Imposition of Hands shall not be deny'd to Pagans who desire it after they are fallen into some Disease provided they have led an honest Life This Canon must be understood of that Imposition of Hands by which Pagans were plac'd in the Rank of Catechumens which this Council calls making them Christians The 40th forbids Land-Lords to allow their Farmers or Receivers what they have given for Idols and if they do it it imposes upon them a Penance of Five Years The 41st declares That the Faithful must be admonished not to suffer Idols in their Houses The 42d ordains That those who give in their Names to be entred into the Church shall be baptiz'd two Years after if they lead a regular Life unless they are obliged to relieve them sooner upon the account of any dangerous Sickness or that it is judg'd convenient to grant them this Grace sooner because of the fervor of their Prayers The 43d forbids the Celebration of the Feast of Whitsunday before Easter The 44th allows a Woman to be received who has formerly led a lewd Life when she is
Letter of this Bishop against that Doctrine came in great fury to Theophilus with a design to kill him Theophilus to appease them made use of Jacob's words to Esau I see your faces as the face of God This perswading the silly Monks that his Mind was altered and that he really believed that God had a face they were quieted But they being perswaded that Origen was the greatest enemy of the Doctrine which they maintained said unto him If you be of this mind then condemn Origen ' s Books This was the Reason if we may believe the Historians of that time for which Theophilus was forced to declare against that Author and his Party at the time when Theophilus was fallen out with Isidore the Long-brethren and the other Monks of Nitria He accused them of Origenism and forced them to retire to Constantinople All this while John of Jerusalem continued in his Opinion and writ a Letter in favour of Ruffinus and of Origen to Pope Anastasius His enmity against S. Jerom lasted long as we learn by a Letter of Pope Innocent and he joined himself to Pelagius and caused him to be absolved in the Council of Diospolis as appears by the Letter which S. Augustin wrote to him He died in 416. Gennadius saith that he writ a Book against his Adversaries wherein he professed to admire the Wit but not the Doctrine of Origen That Discourse is lost There is attributed to this Author a Treatise dedicated to Caprasius of the Institution of Monkery but that visibly appears to be the work of a Latin Author who composed it of purpose to prove That the Order of the Carmelites which began in the time of the Old Law was very ancient in the Church and that many Christians were of this Order in the Primitive Church It is a heap of Fables Visions and Dreams concerning Elias and some other Prophets whom this Author feigneth to have been Monks of Mount Carmel But what is more surprizing is that upon occasion of this supposed Book there was a Carmelite that either had so little sence himself or rather believed that others were so dull as to attribute to the same Author several Books which are either without the Name of an Author or falsely ascribed to others which he hath had the confidence to collect and publish at Bruxells in Folio ann 1643 under the Name of John of Jerusalem's Works as if this pretended Author must necessarily be the Father of all these unknown Children But in one word Though this famous * Petrus Wastellus Carmelite who took the pains to collect them hath bestowed a whole Volume to shew that the Discourses contained in his First Volume were truly written by John of Jerusalem and hath endeavoured to justifie them from all sorts of Errors yet one may say that he hath done nothing less than what he promiseth in the Title and that he hath filled that long and tedious Treatise with idle Conjectures groundless Suppositions manifest Falshoods or with Matters no ways pertinent to his Subject So that this great Building failing at the foundation is quickly fallen into ruine and is become an object of Laughter to all persons that pretend to Learning THEOPHILUS of Alexandria THEOPHILUS was ordained Bishop in the Year 385 after the Death of Timotheus We have already observed that he was a politick and daring Man He took away the remains Theophilus of Alexandria of Idolatry in the City of Alexandria by causing the Temples and Idols that were left to be pulled down and by discovering to the People the Frauds and the Stratagems which the Idol-priests made use of to uphold their Superstition having hollow Statues wherein Men were hid who perswaded the People that the Statues spoke This generous Action got Theophilus much credit and reputation and gave him great power in Alexandria The Council of Capua having referred to him the judgment of Flavian's business he dealt very moderately with him but he showed much partiality in the Ordination of S. Chrysostom being desirous to have preferred Isidore to that See However they were friends in appearance for a while and they united together to procure the Reconciliation of the Eastern with the Western Bishops We have spoken before of his Carriage in the case of Origen and the Origenists of the policy of his Conduct and the passion which he shewed in the business of S. Chrysostom There is no likelihood that he ever repented of the injustice and violence which he exercised against S. John Chrysostom For though S. John Damascene saith that when he was near death he caused the Image of that Saint to be brought to him yet one cannot affirm it upon a testimony of that nature especially because S. Cyril his Successor in the Church of Alexandria persisted after his death to refuse to pay any honour to the Memory of this Saint and to insert his Name into the Diptychs It is more likely that what is related in the Lives of the Fathers in the Desert is true viz. That this Bishop being at the point of yielding up the Ghost and reflecting upon the long Penance of S. Arsenius cried out O how happy art thou Arsenius to have always had this hour before thine eyes Which sheweth saith an Author of that time that Monks who have quitted all the hopes of the World and of the Court to mourn in the Wilderness die more peaceably than the Archbishops that go out of their Dioceses to disturb the peace of the Church by caballing at Court against the most innocent and holiest of their brethren Yet S. Leo calls him Theophilus of happy Memory not that he had an opinion of his Sanctity but because dying in the Communion of the Church that Title of Honour could not be denied him He wrote saith Gennadius a large Treatise against Origen wherein he condemns both his Writings and his Person showing at the same time that he was not the first that condemned him but that he had been excommunicated by the Ancients and particularly by Heraclas He composed another Book against the Anthropomorphites who hold that God hath an humane shape and members like unto ours Wherein he refuteth their Opinions and convinceth them by testimonies of Holy Scripture proving that God is of an incorruptible and spiritual Nature whereas all Creatures are in their Natures corruptible and subject to change He likewise presented to Theodosius the Emperour a small Treatise concerning Easter where he fixes the Day and time of the Moon when it ought to be celebrated according to the decision of the Council of Nice adding some Observations touching the Solemnity of that Festival This Cycle began in the Year 380 and determined Easter Day for 100 Years consecutively as S. Leo assures us in the 94th and 95th Letters of the new Edition Gennadius saith further that he had read Three Books concerning Faith that bore Theophilus his Name but addeth that he did not believe them to be his because they
of the Province declaring farther that one Bishop alone cannot Ordain The Second prohibits the admitting of those into the Clergy that have been Soldiers after they were baptized The Third allows a Synod of the provincial Bishops to take Cognizance of all Causes relating to the Persons of Clerks and Bishops according to the Decree of the Nicene Council but he addeth Yet without prejudice to the Rights of the Roman Church to which great regard is to be had in all Causes And if they be Causae Majores devolved to the Holy See they are not to be brought hither nor judged before Judgment is given by the Bishops of the Province The Fourth forbids to admit into Orders a Person that has married a Widow or a Woman that is divorced from her Husband The Fifth extends this Prohibition even to those that have married such a Woman before Baptism He confirmeth the same Law in the Sixth with respect to those that have been twice married The Seventh forbids Bishops to ordain Clerks of the faithful of another Church except the Bishop of that Church permits it The Eighth ordaineth that the Novatians and Donatists be received by the sole Imposition of hands because that tho' they were baptized by Hereticks yet were they baptized in the Name of Jesus Christ. He addeth That if any Catholicks being entred into their Sect were baptized and are willing to return to the Bosom of the Chuch they must be put to a long Penance before they be admitted The Ninth is concerning the Celibacy of Priests and Deacons The Tenth forbids the Monks that were ordained Clerks to leave their way of living In the Eleventh the Officers of the Emperor and such as are in publick Employments are not to be admitted into Orders The Twelfth prohibits the admitting of those Virgins that being solemnly consecrated to God Married or were corrupted to Penance before the Death of the person with whom they have committed the Crime For saith he if a Woman who during the Life of her Husband marrieth another is an Adulteress and is not admitted to do Penance before the Death of one of them with how much more reason should the same rigour be observed towards her who being united to an immortal Husband went over to an humane Marriage The Thirteenth enjoyns a Penance of some time to the Virgins that Marry after promising Virginity tho' they had not solemnly been veiled by the Bishop Pope Innocent finishes his Letter saying that if these Canons were observed by the Bishops there would be no more Ambition among them Divisions would cease Schisms and Heresies would be stifled and the Devil would have no occasion to assault the Flock of Jesus Christ c. The Third Epistle of the same Nature with the two former is written in 405. to Exuperius Bishop of Tholouse In the First Canon of this Letter he confirms Siricius his Law concerning the Celibacy Priests and Deacons yet he forgiveth those who thro' Ignorance observed it not upon condition that they shall continue in that Order and not be admitted to an higher But he ordains that those should be degraded who violated it knowingly The Second Canon relates to Sinners who stay till the hour of Death to desire Penance Pope Innocent saith that they were dealt withal after two different manners That the ancient Discipline was more severe because Penance was granted them without allowing them the Communion but in his time it was administred to dying Men that they might not imitate the hardness of Novatian These last words with several others that are in the Text of that Canon manifest that by the word Communion is not to be understood the Administration of the Eucharist but Absolution The Third Canon exempts those from Penance that condemned any Persons to Death who put any to the Rack or were obliged by their Office to condemn the guilty to any Punishment because the civil Powers saith this Pope are established by God for the Punishment of Criminals The Fourth Canon gives a Reason why more Women do Penance for Adultery than Men. Pope Innocent saith That the Christian Religion punisheth this Sin equally both in Men and Women but Wives not being able to accuse their Husbands of this Crime the Bishop cannot pass Judgment upon secret Sins whereas Husbands do more freely accuse their Wives and discover them to the Priests The Fifth excuses those who by their Office are obliged to demand the Death of a Criminal or to condemn him The Sixth ordaineth that those should be put out of the Church both Men and Women that Marry again after a Divorce but this penalty is not to extend to their Kindred and Allies except they contributed to that forbidden Marriage The last Canon contains a Catalogue of the Sacred Books comprehending all the Books both of the Old and of the New Testament which we now own for Canonical He rejects the Acts published under the Names of S. Matthias S. James the Less S. Peter and S. John S. Andrew S. Thomas and such-like The Fourth Letter without Date is directed to Felix Bishop of Nuceria Having commended that Bishop for asking his advice about some Doubts he tells him in the First Canon That those are not to be admitted into Orders who voluntarily have dismembred themselves In the Second That it is forbidden to Ordain such as have been married twice or have married Widows In the Third That those must not be Ordained that have been Soldiers that have pleaded at the Bar or have born Offices at Court In the Fourth That those of the Laity are to be chosen who are Baptized of approved Morals who have spent their Time with Clerks or in Monasteries and who have kept no Concubines Lastly in the Sixth he commands the Observation of the Interstitia i. e. the Times between every Ordination upon any promotion from lesser to higher Orders that they Ordain no Man a Reader an Acolyth a Deacon or a Priest of a sudden that so having been long in the inferiour Degrees his Behaviour and Conduct may be tried In the Fifth Letter directed to Two Bishops of Abruzzo he bids them depose the Priests that were accused of having had Children since their Ordination if they be convicted of that crime He observes in the beginning that a Bishop ought not to be ignorant of the Canons The Sixth is to some Bishops of Apulia He enjoyns One Bishop to be deposed though he had done publick Penance He reproacheth them with allowing many things to be done in their Province contrary to the Canons which might easily have been corrected if Bishops themselves were not Authors of such Disorders The Seventh is directed to the Bishops of Macedonia about Two Bishops Bubalius and Taurianus who had caused the Judgment that was given against them to be re-viewed again and falsely boasted of having a Letter from P. Innocent written in their behalf In the Eighth he exhorteth Florentius Bishop of Tivoli to restore to his Brother Bishop a
deserved and ever since led a scandalous Life St. Augustin takes notice that he dealt not so with those that proffered to come into the Church If they be found guilty of any Crime they are not admitted but upon Condition tâ—at they submit themselves to the humiliation of Penance He shews how abominable this Custom of the Donatists was to perswade such as were to be chastised for their Disordets to come over to them and be Re baptized At last he tâ—lls Eusebius That if by this means he doth not obtain an Answer from Proculianus he will cause these Things to be notifi d to him formally by a publick Officer He speaks beside of a Donatist Priest who had been troublesome to one of the Church's Tenants and of a Woman of that Party that had affronted him The thirty sixth Letter to Casulanus concerning Saturday's Fast seems to have been written before St. Ambrose's Death of whom he speaketh as holding still the See of Milan whereby it appears that it belongs to the Year 396 or 397. There he refuteth the Writing of a certain Roman who had asserted That all Men were obliged to fast on Saturdays according to the Practice of the Church of Rome St. Augustin lay down this Rule That in those Things where the Scripture hath determined nothing certain the Customs received among Christians or settled by our Ancestors are to be instead of a Law and no Contests ought to be admitted about such Matters Afterwards he examineth the Writing which Casulanus sent him and shews that it is made up of false Suppositions and unconcluding Consequences Having answered this Writing he explains his own Notion saying That he finds indeed that Fasting is enjoyn'd in the Gospel and in the Writings of the Apostles but that neither Jesus Christ nor the Apostles ever appointed the days wherein we should fast nor the days in which we ought to forbear That he thinks it more convenient not to fast upon the Saturday and yet whether we fast or fast not we ought to maintain Peace and this Precept of the Apostle is to be observed Let not him that eateth condemn him that eateth not neither let him that eateth not condemn him that eateth That there is no great Inconvenience in observing the Saturday's Fast since the Church of Rome observes it as well as some other Churches But it would prove a great Scandal to fast upon Sundays especially since the Manichees affect to command their Disciples to fast upon that day That notwithstanding it were pardonable to fast upon Sunday for those who are able to carry Fasting so far as to be more than a week without eating that so they draw nearer to the Fast of Forty Days St. Augustin saith that some have done it and that he was inform'd That a certain Person had continued fasting full Forty Days This is hard to be believ'd yet St Augustin saith that he heard it from credible Persons Having refuted the Reasons of the Manichees who affirming That Sunday is to be kept as a Fast he saith that the Church observes fasting upon Wednesdays and Fridays because the Jews resolved upon Wednesday to put Christ to Death and Executed it upon Friday That on Saturday the Body of Jesus Christ having rested in the Grave gave occasion to some to forbear fasting on that day to mark thereby the resting of Christ's Flesh and that others fast upon it because of that Humiliation of our Saviour but that the former Celebrate that Fast once only on the Saturday before Easter to renew the Remembrance of the Disciple's Sorrow All these Notions having but little Solidity he concludes with an excellent Rule which St. Ambrose had taught him upon that Subject For having asked his Opinion concerning his Mother's Scruple who being at Milan doubted whether she ought to observe Saturday's Fast according to the Custom of her own Church or according to the Custom of the Church of Milan that observed no Fast on that day This Holy Bishop answer'd him Let her do as I do When I am here I do not fast upon Saturdays when I am at Rome I fast upon that day and so in what Church soever you are keep to its Customs if you mean to scandalize no body or to be scandalized at no body But because he was then in Africa and that among the Churches of the same Countrey and even among the Christians of the same Church some fasted upon Saturdays and others not St. Augustin saith That we must conform our selves to those that bear Rule over the People and so he adviseth him to whom he writeth not to resist his Bishop in that Case but to do as he did The Thirty seventh Letter to Simplicianus is a Preface to the Books that he Dedicated to that Bishop that were written in 397. In the Thirty eighth to Profuturus St. Augustin being sick recommends himself to his Prayers and desires to know what Bishop succeeded in the Primacy of Numidia after the death of Megalius Bishop of Calama who had been dead Twenty days In the Council of Carthage assembled in August 397. Crescentianus wrote that he was Primate of Numidia Thus the death of Megalius happening some time before serves to fix the date of this Letter There are two excellent Notions of Morality the one of Patience and the other against Anger The former is this Tho' I susfer yet I am well because I am as God would have me to be for when we will not what he wills 't is we that are in the fault and not he who can neither do nor permit any thing but what is just The latter is equally valuable It is incomparably better to shut the door of our Heart against just Anger when it offers to come in than to give it entrance being uncertain whether we can turn it out again when we find it growing from a Thredd to a Beam The Thâ—â—ty ninth Letter is a Note from St. Jerom who recommends Praesâ—â—ius and presents his Service to Alypius It is written in the Year 397. The Fortieth from St. Augustin to St. Jerom is about their Disagreement concerning St. Peter's Action St. Augustin also desires to know the Title of his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers and exhorts him to make a Collection of Origen's Errours and of those of other Hereticks The Forty first Letter written in Alypius and St. Augustin's Name to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage commending that Bishop for preferring the good of the Church before the Honour of the Episcopal Order by permitting contrary to Custom that Priests should Preach God's Word in his presence This Letter was written within few Years after St. Augustin was a Bishop The Forty second is a Note from St. Augustin to St. Paulinus never before Published intreating him to write to him and to send him his Book against the Gentiles It is of the latter end of the Year 397. The Forty third and forty fourth Letters to Glorius Eleusius give an Account of a Conference
suffered their Estates to be plundered by the Christians This Action much displeased Orestes Governour of the City who was already much troubled to see that the Bishop of Alexandria had an Authority which extreamly lessen'd the Governour 's This began to put all things in Confusion and rendred them professed Enemies They had each of them their Party and as the People of Alexandria are naturally very seditious this Division caused frequent Skirmishes in the City One Day as Orestes went in his Coach he was encompassed with Five hundred Monks who sallied out of the Monasteries to revenge the Quarrel of their Bishop they pursued him wounded him with the Blow of a Stone and had slain him if his Guards had not come to his Assistance and the People had not stopp'd their Fury Orestes caused one of these Monks to be apprehended named Ammonius and examined him upon the Rack with so great Severity that he died in the Torments S. Cyril honoured him as a Saint and publickly commended his Zeal and Constancy There was at that Time in Alexandria a famous Heathen Philosophess named Hypatia whose Faine was spread so far that they came from all parts to see her and consult her Now because Orestes went often to see her it was imagined that it was she that cherished him in the Aversion which he had toward the Bishop Some of the Seditious headed by a certain Reader * Named Petrus set upon her as she returned home dragged her through the Streets and cut her in a Thousand Pieces This Story is not only related by Socrates but is also attested by Damascius who in the Life of Isidore the Philosopher describes the tragical Death of this Illustrious Woman and accuseth S. Cyril to be the Author of it But we must not believe that Historian S. Cyril was no ways concerned in her Death They were some Seditious Persons who took the Opportunity of the Division between him and Orestes to commit this cruel and bloody Murther The Contest with Nestorius was that which made S. Cyril so very eminent This Bishop of Constantinople having delivered in his Sermons That we ought not to give the Virgin Mary the Name of Mother of God gave great Scandal in the Church some of his Homilies being brought into Aegypt and there causing great Disturbances among the Monks S. Cyril wrote a Letter to them in which he maintained That the Virgin Mary ought to be called the Mother of God Nestorius knowing that S. Cyril had written against him declared openly That he looked upon him as his Enemy and would not have Communion with him S. Cyril wrote a very courteous Letter to him yet without approbation of his Doctrine Nestorius also returned him a civil Answer but without retracting his Opinions They also wrote two other Letters to each other wherein they disputed of the Question in Controversy but without coming to an Agreement yet these Writings which passed pro and con between them exasperated their Spirits The Business was brought before S. Coelestine S. Cyril fortified with his own Authority proceeded against Nestorius and composed Twelve Anathema's against his Doctrine which became a fresh Subject of Contest The Eastern Bishops disapproved them Lastly the Quarrel grew so great that a General Council at Ephesus was forced to be called to quench the Flame S. Cyril presided in it and was much crossed in his Designs But this is not the place to write that History which shall be found at the End of this Tome We must here betake our selves to S. Cyril's Works They have been collected together and printed in Greek and Latin at Paris in 1538. in Six great Volumes in Folio by the Care of Johannes Aubertus Prebendary of †Laon. Laudunum President of the College of the same Name and Regius Professor The First contains Seventeen Books of the Adoration and the Worship of God in Spirit and a Theatm Truth Translated by Antonius Agellius a * One of the Order of the Theatins a Sect of Priests in great credit in Clem. viâ—'s time Theatin Priest of Naples who caused them to be printed at Lyons and Rome and his Books called Glaphyra or a curious and elegant Commentary upon the Five Books of Moses which are Translated by the Jesuit Schottus and printed by themselves at Antwerp 1618. The 17 Books of God's Worship in Spirit are composed in form of a Dialogue The design of this Work is to shew That all the Law of Moses as well-as-the Precepts and all the Ceremonies which it prescribes being understood aright relate to the adoration of God in Spirit and in Truth which the Gospel hath 〈◊〉 To prove this Proposition he seeks out all the Allegories in the Hiâ—â—oâ—ies of the Old Testament In the first Book he shews That that which happened to Adâ—â— Abraham and 〈◊〉 teaches Men how they fall into Sin and aâ—â—er what manner they may raise themselves agaiâ— The Pleasure which allures them is figured by the Woman by the delights of 〈◊〉 by earthly good Things The Grace of our Saviour by the calling of 〈◊〉 by the Proâ—ection which God vouchsafed Lot by the care which he takes of his People lastly Repentance light from Sin love of Vertue by the Actions of the ancient Parriarchs In the Second and Third he makes use of several places of the Law to shew That the Fall of Man could not be repaired but by the coming of Jesus Christ That he alone can deliver him from the lâ—…table Consequents of Sin which are Death the tyranny of the Devil an inclination to Evil and Concupiscence Lastly That he alone can redeem and justifie Man He finds Baptism and Redemption by Jesus Christ figured in many places of the Law and Prophets In the Fourth he uses the Exhortations Promises and Threatnings laid down in the Law to encline Christians whom Jesus Christ hath redeemed to follow their Callings renounce Vice and embrace Vertue In the Fifth he affirms That the Constancy and Courage of the Ancients in suffering Evils and opposing their Enemies is a figure of the Strength and Vigour with which Christians ought to nesist their Vices and irregular Passions In the Sixth he demonstrates That the Law commands the Worship and Love of one God only and that it hath condemned all Superstitions and Prophaneness contrary to that Worship In the Two following Books he also prescribes Charity towards our Brethren and Love towards our Neighbour In the Ninth and Tenth he finds infinite resemblances between the Tabernacle and the Church The Priesthood of the Old Law the Consecration of the High Priests the Sacerdotal Vestments the Ministry of the Levites c. furnish him with abundance of Matter for Allegories which he treats of in the Three following Books The Prophane and Unclean Persons under the Law who were shut out of the Tabernacle and Temple are the figure of Sinners which ought to be expelled out of Churches and do teach us That none but those that are
use only honest ways of getting Lastly He exhorts him not to believe lightly what shall be told him against his Clergy not to proceed against them with Passion but only by Canonical ways The Bishop cannot by Testament dispose of the Possessions of the Church nor of the Purchases made while he was Bishop B. 5. Ep. 1. The Revenues of the Church ought to be employ'd for the Assistance of the Poor without reserving any thing for the future by a dangerous Precaution B. 8. Ep. 20. In the extream necessity of the Poor the sacred Vessels and that which serves for Ministring in holy Things ought to be sold but all the ready Money must be first disburs'd B. 6. Ep. 13 35 66. The Rights or the Church must be maintain'd the Possessions which belong to it must be defended and recover'd but this must not be done with all the Rigor that 's possible 'T were even better to lose something and abandon a part of the Revenues of the Church then to be the Cause of Ruin to the Poor B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 23. when there is room for doubting whether the Goods belong to the Church or no 't is best to yield The Governors of Hospitals give an account of their Revenues to the Bishop B. 3. Ep. 24. It belongs to the Bishop to take care of these Revenues B. 3. Ep. 24. B. 8. Ep. 20. When he cannot do it by himself he must appoint a Steward for it B. 11. Ep. 57. Of the Patrimony of St. Peter IN the time of St. Gregory the Church of Rome had many Possessions in Lands not only in Italy and Sicily but also in France in Dalmatia in Illyricum c. These Possessions were call'd The Patrimony of St. Peter they were managed and administred by the Persons call'd Defensores i. e. Wardens who gave an account of them St. Gregory employ'd the Revenues of these Patrimonies in Works of Piety he desir'd that his Rights might not be exacted with Rigor nor any new Taxes imposed His Wardens had their Prerogatives and Jurisdictions In Gaul they inspected the Chappels and Abbies These things may be prov'd by many Letters See B. 1. Ep. 1 2 23 37 38 39 42 44 58. B. 2. Ep. 1. Ind. 10 17. Ind. 11. Ep. 17 33. B. 5. Ep. 5 6 10. B. 9. Ep. 65. In this last he speaks of the Right of inspecting Chappels and Abbies Of the Celibacy of Clergy-men ST Gregory took it ill that the Sub-deacons of Sicily were oblig'd to abstain from their Wives according to the Custom of the Church of Rome This Law appear'd to him harsh and unreasonable because they found not Continence establish'd by any Law for them and they were not oblig'd to keep it before they were Ordain'd he fear'd lest something worse should happen if this yoke were impos'd upon them He orders that none shall be Ordain'd for the future who do not promise to live in Continence He declares that those who have observ'd the Prohibitions made three years ago deserve to be commended but he would not have those Deposed who had broken them altho he forbids to promote them to Holy Orders He declares in Letter 34 of Book 3. That he will put in Execution the Order of the Pope his Predecessor about the Continence of the Sub-deacons and that those who are married shall be oblig'd to abstain from it or else to forsake the Service of the Altar He would not have the Wives punish'd of those who desir'd rather to quit the Service then renounce them nor the Women hindred from marrying again after their death He orders that for the future no Sub-deacon shall be made who is not oblig'd before hand to observe Celibacy He enjoyns the Bishop of Tarentum who had a Concubine voluntarily to resign the Bishoprick and to do a reasonable Penance if he had kept Company with her since he was a Bishop B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 4. He forbade Clergy-men very severely to keep strange Women in their Houses and also exhorted them not to keep those which are excepted by the Canons B. 1. Ep. 50. B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 39. B. 3. Ep. 26. B. 11. Ep. 42 43. He implores the Authority of the Prince against disorderly Clergy-men who kept Women in their Houses B. 9. Ep. 64. He forbids to Ordain a Deacon Bishop who had a very young Daughter by whose Age it manifestly appeared that he had not long observ'd Continence B. 8. Ep. 11. Against Simony ST Gregory forbids to take any thing for Ordinations for Marriages and for admission into a Religions House or for any Ecclesiastical Office B. 3. Ep. 24. B. 4. Ep. 44 55 56. B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 110. Or even for Burial B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 4. except what the Kinsmen or Heirs offer voluntarily for the Light B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 56. He forbids the Bishops of Sicily to take any thing above the usual Rate for the Confirmation of Infants pro confirmandis Infantibus B. 11. Ep. 22. nor for the Funeral B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 4. He was so afraid left it should be thought that he exacted any thing from the Suffragan Bishops that he would not suffer the Churches to send him the Annual Presents according to Custom B. 1. Ep. 64. Simony was very common in his time in the East and in Greece B. 5. Ep. 11. B. 4. Ep. 55. B. 9. Ep. 40. B. 11. Ep. 48. In Sicily B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 4 56. In Afric B. 10. Ep. 32. But chiefly in the Gauls B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 111 114 115. B. 9. Ep. 49 50 51. and the following Letters He wrote earnestly to Bishops and Kings that they would put a stop to this Disorder by forbidding it Ibid. Of the Submission due to Princes ST Gregory gives proof of his Submission to the Orders of the Emperor in Ep. 62. of Ind. 11. B. 2. Mauritius had directed to him a Law which contain'd three Articles By the first it was forbidden to receive those into the Clergy who were engaged in any Publick Administration St. Gregory found no fault with this Article But as to the second wherein they were forbidden to enter into a Monastery he finds it unreasonable because the Monastery may discharge the Debts of these Persons and make up their Accompts besides that it 's to be presum'd that one who desires sincerely to be converted will take order with his Affairs Neither does he approve the third Head which forbids those which had been design'd for the Militia to enter into a Monastery He makes his Remonstrance with a great deal of respect and declares to the Emperor that he did not suffer this Law to be publish'd and that herein he had done his duty as a Subject and as a Bishop as a Subject in obeying his Prince as a Bishop in making his most humble Remonstance Utrobique quod debui exolvi Imperatori obedientiam praebui pro Deo quod sensi minime tacui When Phocas invaded the Empire
to choose in other Churches such Practices as he shall think most pleasing to God that he may bring them into use in the Church of England Quest. 4. What should the Punishment be of him who robs the Church Answ. This ought to be regulated by the Quality of the Person who commits the Robbery viz. Whether he has whereupon to subsist or whether he did it thro necessity Some ought to be punished by pecuniary Mulcts by making them pay the Damage sustain'd and the Interest of it Others ought to be punish'd in their Bodies some ought to be punish'd more severely others more slightly But the Church must always use Charity in punishing and design nothing else but the Reformation of him whom it corrects It ought not to be too rigorous in its Chastisments nor to make advantage by the Robbery by exacting more then it has lost Quest. 5. Can two Brothers having the same Father and Mother marry two Sisters which are a-kin to them in a very remote degree Answ. They may since it is not forbidden in Scripture Quest. 6. To what Degree may the Faithful marry together May one marry his Step-mother or the Widow of his Brother Answ. A Roman Law viz. that of Arcadius and Honorius Cod. B. 5. T. 4. Leg. 19. permitted Marriages between Cousin-Germans But St. Gregory did not think these Marriages convenient for two Reasons 1. Because Experience shows that no Children are born of them 2. Because the Divine Law forbids them But 't is certain that those who are a-kin to the third or fourth Degree may marry together 'T is a great Crime for one to marry his Step-mother neither is it lawful to marry his Sister-in-law Quest. 7. Must those be parted who have made an unlawful Marriage Must they be depriv'd of the Communion Answ. Since there are many English who have contracted this kind of Marriages before their Conversion therefore when they are converted you must make them understand that this is not lawful and excite them by the fear of God's Judgment to refrain from it but you must upon this account interdict them Communion As to those who are already converted they must be admonish'd not to engage in any of this kind of Marriages and if they do they must be excluded from the Communion Quest. 8. When there are no neighbouring Bishops who can assemble together may one Bishop only Ordain another Answ. Austin being at first the only Bishop in England there was a great necessity that he alone should Ordain Bishops If any went over to him from Gaul he was to take them for Witnesses of his Ordination and when he had Ordain'd many Bishops in England he was to call three or four of them to be present at his Ordination Quest. 9. of Austin After what manner he should deal with the Bishops of the Gauls and of the ancient Britains Answ. of St. Gregory He must know that he has no Authority over the Bishops of the Gauls and the Bishop of Arles ought to enjoy the Priviledges which he had receiv'd from his Predecessors that he ought to confer with him if there be any Disorders to be reform'd that he may also excite him to do his Duty if he were negligent or inconstant but that he cannot challenge to himself any Authority among the Gauls As to the Bishops of Britany he speaks at another rate For St. Gregory gives him full Jurisdiction over them to teach the Ignorant confirm the Weak and correct the Disorderly * This was to give Austin what he had no power to grant like some of his Successors in that See who very liberally bestow'd the Kingdom of England and Ireland upon the King of Spain and therefore this pretended Jurisdiction of the Pope was vigorously oppos'd by the British Bishops and Monks in Austin's time who resus'd to receive any Romish Customs different from those of their own Church as appear'd by the famous Controversie between them about the time of keeping Easter and the right of imposing them has been sufficiently disprov'd by our Writers Vide Dr. Basire of the Exemption of the British Patriarchate There is also a Request of Austin wherein he desires the Reliques of St. Sixtus The Pope tells him that he had sent them unto him but he did not look upon them as certain This Article is not found in the Copies of Bede nor in many other Manuscripts and probably it is supposititious Quest. 10. contains many Heads Whether a Woman big with Child may be baptiz'd How long it must be after her lying in before she enter into the Church and have Carnal dealing with her Husband Whether it be lawful for a Woman quae tenetur menstrua consuetudine to enter into the Church Whether a married Man may enter into the Church after the use of marriage without washing The Answers to these Heads of Questions are as follow A Woman big with Child may be baptiz'd A woman that has newly layn in ought not to be deny'd Entrance into the Church A Woman who has newly layn in may be baptiz'd and her Infant at the very moment of its Birth if there be danger of death A Husband ought not to come near his Wife after her lying in until the Infant be wean'd and if by an abuse she do not suckle it her self he must wait till the time of her Purgation be over A Woman who has her ordinary Infirmities ought not to be forbidden to enter into the Church nor to receive the Communion but it were better for her to abstain A Man who has had Carnal Knowledge of his Wife must wash himself before he enter into the Church and Communicate Quest. 11. Whether it be lawful to receive the Communion the next day after natural Pollutions Answ. When these Pollutions proceed from the Infirmity of Nature there is no fear but when they proceed from eating or drinking too much they are not altogether innocent but this faultought not to hinder any from receiving the Communion nor from celebrating Mess when it is a Festival at which they must communicate or when there is no other Priest to celebrate But if there be other Priests he who is in this condition ought in humility to abstain from celebrating and especially if this Pollution was attended with unclean Imaginations Other Pollutions which proceed from the Thoughts which a Man had while he was waking are yet more Criminal because these Thoughts are the cause of them And in unchaste Thoughts we must distinguish three things the Desire the Pleasure and the Consent When there is only a Desire there is not as yet any Sin but when we take Pleasure in such Thoughts then the Sin begins and when we consent to them then the Sin is finish'd The Letter which is attributed to Felix of Messina is certainly a supposititious Piece The Title does not well agree with the Custom of that time Domino beatissimo honorabili Sancto Patri Gregorio Papae Felix vestrae
other Festivals the sick only shall be baptiz'd to whom Baptism ought never to be deny'd at any time whatsoever By the fifth Canon it is ordain'd That Children shall be baptiz'd whenever they are presented if they be sick or cannot suck the breast By the sixth All the Orders of Clergy-men who are oblig'd to Celibacy from Bishops down to Sub-deacons are forbidden to cohabit with their Wives or if they will dwell with them they are commanded to have with them one of their Brethren who can give testimony of their Continence The seventh forbids Clergy-men who have no Wives to keep any of the Female Sex to govern their House unless it be their Mother or their Sister The eighth forbids to admit any of those into the Clergy who have had Carnal dealing with a Woman after the death of their Wife The ninth declares That if any Person falling sick desires and receives the Benediction of Penance which is call'd the Viaticum and is given at the receiving of the Communion and afterwards being in health will not submit to publick Penance That such a Person may be admitted into the Clergy if he be not convicted of a Crime In the tenth it is ordain'd That the Bishop shall recite every day the Lord's Prayer after Mattins and Vespers The Council of Epaone The Counicl of Epaone THis Council was assembled at Epaone by the Letter of Avitus Bishop of Vienna under the Reign of Sigismund King of the Burgundians on the 15th of September in the Year 517. Avitus Bishop of Vienna Viventiolus Archbishop of Lyons together with 23 Bishops were present at it And in it there were made 40 Canons The first contains That the Bishops who are requir'd by their Metropolitan to come to the Ordination of a Bishop shall not fail to be present at it The second and third renew the Canons against the Ordination of Bigamists and those who have done Penance The fourth forbids Ecclesiasticks Priests and Deacons to keep Dogs and Birds for Hunting and Hawking The fifth forbids the Priests of one Diocese to serve a Church of another Diocese without the leave of their Bishop The sixth forbids to give the Communion to a Priest or Deacon who travels without a Letter from his Bishop The seventh declares all sale of the Churches Possessions which is made by Priests to be null and void The eighth ordains the same thing with respect to Abbots and does not allow them so much as to enfranchize Slaves The ninth forbids an Abbot to have two Monasteries under his Government The tenth forbids the New-establishments of Monasteries or little Congregations without the leave of the Bishop The eleventh forbids Clergy-men-to cite any before Lay-Judges without the leave of the Bishop but allows them to defend themselves if they be cited before them The twelfth declares That it is not lawful for the Bishop to sell the Possessions of his Church without the Knowledge of his Metropolitan and permits him only to make profitable Exchanges The thirteenth declares That if a Clergy-man is convicted of a false Testimony he shall be look'd upon as guilty of a capital Crime The fourteenth ordains That if the Clergy-man of one Church is made Bishop of another he ought to leave to the former Church all that he had receiv'd by way of gift and not retain any thing but whâ—â— he purchas'd for his own use The fifteenth separates from the Communion those Clergy-men that shall eat with a Heretical Clergy-men and forbids Lay-men even to be present at the Festivals of the Jews The sixteenth permits Priests to relieve Hereticks that are sick who are willing to be converted by applying to them Chrysm but if they be in health the Bishop must perform this Office The seventeenth declares all the Legacies which the Bishop makes of the Churches Possessions to be null and void unless the Church has receiv'd as much profit by his own Possessions The eighteenth That Clergy-men cannot acquire Prescription in the Revenues of the Church which they possess The nineteenth If an Abbot is accused of Fraud or Negligence and refuses to stand to the Judgment of the Bishop he shall be call'd to an account before the Metropolitan The twentieth forbids Clergy-men to visit Women in the Afternoon yet if there be a necessity of visiting them they may go in company with other Clergy-men The one and twentieth forbids to consecrate Widows for Deaconesses insomuch that if Widows are willing to be converted i. e. to lead a Religious Life the Benediction of Penance shall only be given to them The two and twentieth declares That the Priest or Deacon who commits a capital Crime shall be Depos'd and shut up in a Monastery all the rest of his Life and that he shall not be admitted to the Communion but in this place only The three and twentieth That he who having received the Penance forsakes it to lead a Secular Life cannot enjoy the Communion until he return to that state of Life which he had embrac'd The four and twentieth permits Lay-men to accuse Clergy-men provided they propose nothing against them but what is true The five and twentieth sorbids to place the Reliques of Saints in Country Chappels unless there be Clergy in the Neighbouring Parish who can honour them by singing in these Chappels from time to time and forbids also to ordain Clergy-men on purpose sor these Chappels unless there be sufficient Provision made for them The six and twentieth ordains That only Altars of Stone shall be consecrated with Chrysm The seven and twentieth That Bishops in the Celebration of Divine Service shall follow the order of the Metropolitan Church The first Council of Lyons The eight and twentieth That if a Bishop die before he has absolv'd a Person condemned his Successor may give him Absolution if he amend his Fault and do Penance The nine and twentieth Canon imports That the lapsed i. e. those who after being baptiz'd in the Church go over to the Sects of Hereticks and formerly were not restor'd without much difficulty shall immediately be receiv'd after a Penance of two years provided that they shall fast three days in a year that they shall frequently come to Church and that they shall be there among the Penitents and withdraw with the Catechumens The thirtieth ordains That those who have contracted Incestuous Marriages shall not be admitted to Penance unless they be parted The following Degrees are these within which Incest is committed according to this Council If any Man marry the Wife of his Brother the Sister of his Wife his Step-mother the Sister of his Uncle on the Father or Mother's side his Daughter-in-law or his Cousin-German and the Issue of a Cousin-German The one and thirtieth renews the Canon of the Council of Ancyra about the Pâ—nance of Manâ— slayers who can avoid the Punishment enacted by the Civil Laws The two and thirtieth separates from the Church the Wife of a Priest or Deacon who marries and him that
That those who will noâ— retâ—e from the Church for some Fault according to the Order of their Bishop shall continue the longer under â—enâ—nce The eleventh enjoyns the Bishop to punish those Clergy-men who fight with any Man according to the quality of the Person offended The twelfth meddles not with the Ordinations which are already made against the Canons but only forbids to promote those who are thus ordain'd to higher Orders And declares for the future That they shall be Depos'd and that those who ordain them shall not any more be permitted to make an Ordination The thirteenth rejects the Oblations of Catholicks who give their Children to be baptiz'd by Hereticks The fourteenth forbids the Faithful to eat with those Persons who cause themselves to be re-baptiz'd by Hereticks The fifteenth renews the ancient Canons against Clergy men who hold familiarity with strange Women and adds That those who shall violate them shall be depriv'd of the Ministerial Function The Council of Valentia in Spain after one or two Admonitions The last Canon is for hindering the mis-employment of the Bishops Possessions and Effects after his death The Council of Valentia in Spain THis Council was held at Valentia in Spain in the same year with the preceding on the third of November It consisted of nine Prelates and made six Canons The first ordains That before the Oblations are brought and the Catechumens dismiss'd the Gospel shall be read after the Lessons of the Apostle that the Catechumens and Penitents may understand the wholsome Precepts of Jesus Christ. The second and third renew the Canons formerly made for preserving the Possessions left by the Bishop The fourth exhorts the Bishops to come quickly to the assistance of their sick Brethren that they may prepare them for death and be present at their Funerals It adds That if a Bishop happen to die suddenly when another Bishop is not present at his death his Body shall be buried and kept till such time as another Bishop can come to celebrate his Funerals according to Custom The fifth ordains the Punishment of Vagabond Clergy-men who disobey their Bishop and forsake the Ministry of the Church to which they were fix'd The sixth forbids to ordain the Clergy-man of another Bishop or to Ordain any Person who does not promise to continue in the Diocese The fourth Council of Arles ST Caesarius of Arles having assembled twelve Bishops and four Priests deputed from four other Bishops at this City to celebrate there the Dedication of the Church of St. Mary in the Month of June in the Year 524 they made four Canons The fourth Council of Arles The first orders That none shall be ordain'd Deacon before the Age of five and twenty nor Bishop or Priest before thirty and that he who is ordain'd should for some time after quit a Secular Life The second That none shall be ordain'd Bishop of a Lay-man unless he has liv'd for a year an Ecclesiastical Life The third renews again the Prohibition so often repeated not to ordain a Penitent or a Bigamist The fourth is against the Clergy who forsake their own Diocese and against those who receive them The Council of the Bishops of Afric held at Carthage under Boniface Bishop of that City in the Year 525. PEace being restor'd to the Church of Afric by the death of Thrasimund and the Clemency of his Successor Hildericus the Bishop of Carthage Primate of Afric having resum'd his ancient The Council of the Bishops of Afric Rights call'd together a Synod out of all the Provinces of Afric on the fifth of February in the year 525. After the Letters for calling them together were read in the Council which were address'd to Missor Primate of Numidia to the Bishops of the Proconsular and Tripolitan Province and the Answer of Missor was read and the Deputies of the Provinces were known the Order of the Provinces was settled according to the ancient Councils of Afric The Proconsular was found to be the first 〈…〉 the Province of 〈◊〉 These Preliminaries being 〈…〉 and the Canons of the ancient Councils of Afric were read which were judg'd most necessary for restoring Discipline The 〈…〉 finding no further matter to treat of which concern'd the Good of the Churches in general the Petition of the Abbot Peter and his Monks was read who complain'd that Liberatus Primate of the Province of Byracena had unjustly Excommunicated them in Synods tho they had done nothing contrary to the Faith or good Manners The Council resented it highly that the Primate of Numidia should treat them so harshly After this they desir'd to be under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Carthage and represented that they had never been subject to the Jurisdiction of the Bishops in their Neighbourhood and that they never address'd to the Bishops of their Province to have a Priest but in necessity and when they waited till the See of Carthage should be fill'd with a Bishop Afterward the Letter of Liberatus and the Council of Ionce was read who exhorted the Council to maintain Order and Discipline about those things which the Bishops Poâ—tianus and Restitutus remonstrated to them These Bishops had proposed four things The first concern'd the People of three Burroughs of their Provinces The second was against a Bishop of 〈◊〉 Tripolitan Province whom they pretended to have usurp'd Jurisdiction over a People that did not belong to him The third was about the Title of the Letters which were written to the Primate and the Bishops of the Province and the last about the Affair of Peter Wheâ—eâ—s â—â—niface had already answer'd their Letter of the sixteenth of December in the preceding year the Answer was read which he had sent by these two Bishops which â—ays That it was difficult to grant them what they desir'd because nothing can be chang'd which had been determin'd in the Councils of Afric and for the establishing of his Primacy over all the Churches of Afric he declares to them That as it belong'd to him according to Custom to publish the day of the Feast of Easter to all the Churches of Afric they shall be advertis'd that the next year this Feast is no be celebrated on the seventh of April The Council consulted of these four Matters As to the first and second they were left to be determin'd according to the Canons of Councils when fuller Information should be given of the Matters of Fact As to the third it was said That there was sufficient Satisfaction given by the Letter of Boniface So that the fourth was the only thing that was determin'd here The Abbot Peter and his Monks presented a new Libel to show that they ought not to be subject to the Bishops of the Province of Byracena To this end they say That their Monastery was never subject to any of these Bishops which consists of Monks out of all the Provinces of Afric and even from distant Countries That the Monastery had been founded by
was necessary that he had the best Testimony of the three whom the People chose that Probianus Bishop of Dâ—metrias and all the Bishops of the Province had commended and approved this Choice that his Clergy and Church had testified themselves to be well-satisfied with his Government that notwithstanding this the same Probianus Bishop of Demetrias for what Reasons he cannot tell together with Anthony the Steward of his Church and some other Bishops who had sign'd the Instrument of his Ordination thought fit to go to Constantinople there to wait upon the Patriarch Epiphanius whom they had perswaded that his Ordination was contrary to the Canons That Epiphanius without hearing him and without any proof of what was alledg'd against him had by his Letters suspended him from his Sacerdotal Function and forbidden the Bishops and Clergy of Thessaly to communicate with him that these Orders were address'd to the Governor Andrew who had read and executed them in his absence that he came also to Thessalonica where he was to signifie them to him that he had desir'd to be referr'd to the Judgment of the Holy Apostolick See but without any regard to this desire he had been carried by force to Constantinople where he should have been made Prisoner if he had not found some Persons to be his Suâ—eties that Epiphanius having assembled a Synod of Bishops who were at Constantinople had oblig'd him to appear there that he had again desir'd to be remitted to the Judgment of the Holy See according to the Custom of his Province that he had remonstrated That it was unjust to violate the Authority which Jesus Christ and the Canons had given to the Holy See and which Custom had authoriz'd but that these Remonstrances had only irritated Epiphanius who endeavour'd by this means to establish his Jurisdiction over Thessaly that he had continued the Process against him and Condemn'd him tho there was no proof against him that he had desir'd that this Sentence might not be executed until he had acquainted the Holy See with it but this Remonstrance was very ill receiv'd that his Sentence had been read to him and after that the Wardens of the Church were appointed for a Guard to him but some Persons being Sureties for him they were bound to pay a great Sum of Money if he should go out of Constantinople that he had fled away and was come to implore the aid of the Holy See These two Libels were read in the first Session Abondantius Bishop of Demetrias complain'd that this Probianus the Accuser of Stephen had usurp'd his Church In the second Session December the ninth Theodosius Bishop of Echinus in Thessaly presented a Libel sign'd by three other Bishops of the same Province who desir'd Justice of the Pope as to the Affair of Stephen their Metropolitan After it was read he remonstrated That although the Holy Apostolick See had the Primacy over all Churches and Appeals might be made from all Parts to its Jurisdiction yet he had a particular Jurisdiction over Illyria which he proved by reading the Letters address'd by the Popes to the Bishop of Thessalonica There were recited two of Damasus to Ascolius one of Syricius to Anysius and another to Rufus three Letters of Boniface the first to Rufus two others from the same to the Bishops of Thessaly a Law of Theodosius which ordains That the Bishops of Illyria shall be govern'd according to the ancient Discipline a Letter of Celestine to the Bishops of Illyria four Letters of Sixtus and many Letters of St. Leo. This is all that remains of the Acts of this Council and there is no Decision given in this Affair The second Council of Toledo The second Council of Toledo THe Bishop of Toledo and seven others held this Council in the Year 531 and made there five Canons The first concerns Infants which the Parents offer to be Clergy-men It ordains that after they shall have cut off their Hair or shall be plac'd among those who are to be chosen they shall be educated in the Church-House in the sight of the Bishop and under the Conduct of a Tutor That after they have arrived at the Age of eighteen they shall be asked in the presence of the Clergy and People what is their design and if they promise to observe Chastity they shall be made Sub deacons at the Age of twenty That if they discharge this Ministry well they shall be promoted to the Office of Deacon at five and twenty but that good heed shall be taken that they do not marry or that they keep not company with Women and that if they be convicted of doing it they shall be look'd upon as Sacrilegious Persons and turn'd out of the Church That as to those who will not oblige themselves to observe Celibacity they shall be left to their liberty but that they shall not be promoted to Holy Orders until such time as they renounce the use of Marriage after they are arriv'd at the Age of Maturity The second forbids Bishops to receive or keep Clergy-men who forsake their own Church to go elsewhere The third renews the Prohibitions so often made as to Clergy-men who keep Women in their Houses other then their near Kinswomen The fourth is That those who build Cottages or plant Vineyards upon the Church-Lands shall enjoy them during their Life but that they cannot dispose of them nor leave them after their death to any Person unless they be given with a Charge to pay some Services or certain Rents to the Church The fifth forbids Marriages among Kinsfolk within the prohibited Degrees The Bishops of this Council concluded with threatning Excommunication to that Bishop who shall violate these Canons with obliging them to come to a Synod when they shall be summon'd by the Bishop of Toledo with thanking King Amalaricus for the leave he had given them to meet together and with praying God that he may reign for many years After this Council there follow'd a Letter from Montanus to the Christians of the Territory of Palenza against the Priests who thought fit to consecrate the Chrysm wherein after he has propos'd to them the Examples of Corab Dathan and Abiram of Uzziah and Aza who were punish'd for attempting to perform those Offices which did not belong to them he declares That since the Canons oblige the Priests of Parishes to fetch every year a Chrysm or to send the Church-warden to receive it of the Bishop they cannot have the power to Consecrate it themselves He threatens them therefore with an Anathema if they undertake for the future to Consecrate it He forbids them also to call in forreign Bishops to Consecrate the Churches in their Province and observes That tho all the Churches are united in Jesus Christ by one and the same Bond yet they must preserve the Priviledges of the Provinces and the Order of the Church and therefore when there is any Church to be Consecrated they ought to acquaint him
are sign'd by the Bishop the seven Abbots the four and thirty Priests and three Deacons In the first It is forbidden to play at Pagan Sports with the * The words of the Canon are Vaccula aut Cervulo facere vel strenas diabolicas observare Hart or Heifer or to give New-years-gifts after the manner of Pagans on the first day of January In the second Priests are enjoyn'd to send Clergy to the Episcopal City to know when Lent begins and to give notice to the People of the day of Epiphany By the third It is forbidden to cause Divine Service to be said in private Houses and to perform Vows by Trees or Fountains and to suffer any Statues or Figures of Men. By the fourth It is forbidden to use Inchantments and any ways of foretelling things to come The fifth forbids the Debauchery of the Vigils of St. Martin The sixth ordains the Priests to go fetch holy Chrysm about the middle of Lent and if he be hindred by sickness to send thither another Person and to carry it in a Vessel appointed for that use cover'd with a Linen Cloth with the same respect that is given to Reliques The seventh orders That the Priests shall meet at the City to hold there the Synod in the Month of May and the Abbots on the first of November The eighth forbids to offer in the Calice any thing but Wine mingled with Water The ninth forbids to make Quires of Singing-women in the Church and to make Feasts there The tenth declares That it is not lawful to say two Masses upon the same Altar in the same day The eleventh That it is not lawful to end the Fast of the Vigils of Easter before two hours within night because it is not lawful to drink or eat on that day after midnight The same Rule is to be observ'd as to the Vigils of Christmas and other great Festivals By the twelfth It is forbidden to give the Eucharist or the Kiss of Peace to the Dead and to wrap up their Bodies in Altar-cloths or Veils The thirteenth forbids the Deacons to cover their shoulders with the Veil or Altar-cloth The fourteenth forbids to Inter any in the Fonts The fifteenth to Inter one dead Body upon another The sixteenth to yoke Oxen or to do any other such works on Sunday The seventeenth forbids to receive the Offerings of those who have procur'd their own death howsoever they have done it The eighteenth forbids to Baptize even Children except at Easter unless in a case of urgent Necessity The nineteenth forbids Priests and Deacons to say to serve or assist at Mass after they have eaten The twentieth ordains That Priests Deacons or Sub-deacons who shall have Children or commit Adultery shall be depos'd The one and twentieth forbids them to lye in the same Bed with their Wives The two and twentieth forbids their Widows to marry again The three and twentieth condemns a Monk who hath committed Adultery or any other Crime to be shut up in another Monastery if his Abbot has not punish'd him The four and twentieth declares That it is not lawful for an Abbot or a Monk to marry The five and twentieth forbids them to be Godfathers The six and twentieth condemns an Abbot who suffers Women to enter into his Monastery to be three Months shut up in another and to live there upon Bread and Water The first Council of Mascon in 581. The following Constitutions forbid Marriages with Step-mothers Daughters-in-law Sisters-in-law Cousin Germans Aunts and other Women The three and four and thirtieth forbid Priests and Deacons to be present at the place where any are put to the Torture or to assist in a Judgment of Life and Death The five and thirtieth forbids them to cite another Clergy-man before a Secular Judge The six and seven and thirtieth forbid Women to receive the Eucharist with the naked hand or to touch the Linen-Cloth which covers the Body of our Lord. The eight and nine and thirtieth forbids to communicate or to eat with an excommunicate Person The fortieth forbids Priests to sing or dance at Festivals The one and fortieth forbids Clergy-men to prosecute any Person at Law and orders them to ease themselves from this care by employing Secular Persons The two and fortieth orders Women to have the Dominical for receiving the Communion Some have thought that this is the Linen upon which they receive the Body of Jesus Christ being forbidden to receive it with their naked hand as was declar'd in Constitution 36. Others think that it is a kind of Veil which covers their head Whatsoever this be the Synod declares That if they have it not they shall wait till another Sunday to receive the Communion The three and fortieth excommunicates for ae year the Judges or other Secular Persons who shall throw any Reproach upon a Clergy-man The four and fortieth ordains That the Seculars who would not receive the Admonitions of their Arch-Priests shall be excommunicated until they yield to the Advice which shall be given them and pay the Fine which the Prince shall order The five and fortieth is against those who shall not observe these Canons The first Council of Mascon in the Year 581. I Say nothing here of some Councils of France held about private Affairs which made no Canons whose History may be seen in Gregory of Tours because I would not insist upon any but those whereof some Monuments are still remaining Those of Mascon are of this number whereof the first was held in the Month of November in the Year 581. The Archbishops of Lyons of Vienna of Seâ—s and Bourges were present there with seventeen other Bishops of France They made nineteen Canons The first renews the Prohibition so often made to Clergy-men of keeping strange Women in their Houses The second forbids Clergy-men and Seculars to have familiarity with Nuns and to enter into or dwell in the House with them unless there be an evident necessity The third declares That no Women ought to enter into the Chamber of a Bishop but in the presence of two Priests or two Deacons The fourth is against those who detain the Goods given to the Church by the last Will. The fifth forbids Clergy-men to habit themselves like Seculars The sixth declares That the Archbishops shall not say Mass without the Pallium The seventh That the Judge cannot put a Clergy-man in Prison except for a Criminal Cause The eighth forbids Clergy-men to cite their Brethren before Secular Judges The ninth ordains That none shall fast from St. Martin's day to Christmas but three times a week viz. on Monday Wednesday and Friday and that on these days the Canons shall be read The tenth That Clergy-men shall celebrate the Festivals with their Bishop The eleventh ordains That Clergy-men who are oblig'd to Celibacy shall be depos'd if they violate the Obligation The twelfth That Virgins consecrated to God who marry shall be excommunicated both they and their Husbands until
Dogmatical and contains nothing Gregory of Antioch but Prosopopoeia's of Joseph to Pilate and of Pilate to the Jews some Reflections of Death speaking to her self and Complaints of the Women upon Christ's death some Discourses of the Angel with the Jews and Women and of Jesus Christ with those Women JOHN ARAUSIUS HELLADIUS JUSTUS NONNITUS and CONANTIUS Bishops of Spain JOHN an Abbot and afterwards Bishop of Saragosa Braulio's Brother flourished towards the year 620. Ildephonsus assures us That he was well read in the Holy Scripture and that John Arausius c. Bishops of Spain he laboured to instruct by his Discourses more than by his Writings That nevertheless he had elegantly written some Prayers to be sung in Divine Service and also a Table to find out Easter-day every year We have nothing now of this Author The same Ildephonsus ranks among Ecclesiastical Authors Arausius Bishop of Toledo and his Successor Helladius but seeing he confesseth they have writ nothing it was needless to encrease the number of Authors with them This last had for his Disciple and Successor one named Justus a witty and a worthy Man who had written a Letter to Richilan Abbot of the Monastery of Agali in which he shewed him That he ought not to leave his Flock These three Bishops governed the Church of Toledo from the year 606 to 634 or 635. This last signed the Council of Toledo held under Sisenand in the year 633. and was but 3 years Bishop S. Ildephonsus puts also in the rank of Ecclesiastical Authors Nonnitus Bishop of Gironde who lived in the same time but he speaks of none of his Works He speaks lastly of Conantius Bishop of Palenzo as of a Man as Prudent and Grave as Eloquent and Learned and he saith he applied himself to regulate the Order of Divine Service That he had made Hymns to new Tunes and a Book of Prayers taken out of the Psalms We have not now those Works BONIFACE V. BEDE mentions three Letters of this Pope about the Conversion of the English The 1st is directed to Justus who from Bishop of Rochester became Archbishop of Canterbury Boniface V. wherein he grants him the Pall and congratulates him for King Adelvad's Conversion The 2d is directed to * King of Northumberland Edwin an English King wherein he exhorts him to leave Idolatry to worship the true God and embrace Christ's Religion The 3d. is to Queen †Wife of 〈◊〉 Edwin Edelburgh whom he congratulateth upon her Conversion and exhorts her to endeavour that of the King her Husband MODESTUS Bishop of Jerusalem WE have no other Monument of this Author who flourished towards the year 620. but an Extract of one of his Sermons mention'd by Photius in the 275th Volume of his Bibliotheca Modestus Bishop of Jerusalem The first is taken out of a Sermon upon the Women of the Gospel which carried Balm to anoint Christ. He tells us there That Mary Magdalen out of whom Christ cast 7 Devils was a Virgin and that she suffered Martyrdom at Ephesus whither she went to S. John the Evangelist after the Virgin 's death Which shews how far they were then from the Opinion which hath obtained since That Mary Magdalen is the same with the Woman that was a Sinner Luk. 7. 37. The 2d Sermon of Modestus mentioned in Photius was a Sermon upon the death of the Virgin the Mother of God which he calls A Dormitory Sermon after the manner of the Ancients Photius speaks of no Extract of it he only taketh notice 't is a long Discourse containing nothing necessary and nothing like the former The 3d. Sermon is upon the Festival of the meeting of Christ and Simeon or the presentation of Jesus Christ in the Temple Photius sets down an Extract of it in which the Vertues of Anna and the Virgin 's Purification are discoursed of Figuratively and Rhetorically GEORGE of Alexandria IT is thought That George the Author of S. Chrysostom's Life was the Bishop of Alexandria who succeeded S. John the Alms-giver in the year 620 and held that See till 630. George of Alexandria This Life is a great deal larger than that of Palladius but less faithful and full of many Untruths His Stile in the judgment of the learned Photius is very plain and somewhat flat He offends against the Laws of Grammar and is not exact in the construing of Words It is needless to make the Extract of this Life because what it contains more than is in Palladius and the other ancient Historians is either false or doubtful He hath often misrepresented the Matters of Fact which he relates upon trust from other Authors He alledges many of them contrary to the Testimonies of S. Chrysostom and the Authors of his time He hath counterfeited many Letters and falsly attributed them to the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius and Pope Innocent He confidently asserts contrary to the truth of History That this Pope excommunicated the Emperor Honorius and Empress Eudoxia He hath reported an infinite number of things evidently false Photius who made a long Extract of this Life confesses himself That he hath said many things contrary to the Truth of History but he thinks the Reader may pick out that which is true and useful and pass by the rest Methinks it were better and fitter to fetch things out of the Originals than to mispend ones time to read them in those ill Copiers and Plagiaries This Work was published in Greek by Sir H. Savil. in the last Volume of S. Chrysostom's Works printed at Eaton together with the Life of the same Father by other later Authors who copied out this Man's Fictions and added others to them after the manner of the modern Greeks HONORIUS POpe HONORIUS whose Name became so famous by reason of his Condemnation in the 6th Council was raised to the Pontificate the 13th of May 626. and died Honorius October 11th 638. Besides the two Letters he hath written to Sergius upon the Question of the two Wills in Christ which will be spoken of in the Acts of the 5th Council where they are inserted we have some others upon particular Matters The 1st is directed to the Exarch Isaeius to whom he complains That certain Bishops advised a Lord to forsake Adaluade the lawful King of the Lombards to side with the Tyrant Arioualde and he desires him after having restored Adaluade to send those Bishops to Rome to him that he may punish them for their Disloyalty We learn of Paul the Deacon That Adaluade was turned out by the Lombards because he had lost his Senses and that Arioualde was put in his room The Second Letter of Honorius is directed to the Bishops of the Provinces of Venice and Istria He recommends to them Primogenius whom he had Consecrated to be Arch-Bishop of Grado and prays them to admit him into the place of him who had been deprived of that Church The Three next Letters are concerning
possess in the Diocess of another but not between Bishops of different Provinces The 35th Puts in an Exception as to Churches newly built and orders That altho' the old Church belongs to him who enjoyed it Thirty Years since notwithstanding the Church newly built shall belong to the natural Bishop of the place where 't is built The 36th Appoints the Bishop to visit every Year the Churches of his Diocess and if he cannot do it to commit the doing of it to some Priests and Deacons of known probity The 37th declares That Men are bound to pay what they promised to give for the performing some Ecclesiastical Service The 38th imports That seeing Presbyters are bound to assist the Poor if it fall out that they who have bequeathed something to some Church be brought to Misery they or their Children that Church is bound to help them The 39th Forbids Deacons to take place of the Priests and to place themselves in the highest place of the Quire whilst the Presbyters stand below The 40th Forbids Deacons having Two Stoles yea and having one of divers Colours or Embroidered with Gold The 41st Enjoins all Clerks to shave the whole Crown of their Heads leaving but a small Tuft of their Hair in the form of a round Circle or a Crown The 42d and 43d Forbids Clerks to dwell with Women not related to them and only permit them to live with their Mother Sister Daughter and Aunt The 44th appoints That Clerks Marrying Widows Divorced or Debauched Women shall be separated from them by their Bishop The 45th That Clerks taking up Arms shall be put to Penance in a Monastery The 46th That a Clerk found Robbing Sepulchres shall be Expelled out of the Clergy and put to Penance for Three Years The 47th declares That agreeably to King Sisenand's Order the Council decrees That Clerks shall be free from all publick Offices The 48th orders That all Bishops shall have Stewards to manage their Churches Revenue The 49th imports That a Monk may be made so by the Devotion of Parents or his own Profession That all they that are made Monks by either of these Two ways shall be obliged to continue Monks and that they are not permitted to return to the World The 50th Gives Clerks leave to become Monks The 51st Forbids Bishops abusing Monks but it preserveth them the Right which the Canons give them to exhort Monks to a good Life to instruct Abbots and other Officers and to correct what is done amiss contrary to the Rule The 52d orders That Monks leaving their Monastery to return into the World shall be Reproved and put to Penance The 53d Prohibits that sort of Religious persons which are neither Clerks nor Monks and enjoins Bishops to put them to the choice of either of those professions The 54th declares That they who being in danger of Death undergo Penance without confessing any particular Sin but saying only in general That they are Sinners may be prefer'd to the Ecclesiastical State but it is not so with them who have confessed some grievous Crime The 55th commands That those that yielded to undergo Penance and prepared themselves to do it shall be obliged to finish it and shall be constrained by the Bishop to it But if they leave it and refuse to take it again they shall be condemned as Apostates as also the Virgins or Widows which have put on the Religious Habit if they return to the World and Marry The 56th Distinguisheth Two sorts of Widows some Secular who do not leave the Secular Habit and other Religious which take a Religious Habit and declares it is not lawful for these to Marry The 57th Forbids to constrain the Jews to turn because Conversion ought to be wholly free yet as for those who were forced to turn under King Sisebut they will have them bound to continue Christians because they have received Baptism the Holy Chrism and Christ's Body and Blood The 58th Pronounces Excommunication against those that shall favour or uphold the Jews against Christians The 59th orders According to King Sisenand's advice those Christians that turned Jews shall be constrained to return to the Church and if they have Circumcised their Children they shall be separated from them The 60th decrees That the Children of the Jews shall be taken away from them by force to be Christianly brought up in Monasteries The 61st That the Children of the Jews who are become Christians shall not be deprived of their Father's Estate who are condemned for Apostasie The 62d Enjoins Christians to avoid Commerce with the Jews The 63d orders That Christian Women Married with Jews shall be separated from their Husbands if they will not be Converted The 64th That the Testimonies of Christians that turned Jews shall not be received The 65th Forbids the Jews bearing Publick Offices The 66th Forbids them having Christian Slaves The 67th Forbids the Bishops who give nothing to the Church to set at liberty the Slaves of their Churches The following Canons to the 75th contain some other Constitutions concerning the Slaves and the Free-Men which are now out of date The 75th and last Canon is concerning the Fealty due to Kings and the security of their Persons The Bishops detest there the Crime of those that violate the Faith they owe to their Prince and make a long discourse to create an abhorrence of it And to prevent any such thing in Spain they pronounce a solemn Anathema against all those that shall Conspire against Kings that shall attempt against their Life or usurp their Authority after having repeated that Anathema Thrice with terrible Execrations they promise Loyalty and Fidelity to King Sisenand and his Successors and at the same time they beseech him to Govern his People with Justice and Piety not to Judge alone in Criminal Causes but to cause them to be examined and judged by the ordinary Judges reserving to himself the Right of Pardoning They pronounce Anathema against the Kings that should abuse their Authority to do Evil and exercise a Tyrannical Power And they do particularly declare That by the consent of the whole Nation King * Suintilla Suintilan who deprived himself of the Kingdom and laid down his Authority by confessing his Crimes is fallen from his Dignity his Honour and his Lands as well as his Wife his Children and his Brother Council V. of Toledo held in 636. THIS Council was held in the same place with the former but it was composed but of Twenty Two or Twenty Three Bishops of several Provinces of Spain Council V. of Toledo The first Canon decrees That Litanies that is to say Publick Prayers shall be made Yearly during the space of Three Days which shall begin the next Day after the 13th of December yet so that in case one of the Three Days should happen to be a Sunday they shall be put off to the next Week The 2d Canon confirms all that was done in the Council held under
into Churches which have been invaded by the Barbarians the Dignity and Rank of Bishops and permits them to perform their Functions The 38th renews the 12th Canon of the Council of Chalcedon whereby it is ordained That the Disposition of Churches shall follow that of the Empire The 39th preserveth to the Metropolitan of Cyprus who was forced to withdraw by reason of that Island 's being taken by the Barbarians and was come to settle in the new Justinianopolis they preserve him I say the Right of Supremacy and the Government of the Churches of the Hellespont with the Right of being chosen by the Bishops subject to it ccording to the Ancient Custom They do also subject to him the Bishop of Cyzicum The 40th declares They may receive a Monk in the 10th Year of his Age. The 41st ordains That those who will be Recluses or Anchorets ought to have been three Years at least in a Monastery The 42d forbids to suffer Hermits to be in Towns The 43d imports That all kind of People may be admitted into Monasteries even the greatest Sinners by reason Monachism is a state of Penance The 44th is against Monks guilty of Fornication or Married The 45th forbids to dress with worldly Apparel and Ornaments the Virgins that consecrate themselves to God when they go to take the Religious Habit. The 46th forbids Friars and Nuns to go out of their Monastery without the Superior's Leave The 47th forbids Friars to lie in the Monasteries of Virgins and Virgins to dwell in the Monasteries of Friars The 48th ordains That the Wife of him who shall be made Bishop shall be put away from him and shall withdraw into a Monastery at a distance from the Bishop's Residence The 49th prohibits converting Religious Houses to profane uses The 50th forbids those of the Clergy and the Laity to play at any Games of hazard upon pain of Deposition and Excommunication The 51st forbids Jesters Dancers and Shews The 52d ordains That the * Missa praesanctificatorum was the Sacrament which was administred with Elements which were before consecrated oblatio prius oblati perfecti sacrificii sacrique Mysterii Balsam in hunc Can. Mass of the Pre-sanctified shall be celebrated every Day in Lent except Saturday and Sunday and Lady-day The 53d forbids them that stood Sureties for Children to marry the Mother of such Infants The 54th prohibits marrying the Uncle's Daughter Forbids a Father and a Son to marry the Mother and the Daughter or two Sisters as also a Mother and Daughter to marry the Father and Son or two Brothers upon Penalty of 7 Years Penance The 55th ordains That the Canon forbidding to fast on Saturday and Sunday shall be observed in the Church of Rome as well as in other Churches The 56th forbids eating Eggs and Cheese in Lent The 57th forbids offering Milk and Hony on the Altar The 58th forbids Laymen to give to themselves the Eucharist before a Bishop a Priest or a Deacon The 59th forbids baptizing in Domestick Chapels The 60th is against them that feign themselves to be possessed The 61st is against Superstitions The 62d against the Fooleries which were acted on New-year's-day The 63d condemns to the Fire the false Stories of Martyrs made by the Enemies of the Church The 64th imports That the Laity ought not to undertake to teach Religious Matters The 65th is against the Custom of kindling Fires before Houses on the New Moons The 66th ordains That Easter Week shall be spent in Prayer The 67th forbids eating the Blood of Beasts The 68th forbids burning tearing or giving to Victuallers the Books of the Gospels if they be not quite spoiled The 69th forbids the Laity to enter within the Rails of the Altar yet the Emperor is excepted who according to an Old Custom is permitted to enter in when he is willing to make some Oblation to the Lord. The 70th forbids Women to talk in the Time of the Holy Sacrifice The 71st is against some prophane Practices of Students in the Law The 72d declares the Marriages between an Orthodox Christian and an Heretick to be null and void The 73d ordains That Reverence shall be paid to the Cross and that Crosses shall not be suffer'd to be made on the Floor The 74th forbids making the Feasts call'd Agapae in Churches The 75th ordains That they shall sing in the Church without straining or Bawling modestly and attentively The 76th enjoyns That no Tavern or Tradesman's Shop shall be suffer'd to stand within the Inclosure of the Church The 77th That Men ought not to bathe with Women The 78th That they ought to instruct those that are to be baptized The 79th is against an Abuse of some who at Christmas made Cakes to the Honour of the Virgin 's Lying-in The 80th is against them that without Cause absent themselves for 3 Sundays together from their own Church whether they be of the Clergy or of the Laity The 81st pronounces Anathema to those that have added these Words to the Trisagion Thou that hast been crucified for us The 82d approves of the Pictures in which Christ is painted in the Form of a Lamb. The 83d forbids giving the Eucharist to the Dead The 84th orders them to be re-baptized who can bring no Witnesses nor certain Proofs that they have been baptized The 85th grants Liberty to the Slaves which their Masters have freed before two or three Witnesses The 86th condemns the infamous Company of debauch'd Women The 87th is against Divorces made without lawful Cause The 88th forbids bringing Horses into the Church without great Need and evident Danger The 89th shews That they ought to fast on Good Friday till Midnight The 90th renews the Law of not kneeling on Sunday The 91st Condemns to the Punishment of Murtherers those Women that procure Abortions The 92d is against Ravishers The 93d condemns the Marriages of those Men or Women who are not sure of the Death of their Wives or Husbands But after those Marriages have been contracted and when the first Husband comes again he is ordered to take his Wife again The 94th is against those that use the Oath of Pagans The 95th is of the Reception of Hereticks It ordains That the Arians Macedonians Novatians Continents Tesseradecatites and Apollinarists shall be received after they have made Abjuration in Writing by anointing their Fore-head Eyes Nostrils Mouth and Ears with the Holy Chrism pronouncing these Words This is the Seal of the Holy Ghost That the Eunomians Montanists and Sabellians shall be re-baptized That the Manichees Valentinians Marcionites and other Hereticks are also to abjure their Errors anathematizing all Hereticks by Name and making profession of the true Faith The 96th is against plating and curling the Hair The 97th forbids Husbands to co-habit with their Wives within the Enclosure of the Church The 98th prohibits marrying a Maid betrothed to another The 99th prohibits offering Roast Meats to Priests in Churches The 100th prohibits lascivious
the same respect for the Holy See He submits to his Judgment and Correction all that he hath said or done he excuses himself that he had not written to him so long because he had been busie in repairing the Churches which the barbarous People had pillaged and burnt The 92d is also Boniface's it is directed to Fubredus a Priest to be presented to King Pepin as a Petition from Boniface that after his Death he would yield his Protection to his Scholars and the Churches erected by him and settle Lullus in his place to preach the Gospel to the Infidels and govern the Churches The three next are but short Notes written to Lullus The 96th is King Pepin's Letter to him wherein he tells him that every Bishop should often and devoutly repeat the Litanies without Fasting to give God thanks for the plenty he hath given them The 97th is a Letter written by Boniface to Pope Steven in which he consults him about the Contest between the Bishop of Utrecht and the Bishop of Cologne S. * Or Wilbrord Wilbrod was Ordained Bishop by Pope Sergius and appointed to preach the Gospel in Frisia where having converted many he erected his See at Utrecht by the Order of Carloman but the Bishop of Cologne contended that that City belonged to his Bishoprick because from the time of Dagobert that Castle had been annexed to the Bishoprick of Cologne upon the account of preaching the Gospel to the Frisâ—…ns He adds that this Bishop having not performed the Condition he had forfeited his Right and that this City ought to be a Bishop's Seat dependant upon the Holy See He prays him to tell him what he ought to do and send him a Copy of Sergius's Letter that he might convince the Bishop of Cologne The 100th Letter is Lullus's who wrote to the Pope against the Priest Enâ—edus who would not be subject to his Jurisdiction The 105th is Boniface's wherein he imparts to Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury the Canons made in his Synod He tells him That they made a Confession of the Faith of the Church owned an Union and Subjection to the Roman-Church would yield Obedience to S. Peter and his Vicar and that they have Ordained that Synods should be called every Year that they should require the Palls for Metropolitans of the Holy See that they would follow the Commands of S. Peter â—â—â—t 〈…〉 who have 〈◊〉 the Pall should observe the behaviour of the Bishops that Bishops should neither keep 〈◊〉 Dogs nor Haâ—… that the Priests should vâ—…t 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 account of their Conversation that Bishops should visit their Diâ—… Year that Clergy-Men should not wear Lay-Mens Habit nor bear Arms that 〈…〉 in their Synod and the Bishops shall bring to this Synod all Pâ—… which they cannot reform who shall be subject to their Metropolitans and they 〈◊〉 the Bishop of Rome The remaining part of it is an Exhortation to Metropolitans to discharge the 〈◊〉 of their Ministry with Vigilance and die rather than do any thing contrary to the Sacred Laws of the Church About the end â—e tells Câ—… that it were convâ—… to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 from going in such Numbers to Rome because the greatest part of â—… and 〈…〉 scandal in the whole Church for there is 〈…〉 where there are not some English Women of a wicked Life The 10â—th Leâ—… is a Copy of those Letters which a Bishop used to send to the Religious Persons of his Dioâ—… to recommend the Dead to their Prayers The 10â—th 1â—5th and 1â—7th Letters are Petitions to the Emperoâ—… to oppose Swearing and to desire some Favour The last is in the Name of the Church of Mentz which desired her Bishop The following Letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 part of this Collection being Letters of the Popes to Boniface and the Acts of â—… held under Pope Zachary of which we shall speak in another plâ—… The Style of Boniface's Letters is 〈◊〉 and barbarous but they are good sense He was very well 〈…〉 of Church-Discipline he was wholly devoted to the Holy See he had much Sincerity and 〈…〉 for the Reformation of Manners especially of the Clergy and for the 〈…〉 Some attribute to him the Life of S. Livinus whom F. Mabillon thinks to 〈…〉 Author His Treatise of the Unity of the Faith is not come to us F. 〈…〉 in the Tenth Volume of his Specilegium a Piece entituled The Stâ—… â—… which contains several Rules for managing the Functions and Life of 〈…〉 a Catalogue of the Festivals but this Book cannot be the Treatise of the Unity of Faith as some â—… And there is some Grounds to doubt whether it really belongs 〈◊〉 Boniface of Mâ—… and so much the more because he there addresseth himself to the Emperor whereas in Boniface's time there was no Emperor in Germany GREGORY II. GREGORY the 〈◊〉 of that Name was raised to the See of Rome * 28 of April in 715. D. Cave the 24th Day of 〈…〉 that Church 16 Years eight Months and some Gregory II. Days We have several of this Pope's 〈◊〉 The 1st 〈…〉 is directed to Boniface the Priest to whom he gave permission to preach the Faith 〈…〉 of Germany To this is annexed the Form of the Oath which Boniface swore to the 〈…〉 Ordiâ—… in the Year 722. or 723. The 2d Letter is 〈…〉 of the Kings Houshold to recommend Boniface to him Upon which this Prince granted him Letters of Protection which are among Gregory's The 3d is also a Letter of Recoâ—…dation for Boniface directed to all Bishops Priests Deacons Lords 〈◊〉 and iâ—…ral to all Chriâ—… The 4â—… is to the People over whom he was Constituted Bishop 'T is in the ordinary Form which â—… The 5th is 〈◊〉 to the great Lords of that Country The 6th is to all People The 7th is to the whole Nation of the East-Saxons inhibiting Germany The 8th which bears date â—25 is directed to Boniface to congratulate the progress he had made in converting the Infidels The 9th 11th and 12th respect the Controversie about Images and are set down in the Acts of the VIIth Council where we shall have a 〈◊〉 opportunity to speak of them The 10th is addressed to Ursâ—… Duke of Venisâ— whom he exhorts to joyn himself with the Exarch in recovering the City of Ravenna from the Lombards and putting it under the Government of the Emperors Leâ— and Constantine again The 13th is a Decretal Epistle in which he answers several Questions put to him by Boniface In the 1st Article about the Degrees of Consanguinity within which it is forbidden to Marry he says that it were to be hoped that no Persons nearly related would contract Marriage but to yield a little to the Barbarity of that Nation they must content themselves to prohibit Marriages between Persons related in the fourth Degree In the 2d he permits an Husband whose Wife is unable to perform Conjugal Duties to Marry another In the 3d he orders that a Priest accused of
River of the same Name Anno. 742. by the care of Baufail but charge of Charles the Great and Pepin Kings of France to the Monastery of Fulda Founded by Boniface which imports that this Monstery shall be Subject to the Holy See only and that no Person shall say Mass or exercise any Jurisdiction there unless invited by the Abbot There is also a Letter of Boniface to Griphon Pepin's Brother wherein he recommends tâ— him some Monks of Turingia to protect them against the Pagans The 15th Letter of Zachary is directed to the Bishops of France He sent it by some Monks or Clerks who were sent by Optatus Abbot of Mount Cassin and from Caroloman to procure Peace between Gripho and Pepin and to demand a second time St. Benedict's Body which they pretended had been stolen away from Mount Cassin He exhorts the French Bishops to maintain the Justice of their Demand In the 16th he exhorts the French to suffer no Ecclesiastical Person guilty of Murder or Fornication and advises them to assemble Councils every Year to restore the Discipline The 17th Letter is supposititious at least the Title and Date of it are false for it is directed to Austrebert Bishop of Vienna and there was no Archbishop of that Name in that Church under Zachary's Pontificate and it is dated the 7th of March of the first Year of Constantine which is the Year 741 of the Vulgar Aeâ—a at which time Zachary was not Pope The 18th is not more certain 'T is a Prohibition somewhat ill written that a certain Person should not marry his Father's God-Daughter because of the Spiritual Consanguinity These Epistles are all of them extant in Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 1498. ANDREAS CRETENSIS ANDREW born at Damascus having finished his first Course of Studies in his own Country came to Jerusalem towards the year 730 where he embraced a Monastick In this Story of Andreas Cretensis there is certainly a great Mistake for how coul'd he come to Jerusalem in 730 and become a Mâ—nk and in that Quality represent his Patriarch Theodorus at the sixth General Council which was 50 Years before viz. in 680. His coming to Jerusalem ought to be placed doubtless towards the Year 630 and then his Death will fall toward the beginning of the 7th Century according to the Calculation of Dr. Cave Cas. Oudin and the best Chronologers Life and was at the 6th Council in his Patriarch Theodorus's stead and there encountred the Monotholites He was detained at Constantinople and put among the Clergy or that Church he was ordained Deacon and had the care of the Education of Orphans committed to him A little after he was ordained Archbishop of Creete he governed this Church many years and died at Mitilene in the beginning of the eighth Century of the Church He composed a great number of Sermons and particularly Panegyricks Father Combefis collected all that he could meet with in the Libraries and printed them in Greek and Latin at Paris in 1644. With Notes and an Index to explain the Words This Collection contains 17 of them The first is upon the Virgin 's Nativity He extols this Festival which he looks upon as the Original and Principal of all the Feasts of the New-Law He there speaks of Joachim and Anne of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple The 2d is upon the Annunciation In it he maketh several Divine Reflections upon the Angel's words The 3d is on the Circumcision and upon St. Basil He follows Africanus's Opinion about Joseph's Ancesâ—ors and says he was Jacob's Natural Son and Heli's according to the Law He speaks of the Names of Immanuel and Jesus and makes some Mystical and Moral Observations upon the 8th Day Then he passes to the Praises of St. Basil in the end whereof he maketh an excellent Prayer to him The 4th is upon our Lord's Transfiguration It contains several Allegorical Reflections upon the Circumstances of this Miracle The 5th is an Homily in which he explains Lazarus's Resurrection He there confounds Mary Lazarus's Sister with the Woman that was a Sinner The 6th is upon Palm-Sunday The two next upon the Exaltation of the Cross. The three following are upon the Virgin 's Death In it he describes several miraculous Circumstances of her Death and particularly her Triumphant Ascension into Heaven in Body and Soul The 12th is a Panegyrick upon Titus first Bishop of Creete The 13th is upon St. George whose Martyrdom he relates The 14th is a Panegyrick upon St. Nicholas Bishop of Myra He says nothing of his Life in particular but only that he encounter'd the Arians that he preserved Lycia from Famine and Andâ—… 〈◊〉 â—â—nverted an Heretick Bishop The 15th contains the Praise the Life and Miracles of a certain Monk named Patapiâ—s The 16th which is another Panegyrick upon Patapius is not Andrew's of Creete but some of his Scholars who relates how that holy Hermit appeared to Andrew of Creete and what he had told him of his Life The 17th contains excellent Instructions about the Miseries and Uncertainty of Human Life F. Combefis in his Addition to the Bibliothecâ— Patrum attributes also to Andrew of Creet two Homilies the one upon the Virgin 's Nativity which had been published by Schottus under the Name of German Bishop of Constantinople Allatius hath attributed it to Gregory Bishop of Nicomedia and it is found in some Manuscripts under St. John Damascene's Name But F. Combefis having seen it in a Manuscript under Andrew of Creete's Name believes it rather to be his than the others because of a great number of Compound Words commonly used by Andrew of Creete The second is a Sermon upon the Beheading of St. John Baptist already published by Lipomannus They attribute to this Archbishop Andrew a great number of Odes Pieces in Prose upon the Festivals of the Year which F. Combefis hath joyned to his Homilies He does also ascribe to him some Iambick Verses directed to Agatho the Deacon which are at the end of the Letter of this latter in the second Volume of the Addition to the Bibliotheca Patrum Some believe that this Archbishop of Creete is also the Author of the Commentary on the Revelation bearing the Name of Andrew of Caesarea Which maketh others think that he was translated from the Arch-bishoprick of Creete to that of Caesarea in Cappadocia But there is no need to suppose this groundless Translation For though we should suppose this Work to be of Andrew's of Creete which is uncertain Caesarea might perhaps have been put for Creete This Author's Sermons are not so contemptible as the most part of those of the modern Greeks they are full of Wit Learning and Morality and want not Eloquence nor Greatness His Discourse abounds with compound and hard Words his Narrations plain his Reflections just his Praises vehement his Figures natural and his Instructions solid ANASTASIUS ANASTASIUS Abbot of the Monastery of St. Euthymius in Palestine flourished about the year 740.
with the Daughter and neither the Daughter nor he shall Marry others but the Mother may Marry another The 3d imports that if a Presbyter Marry his Niece he shall be obliged to leave her and loose his degree and if any body else Marry her he shall be oblig'd to leave her but shall have Liberty to Marry an other The 4th that a Maid in what manner soever she hath taken the Veil shall be obliged to keep it unless it was given her against her Will and in that case the Priest that Veil'd her shall be deposed If a Woman takes the Veil without her Husbands consent it shall be free for her Husband to let her keep it or to hinder her The 5th gives leave to the Husband whose Wife conspired his death to send her away and to Marry another The 6th gives leave to those who have Married Slaves whom they thought to be Free-born Women to Marry others The 7th permits Slaves who have a Concubine to leave her to Marry his Master's Maid-servant thô they do better if they keep the first The 8th permits the Master to oblige his Slave to Marry his Maid-servant if he hath had any Carnal knowledge of her The 9th imports that if men be forced to go away from the place of their Habitation and their Wives refuse to follow them without any other Reason but their Love to their own Country it shall be free for those Men whose Wives have thus left them to Marry others but not for the Wives to Marry again The 10th forbids him to Marry who hath layn with his Mother-in-Law and the Mother-in-Law likewise and permits the Father-in-Law to Marry another Woman The 11th inflicts the same punishment upon them who defile their Daughter-in-Law or Sister-in-Law The 12th Ordains that he that lies with two Sisters shall have neither thô the one of them were his Wife By the 13th He that marrieth a Bond Woman knowing her to be such is bound to keep her The 14th forbids ambulatory Bishops to Ordain any Priests and if any be found to have been thus Ordain'd and they deserve it they shall be Consecrated anew The 15th That a Priest degraded may Baptize in case of necessity The 16th forbids Clerks to bear Arms. The 17th Permits a Woman which complains that her Husband never did Cohabit with her to try the Proof of the Cross and if it appears by this Tryal that the thing is so then she may do what she pleaseth The 19th Ordains that Bond Slaves be exhorted not to Marry again if they be found to be sold severally The 20th imports that the Slave who is set at Liberty may put away his Wife being a Bond Woman and marry another The 21st forbids him who suffered his Wife to be defiled to marry another Regino recites some Articles more about the said matters which he ascribes to this Council of Verberie They may be seen in the Edition of the Capitularies of M. Baluz 19. 166. Vol. 1. The COUNCIL of VERNEUILLE THIS Council was held at Verneville upon Oise and not at Vernon as some have thought about July An. 755. by the Order of Pepin who confirm'd by his Edict and published Council of Verneville the Canons that had been proposed in this Council The 1st imports that there shall be a Bishop in every Great City The 2d That Obedience shall be paid to the Bishops made Metropolitans The 3d That the Bishop shall be empower'd to Correct the Regulars and Seculars in his Diocess The 4th That there shall be two Synods yearly kept in France one in March the other in Octob. The 5th That the Monasteries of Men and Women shall be regular otherwise the Bishop shall see to it and if he cannot do it himself alone he shall acquaint the Metropolitan with it if the Metropolitan cannot yet Correct and Order it he shall inform the Synod of it and if they slight the Synod they shall be Excommunicated The 6th That an Abbess shall have but one Monastery to govern that neither she nor any of her Religious Women shall go out without permission from the King that they shall send secular persons to the Prince or Synod to represent their Grievances that those that are not Veiled shall be put out of the Community and if they be willing to live regularly they shall be admitted after Tryal The 7th That no Baptistery shall be Erected without the Bishops Leave The 8th That the Priests shall be subject to the Bishops and that they shall neither Baptize nor Celebrate the Office without permission from him The 9th That they that communicate with Excommunicated persons shall be Excommunicated that Excommunicated Persons shall not enter into the Church that they shall not eat with any of the Faithful that no body may receive Gifts from them nor Kiss or Salute them The 10th That Monks shall not go to Rome nor out of their Monasteries unless the Bishop gives them Leave to go into a more strict Monastery The 11th imports that all Clerks shall live as Canons under the Bishops care or as Monks under an Abbot The 12th That Clerks not change the Church and that Clerks of another Church shall not be received 13th forbids Bishops to Ordain or Perform any other Episcopal Function out of their Diocess without the Bishops Order of the Diocess The 14th permits necessary Works such as dressing of Meat or making the House clean on Sunday but forbids the Works of Agriculture The 15th enjoyns both the Nobles and the Common people to be Married publickly The 16th renews the third Canon of the Council of Chalcedon which forbids Clerks to meddle with secular Affairs The 17th is the 25th of the Council of Chalcedon about the vacancy of Bishopricks The 18th renews the Ordinance of the 9th ch of the 3d Council of Carthage which forbid Clerks to come before the Tribunals of the Laity without the Bishops Leave The 19th is concerning the immunities of Churches The 20th Ordains that the Accounts of Monastery's Lands and Revenues if they be Royal shall be given up to the King if Episcopal to the Bishop this Canon was made in another Synod and perhaps the following Canons also The 21st That the Bishop shall have the Cures of his Diocess The 22d That no right shall be exacted from Pilgrims The 23rd That Counts and Judges shall hear the Causes of Churches Widows and Orphans preferably to others The 24th That no Mony shall be given to get into Holy Orders The 25th That Bishops Abbots and others shall take no Presents to Administer Justice The 26th is concerning the Rights of Portage The 27th The weight of Money The 28th Exemptions The 29th Secular Courts of Justice The 30th forbids Ecclesiastical Persons to go to Law with their Superiour without permission The COUNCIL of METZ THIs is another Synodical Assembly held under Pepin after the former An. 756. the Laws whereof were authorized and promulged by Pepin Council of Metz. The First is against the
the Separation was neither for the love of Continence nor for publick and certain Adultery but only on meer Suspicion and that this Matter should have first have been examined by Lay-Judges and then the Bishops should have done their Duty and used the Authority of the Church He brought an Example of a Case that happened in the Reign of Lewis the Kind how a Woman of Quality Named Nothilda presented to a General Assembly of the Estate a Petition against her Husband Argembert This Prince bid her apply her self to the Bishops who should put her over to the Lay-men that they might judge of that Matter and enjoined her to follow their Judgment reserving to themselves a Power of putting either her or him to Penance who should be convinced of any Crime After the Judgment by hot Water was found favourable to the Princess Theutberga they that accused her said that these sort of Proofs were forbidden Hincmarus endeavours to maintain them by Authority and Use and affirms That the Man named by the Queen to undergo the Proof of hot Water not being so much as burnt or scalded it was a Miracle that could not be done to Authorize a Lye He adds That since this Judgment was not certain and they could not accuse the Person so cleared they ought not to make use of a secret Confession for that end It was also asked Hincmarus if it were not possible that the Queen might have to do with her Brother and conceive by him without losing her Virginity He laughs at this Proposition and says That if she were a Virgin when she was Married it was foolish to accuse her of being Defiled and imagine that she had conceived before her Marriage He sent back this Question to the Lay-Judges with another viz. Whether if a Woman who hath not lived honestly before Marriage but after lives honestly with her Husband deserves to be condemned to Death for her former Lewdness and whether it be not more fit to Pardon her They also asked Whether the King having had to do with another Woman after he heard that his Wife had committed this Crime was not guilty of Adultery He answers That he could not deny it but that he was guilty altho' at last his Wife were found guilty of the Crime for which he suspected her because he had done it before the Sentence of Divorce was passed He adds That tho' a Man be engaged by Oath to live with another Woman besides his Wife or a Woman with another Man besides her Husband they ought not to observe that Oath They also asked him If it were true that Sorcerers could make a Man and his Wife to hate each other Mortally He affirms that they can and proves by several Relations that there were such Magicians and Sorcerers and that the Devils could by the permission of God possess Men make them Mad and torment them He owns that if it were found that according to the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws the Marriage of Theutberga were invalid she might be Divorced and the King Marry another but he maintains that till his Wife be declared unworthy to be so by the Judgment of the Lords and Advice of the Bishops he ought not to think of Marrying his Concubine Lastly After he hath confuted several pretences alledged for the maintenance of the Divorce of Lotharius and Theutberga he concludes that the Bishops ought to oppose such disorderly proceedings and if they did it not or did encourage them they were highly blameable before God Notwithstanding this opposition made by Hincmarus there was a Synod held in 862 at Aix la Council of Metz. Chapelle in which the Bishops assembled allowed Lotharius to Marry another Woman whereupon he immediately Married 〈◊〉 This business made a great noise and being carried to Rome Pope Nicolas wrote about it 〈◊〉 Charles who desired an opportunity to Quarrel with Lotharius and deprive him of his Kingdom but Lewis of Germany endeavoured to compose the Matter and Lotharius referred it to the Judgment of the States Then having Appealed to the Pope two Legats were Named to hold a Council where two Bishops of Lewis's and two of Charles's Kingdom met them that they might judge of this Matter This Council was held at Metz June 863. In it Lotharius went about to confirm his Marriage by the Artifices of Gonthierus and Thietgaldus and by corrupting the Popes Legats Gonthierus and Thietgaldus had the boldness to bring the A Council at Rome Sentence to Rome but Pope Nicolas instead of confirming it called a Council in which he declared the Judgment of the Synod at Metz null and void Deposed Gonthierus and Thietgaldus and declared That all the Bishops which concurred in that Sentence had incurred the greatest Punishment which he resolved to inflict on them unless they changed their Opinion Gonthierus and Thietgaldus stoutly defended themselves and sent a Letter against Pope Nicolas's Sentence to all the Bishops with a Protestation That they had signified it to him in which they declare him Excommunicate because he had as they said gone contrary to the Canons favouring persons Excommunicated and separating himself from the Society of other Bishops meerly through Pride But the other Prelates of Lotharius's Kingdom excused themselves to the Pope Thietgaldus also begged Pardon but could not obtain Absolution so long as Pope Nicolas lived but Gonthierus Archbishop of Cologne could never be brought to beg Pardon Lotharius himself did all he could to appease the Pope who desired that Waldrada should come to Rome in Person and receive Absolution She promised him and went twice into Italy but repenting as often of her submission returned back again wherefore the Pope having called a Synod Excommunicated her and wrote several sharp Letters to Lotharius the Younger Afterward he sent a Legat into France Named Atsenius who addressing himself to Lewis of Germany called a Synod in which Lotharius was forced to take his former Wife but as soon as the Legat was gone he began to use her ill and to enter a Process against her for Adultery so that she was forced to put her self under the Protection of King Charles The Pope was very much concerned at it and Excommunicated Waldrada a-new At the same time there were two other Matters of like nature Debated between Hincmarus the Bishops of the Kingdom and Charles on the one part and Gonthierus and the Bishops of The Business of Judith and Baldwin Lotharius's Kingdom on the other The one was about Judith the Daughter of K. Charles the Widow * Ethelbald whose Father Ethelwolfe had had her to Wife before of the King of England who was taken away from Senlis by Earl Baldwin who was fled into the Kingdom of Lotharius and the other concerning Ingeltrude the Wife of Boson who had left her Husband and was fled into the Diocess of Gonthierus As to the first of these it was soon ended by the intercession of Pope Nicolas for Earl Baldwin whom
he had Excommunicated at the Sollicitation of K. Charles coming to Rome with Judith cast himself at the Popes seet at which he was so much moved that he wrote several Letters to King Charles his Queen Hermentruda and the Bishops to obtain their Pardon by which means the King consented to the Marriage and so it ended As to the Wife of Boson Gonthierus wrote about her to Hincmarus An. 860. propounding the Question thus to him If this Woman come to me and tell me that she hath committed Adultery The business of Boson desiring that I would protect her from Death which she is afraid of from her Husband ought I to put her to publick Penance in my Diocess at a distance from her Husband or shall I send her again to her Husband making him promise that he will not put her to Death Hincmarus Answers That he ought not to put another Man's Wife to Penance who belongs to another Diocess nor Protect her That Boson doth not accuse her of Adultery but complains That she hath left him and promises that he will do her no harm So that all you can do upon this occasion is this That the King of the County whether she is fled should make her return to her Husband but withal taking such security of her Husband as is usual to be given for those who have put themselves under the Protection of the Church There was also another business of the like nature in which Hincmarus was engaged Count The business â—f Count Raimond Raimond had Marry'd a Daughter to a certain Lord Named Steven who would not live with her as his Wife under a pretence that she had had a Carnal knowledge of one of her near Relations but would not tell who it was E. Raimond wrote a Letter of Complaint about it to the Synod held at Toussi 860 whereupon Steven was Summoned to the Synod where he propounded the business and told them That whereas in his Youth he had had a Carnal Knowledge of one of the near Relations of the Daughter of Earl Raimond it happened that he desired to have her in Marriage and obtained it but afterward calling to mind what he had formerly done he went to a Confessor to know whether he might not do Penance for his Sin in private and Marry the Earls Daughter as they had agreed The Confessor Answered No and shewing him a Book which he said was a Book of Canons by which it was Decreed That he that hath had any Carnal Knowledge of the Womans Relations whom he would Marry must not Consummate the Marriage with her That afterward falling under the Displeasure of the King his Lord he was forced to leave the Kingdom without breaking of the Contract with Raimonds Daughter or Marrying her so that it was put off for some time That afterward he was constrained to Marry her publickly but for fear he should Damn his Soul he would not have any Carnal Knowledge of her This he assured the Council with an Oath that it was true and that he did not do it for Interest or because he loved another Woman declaring That he was ready to follow the Judgment of the Bishops if they could satisfy him that his Honour and Salvation might be alike secured in giving contentment to his Father-in-Law and Wife The Synod resolved that it was necessary to call a Council of Bishops and Lords at which the King himself should be present That the Lords should examine the business and the Bishops conclude it Steven accepted this condition and Hincmarus was employed by the Council to search into the Truth of the Matter by which he was obliged to write to the Archbishops of Bourges and Bourdeaux and the Bishops of their Provinces He tells them that they ought to bring Raimond's Daughter to the Assembly and inquire of her whether it was true that her Husband had no Carnal Knowledge of her That it ought to be searched into whether Steven did not say this that he might leave his Wife That he ought to Name the near Relation he had known That he ought to Swear it was true and if it did appear to be true that he had really done so with any of her near Relations they shou'd be parted and Steven should be put to publick Penance In 842 Nov. 1. Hincmarus held a Council at Reims with the Priests of his Diocess in which The Council of Reims 842. several very useful Consultations were made They Decreed and Ordered that all Priests should know how to explain the Creed and Lord's Prayer and be able to repeat by heart the Preface and Canon of the Mass and recite distinctly the Psalms Hymns and Athanasius's Creed That they should know how to Administer Baptism Absolve Penitents and Anoint the Sick That on every Sunday they should Consecrate Water and burn Incense after the Gospel and Offertory That they should distribute the Holy Bread to all those that would not Communicate That they should read the 40 Homilies of St. Gregory That they should know the Kalendar and how to Sing and should Sing the Service That they should take care of the Poor and Sick That they should not Pawn the Holy Vessels That they should not Bury any Man in the Church without permission from the Bishops and should demand nothing for Burials That they should take no Gifts of Penitents That when they meet at Feasts they should be sober That when they meet at Conferences they should not make any Feasts but be contented with Bread and two or three Glasses of Wine and no more That Fraternities should be upheld for Piety-sake and none should be suffered to promote Feasting and Revels And lastly That when any Priest Died no Man should get possession of his Church without the Bishops Order He gave also at the same time to the Prebends and Deans that were to visit his Diocess some Articles of Enquiry viz. What Titles every Priest had and by whom he was Ordain'd What is the Revenue of his Living and how many Houses in his Parish In what condition the Ornaments of his Church are and how the Relicks are Preserved If there be a place to throw the Water in with which the Vessels of the Altar and Ornaments are washed If the Holy Oils were kept Locked up If there be a Clergy man that keeps School In what case the Church is and whether it be in good Repair Whether the Tithes be divided into three parts and an Account be given of two of them to the Bishops Whether there be any Church Wardens Whether the Church Revenues be improved and no private advantage made of them If the Clergy live orderly and do not familiarly converse with Women frequent Ale-Houses How those that are vicious should be reproved and for what Crime they may be Condemned and Degraded In 857 which was the 12th Year of Hincmarus's Bishoprick June 9. he held another Synod A Syned of Reims in 857 874 in which
Bishops should have some Priests or other Clergy-men witnesses of their most secret Actions In the Second That they should not neglect not onely to celebrate Mass publickly on Sundays and Festivals but if it be possible offer that Sacrifice every day in private In the Third they order that their Meals should be temperate and that they should entertain Pilgrims and Strangers at them whom they should entertain with Pious Discourses and Exhortations In the Fourth they forbid the Pleasures and Luxury of the World In the Fifth they advise them to Study the Holy Scripture to explain it to their Clergy and to Preach upon it to the people The Sixth imports that the Bishops should be careful that the Priests discharge their Duties well in the Government which is entrusted to them That the Arch-Priests should go to the Heads of Families to exhort publick Offenders to doe publick Penance That in difficult cases they should apply themselves to the Bishops and the Bishops should consult their Brethren The Seventh orders that the Priests should examine whether the Penitents perform the works of Penance That the Absolution of publick Penitents is reserved to the Bishops and that no Priest shall Absolve them but in the absence of the Bishop and with his Allowance because the Imposition of hands was reserved to the Apostles The Eighth engages them to Instruct the People in the saving nature of the Sacrament of Unction of which the Apostle St. James speaks c. 5. 14. and make them sensible that they can hope to receive the wished-for effects of that Mystery viz. Remission of sins and health onely when they desire it with a sound and full Faith That because it often happens that sick persons know not the force of that Sacrament or think their Distempers inconsiderable or forget to desire it because their Minds are taken up with the pains of their sickness the Priests of the place ought to put them in mind of receiving it and invite the Priests of his Neighbourhood to be present at the Administration But if the sick person be in a state of Penance he ought not to bestow it on him till he be reconciled to the Church because he that is not allowed to receive the other Sacraments is not in a capacity of receiving this The Ninth advises Fathers of Families to Marry their Daughters as soon as they are of Age and condemns them to Penance if they happen to be debauch'd either by their Negligence or Connivance and forbids that the Benediction be given them who Marry after they are Deflowered It also says that Marriage is forbidden those who are in a course of Publick Penance The Tenth is against Ravishers and declares that they cannot lawfully Marry the persons they have forced and allows such persons no Absolution but just at the point of Death The Eleventh orders that they who commit a publick crime in any place shall be excluded from Communion by the Bishop of that place and put to Penance and not be received to Communion by any other The Twelfth declares that they who are deprived of Communion and put to Penance for their Crimes may not exercise any publick Offices but can't be prohibited from taking care of their Domestick Affairs That such persons as refuse to doe Penance ought to be Excommunicated and Anathematized after all proper means is used to make them submit to their Duty Yet this is not to be done without the Judgment of the Metropolitan and Bishops of the Province The Thirteenth orders the Bishops to commit the care of Priests of smaller Parishes to the Arch-priests The Fourteenth commands those Bishops who have suffered the Monasteries of their Diocesses to be demolished to have them immediately repaired and re-built The Fifteenth imports that such Hospitals as are subject to Bishops shall be govern'd according to the Orders of their Founders That those that are under the protection of the Church shall be Govern'd by the Heirs of the Founders according to the Rules of their Institution who shall hinder all embezelling the Revenues and mis-employment of them The Sixteenth resolves that they will represent to the Princes the Misdemeanour of those Hospitals that are under their protection The Seventeenth orders that all Christians should pay their Tythes which shall be employed for the Maintenance of the Clergy and the Necessities of the Church according to the Disposal of the Bishop The Eighteenth importeth that they will not suffer any of those Priests or Clergy-men who are called Acephali not under the Discipline of any Bishop and that those Priests that celebrate Divine Service in Noble-mens Chapels shall be such as are approved by the Bishop or if they be out of other Bishopricks shall have Commendatory Letters from their own Bishop That they will not suffer wandring Clerks nor any other persons without a Mission The Nineteenth forbids putting Clergy-men upon Secular Employments The Twentieth imports that they shall be Excommunicated who suffer Jews to be either the Judges or Receivers of Tribute The One and twentieth forbids Usury and obliges such as have made advantage by it to Restitution The Two and twentieth imports that they who neglect the care of Orphans and Widows committed to their charge shall be admonished of it and exhorted to be very diligent and watchful for them but if they will not doe it they shall petition the King to appoint them other Guardians The Three and twentieth is against those Clergy-men and Monks who going up and down the Cities stir up unprofitable Questions and disperse Errors They order that such Men shall be apprehended by the Bishop of the place and carried to the Metropolitan and if it be found that they have vented such Doctrines through Ambition and not for the Instruction or Edification of the Faithful they shall be punished as the Disturbers of the Church's Peace The Twenty fourth forbids the ill practices of certain Peasants who Marryed their Sons very young to full grown Women to be abused by them and prohibits such Marriages The last condemns Magicians to very severe penance and deprives them of Absolution till the point of Death who boasted they could make persons Love or Hate one another by their Art and whom they suspected of having killed some Men by it The Council of Soissons Anno 853. THis Council hath Three parts 1. Some Canons 2. The Acts of Eight Sessions about the Affair of Ebbo and the Clerks Ordained by him 3. Some Constitutions published by the Emperour The Council of Soissons What is contained in the Acts of this Council we have related in the History of Hincmarus So that there remain onely the Canons and Imperial Constitutions The First is nothing else but an Abridgment of the Judgment given against Ebbo The Second is concerning Heriman Bishop of Nevers who being a Man of a weak Judgment had committed several Misdemeanors in his Office and notwithstanding that desired to continue in his Function They order Wenilo Arch-bishop of
Commerce a severe Penance shall be imposed upon this last because he did not tell his Brother of it after which they may Marry As to the Woman they revived upon her account the Law of the Council of Neocaesarea The Forty Fifth orders that he that lies with two Sisters and the Sister which lies with him last if she knows that he hath had Commerce with her Sister shall be put to Penance and obliged to live a single Life to their Death The Forty Sixth importeth that if a Woman be prosecuted at Law by her Husband for Adultery and she hath recourse to the Bishop he shall endeavour to obtain of her Husband not to put her to Death but if he can't prevail he shall not deliver her into her Husband's Power but send her whither she desires for her Safety The Fourty Seventh allows him who is God-father to a Man's Child to marry his Widow if she was not his God-mother The Fourty Eighth imports that if a Man by chance marry the Daughter of his God-mother he may keep her and live with her as with his Wife The Fourty Ninth forbids that such as have committed Adultery together should ever Marry Dwell or have Society together If they have any Estate it shall be preserved for the Adulterous Off-Spring The Fiftieth is against those who pervert Christians and destroy them by their evil Arts. The Fifty First repeats the Prohibitions made to an Adulterer to marry the Woman with whom he hath committed Adultery after her Husband's Death The Fifty Second leaves it in the Power of the Bishop to regulate the time of Penance for involuntary Man-slayers The Fifty Fourth to the Fifty Eighth which is the last appoint the time and manner of Penance for wilful Murtherers viz. Seven Years For the first Forty days the Guilty shall not go into the Church eat nothing but Bread and Salt and drink nothing but Water He shall go bare Footed having his Thighs only covered he shall not lie with his Wife he shall not converse with other Men after this he shall not enter into the Church for a whole Year all which time he shall abstain from Meat Cheese drinking Wine Metheglin and Beer unless upon Holidays or in a journey or in Sickness in which case he shall buy off the Fasts of Tuesday Thursday and Saturday by giving a Penny to the Poor and maintaining Three poor People After this year he may go into the Church with other Penitents but he shall observe the same Abstinences for the Second and Third Years saving that he may for all that time buy off the Three Days aforesaid In the Four last Years he shall make three Lents the one before Easter in which he shall abstain from Cheese Fish and Wine The Second before the Nativity of St. John Baptist and the Third before the Nativity of Christ in which he shall practise the same abstinences He may eat the rest of the year what he pleases on Tuesdays Thursdays and Saturdays and buy off Munday and Wednesday for a Penny but he shall keep a strict Fast on Friday When the Seven Years are over if he hath observed these Penances exactly he shall be reconciled as the Penitents are and be admitted to partake of the Communion The Council of Nantes THE Canons which bear the Name of the Council of Nantes are only a Collection of several Constitutions made at different places The Council of Nantes The First orders that the Priests on Sundays and Holy-days shall demand of the People before they say Mass whether there be any person of another Parish who is come to hear Mass in Contempt of his own Priest and if they find any they shall put them out of the Church and oblige them to return to their own Parish They shall also ask if there be any Person at Variance and in Quarrels and if they find any they shall cause them to be Reconciled immediately which if they refuse to be they shall also put them out of the Church till they shall be Reconciled because they cannot bring their Offering to the Altar till they be reconciled to their Brother This being done the Priest shall say Mass. The Second forbids all Priests to receive the Parishioners of another unless he be in a Voyage or come to some Court The Third forbids a Priest to have any Woman with him yea those that are accepted by the Canons It forbids also Women to approach the Altar officiate as Priests or to sit within the Rails The Fourth contains Directions what a Priest ought to do when he hears that any Person is sick in his Parish He ought to go immediately to see him and when he enters into his Chamber sprinkle Holy-Water singing the Anthem Asperges me Domine Thou shalt sprinkle me O Lord c. Psal. 51. 7. Then he shall say the Lord's Prayer the Seven Psalms and the Prayers for the Sick After this he shall cause all that are in the Chamber to go out and coming to the Bed of the Sick-Man he shall speak comfortably to him and exhort him to put his whole Trust in God to bear patiently the Afflictions he hath laid upon him to confess his Sins and to resolve fully upon a thorough Conversion if God restores him to his Health to promise that he will do Penance to dispose of his Goods and set his worldly affairs in order while he is of a sound Mind to redeem his Sins by Alms to pardon those that have injured him to make a Confession of the Faith of the Church and not to despair of the Mercy of God After he hath given him these Exhortations he shall give him his Blessing and then shall retire to leave the Sick Man to think of his Sins The Fifth imports that the Priest who shall receive the Confession of a Sick-Man shall not bestow Absolution upon him but upon Condition that if God shall restore him to his Health he will undergoe Penance proportionable to his Faults The Sixth forbids taking any thing for Burials and Burying in the Church near the Altar The Seventh forbids all Ministers of the Church to favour secret and clandestine Ordinations of any of the Clergy of another Diocess The Eighth forbids a Priest to have more than one Church unless he have other Priests under him in every of those Churches who shall recite the Office day and night and celebrate Mass in them every day The Ninth commands that the Bread be Blessed that is distributed to the People This is one of the Articles of Hincmarus's Constitutions made 852. The Tenth is about the Revenues of the Church what use they ought to be put to and how distributed into Four parts The Eleventh Orders that when the Bishop designs to make an Ordination he shall cause all those who are to be Ordained to come to the City the Wednesday before the Ordination with the Arch-Priests who are to present them That afterward he shall send some Priests and other
that if he would not do that they would not value his excommunication which they might with Justice retort upon him This second Letter of the Council to the Pope bears date November 20. and was sent by Cardinal Adrian a Priest and Cardinal Benedict a Deacon They went as far as Tiber to give it him but they could not meet with him there for he was rid into the Country before they came Wherefore not meeting with any person that could inform them where be was gone they brought the Letter back to the Council which was sitting a third time The Emperor presented to them the Complaint which he in particular had to prefer against John viz That forasmuch as that Pope had sent for him to assist him against Adalbert and had afterwards taken an Oath of Allegiance to him yet he had since invited this same Adalbert to Rome and put himself at the head of the Revolters Then the Bishops the Clergy and the Laity of Rome said that it was necessary to cure this extraordinary Wound by as extraordinary a Remedy That if the debauch'd Morals of Pope John XII had injur'd the Emperor only he might have met with some toleration but since he was the ruin of so many by the scandal and bad example he had given they requir'd the Emperor that this Monster whom it was impossible to reclaim from his Vices should be turn'd out of the Church of Rome and that another Pope of an exemplary Life should be set up in his room The Emperor approv'd of this Resolution and declar'd it was his desire that they would choose one who was worthy of sitting in St. Peter's Chair He had no sooner done speaking but those who were present cry'd out The Ordination of Pope Leo VIII unanimously that they chose the Venerable Leo chief Secretary of the Church of Rome to be their Pastor and Soveraign and Universal Pope of the Roman Church rejecting John the Apostate because of his irregular Life Having repeated this their Vote three times they according to custom conducted Leo to the Lateran Palace consecrated him afterwards in St. Peter's Church and took an Oath of Fidelity to him After this the Emperor Otho supposing he had nothing more to fear in Rome dismiss'd part of his Troops that they might not be a greivance to the people but the Romans won over by the promises of John soon after rose up in Arms and made Barricades to inclose and cut off Otho But he was rescu'd by the bravery of his Troops defeated the Seditious kill'd part of them and oblig'd the people to give him Hostages Pope Leo the Eighth of that name willing to ingratiate himself with the people prevail'd so far with the Emperor by his intreaties that he perswaded him to restore the Hostages before his departure But no sooner was this Prince withdrawn to pursue Adalbert who lurk'd about Camerin and Spoleto but the Women whom Pope John had debauch'd stirr'd up the people to revolt afresh The Seditious had a design of putting Leo to death and receiving John but the former found means of flying to the Emperor as for the latter he no sooner enter'd Rome but he us'd the Friends of Leo very barbarously among others Cardinal John a Deacon The Re-establishment of Pope John XII whose right-hand he causâ—d to be cut off Aso chief Secretary whose Tongue he cut out and cut off two of his Fingers and his Nose and Orger Bishop of Spires whom he caus'd to be whipp'd cruelly and would not let him go but in hopes by his means to obtain the Emperor's pardon John to authorize his Proceedings by an Act that should have some shew of Justice held a Synod February 26. in the year 964 where assisted sixteen Bishops of Italy and some Cardinals These Prelates devoted to the will and pleasure of this Pope condemn'd the Synod which had depos'd him and elected Leo in his stead They pronounc'd a Sentence of Deposition against Leo anathematiz'd all those who favour'd him declar'd his Ordinations null conven'd those whom he had ordain'd to the Council and after they had oblig'd them to declare in writing that he who had ordain'd them having no power to do it had not conferr'd any Order upon them they stripp'd them of their habits they constrain'd Benedict Bishop of Porto and Gregory Bishop of Albania to confess they had done amiss in ordaining Leo and they suspended them for a time and because Sico Bishop of Ostia who was one of those that had ordain'd him did not appear before the Synod they declar'd him depriv'd of his Priesthood without any hopes of being restor'd they declar'd all those who had contributed to the Ordination of Leo or favour'd him or acknowledg'd him afterwards to be depos'd or excommunicated The Emperor Otho being inform'd of what pass'd at Rome preparâ—d for his return The tragical Death of Pope John XII thither to punish John according to his deserts but God prevented his Vengeance for that infamous wretch receiv'd a mortal Wound as he was sporting himself one night with a Lady out of Town of which he dy'd within eight days after on the fourteenth of May without receiving the Sacraments The Romans persisting in their revolt were before Benedict the Anti-pope hand with the Emperor by choosing Cardinal Benedict a Deacon and placing him upon the Papal Chair upon his promise of never quitting it A while after the Emperor came with his Army sat down before Rome and without being terrified at the Excommunication thunder'd against him by Benedict he constrainâ—d the Romans pinch'd with Famine and want of necessaries to open the City Gates unto him on the 23 of June As soon as he enter'd Benedict is depos'd and Leo VIII re-establish'd Rome that he might do nothing irregular he held a Synod where he caus'd Benedict to be brought in his Pontifical Habit. He demanded of him by Cardinal Benedict the Arch-deacon by what Authority and according to what Laws he had usurp'd that Dignity in the Life time of Pope Leo whom he himself had elected and why he had violated the Oath he had taken with the rest of the Romans not to chuse any Pope without the Consent of the Emperor Benedict acknowledg'd his fault and begg'd the Emperor's Pardon he divested himself of his Pontifical habit and put them together with the Pastoral Rod into Leo's hands Leo divested him likewise of his Cope and declar'd him depriv'd of all Sacerdotal and Priestly Dignity leaving him only the Order of Deacon in consideration of the Emperor Otho but he prohibited him from staying at Rome and banish'd him This Council by a solemn Decree related by Gratian granted to the Emperor the right of choosing a Pope and of investing Bishops and Archbishops and forbad the choosing a Pope without his Consent or ordaining a Bishop elect till he should receive investiture from the Emperor There is another Decree of Pope Leo whereby he grants to the Emperor Otho
Eyes to the Poor a Robber and to the Ignorant an erreonous Guide by taking away the Tithes and Oblations of the Altars from the Poor and giving them to Seculars Besides they accus'd him of Perjury and Disloyalty to his Bishop and orders them to shew him this Letter that so he may reform himself In the Thirty sixth Fulbert demonstrates the Enormity of a Deacon's Offence who pretending to be a Priest had celebrated Mass. In the Thirty eighth he says That Ebaud elected Arch-bishop of Rheims ought not to be rejected tho he were a Laick provided he had been brought up in Piety and kept himself always untainted in his Morals because there are several Examples of very great Men such as S. Ambrose of Milan S. Germain Bishop of Auxerre and several others who having led a good Life whilst Laicks have prov'd holy Bishops In the Thirty ninth he writes to the Arch-bishop of Bourges That the Abbot Salomon and his Monks cited before that Arch-bishop upon the Business of Tedfride could not possibly make their Appearance because it was then their Harvest-time but that at the Council of Orleans to be held the Fifteenth of October they would appoint him the Time and the Place wherein they would have an Hearing Afterwards he complains That this Arch-bishop had written a Letter to Arnulphus Abbot of S. Peter whereby he declar'd that he had excommunicated his Monks He gave him to understand That he had never any where Read that he had such a Power allow'd him This Arch-bishop had written another Letter to him wherein he had reprov'd him for having submitted the Abbot Tedfride without an Hearing to Monk Salomon who was only Provost Fulbert reply'd That it was not done before Tedfride had been heard and that he was not Abbot when Salomon was put in his Place That Abbot Tedfride being accus'd by his Monks had declar'd That he would no longer endure them That he abdicated their Government and that he would be no longer Monk of Bonneval That after this Declaration he went by his Permission to the Diocess of Bourges and that the Monks of Bonneval had elected one of their Brethren and had presented him to Count Odo that he might confer the Abbacy on him according to Custom and that this having been granted to him he had made him Abbot In the Forty fifth directed to Adarus Bishop of Laon he relates a tragical Action which happen'd in his Diocess The Sub-dean of his Church being dead the Bishop of Senlis desir'd of him this Benefice for himself or his Brother Fulbert reply'd That it was not suitable for him who was a Bishop and that he could not give it to his Brother who had neither Age nor Manners requisite for such a Place That he had chosen a pious Man out of his own Clergy on whom he had conferr'd that Benefice That the Bishop of Senlis being incens'd at this Denial and coveting this Benefice had sent high Threatnings to the Incumbent That these Threatnings afterwards were put in Execution And that within a few Days after the People of Senlis had set upon him as he was going to Church and had kill'd him in the Porch of the Cathedral That the Authors of this Offence had been discover'd by one of their Valets who being taken as he was drying his Cloths had discover'd all S. Fulbert exhorts the Bishop of Laon to excommunicate these Homicides The Forty eighth and ninth are directed to the Bishop of Senlis upon the same Subject In the Forty seventh he advises the Arch-bishop of Tours That if the Pope has refus'd to give him the Pall without a lawful Cause he ought not to be discourag'd at it and that he ought to repeat his Requests because in the Court of Rome there were certain Rules not practis'd any where else In the Fiftieth he determines That a Woman who was engag'd upon Oath to marry a Man could not marry another till after his Death or by his Consent The Fifty first contains the Resolution of another Case of the same Nature A Woman not being willing to live with her Husband and saying she had rather live a Nun the Husband desires he may have leave to marry another S. Fulbert declares That 't is his Opinion he could not have leave till she were either Dead or turn'd Recluse In the Two and fiftieth he declares That it was better not to celebrate Mass unless there were two or three Communicants Which he proves thus Because the Word Church without which there can be no true Sacrifice cannot be said but of many for when 't is said Dominus Vobiscum The Lord be with you it implies That there are more than one And lastly because the Prayers are made for those who offer the Sacrifice The Fifty Seventh is directed to the Bishop of Lisieux who had interdicted the Priests of the Canons of Chartres who had Churches in his Diocess because they did not pay him a certain Duty call'd the Synodical Duty He says That this Duty had been remitted to them who were in the Diocess of Chartres by the Liberality of his Predecessors but that this does not prejudice the Right of the Bishop of Lisieux over those who are of his own Diocess that therefore if he would not be pleas'd to remit it they should pay him provided he would re-establish them In the Fifty eighth directed to the Bishop of Paris he declaims against the Request which this Bishop had made to him of giving Benefices to Laicks The Sixtieth Letter directed to Leoterick Arch-bishop of Sens is written about the Excommunication of Guido an Accomplice in the Murder of the Sub-dean of Chartres Leoterick had writ to Fulbert That this Man desir'd to be examined in a Synod of Bishops Fulbert returns him this Answer That there was no further need of examining his Cause since he was proved Guilty In the Sixty first he tells Theodoric the Reasons why he did not Ordain him 1. Because on the Day whereon he was to be ordain'd he had neither Letters nor Deputies from the Bishops of the Province to intimate their Approbation of his Ordination 2. Because he he had seen a Suspension of the Pope issued out against him because of an Homicide he had been guilty of 3. Because by his own Confession he was unworthy thereof 4. Because the Clergy and Laity had not elected him freely but through Fear and at the Recommendation of the Prince who had not given them Liberty of choosing any other He adds That though he had so many Reasons for not ordaining him yet he had like to have been kill'd in the Church by those who supported his Interest He reproves him for thus endeavouring to be ordain'd by Force and for having celebrated Mass in a violated Church before it had been reconcil'd The Sixty second Letter is directed to the Bishop of Orleans to whom at the top he wishes Obsequium-Dilectionis sine fuco Dissimulationis i. e. The Obedience of Love without the
Tours dated the First of March 1077. The Pope was deceived in the Choice of the Man whom he had ordain'd to the Church of Dol. He soon receiv'd Complaints of his bad Conduct And after he had examin'd the Accusations brought against him he was just ready to depose him when he received a Letter from William King of England who interceded for him This caus'd the Pope to supersede the Execution of that Sentence till he should send upon the Place Hugh Bishop of Dia and two other Legats to inform themselves more fully about that Affair This appears by the Seventeenth Letter of the Fourth Book written to the King of England and dated March the 2d in the Year 1077. He committed the Determination of that Affair to Hugh of Dia to the Abbot of Cluny and to two other Clerks by the Two and three and twentieth Letters of the Fifth Book dated May 22d 1078. At last the Contest between the Churches of Tours and Dol for the Right of Metropolitanship having been debated in the Council held at Rome the beginning of the Year 1080. And the Archbishop of Tours having made it appear by good Titles That Bretagne belong'd to his Metropolitanship whereas the Bishop of Dol not being able to produce such Authentick ones was pleas'd to say That he had forgot behind him several of his Titles The Pope granted him a farther time and declar'd that he would send Legats upon the Place to determine that Affair And that if it appear'd that the Bishop of Dol had sufficient Titles whereon to ground his Exception he should still remain in Possession of it if not that then the Bishop of Dol and the other Bishops of Bretagne shall be subject to the Archbishop of Tours as to their Metropolitan upon Condition however that the Bishop of Dol shall still enjoy the Privilege of wearing the Pall. This is what he intimates to the People of Tours and Bretagne by the Fifteenth Letter of the Seventh Book dated March 8th in the Year 1080. The Bishop of Toul having refus'd to one of his Clerks a Church which he pretended to The Cause of the Bishop of Toul belong to his Prebendship and having absolutely suspended him that Clerk was incens'd against him and accus'd him of selling Benefices and Sacred things of holding a shameful and dishonorable Commerce with a certain Woman and of having bought his Bishoprick The Bishop's Friends to avenge his Quarrel threaten to be even with that Clerk if ever they could catch him Whereupon that Clerk not thinking himself secure absconded and the Bishop immediately caus'd all that he had to be sold. That Clerk having made his Complaints thereof to Rome Gregory VII by the Tenth Letter of the second Book dated October the 14th 1074. Commission'd the Arch-bishop of Treves and the Bishop of Metz to Try this Cause He enjoyns them in the first place to put that Clerk into the Possession of his Benefice afterwards to make enquiry into the Life of the Bishop If he were Innocent to punish the Clerk who had scandaliz'd him and if he were Guilty to depose him William Duke of Aquitain and Count of Poitiers having Marry'd one of his Relations The Cause of William Duke of Aquitain the Legat of the Holy See and the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux call'd a Synod to oblige him to part from her Isembert Bishop of Poitiers disturb'd that Assembly and offer'd violence to those who were there However the Duke of his own accord parted from his Wife Gregory no less pleas'd with his Submission than he was offended at the Action of the Bishop of Poitiers complimented the Duke upon it by the third Letter of the second Book and cited the Bishop to the Council of Rome by the second Letter of the same Book threatning to depose and excommunicate him and by the Fourth of the same Book advises the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux to come to Rome or to send some body thither to accuse Isembert These Three Letters are dated September the 2d 1074. Isembert not appearing at the Synod the Pope not only confirm'd the Suspension which his Legat had pronounc'd against him but likewise excommunicated him till such time as he should come to the Synod to be held at Rome the beginning of Lent as appears by the Three and Four and twentieth Letters of the same Book dated November the 16th in the same Year The Letters of Gregory are full of Instances of Bishops whom he cited to Rome to give The Causes which Gregory VII hear'd and try'd at Rome an account of their Conduct or condemn'd for not appearing or absolv'd when they did appear or depos'd or enjoyn'd to do Pennance We may consult beside those already mention'd the Fifty sixth Letter of the first Book by which he Summons the Bishop of Chalons to come and clear himself at Rome The Fifty seventh by which he orders the Bishop of Pavia to come to him with the Marquiss Aso accus'd of Incest with that Bishop's Sister This Woman's Name was Matilda which gave occasion to some Authors to think her to be the same with the Princess Matilda the Wife of Godfrey But she was quite another Woman for she whom we speak of was the Sister of William Bishop of Pavia who had Marry'd her Kinsman Aso before the Death of Godfrey the Princess Matilda's Husband The Pope wrote to her by the Thirty sixth Letter of the second Book to part from Aso till such time as she should prove in the Synod of Rome that the Marquiss was not her Kinsman And by the Thirty fifth Letter he likewise cited William Bishop of Pavia upon the same account These two Letters are dated December the 16th 1074. Sometimes Gregory VII Commission'd Bishops upon the places to pass a definitive Sentence Causes referr'd by the Pope to his Legats upon the Affairs in dispute Thus he committed to the Arch-bishops of Bourges and Tours the Determination of the Process between the Monastery of Dol and the Abbey of S. Sulpicius by the Ninth Letter of the second Book To Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens by the Twentieth Letter of the same Book the correcting of Lancelin who had injur'd the Arch-bishop of Tours By the Sixteenth Letter of the fourth Book he referr'd to Hugh Bishop of Dia the Tryal of the Difference which was between the Clergy of Romagne and the Arch-bishop of Vienna In the Twentieth of the same Book he referr'd to Josefroy Bishop of Paris the Absolution of several Persons excommunicated by the Arch-bishop of Rheims and granted him power to Absolve them in case he found them innocent if that Arch-bishop would not do it In the One and twentieth he referr'd to Herman Bishop of Metz the Tryal of the Process between the Bishop of Liege and the Abbot of S. Lawrence who having been turn'd out of his Monastery by the Bishop had Appeal'd to the Holy See In the Fourth Letter of the sixth Book he referr'd to the Arch-bishop of Treves and
his room The latter was zealous in endeavouring to re-establish the Church-Discipline and to reform the Corruption of Manners To which purpose he call'd divers Synods and made some Constitutions In that which was held by him at Rouen A. D. 1063. for the Dedication of the Cathedral Church the building of which was compleated at that time he publish'd a Confession of Faith against Berenger's erroneous Opinion The Council of Rouen in 1063. of which we have made mention elsewhere The Council of Rouen held A. D. 1072. MAURILLUS dying A. D. 1069. Duke William caus'd John de Bayeux Bishop of Auranches to be chosen to supply his Place and sent Lanfranc on purpose to Rome to get that Election confirm'd by the Pope This Arch-bishop held a Council at Rouen in 1072. The Council of Rouen in 1072. with his Suffragans in which after having reviv'd the Creeds of the Councils of Nice Constantinople Ephesus and Chalcedon they set forth Twenty four Canons relating to Church-Discipline The First imports That the Bishop shall perform the Consecration of the Holy Chrism and of the Oils after the Hour of †One of the Popish Canonical Hours None having at least twelve Priests for his Assistants The Second That the Arch-deacons shall not content themselves only with receiving some few Drops of the Chrism and consecrated Oil to be mixt with the other Oil as it is commonly practis'd in some Places by an Abuse but that they shall present all their Chrism and Oil to the Bishop to be consecrated by him The Third That the Deans being cloathed with Albes shall distribute the Chrism and consecrated Oil with Reverence and keep them in well stopt Vessels The Fourth ordains That none shall celebrate Mass without the Communion The Fifth That the Priests shall remain Fasting and Cloath'd with the Albe and Stole when they go about to administer Baptism unless in Case of necessity The Sixth That the Viaticum or Holy Water shall not be kept above eight days and that Hosts already consecrated shall not be consecrated a second time The Seventh That to confer Confirmation 't is requisite that the Bishop and those Persons who receive it should be Fasting and that Tapers be lighted The Eighth That sacred Orders shall be conferr'd in the Evening on Saturdays or Sunday Morning if Saturday's Fast were not broken The Ninth That the Fasts shall be exactly observ'd during the Ember-Weeks The Tenth That Clerks who have caus'd themselves to be ordain'd by surprize shall be depos'd The Eleventh That those who have receiv'd Crowns with Benediction and presume to quit them shall be excommunicated till they have made Satisfaction and that Clerks who are desirous to be ordain'd shall repair to the Bishop on Fridays for that purpose The Twelfth enjoyns That vagabond Monks or such as have been turn'd out of their Monastery for some Misdeameanour shall be constrain'd by the Bishop's Authority to return to them but if the Abbots refuse to re-admit those whom they have expell'd they shall be oblig'd to give them Alms and to maintain them The Thirteenth That no Merchandise shall be made of Spiritual Livings The Fourteenth That no Marriages shall be solemniz'd privately nor after Meals but that the Bride-groom and Bride being Fasting shall be bless'd by a Priest in like manner Fasting and that before he proceed to marry them enquiry shall be made whether the Parties be not Relations in the seventh Degree of Consanguinity The Fifteenth declares That Priests Deacons and Sub-deacons who are marry'd cannot enjoy any Church-Revenues nor dispose of them themselves or by others The Sixteenth That a Man cannot marry a Widow with whom he is suspected to have convers'd scandalously in her Husband's Life-time The Seventeenth That a Man whose Wife is vail'd a Nun cannot take another as long as she is living The Eighteenth That a Woman cannot marry again till she be certainly assur'd of her Husband's Death The Nineteenth orders That Clerks who have committed enormous and publick Sins shall not be restor'd to their Dignities till after a long course of Pennance The Twentieth That if any Clergy-man be guilty of a Crime for which he ought to be depos'd his Diocesan shall summon such a number of his Collegues as is requir'd by the Canons that is to say six for the deposing of a Priest and three for that of a Deacon and that those who cannot assist in Person shall be permitted to send their Deputies to supply their Place The Twenty first That during the time of Lent none shall take any Repast before the * One of the Canonical Hour of None The Twenty second That on Saturday the Vigil of Easter-Festival the Office shall not be begun before the Hour of None by reason that it is the Noctural Office which belongs to Easter-Sunday and that no Mass ought to be said during the two preceding days The Twenty third That if any Festival happens to fall on a day when it cannot be celebrated it shall be transferr'd to another within the Octave The Twenty fourth That the solemn and general Baptism of adult Persons shall be administred only at Easter and Whitsontide and not even on the Festival of the Epiphany unless in Case of necessity but as for Infants they may be Baptiz'd at all times In the following Year there happen'd a notable Quarrel between John de Bayuex the A Quarrel between the Arch-bishop of Rouen and the Monks of St. Owen Arch-bishop and the Monks of the Abbey of St. Owen at Rouen It was a Customary thing for the Metropolitan of that City to celebrate a solemn Mass in their Church on the Patron 's Festival Arch-bishop John having made them stay somewhat longer than ordinary they began the Office without him but he arriv'd when the Hymn call'd Gloria in excelsis was ended and being incens'd because they did not wait for him he excommunicated all the Monks caus'd the divine Service to cease and the Abbot of Sees who was officiating to depart from the Altar By this means a great Tumult was rais'd during which one of the Monks or one of their Servants got up into the Steeple rung the Alarm-bell and cry'd out from the top of the Tower That the Arch-bishop was come to take away the Relicks of St. Owen Whereupon the People were gather'd together some with Hatches and others with Staves ran in crowds to the Church and broke in furiously whilst others climb'd upon the Vaults The Arch-bishop terrify'd with the danger retir'd toward the Church-doors caus'd them to be shut and made a Rampart of Seats and Benches against those who were in the Church In the mean while his Attendants fell foul upon the Monks with Candlesticks and Staves and the Monks on the other side defended themselves as resolutely till at last the Sheriff of the City being inform'd of this Tumult and of the danger to which the Arch-bishop was expos'd came with his Guards and rescu'd him out of
Fornication although they are with Child and therefore by consequence a Man may Marry a Woman in that condition In the CLVIth to Ulric he solves another difficulty viz if in Confession to a Priest a man have own'd himself guilty of a Crime deserving Excommunication the Priest ought publickly to refuse him the Communion of the Church to which Ivo answers That unless the fault be publickly Known the Priest is not to take Notice of it before others but only to abhor it in his own heart and to give publick Notice to his People in general Terms that those who are guilty of such Crimes are already Excommunicate in the sight of God In the CLVIIth he gives Pope Pascal an Account of what had hapned in the Diocess of Lisieux that after Ranulf Flambard was driven out who had kept it several Years by violence William Arch-Deacon of Eureux was Canonically Elected Bishop who deferring being Consecrated upon Account of his Metropolitan's the Arch-Bishop of Rouen's being under Suspension Flambard had prevail'd with the Duke of Normandy to put one of his Clergy into that See Ivo having thereupon Counsell'd William to appeal in person to the Pope intreats his Holiness to Confirm his Election and to Consecrate him at Rome In the CLVIIIth he acquaints Hugh Arch-Bishop of Lions that King Philip and his Son are resolv'd to make void the Marriage of Constance the King's Daughter and Hugh Earl of Troyes because of their being too nearly Related and desires the Arch-Bishop to send speedily to all the Bishops summon'd to Court on this occasion the Genealogy of both Families In the CLIXth he writes to Pope Paschal that when any complain to him of Judgments given against them in the Court of Rome he advises them to have recourse again to the Holy See for relief not thinking it fit to remove into any other Court a Cause that has been determin'd there This Method he has perswaded the Monks of St. Maur des Fossez to take who had been forc'd by the Council of Tours held by Pope Urban to Surrender to the Earl of Anger 's the Jurisdiction they had held for 300 Years over the Monastery of St. Maur de Glanfeuil and prays the Pope to examine again the Rights of their pretensions The CLXth to Odo Abbot of Jumieges prays him to receive kindly a Monk who had left his Monastery and desires to be admitted into it again The CLXIst to the Provost of the Church of Rheims asserts that a Man who promises Marriage to a Woman and afterward Marries another ought to be Divorc'd and return to his first Engagement In the CLXIId he prays John Bishop of Orleans to degrade in as publick and severe a manner as may be a certain Priest who profanely Treated the Sacraments of the Church before a Womans Statue In the CLXIIId he perswades Geofry Abbot of Vendôme not to suffer one of his Monks to hold a Benefice he was possess'd of In the CLXIVth Ivo reprimands Geofry Abbot of Blois for repenting of his having resign'd his Abbey into the hands of the Pope's Legate and giving his voice for Maurice to succeed him The CLXVth is a Letter of Thanks and Friend-ship to Sampson Bishop of Worcester The CLXVIth is to Humbald Bishop of Auxerre acquainting him that Hugh le Blanc having made his complaint to Bruno Bishop of Signi that Pontius Nephew to the Bishop of Troyes had Married his Daughter Mathilda by Force who had been promised by her Parents to Galeran the King's Chamberlain and that the Legate having given Orders to the Bishop of Paris to cite Pontius and Mathilda before him to answer for themselves that Bishop had Summon'd them to appear before a Council held by him for that purpose at Paris There Mathilda affirm'd that Pontius Married her without her consent or that of her Parents Pontius could not answer any thing in his own Defence but stole out of Court Then Mathilda brought Ten witnesses to Swear she had been espoused to another Man and was Married to Pontius against her will upon which the Bishops declar'd the Marriage Null and that she was free to Marry any other Man Ivo acquaints the Bishop of Auxerre with these particulars understanding that one of his Diocess had a mind to Marry her which he assures him he may doe without Scruple This Letter was written in the Year 1106. In the CLXVIIth he writes to the Bishop of Mans to hinder the Marriage of one who had already Engag'd himself to another Woman In the CLXVIIIth Letter to Daimbert Arch-Bishop of Sens he speaks of the difference that 〈◊〉 been between the Viscount of Chartres and Count Rotroc about a Farm in the Diocess of Charâ—… The former of them had given it to Ivo Lord of Courbeville whom the party of Râ—troc seiz'd 〈◊〉 kept prisoner though he were one of those appointed to go to the Holy Land The Viscount of Chartres having complain'd of this matter to the Pope his Holiness appointed the Arch-Bishop of Sens the Bishops of Chartres and Orleans Commissioners to settle it Ivo Bishop of Chartres after he has by this Letter instructed Daimbert in the merits of the cause advises him to take care how he proceeds in it and to consider if it will be most advisable for them to Excommunicate Rotroc or to cite both parties before them Daimbert is of opinion that they are oblig'd by the Popes Letter to them immediately to Excommunicate Rotroc but Ivo thinking this too hard measure consults Gualon Bishop of Paris about it in the 169th Letter and in the 170th Letter tells Daimbert again that he cannot joyn in so unjust an action as cutting off one from the Communion of the Church before he be found upon fair Tryal to deserve it especially since Rotroc is willing to stand to the Examination and Sentence of their Court which his Adversaries decline doing as much as they can In his Letter also he determines that a Woman that Marries her Husband's Murderer ought not to be separated from him if she can justify her self from having a hand in the Murder and the Man can offer reasonable proof that he had never Carnal knowledge of her during her Husband's Life nor contriv'd his Death to have the enjoyment of her to himself In the CLXXIst Letter he tells Daimbert Arch-Bishop of Sens that he scarce knows how to advise him to deal with some he had Excommunicated for stealing the goods of the Church and violating the observation of Holy-Days if he receive them to the Communion again before they have made restitution 't will be directly contrary to the Laws if he persist in keeping them out he must of necessity incur the King's displeasure And though if he have Courage enough he ought to see that the Rigour of discipline be observ'd yet because such severity may occasion dismal inconveniences he advises him to use moderation chiefly because the administration of temporal Affairs naturally belongs to Kings who are not unadvisedly to be
In spight of all his endeavours it was established there and there continued as we are informed by a Letter of Enervin Provost of Stemfeld near Cologne written to St. Bernard wherein he gives him The Hereticks of Cologne to understand that within a short time they had discovered several Hereticks near that City some whereof had abjur'd their Errors and two others having maintain'd them obstinately had been burnt by the People These Hereticks taught that they were the only Persons among whom the true Church had subsisted because they alone had follow'd the Example of Jesus Christ and had possess'd nothing of this Worlds Goods They forbid the eating of Milk meats and the Flesh of Beasts They would not discover what their Sacraments were however they had own'd that they believe that the Bread and Wine which they did eat every Day was consecrated by the Lord's Prayer for the nourishment of those who were the Members and the Body of Jesus Christ that in this Sense it became the Body of Jesus Christ that Others had not the true Sacraments but The Hereticks of the 12th Century only the Appearance of them and that they held a false Tradition of men They admitted of a Baptism by Fire and the Holy Ghost as more Excellent than the Baptism of Water for which they had no great Esteem They believ'd that their Elect had a power of Baptizing and Consecrating They distinguish'd three sorts of Persons among them Hearers Believers and the Elect. Lastly they condemn'd Marriage without giving any reason for it The same Author likewise takes notice that there were likewise in that Country several other Hereticks different from the former who had been even instrumental in discovering them who deny'd that the Body of Jesus Christ was Consecrated on the Altar because all the Priests of the Church are not Consecrated and that the Ministry is corrupted by the secular and prophane lives of the Ecclesiasticks That therefore they have no other power than to teach and Preach and that all their Sacraments are Null except the Baptism of Adult persons for they did not believe that Infants ought to be baptiz'd They likewise taught that only Marriages contracted between a Man and Maiden were lawful and that all others were no better than Fornication They had no trust or Confidence on the Mediation of Saints They Asserted that Fasts and other Mortifications were not at all necessary for the Just no nor for sinners themselves They styl'd all the Usages of the Church which were not Establish'd by Jesus Christ and the Apostles Superstitions They deny'd Purgatory and maintain'd that the Souls departed immediately went into the Place allotted for them and by consequence they render'd the Prayers and Sacrifiees of the Church for the Dead Null and Void These are the Errors which Enervin attributes to those two Sorts of Hereticks to oppose which he excites the Zeal of Saint Bernard who at that time in discoursing upon these Words in the Cantieles Take us the little Foxes took an occasion from this Text to write against those Modern Hereticks whom he compares to Foxes At the First he represents their Morals in the 65th Sermon wherein he accuses them of Being Proud Lovers of Novelties of making no scruple to swear and forswear themselves of concealing their Mysteries of â—eading dissolute Lives of being too familiar with marry'd Women and Maids of being Cheats and Hypocrites Afterwards in the 66th Sermon he refutes in particular their Errors about Marriage Abstaining from Meats Infant-Baptism Purgatory Prayers for the Dead the Efficacy of Sacraments and the like Lastly he speaks of their false Constancy which made them suffer Death and the greatest Torments and he reproves several Princes and even several Bishops who tolerated those Hereticks by receiving presents from them Those Sermons of Saint Bernard were written about the year 1140. which serves to fix the Epocha of the time wherein those Hereticks of Cologne first appear'd These are the same Hereticks whom sometime after Ekbert Abbot of St. Florin in the Diocess of Treves oppos'd in his Tracts dedicated to Reginald Arch-Bishop of Cologne He had often had Conferences with them whilst he was Canon in the Church of Bonne and whereas they were frequently discovered to be in the Diocess of Cologne he thought himself oblig'd to expose their Errors and refute them This is what he has done in his six Discourses which are to be met with in the Bibliotheca Patrum He therein takes notice that those Hereticks in Germany were call'd Cathari in Flanders Piphri in France Fisserani and makes them to be the off-spring of the Manichees We will now give you an Account of the Errors which he attributes to them and refutes in those Discourses They condemn says he Marriage and threaten Damnation to those who dy'd in a marry'd state Some among them only condemn such Marriages as are contracted between any beside such as have never been marry'd They eat no flesh because they believe it to be unclean which is the Reason which they give of it publickly but in private they say that Flesh is the Devils Creature They have divers Opinions about Baptism some of them say that 't is of no use to Infants in secret they add that the Baptism with Water is of no avail for which reason they re-baptize those who enter into their Sect in a particular Way and assert that 't is the Baptism of the Holy Ghost and of Fire They Believe that the Souls of the Departed enter the very day of their Death into a State of Everlasting Happiness or of Everlasting Misery and do not believe Purgatory By consequence they reject the Prayers the Alms and the Masses for the Dead If they come to Church hear Mass and communicate there 't is only for show for they suppose that the Sacerdotal Order is utterly extinct in the Church and only subsists in their Sect. They do not believe that the Body of Jesus Christ is Consecrated on the Altar but call their own Flesh the Body of Jesus Christ and in taking of Food say that they make the Body of Jesus Christ. I have heard adds He from a man who had left their Sect after he had discover'd the Turpitude and the Errors thereof that they asserted that Jesus Christ was not born of the Virgin that he had not real Flesh that he did not rise again really but in a Figure he believ'd that 't is for this Reason that they keep not Easter but have another Festival which they call Bema Lastly he accuses them also of teaching that the Souls of Men are those Apostate Angels who were turn'd out of Heaven This Sect had likewise some Followers in the Diocess of Toul as we are inform'd by the Letter of The Hereticks of Toul Hugh Metellus a Regular Canon of that Diocess written to his Bishop Henry wherein he gives him to understand that in his Diocess there were dangerous men who began to start
in the year 1160. This Prince order'd The Condemnation of the same in the synod of Oxford Their Condemnation in the Council of Tours The Council of Lambez to the Hereticks them to be branded with a Red hot Iron in their Cheek to be whip'd publickly to be driven out of the City half-naked and left them to be starv'd to Death The Council of Tours held in the year 1163. enjoyns that for the suppressing of that Heresy which spread it self in Gascogne and in other Provinces all those should be Anathematiz'd who held any Correspondence with those Hereticks That the Princes should confiscate their Goods and prevent their Meeting In the year 1176. A Solemn Sentence was pass'd in a synod held at Lombez against several of those Hereticks going then under the Name of Bons hommes who had been apprehended by the Inhabitants of that City The Judges pitch'd upon by both Parties were Girald Bishop of Albi Gaucelin of Lodeba the Abbot of Castro and three other Abbots and Judgment was passed in the presence of Pontius Arch-Bishop of Narbonne Arnulphus Bishop of Nismes the Arch-Bishop of Tolouse the Bishop of Agda several Abbots and Superiors of Monasteries who assisted at the Synod The Bishop of Lodeba by the Order of the Bishop of Albi interrogated those Bons hommes and in the first place ask'd them whether they receiv'd the Law of Moses the Prophets and the Books of the Old and New Testament They reply'd that they did not receive the Law of Moses nor the Prophets nor the Psalms nor any part of the Old Testament but only the Gospels the Epistles of Saint Paul the Seven Canonical Epistles the Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse In the Second place he demanded of them an Explanation of their Faith They return'd him Answer that they would not explain it unless they were constrain'd to do it The third Question was about Infant-Baptism They reply'd that they had nothing to say on that head The Fourth Question was about the Eucharist where and by whom it was Consecrated who were the persons who receiv'd it and whether it were better Consecrated by a Good than by a Wicked Priest They return'd him Answer that those who receiv'd it unworthily should be damned but withall averr'd that it might be Consecrated by any good man whether Priest or Laick The Fifth was about Marriage They declar'd that they had nothing else to reply to that than what Saint Paul has said viz. That a Man and Woman are joyn'd together to avoid Incontinence and Fornication The Sixth Question was whether Repentance at the hour of Death could save any man and whether one was oblig'd to confess ones Sins to the Priests or whether one might confess them to Laicks They reply'd that the Sick might confess them to whom they pleas'd As to others they were not willing to determine any thing because the Apostle Saint James speaks only of the Sick Then they were ask'd whether Contrition and Confession alone were sufficient to obtain Remission of Sins without thinking it necessary to make Satisfaction to observe Penances Fasts Almsgiving and other Austerities They reply'd that the Apostle Saint James had order'd nothing else beside Confession as necessary to Salvation They declar'd likewise without being ask'd that they believ'd that one ought not to take an Oath That all those who were ordain'd without having the Qualifications prescrib'd by Saint Paul for Bishops were Wolves and Devourers to whom no Obedience ought to be paid Those Errors were refuted by Pontius Arch-Bishop of Narbonne by Arnulphus Bishop of Nismes and by two Abbots which serv'd only as Testimonies of the New Testament Afterwards the Judges declar'd these Bons hommes Heretical condemn'd Oliver and his Followers and all who were of the same Opinion with the Hereticks of Lombez and authoriz'd their Judgment by several Passages out of the Holy Scripture oppos'd to the Errors which we have been relating This Sentence was pronounc'd by the Bishop of Lodeba Those Hereticks protested against it by saying that the Bishop who had pronounc'd it was an Heretick an Hypocrite their Enemy their Persecutor and that they were ready to demonstrate by the Testimony of the Gospel and the Apostles that neither he nor any of the Bishops were Pastors but Mercenaries and Hirelings The Bishop reply'd upon them that his Sentence was Juridical and that he was ready to demonstrate in the Court of Pope Alexandor in the Court of Lewis King of France and in that of the Count of Tolouse or of the Countess his present Wise and of the Lord Trencavelle who was likewise there present That those whom they had condemn'd were Hereticks Upon this they being thus convinc'd turn'd about to the People and declar'd that they would make a Profession of their Faith out of Charity and for the Honour of the Assistants The Bishop bid them observe that they did not say for the Honor of God but for the Honor of the Assistants They made profession of all the Articles of the Creed and added that they acknowledg'd that they ought to confess with their Mouth the Faith which they conceiv'd in their Hearts That they believ'd that no person was sav'd unless he receiv'd the Body of Jesus Christ which is not preserv'd but in the true Church that none else beside Priests had Power of Consecrating it and that the Bad consecrated it as well as the Good that no Body could be sav'd without Baptism and that Infants are sav'd by this Sacrament That Men and Women may be sav'd thô in a Married State That every one ought to receive with Heart and Mouth Repentance from the Priest and to be baptiz'd into the Church and that Lastly they were ready to acknowlege all that could be demonstrated to them by the Authority of the Evangelists and the Epistles of the Apostles The Bishop urg'd them to swear that they would keep to the Doctrine and to declare whether they ever had any other Opinions They reply'd that they could not swear because the Gospel had prohibited all Oaths The Bishop determin'd that they ought to swear if they would be credited and prov'd by several Instances taken out of the New Testament that Oaths were not absolutely forbidden They reply'd that the Bishop of Albi had promis'd them that they should not be oblig'd to swear at all The Bishop of Albi deny'd that he had made them any such promise and confirm'd the Sentence pronounc'd by the Bishop of Lodeba which was sign'd by all the Assistants Some time after this there appear'd a great many of those Hereticks in Tolouse The Pope's Legate went thither in the year 1178. attended by several Bishops They constrain'd them to The Hereticks condem'd at Toulouse submit to publick Penance raz'd the Forts wherein they met Excommunicated and Banish'd those Hereticks who retir'd into Albigensis where they were secure For Roger Count of Albi Countenanc'd and made use of them in detaining the Bishop of
Treatise of the Sacraments or Rights of the Church by Bruno Bishop of Segni were published by Father Luke Dachery in the Twelfth Tome of the Spicilegium as a new Piece although it was printed in the Venice Edition MARBODUS Bishop of Rennes MARBODUS flourish'd at Anger 's in the end of the preceding Century in quality of Canon Marbodus Bishop of Rennes Arch-deacon and principal Master of the Schools of that Church Afterwards he was nominated for the Bishoprick of Rennes by Pope Urban II. was ordain'd in the Council of Tours A. D. 1096. and govern'd that Church during twenty eight Years When he perceiv'd himself to draw near his end he left his Bishoprick and retir'd to the Monastery of St. Aubin at Anger 's where he assum'd the Habit of St. Benedict and died in the beginning of the Month of September A. D. 1123. Sigebert assures us that he wrote a Commentary on the Book of Canticles but it is no longer extant Marbodus compos'd divers Poetical Works Printed at Rennes in 1524. in which Edition are to be found certain Hymns on Mary Magdalen Three Prayers to God One to the Virgin Mary Several Epigrams and Letters in Verse Divers moral Poems A Piece on the casting away of Jonas Another on the Martyrdom of the Maccabees The Passions of divers Martyrs in Verse The Life of St. Maurillus of Anger 's in Verse Sixty Poetical Pieces on the precious Stones and on other Subjects Ten other Poetical Pieces on the following Subjects viz. on the manner of Writing on Time on Eternity against lewd Women in commendation of vertuous Women on Old Age against those who imagine that the Stars have any influence over the Bodies of Men against Voluptuousness on true Friendship and on the Advantages of Death and of the Resurrection These Poems are follow'd by six Letters in the First of which directed to Renaud Bishop of Anger 's Marbodus complains That that Prelate after having persecuted and traduc'd him publickly condemn'd him for writing to the Pope that the disturbances raised by the Bishop of Anger 's hinder'd him from going to Rome He upbraids him with the Services he did him in causing him to be chosen Bishop and the assistance he gave him in expediting his Journy to Rome to get his Election confirmed that in stead of a grateful acknowledgment of that Kindness he was no sooner return'd from Rome but he depriv'd him of those Favours and Privileges which were granted to him by his Predecessors without so much as allowing him six Months Respit to make an honourable retreat and that after having made complaint of his being treated so unworthily the Bishop of Anger 's cited him to Rome knowing that he was not in a condition to go thither obtain'd power to condemn him and actually pronounc'd Sentence against him under colour that he had receiv'd Induction into two Churches After having thus smartly reprehended Renaud he advises him to moderate his Anger not to be too far transported with the heat of his Youth to have a greater respect for his Elders and to take care lest his irregular Conduct should verifie the report given out by some Persons viz. that Prosperity and the high Station to which he aspir'd had sufficiently discover'd the corruption of his Manners Marbodus adds that he does not give him this Admonition to the end that he might be more favourable to him but lest he should abuse his Authority in treating others after the same manner The second Letter is directed to Robert d' Arbriselles whom he reproves as Geffrey of Vendome had done for keeping too familiar a correspondence with Women and for suffering Men and Women to cohabit together He represents to him the danger of that intimate Converse and the Scandal that it might occasion He likewise blames him for wearing a torn Garment as not being suitable to the Profession of a Regular Canon which he embrac'd at first or to the Sacerdotal Dignity to which he was afterwards advanced He accuses him of affecting singularity in that particular and advises him to resume the Habit of a Regular Canon and to return to his former course of Life But he is much more offended at him for taking upon him to reprove the Vices of absent Clergy-men in his Sermons and for inveighing against certain Orders and Persons of great Eminency He affirms that that serves only to bring Superiors into contempt to subvert the order of the Church and even to induce many to believe that his design in declaiming against others was only to gain popular Applause He declares at the same time that altho' he had a better Opinion of him yet it cannot be deny'd that his Preaching has the same effect and that many of his Hearers abandon their Curates and refuse to receive the Sacraments from them or to pay them Tithes whereas they run after him incessantly being excited by Curiosity and an inclination to Novelty rather than a true principle of Piety since it does not appear that there is any manner of reformation in their Lives and Conversations Lastly he rebukes him for giving the Monastick Habit to all those who being mov'd by his Sermons were desirous to receive it without making any trial of their integrity and constancy as also in regard that he took no care that they should be thoroughly converted provided the number of his Followers were encreas'd That after they had once given in their Names he took no farther cognizance of their Affairs but left them at liberty to act as they thought fit That some of them met together and ran about the Towns and Countries cloathed with Habits of several Colours wearing long Beards and walking bare-footed And that when they were ask'd who they were they made Answer That they belong'd to their Master Our Author is unwilling to impute to him the Extravagances committed by those People but observes it to be a matter of dangerous Consequence that they should thus make use of his Authority for a cloke to their Folâ—y and call themselves his Disciples As for the Nuns which Robert d' Arbriselles in like manner caus'd to be shut up in Cells without any Probation he says that some of them broke thro' the Passages to make their Escape and that others were brought to Bed in their Appartments which would not have happen'd continues he if the prudence of the Governor had made a trial of their Strength He concludes with remonstrating to him that he was censur'd for quitting the Canonical Life which he had embrac'd and for leaving the Monastery where he had made a Vow of Constancy and where he was constituted Superiour of his Collegues to lead an extraordinary kind of Life and to take upon him the Government of a Nunnery There oâ—e Marbodus demands of him a satisfactory Answer as to those particular Articles otheâ—wâ—â—e he declares that he should have very good reason to doubt of his Salvation 'T is probable that Robert d' Arbriselles clear'd himself from
vindicates the comparison he made of the different States of the Church to the various Phases or Apparitions of the Moon and maintains that Terms and Maxims of Philosophy and of the Civil Law may be us'd in treating of matters of Religion when it can be done conveniently In the Ninth he reproves one of his Pupils who after having compleated his Philological Studies determin'd to rest for two Years before he apply'd himself to that of Divinity and shews that that negligence would be extremely prejudicial to him In the Tenth written to one of the Chaplains of the King of Sicily against the Design which that Prince had to cause to be install'd in the Bishoprick of Agrigento a certain young Lord who was by no means capable of performing the Functions of the Episcopal Dignity he admonishes the said Chaplain that his Office obliges him to continue to make Remonstrances to the King to hinder him from disposing of the Bishoprick after such a manner In the Eleventh he exhorts a Clergy-man who had solemnly engag'd to embrace the Monastick Life to perform his Vow The Twelfth is a consolatory Letter directed to one of his Nephews afflicted with the Death of his Uncle the burning of his House and a Wound he receiv'd in his Foot In the Thirteenth he reprehends a Young Monk who endeavour'd to get a Priory under pretence that he should thereby have an opportunity of converting more Souls and makes it appear That a Monk ought not to covet Secular Employments nor to aspire to Dignities not to affect to instruct others In the Fourteenth directed to the Chaplains of the King of England he communicates to them certain Reflections that a Fit of Sickness caus'd him to make on the miserable condition of those Clergy-men who are oblig'd to reside in the Courts of Princes of which he gives a very lively Description and exhorts them to follow his Example in quitting that course of Life The Fifteenth is an Instruction to Rainaud newly chosen Bishop of Chartres concerning the Episcopal Qualities and Functions He says That the first thing that is sometimes done is to make enquiry into the Revenues belonging to the Bishoprick and not into the present condition of it He censures the Luxury and Magnificence of some Bishops of his time the pains that they took to heap up Riches and to gratifie Princes and the Secular Course of Life that they lead In the Sixteenth he exhorts a certain Bishop immers'd in the management of many Affairs to make choice of a more quiet manner of Living in order to promote his own Salvation In the Seventeenth he shews That a Clerk who drives a Trade is no less culpable than one that follows Usury and that all manner of inordinate endeavours to get and heap up Riches are unworthy of a Clergy-man In the Eighteenth he gives us a lively description of the Irregularities of a certain Bishop who was addicted to that Vice In the Nineteenth he resolves two Questions which were propos'd to him by one of his Friends who studied the Law at Paris viz. 1. Whether a Woman who turn'd Nun upon a supposition that her Husband was dead be oblig'd to leave the Convent if he return And 2. In case she be oblig'd to follow her Husband whether she ought to assume the Veil again after his Death He answers That the Vow of Chastity made by her being in the Husband's Power is not obligatory and that she ought to return with her Husband and may marry again after his Decease In that Letter there is a remark very advantageous to the Schools of Paris of which he saies that as there was formerly a Proverbial saying that those who had any Question to propose ought to repair to Avila so in like manner at present it pass'd into a Proverb that those who were desirous to have any Question decided need only go to Paris where the greatest Difficulties are fairly resolv'd In the Twentieth he complains That the Domestick Servants of Rainaud Bishop of Chartres remov'd him from the Palace of that Prelate whom he blames for his too great Liberality In the Twenty first he reprehends the haughtiness and arrogancy of a Canon who was formerly one of his particular Friends In the Twenty second directed to John of Salisbury he commends his Constancy and that of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury and advises them to persevere and not to suffer themselves to be mov'd by any manner of Adversity or Persecutions In the Twenty third written to Octavian the Pope's Legate he declames against the Abuse that was then predominant to fill up the vacant Bishopricks with unworthy and uncapable Persons who obtain'd them by the means of sinister practices or purchas'd them with Money In the Twenty fourth he entreats the Friends of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury to prevail upon that Prelate to forgive the Arch-Deacon of Salisbury who was desirous to be reconcil'd with him In the Twenty fifth he exhorts an Official to quit that Employment which he looks upon as very dangerous I am apt to believe says he that the Officials were so call'd not from the name of their Office but from the Verb Officio which signifies to be hurtful or to do Mischief For the whole Function of an Official is to sheer and flea at the pleasure of the Bishop the poor Sheep that are under his Jurisdiction They are the Bishop's Horse-leeches that cast up the Blood they have suck'd out and which as it were so many Spunges that being squeez'd restore the Water wherein they were soak'd pour into their Masters Bosom the Treasure that they have extorted insomuch that of all those execrable Purchases they have only left the stain of Sin For that which is thus hoarded up by oppressing the Poor serves to gratify the unruly Appetite of the Bishops and draws Punishments on the Officials who may be well compar'd to those private Doors thro' which the Priests of Bel were wont secretly to convey the Sacrifices that were laid on the Altar of that False God since the Bishops make use of their Hands to pillage the Estates of other Men casting upon them all the marks of Infamy and the whole guilt of those Crimes of which they make the sole advantage The Office of the Officials at present is to confound Right to create Law-suits to disannul Agreements to prolong Trials to suppress the Truth to maintain Falshood to seek for nothing but filthy Lucre to sell Justice to commit all manner of unjust Actions and to devise Cheats and Artifices to deceive the People These are the Men who over-load their Landlords with a numerous Retinue of Attendants and costly Equipages who hunt after dainty Dishes being very prodigal of the Estates of other Persons and as covetous of their own They are very critical in searching out the etymology and signification of Words and make Glosses upon all manner of Syllables on purpose to lay Snares for others in order to drain their Purses They take
unworthy Priests have the Power of the Keys as well as the worthy The Twentieth Section contains the Opinions of the Fathers concerning the Repentance of dying Persons In the Twenty first he discourses of the Expiation of light Sins by the Pains of Purgatory of the general Confession of venial Sins and of the Penalties to be inflicted on Priests who divulge matters related to them in Confession In the Twenty second he proposes this Question viz. Whether Sins that have been once forgiven return by the Commission of following Sins And after having produced the Reasons on both sides leaves the Question undecided In the Twenty third Distinction he treats of the Sacrament of Unction which he believes to have been instituted by the Apostles the Effect of it being the remission of Sins and the comfort of the Sick Person He also proves that this Sacrament may be reiterated In the Twenty fourth he treats of the Functions and Dignity of the Seven Orders and of the different Dignities among Bishops In the Twenty fifth he discourses of the validity of Ordinations made by Hereticks and after having produced different Opinions seems to approve that of those who affirm that Persons who were ordain'd in the Church still retain the Power of ordaining though they turn Hereticks but deny that those whom they ordain have the same Power Afterwards he treats of Simoniacal Ordinations and of the Age requisite for admission into Orders In the Twenty sixth he shews the Antiquity of the Sacrament of Marriage In the Twenty seventh he enquires in what Marriage consists and distinguishes a Promise of future Marriage from Marriage contracted by the present Consent of the Parties In the Twenty eighth Twenty ninth and Thirtieth he gives a farther Account of the Conditions that ought to be annexed to such a Consent as is necessary for the Consummation of Marriage In the Thirty first he explains the Advantages of Marriage which are Fidelity the Lawful Procreation of Children and the Benefit of the Sacrament and treats of the contrary Vices In the Thirty second he discourses of Matters relating to the Continency of married Persons at certain times In the Thirty third he relates divers Considerations of the Fathers with respect to the Polygamy of the Patriarchs In the Thirty fourth he treats of the Impediments that render Persons uncapable of contracting Marriage and which make their Marriage void and of none Effect In the Thirty fifth he shews that a Man may be divorced from his Wife upon the Account of Adultery and that they may be afterwards reconcil'd The Author adds that he who has committed Adultery with a Woman may marry her after her Husband's decease provided he were not accessory to his Death and did not promise his Wife to marry her in his Life-time In the Thirty sixth Section he treats of the Impediment that arises from the difference of Age and Condition between the Parties who contract Marriage In the Thirty seventh he discourses of the Injunction of Celebacy observ'd by Bishops Priests Deacons and Sub-deacons and of Pope Calixtus's Ordinance declaring such Marriages null In the Thirty eighth he treats of the Impediment of a Vow In the Thirty ninth of that of difference in Religion In the Fortieth Forty first and Forty second of the Degrees of Cansanguinity and Affinity as well Temporal as Spiritual The other Sections contain divers Questions concerning the Resurrection the State of the Elect and of the Reprobates after their Death Prayers for the Dead the Invocation and Intercession of the Saints the Circumstances of the last Judgment the several Degrees of Beatitude and Glory and the State and Torments of the Damned with which ends the Fiftieth Section of the Fourth Book by the Master of the Sentences This Work was published by John Aleaume and printed at Paris A. D. 1565. and at Lyons in 158â— It was also revis'd by Antony de Mouchy and reprinted in the same City in 1618. and in otheâ— Places The Author makes it his chief Business as we have already hinted to collect the Opinions of the Fathers concerning all the Questions discussed by him He adds very little of his own except sometimes in reconciling certain Passages which seem to be contradictory and when he cannot bring them to an Agreement he usually leaves the Question undecided He avoids to meddle with Questions concerning which the Fathers have writ nothing and scarce ever makes use of Philosophical Terms and Arguments much less of Aristotle's Authority who is often cited by the other School-men The Book of Sentences by ROBERT PULLUS is not a Collection of Passages of the Fathers Robert Pullus Cardinal as that of Peter Lombard but a Theological Work in which he himself resolves certain Questions which are propos'd either by Ratiocination or by Proofs taken out of holy Scripture This Author sir-nam'd Pullus Pullen or Pully being an English Man by Nation passed over into France and flourished in the Schools of Paris He return'd to England about the Year 1130. and there re-established the University of Oxford in 1133. He was made Arch-deacon of Rochester and although he enjoy'd that Benefice yet forbore not to go back to Paris where he resided in Quality of Professor of Divinity However his Metropolitan thought fit to recall him and not being prevail'd with even upon St. Bernard's Request that he might still remain at Paris caus'd the Revenues of his Arch-deaconry to be seiz'd on to oblige him to return to England Whereupon Pullus appeal'd to the See of Rome and having much Interest in that Court was not only vindicated against the Archbishop but also invited to Rome by Pope Innocent II. and created Cardinal and Chancellor of the Church of Rome by Lucius II. in 1144. This Dignity was enjoy'd by him till the Third or Fifth Year of the Pontificate of Eugenius III. when he died A. D. 1150. Cardinal Pullus's Book of Sentences is divided into Eight Parts in the First of which he treats of the Existence of God of the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity and of the Divine Attributes In the Second of the Creation of the World of the Angels of the Nature of Man of the Origine of the Soul of Adam's Fall of the Corruption of human Nature and of Original Sin In the Third of the Law of the Circumcision of the Law of Grace and of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ. He continues his Discourse concerning that Mystery in the Fourth Part where he also treats of Faith Hope and Charity of Purgatory and of the State of Souls after their Separation from their Bodies In the Fifth he treats of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ of the Gift of Faith of the Sacraments of Baptism of Confirmation of the Remission of Sins of Charity and of Sin In the Sixth Part he discourses of the Effects of Sin of Concupiscence of Ignorance and other Punishments of Sin of the Temptations of the Devil of the Assistance of good Angels and their Functions
yet was Preached foolishly indiscreetly and did no ways tend to the Benefit and Edification of the People and ought not at all to have been Preach'd and as to the second part if he compares the Virgin to the Humanity of Jesus Christ and his Soul as to Glory it is false and Erroneous in Faith and ought to be retracted The Second Proposition It is a Problem viz. whether the Virgin Mary was Corporally more Beautiful than Eve The Qualification This Proposition is rash derogatory from the Honour and Dignity of the Virgin false contrary to the Doctrin of the Saints suspected of Heresie and therefore ought to be retracted The Third Proposition It is Apocryphal to say that Jesus Christ was before the Virgin in his Assumption The Qualification this Proposition is false contrary to the Writings of the Doctors favours of Impiety and is offensive to pious Ears The Fourth Proposition We are not obliged to Believe under pain of Mortal Sin that the Virgin A Censure against the Propositions of Moreel was taken up into Heaven in Body and Soul because this is not an Article of Faith The Qualification this Proposition as it is express'd is rash scandalous impious tending to diminish the Devotion of People towards the Virgin false and Heretical Many People will find that there is some Extravagance in these Qualifications On the Month of January in 1498. the Faculty being Consulted by King Charles VIII about The Answer of the â—aculty to the King about the Celebration of a General Council the necessity of Celebrating General Councils decided the Questions which his Majesty had proposed to them after this manner First That the Pope was bound to call together every tenth year a General Council chiefly upon the account of any Notorious Corruption in the Head and Members of the Church Secondly That if the Pope being desired did refuse or delay to do it the Ecclesiastical and Secular Princes might call it together Thirdly That in this Case those who make up the Assembly might Celebrate the Council and provide for the Necessities of the Church This Conclusion is dated February the 10th About the end of the same year the Faculty was Consulted concerning Sixteen Extravagant A Censure of 16 Extravagant Propositions of John Vitrier an Observanâ—ine Propositions which were Preached at Tournay by John Vitrier a Regular of the Order of Friars Minors of the Observance which it Censured and qualified by its Conclusion dated October the 2d First It would be better to Cut a Child's Throat than to place it in a Religious Society which is not Reform'd Secondly it would be better to take your Daughter by the hand and lead her to a Lewd place than to place her in a Nunnery that is not Reform'd These two Propositions are Censured as Scandalous Seditious savouring of the pride of the Pharisees as false and contrary to good Manners Thirdly Whosoever hears Mass said by a Priest who has a Wife at home sins mortally Fourthly whosoever makes a Priest that keeps a Wife at home Celebrate Mass sins mortally and by giving him Mony you put a halter about his neck Fifthly If your Parish-Priest or any other Priest keep Women in their Houses you ought to go and pull them out by force and drive them out of their House These Propositions are Condemn'd as Scandalous Seditious False c. Sixthly The Musick which is Sung at Notredam is nothing but Lewdness and a provocation to Lewdness The Qualification which the Faculty gave of this Proposition was this Altho' we approve not Lascivious and Theatrical Songs if any such be Sung in the Church yet we commend and approve the Singing of Musick which is usually done in the Church because it excites the People to Devotion Seventhly The King never gave the Privilege of so much Wine Custom-free at Tournay to Les malles Tantes de vin a Tournay maintain the Lewd Canons and Ecclesiasticks This is Censur'd as Scandalous and Reproachful Eighthly No Mony is due to Churches for Pardons Ninthly Pardons are never given for Lewd Places Tenthly Pardons come from Hell These Propositions are Censur'd as Scandalous False and Heretical c. Eleventhly When you hear Mass you ought to say nothing and when the Holy Sacrament is Elevated you ought to look towards the ground and not upon the Holy Sacrament This General Proposition is declared false and contrary to the practice of the Church Twelfthly The Hours of the Virgin ought not to be said by the Seculars Thirteenth The Saints ought not to be pray'd to These Propositions are Censur'd as False and Heretical Fourteenth There are some who say certain Prayers of the Virgin Mary to the end that at the hour of death they may see the Virgin Mary thou shalt see the Devil and not the Virgin Mary The Qualification of this Proposition is thus If the meaning be that it is not lawful to repeat certain devout Prayers to the end that the Virgin may assist at the death of him who prays devoutly This Proposition is false But if the meaning be to Condemn the Superstitious Credulity of some who think that by vertue of certain Prayers rather than other the Virgin will appear to them visibly at the hour of Death we do not Condemn this Sense Fifteen It would be better for a Married Woman to break her Vow of Marriage than to break her Fast. Sixteenth I would rather be the Cause of a Man's death than lie with a Woman These two Propositions are Censured as False Scandalous c. We may also rank among the Errors that were started in the Fifteenth Century the Propositions The Errors of Grabon of Matthew Grabon against the Poverty of those who were not Regulars which are Condemn'd in the Council of Basil whereof we have already spoken and the Reveries of Augustin of Rome of the Order of Friars Hermits of St. Austin who wrote a Treatise of the Church divided into three parts whereof the first was Of the Union of Jesus Christ and his Church or of Jesus Christ entire the second Of Jesus Christ as Head and of his Illustrious Dominion the third Of the Charity of Jesus Christ towards the Elect and of his Infinite Love He carried this matter so high in this Work of the Union of the Human Nature with the Divine that he advanc'd some Propositions wherein he attributes to the Human Nature in Christ what agrees only to the Divine as That the human Nature in Jesus Christ is truly naturally and properly God that the two Natures in Jesus Christ are equally amicable that the Soul of Jesus Christ sees God as perfectly as his Divinity And concerning the Union of the Members with Christ that the Union of Charity is not sufficient to make a Member of Jesus Christ but a Man must be of the number of the Elect and Predestinate These Errors and the Book of this Author were Condemn'd in the Council of Basil Sess. 22. only his
Bishops Parish-Priests and other Priests do also molest the Regulars being perswaded that these Regulars seduc'd their Parishioners from their Parishes by telling them That they may freely come to their House on Festival Days to hear Divine Service That they are the proper Priests and Rectors to whom they ought to make Easter-Confession That the Parish-Priests maintain also That Confessions made to Regulars ought to be reiterated That these Disputes being the Cause of Scandal Hatred Divisions and Scruples he ordains both one and the other to put an end to these Contests and each to continue within the same Bounds which of Right belonged to 'em without attempting to invade the Right of others or to enlarge their own Pretensions For which end he renewed the Clementine Dudum revok'd the Enlargements which might be made of it and all such Privileges which may have been granted beyond what is contained in that Bull which he declares null and condemns the Propositions which were advanc'd as well by the Regulars to seduce the Parishioners from their Parish as by the Seculars against the Privileges granted to the Mendicants by this Decretal Sixtus IV. without any regard to this Revocation of Callistus reviv'd in 1473. the Bulls of Alexander V. and Eugenius IV. and gave the same Power which the Mendicants had of administring the Sacraments of the Eucharist and Extream Unction to those whom the Curates refused without a lawful Cause But he was aftewards forc'd to explain himself upon Occasion of the Differences which arose in Germany between the Mendicants and the Parish-Priests and declared by his Bull dated June the 17th in 1478. 1st That the Orders of Mendicants were very advantageous to the Church 2d That the Friars Mendicants ought not to preach That the Parishioners were not obliged to hear Mass in their Parishes on Festivals and Sundays 3dly That neither the Regulars nor the Mendicants ought to solicit the Laity to chuse their place of Burial among them because in this they ought to be left to their Liberty 4thly That the Mendicants ought no more to preach That Parishioners are not obliged to confess themselves at least at Easter to their Parish-Priests because the Parishioners are bound of Right to confess themselves at Easter to their proper Priests That in the mean while the Friars Mendicants are not excluded by this from hearing Confessions and imposing Penances according to common Right and the Privileges which were granted them 5thly That the Usage shall be observed as to the Hours of Divine Service That the Regulars shall not seduce the Parishioners from their Parishes and that the Parish-Priests shall not hurt the Mendicants that so there may appear to be a perfect Union and Charity between them This Decision of Sixtus did wholly remove the Difficulty about the Easter-Confession and plainly decided the Question in favour of the Parish-Priests The new Religious Societies instituted in this Century are the Society of Canons Regulars of St. Saviour founded near Siena by Stephen a Regular Augustin who had leave of the Pope The Institutions of new religious Orders to change the Habit and was approved by Gregory XII in 1408. to which the Church of St. Mary of Escoupetto of Florence was united from whence the Monastery was called Scopetto and the Canons Scopettines the Order of Mount Olivet which was a Reformation of the Hieronymites who followed the Rule attributed to St. Jerom which was compiled by Loup a Brother to St. Vincent Ferrier and approv'd by the Popes Gregory XII and Martin V. the Society of Canons Regulars of George of Alga founded in 1407. by Lawrence Justinian the Patriarch of Venice The Congregation of St. Justina of Padua which was a Reformation of the Benedictine Order in Italy made by Lewis Barbe a Venetian Canon of the Congregation of St. George of Alga in 1409. which was approv'd by Eugenius IV. and John XXIII and honoured with many Privileges by the Popes The Congregation of Bursfeld which is a Reformation of the Benedictines in Germany that was begun by John Rhodes who passed from the Order of Carthusians to that of St. Benedict and was made Abbot of the Abbey of St. Matthias near Treves and finished by John Abbot of Bursfeld who united many Monasteries into one Congregation The Order of Minims whose Author was St. Francis of Paule who built about the Year 1467. a little Monastery of Regulars near that City under a Rule which was approved by Sixtus IV. Alexander VI. and Julius II. At first they bore the Name of the Hermits of St. Francis and afterwards that of the Minims because they called themselves in Humility Minimi fratres Eremitae The Order of the Nuns of the Blessed Virgin Mary which was instituted at Toledo by Beatrix at Sylva a Portuguese Woman and approved in 1489. by Innocent VIII upon the Prayer of Isabella Queen of Spain While Beatrix liv'd they followed the Rule of the Cistertians after her Death they assum'd that of St. Claire in 1494. The Military Orders founded in this Century are that of the Annunciade instituted by Amideus The Military Orders V. Count of Savoy in 1420. That of St. Maurice instituted by Amideus VII who was afterwards chosen Pope That of the Golden Fleece instituted in 1431. by Philip the Good Duke of Burgundy That of the Knights of Luna by Renatus Duke of Anjou King of Sicily in 1464. That of the Knights of St. George by Frederick III. Emperor That of St. Michael by King Louis XI in 1469. That of St. Stephen by Cosmus of Medicis which was approv'd in 1561. by Pius IV. and some others that are less famous A DISSERTATION ABOUT THE Author of the Book CONCERNING THE Imitation of JESUS CHRIST Wherein the Contests that have arisen upon this Subject are Related and the Reasons which have been alledg'd in favour of those to whom it is Attributed the Manuscripts the Editions and Testimonies which are made use of to maintain the Right of each Pretender are Examin'd and upon the whole an Equitable and Impartial Judgment is given THERE never was a Book in the World whose Author was Contested with more heat and about which more Pieces have been Written than about the Book of the A Dissertation about the Author of the Imitation of Jesus Christ. Imitation of Jesus Christ. This Question which appears not to be of any great Consequence nor to be worthy of the pains of Learned Men is now become Famous by the contrary Pretensions of two great Religious Societies about it by the different Judgments which Learned Men have given of it by the Curious Enquiries which have been made on both sides by the great number of Reasons and Authorities which have been alledg'd by the Learning and Eloquence of the Contenders and by the noise it has made in the World All these Reasons have oblig'd us to search this Matter to the bottom in this Dissertation wherein we have Collected together all that has been done
unworthy the Name of a Christian tho' they agreed with him in not receiving the Council of Chalcedon This Themistius seems to be that Heretick whose Fragments are found quoted in the sixth Council who was of the Sect of the Agnoetae and had written an Apology for S. Theophobius against which another Monk named Theodorus of the Sect of * Theopaschitae those who said the Deity had suffer'd writ a Book in which he did refute the four Arguments urg'd by Themistius to prove that Christ was subject to Ignorance Themistius wrote an Answer to that Work to which Theodorus opposed three other Books Photius saith They did both of them write indifferent clear and strong See the 23d 24th and 108th Volumes of his Bibliotheca for we have not now these Works NICIAS HEre is another Adversary of Philoponus he was call'd Nicias and was a Monk He composed a Book against the Seven Articles of Philoponus mention'd in his Book entituled Nicias The Arbiter or the Judge His Style was plain and concise his Answers satisfactory and all to the purpose He had also made a Treatise against Severus and two Books against the Pagans See Photius in the 50th Volume of his Bibliotheca ANTIOCHUS ANTIOCHUS a Monk of the Monastery of S. Sabas in Palaestina liv'd in the beginning of the Seventh Century when Jerusalem was taken by Chosroes King of Persia and Antiochus Palaestine pillaged by the Saracens He hath made a Book entitul'd A Pandect of the Holy Scripture because it is made up of 190 Moral Discourses containing Precepts and Maxims upon the principal Duties of a Christian grounded upon Places of the Holy Scripture In the 130th he maketh the Catalogue of Heresies related by S. Epiphanius to which he adds the Names of the Authors of Heresies who appeared since In the End there is a long Prayer entituled Exomologesis to beg of God that he would turn away his Wrath from his People The Preface speaks of the taking of Jerusalem and with what Cruelties the Saracens used the Monks of Palaestina This Treatise is in Greek and Latin in the first Addition to the Bibliotheca Patrum and in Latin alone in the last Bibliotheca in which they have put the 81st Discourse a second Time under another Title JOHN Bishop of Thessalonica THIS Bishop who is quoted in the 7th Council hath left us an Homily upon those Women that carried the Perfumes to imbalm Christ's Corpse In that Homily he maketh John of Thessalonica divers Remarks to set forth the Circumstances of our Lord's Resurrection These are some of them He saith those Women came the night between the Saturday and Sunday to Christ's Tomb That Mary the Mother of James was the Mother of Christ so called because she was Mother-in-Law to James the Lord's Brother that is Joseph's Son by a former Wife That she that accompanied her was Mary Magdalen That they found Christ risen That the hour of his Resurrection is uncertain That Mary Magdalen went a second time to Christ's Tomb with other Women very early That she returned thither twice more That the four Evangelists speak of four different Journies of the Women to the Tomb That there are five or six Maries Mary Magdalen out of whom Christ had cast seven Devils Mary the Mother of James which is the Virgin-Mother of God Mother-in-Law to James the Greater Mary the Mother of James the Lesser and of Joses Mary the Wife of Cleophas the Virgin 's Sister and Mary Martha's and Lazarus's Sister The distinction of these Maries may have some ground but the four Journies to Christ's Tomb are a conjecture without probability This Homily had already been published in Greek by Sir H. Savil among the supposititious Homilies of S. Chrysostom and Combesis hath published it with a Translation out of a Manuscript in which it is attributed to John Bishop of Thessalonica He had found out one more upon the Virgin 's Assumption little differing from the Writing attributed to Melito but he did not judge it worth publishing In the 7th Council Act. 4. are found some Fragments of John of Thessalonica's Dialogues the first whereof was between a Gentile and a Catholick and the second between a Jew and a Christian. In the 1st he proves against the Gentile That Angels and Souls may be painted as being corporeal and in the 2d he shews That the b Pictures of Christ and of the Martyrs which were in use among Christians are not Idols The Charge of Idolatry being so great a Crime so stupid a Sin and so strictly forbidden in Holy Scripture hath always been denied by the rankest Image-worshippers Conc. Nic. 2. An. 788 Conc. Const. sub Copron. An. 754. among Christians and that with much seeming detestation The Fathers of the 2d Council of Nice who were strenuous Patrons of Image-worship against the Iconoclasts of that time did yet disclaim that Charge lately laid upon them by a Council at Constantinople tho' the Reasons brought to clear themselves of it are very weak and frivolous as the most learned Bishop of Worcester hath sufficiently evinced Still Idol c. 1. p. 68. Sect. 9. c. Aug. de cons. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. Basil. Orat. in S Barla Epiph. ad Joan. Hierosol inter Op. Hieron Nor doth the Modern Church tho' as gross Idolaters as the Heathens themselves seem to bear any Impeachment more grievous than of Idolatry And then 't is no wonder that this Writer who perhaps was guilty of the same Sin should assert That the Pictures then in use among Christians were no Idols And indeed as they were used by the Church at first from the year 380 to S. Gregory the Great 's time viz. To represent the History of the Bible to the illiterate and ignorant Laity or to adorn the Church withal we do not account them Idols tho' as the Christians for the first 300 years and more would not endure any Pictures in their Churches witness that zealous Fact of Epiphanius in the Church of Anabathla so it may reasonably be thought it was the Foundation of that Image-worship which soon followed in the more superstitious Ages And if the Christians of whom this Bishop speaks made no other use of them we acknowledge That they are not Idols But if the Pictures of Christ and his Martyrs were worshipped by those Christians of whom he speaks according to the custom of those times it will be impossible to excuse them from Idolatry notwithstanding the distinctions made by the Image-worshippers between an Image and an Idol for in Holy Scripture every Image being bowed Isa. 44. 9 10 13. down to and worshipped tho' but with a relative Worship is thereby made an Idol Pictures of Christ and of the Martyrs which were in use among Christians are not Idols GREGORY of Antioch GREGORY Bishop of Antioch who sat in that See from the year 572. to the year 608. made a Discourse upon the same Subject but it is less