the Provinces of Flanders were under the Government thereof Nor was this a bare Union between Prince and Prince but it extended from Nation to Nation and almost from private man to private man so great were the considerations both of neighbourhood Traffick and the conformity of Government and of all other Interests to make both peoples as it were but one and the same Every concern being then so united between the Flemish and the English how could I abandon those and not abandon these Nothing is more just then to defend the oppressed nothing more becoming a regal condition then to take such into protection And if the most remote people may merit such a favour how much more may our neighbours desrve it and those between whom and us there is so near a conjunction Nor ought the Flemish to be ere a whit less assisted by me out of justice then out of conveniency You see whether the vastness of the Spanish Empire is arrived And how much more this Kingdom in particular is now indangered by the addition of the Crown of Portugal thereunto The designe of oppressing Flanders is apparently seen to the end that such Forces both by land and by sea may be planted there as may serve to make Spain impose what Laws it shall please both upon the North and West In this case England and Ireland being incompassed therewith why may we not fear that they may suffer the like evils as Flanders should have done So as by my succouring of those Provinces I pretend to have at the same time secured my own Dominions Here it is that the King of Spains shoe wrings him and hence it is that he accounts that an injury which I have done in mine own necessary defence And could I appear more moderate then in refusing the Soveraignty which the United Provinces did so freely and unanimously offer me And yet how justly may I complain of so many injuries done to me by him What hath he not endeavoured to make Ireland rebel against me What are his continual machinations to the same purpose with the Catholicks in England and what doth he not in all other parts in hatred to my Kingdoms and to my person It may then be safely concluded that he now makes open war up on me not out of any true reason but out of a false pretence and that his true end is to in vade this my Kingdom and to endeavour by all the power he hath to get the Dominion of it I therefore summon and exhort you my faithfull Subjects to the defence thereof to the defence I say of a Kingdom which is more yours then mine I being more yours then mine own The marriage from whence I derive was established by Parliament by the Authority of Parliament was I brought to the succession of the Crown which I wear The Religion which I follow is imbraced by the Parliament I have acknowledged the Parliament to be my Father and as I may say have taken the Parliament for my Husband For I have forborn marriage to avoid bringing of a foreign Prince hither who by new Customs and imperious demeanours might trouble not so much my own quiet as the common happiness of the Kingdom By the miseries of Flanders it may be comprehended what those of England would be if the Spaniards should enter here We should soon see new Tribunals of Inquisition new yokes of Citadels new Laws new burthens new Customs horror cruelty and violence every where I know you would not willingly fall into this condition and that to keep from doing so you will of your selves do all that lies in your power This consists chiefly in providing such subsidies as so great an occurrency requires Wherefore I beseech you to give them so as that the preparations on our side may justly counterpoise those which the enemy doth by so many ways order on his behalf For what remains every one knows what advantage the assaulted hath over those that do assail We shall particularly have the advantage very much by defending a Kingdom to which the sea serves for a Bulwark on all sides With our Forces those of our Confederates in Flanders will joyn and all the Northern parts will unite themselves with us when they shall see this new designe of the Spaniards to invade England after having endeavoured so cruelly to oppress Flanders I the mean while who may term my self no less your servant then your Queen will perform what it becomes me to do and though a woman rest confident you shall find a manly spirit in me And that I will cheerfully incounter death if it shall be requisite so to end my life upon so worthy an occasion The Queen was indued with a very great wit and with almost all sorts of learning which she had particularly studied in her younger years And by reason of her then great age and the opinion which was had of her singular gift of Government she was generally no less reverenced then beloved by her Subjects Wherefore it is not to be exprest what affection her Parliament shewed towards her and what indignation against the King of Spain in their answer She was assured by both the Houses that in her service and the service of the Kingdom they would spend both their fortunes and their lives and that they would be as ready to give Subsidies as she had been in desiring them To this their disposition of will the universal diligence of effects did soon correspond Exact Guards were forthwith put into all the Ports of the Kingdom Many men were raised for the Fleet by sea and to make two Armies also on land The one under the Earl of Leicester who was sent for back into England by the Queen and the other under the Lord Hunsdon who was likewise very much esteemed of in the Military profession Leicester was chiefly to defend the banks of the Thames which runs through London and to keep the Spanish Fleet from entring thereinto And Hunsdon with his Army which was the greater was to keep more within land and to guard the City of London and the person of the Queen All this while the aforesaid Treaty of agreement in Flanders was continued by their Commissioners between the King and Queen But this Treaty suddenly vanisht For the Spanish Fleet being ready to put to Sea and such preparations as were needfull being likewise made in Flanders the King would no longer defer the execution of his design The Fleet consisted as it was generally reported of 160 Sail of Ships most of them Men of War the rest were for Carriage They were almost all of them Galleouns except some Galleasses and Gallies which were to be rowed upon any occasion The Galleouns were like so many Castles in the Sea they had high Towers in their Fore and Hinder-Deck their Masts were of an unmeasureable greatness their bodies were of a vast bulk and the very least of them bore no less then 50 great Guns 22000 Foot and
will of their own Forces In the continuace thereof you all know what their losses have been what their sufferings and how oft they have been at the point of being rather besieged then besieging to such great straits have they been brought by snow frost rain want of victuals want of men and chiefly by our so many and so valiant excurtions wherewith we have somtime more indamaged them in their quarters then they us within our walls But at last their rage hath prevailed more over us in overcoming all difficulties so to finish their siege then the rage of earth and heaven as it may be said hath prevailed over them Behold them therefore thirsting after our bloud and already panting at our gates and ready to enter our City thirsting after our goods And shall we expect any mercy at their hands any favourable dealing from them I say whose rape as it is every day seen is not to be satisfied by women their firings by houses their plunder by goods nor their bloud-thirstiness by all the people We must then believe that as soon as they shall be entred they will put us all to the sword or to some more ignominious death without respect of age sex or condition The welfare of the miserable consist in the despairing of welfare Why shall not we therefore endeavour placing the weakest sex and weakest age amidst us to make our way through our enemies with our swords in our hands whether we yield or whether we be overcome we must die But if we must perish as there is little hopes of doing otherwise death will come the more welcome when sought by our selves with undauntless valour then when with scorn and disdain received from the pride our enemies of These words were of such force and found their minds so ready to entertain any whatsoever desperate resolution as they already spake of following Ripardo's councel which came to Fredericks car Who better considering the danger what despair might make so many valiant men do and that by overcoming them he should find the whole City consumed he forthwith sent a Trumpet to the Town to let the Harlemists know that they might hope for better then they deserved In particular he promised to secure them from Plunder and from all other licentious Military violence That there were so many amongst them who knew there was no saveguard for them as between their despair and the others hope it was often doubted whether the more fiercer or more mild resolution should prevail amongst them at last the last prevailed and thus the City about the beginning of July was surrendred to the mercy of the enemy A Brigade of the Spanish foot forthwith entred the Town and unarmed every one therein They then fell to inflicting punishment Captain Rypart as chief head of the sedition had his head immediately struck off and Lancelot Brederode not long after received the like punishment All the rest of the Harlemists who were thought most guilty either of Heresie or Rebellion ended their lives either by the rope or sword And the like was without remission done to all those foreign souldiers who had been in Mons or in any other place which the Spaniards had taken and who had promised never to bear arms any more against the Kings party Above 2000 were put to death and the very executioners were either so weary or so glutted or so affrighted with the work as for speedier dispatch they drowned a great many of them in the River which ran through the City The Inhabitants freed themselves from plunder by the payment of 24000 pound sterling the Kings men raging and storming to see their hopes so far deluded This was the end of the siege of Harlem Noble for being so valiantly and so long both sustained and prosecuted Remarkable for the variety of successes both by land and sea but at last so horrid by the severe punishments inflicted by the vanquishers upon the vanquished as it was doubted whether the faults committed by the one or the punishments inflicted by the other were the greater THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK VIII The Contents The Commendador-Major resolves to succour Midleburg to this purpose he disposes of two Fleets in several parts but had ill success therein the one being routed by the enemy whilst he himself looked on and the others indeavours proving vain Midleburg is therefore surrendred Count Lodovick in Germany moves to enter with an Army again into Flanders Orange makes great preparations and conspires with him to that purpose Incitements used by him to this end The Commendadors perplexities and dangers Lodovick comes into Flanders Draws near Mastrick and hopes to win it but the Royalists secure the Town Their forces oppose the enemy various successes and incounters between the two Armies A battel insues The Royalists get the victory The Spaniards presently mutiny Things best worth knowledg in matter of mutinies The mutiners go to Antwerp The City is in great dread of them They are at last pacified and joyn with the rest of the Camp-Royal A great loss of many of the Kings ships Orange his proceedings against whom Vitelli is sent by the Commendador A new general pardon publisht in Antwerp in the Kings name An indeavour of accommodation with the Rebels but in vain The siege and description of Leyden Divers difficulties in the prosecution and in the maintaining thereof Actions which succeed thereupon Those of Leyden are in a desperate condition More desperate resolutions taken by the Rebels to relieve the Town Which is at last succoured with great slaughter and prejudice of the Spaniards WHen the Government was in the Commendador he applyed himself with all his might to relieve Midleburg Mandragone was as hath been said at the defence of that City and had continually prest very much for speedy succour and turning his desires into protestations he declared that unless he were reliev'd within very few days he should be constrained to put the City into the Rebels hands He wanted all sort of victuals not only of the better sort but even of the most vile The Commendador gave order then that two Fleets should with all diligence be prepared the easilyer to relieve the Town by two wayes upon the Scheld The one Fleet were of lesser Barks to be sent by that narrower and lower branch which parts not far from Berghen ap Zome and which as we have said retains the name of the River The other consisted of greater Vessels which were to pass through the Honte the Scheld being so called in her other larger and deeper branch The Commendador added his own diligence to that of others Going therefore himself in person to Antwerp he did so hasten the preparation of both the Fleets as about the end of January both of them put to Sea to effect the intended succour Bevoir the Admiral of Zealand was then fallen sick who was to have had the chief charge thereof So as
60 Forts built round about it whereby almost all possibility of relieving it was taken away The Leydenists this mean while were not wanting on their parts in preparing for defence And judging that the Reyalists intended rather to take the Town by Famine then by the sword they thought it not convenient to receive many foregin Souldiers into the City as well the longer to preserve their victuais as for that they hoped they had men enough of their own to maintain and defend it There hapned therefore but few skirmishes on either side though those within fallied out sometimes to keep the Kings men as far off the City as they might and especially on those sides where they found greater disturbance or danger by the Assailants approach who amongst the rest had raised one Fort which they called Lamsfort and which was nearest Leyden The Ley denists sound themselves much incommodiated by this Fort for it troubled divers of their pasture grounds wherein they fed much Cattel and put the City into other great straits Provoked therefore by anger and inforced by necessity they fallied out one day against those that kept it and assaulted it with such resolution as it was long doubtful which side had the better But at last the Royalists prevailed and the Fort continued still in their possession which they fortified better then before that they might not any more fear the loss thereof nor those within hope to get it The Leydenists cooled not notwithstanding in their making resistance But fearing by reason of the Royalists still nearer approach unto the City that they would hasten the end of the Siege also by an Assault they omitted not to provide for all things necessary upon such an occasion They wrought upon the walls night and day the women wrought as well as the men every one lessened their own victuals to furnish the publike longer therewithall And they encouraged each other on all sides to maintain the defence concluding that it was better to suffer any how hard conditions soever and even death it self then to undergoe such punishments as they had not long before seen inflicted upon the Harlemists John Douza a famous Latine Poet in those dayes very nobly born and of other high deserts had the chief government of the affairs of the City He failed not in acting his part well he still encouraged the Leydenists and fed them with hopes that the other Cities would speedily joyn with them and relieve them In confirmation of this sometimes Letters sometimes Messages came from without and some News was cunningly raised within the Town it self Though it were very true that Orange and the rest of the Rebels in that Province labour'd nothing more then how to keep a place of such consequence still at their devotion 'T was now the month of August and the Leydenists began already to suffer want of victuals Therefore the States of the Country met to treat of so weighty a business and to find out some way whereby the City might be relieved And this affair began to be mightily canvest The Deputies differ'd in their opinions Some thought that the Town might be easeliest got into by making a gallant assault by Land others held it might better be relieved by some River or Channel but the greatest part concluded that there was small hopes of doing it either one way or other the Kings men having so strongly fortified themselves every where Lewis Boisot Admiral of Holland chanced to be at this meeting A man very expert in maritime affairs of a manlike spirit and good at execution and one who was very well esteemed of over all the Province He whilst they were hottest in the variety of their opinions stept forth to propound his and began to speak thus I wish that our own misfortunes did not too deplorably teach us how perverse the fury of the Sea proves sometimes to our Countries Who sees not how we are daily inforst to oppose our industry to the threats thereof Nor hath our mountainous banks been sufficient so to curb the tempest of her waves but that some time sâ—e hath swallowed up whole Islands on some sides and caused miserable and unbeard of ruines in other parts Wee are now to seeke for remedy in this our present necessitie from these evills which doe so often afflict us Let Nature worke the some effect to day for our good which she useth upon so many other occasions to doe for our hurt And by those weapons wherewith she makes war against us let us by her example make war upon our enemies Every one knows that at the two Equinoxials of the year the Ocean swels extraordinary high upon our Coasts and by the season of the year we are shortly to expect the effects thereof My Councel shall therefore be that we may immediately at the high tides begin to let the waters loose into the neighbouring grounds of Leyden greater tides will hereafter follow And thus turning the siege upon the Besiegers we may hope to destroy our enemies within their own works and at the same time to free the City from all danger It may be thought impossible to relieve it by land or by the ordinary way of channels and rivers whereas by the way which I have prescribed we may believe that our enterprise will be smiled on by success It will be in our power to let in the Inundation where we please We shall see the enemy strangely astonished and confused between the shame of abandoning the siege and the horror of continuing it But being forced at last to fly we shall see our own weapons and those of nature conspire together in slaughtering them on all sides and shall see that punishment justly transfer'd on them which they with open violence prepared for the innocent The Country which shall be drowned will doubtlesly be some what indamaged thereby but who would not bear with such an inconvenience whereby their Country shall receive so great a benefit On the contrary whose hair will not stand on end to think that after the loss of Harlem and of Leyden all the whole Province will shortly remain at the cruel will of the Spaniards we must sometimes be wicked to be good How oft do we cut off some one member for the welfare and safeguard of the rest of the body yet this evil will not prove finally so great but that it will in time be paid with great usury Some worldly actions prove so memorable as they strike envy dumb and add new tongues to fame This of ours will certainly be such and will be every where highly celebrated I who so boldly give the advice do as confidently pronounce the augury and hope that the event will crown both of them with fortunate success At the hearing of so strange a proposition the Deputies were much confused whether they should accept of it or reject it But it is oft times seen that need passing into necessity necessity passeth luckily into desparation And
conveniencie to use either monies or force with the Germans they forbare not using either of them as occasion did best serve So as in a short time they sent them out of all the abovesaid places And in Berghen ap Zome where Colonel Fuchero was quartered and in Breda where Fromsberg was in garrison their Forces proved so perfidious as that they put both the Towns into the States hands They then fell to demolish the Castles That of Antwerp was first slighted but only on that side which lay towards the City the rest was left in its former strength The people ran with great joy to this business striving who should outdoe one another in the pulling down thereof and expressing such rage against those insensible Platforms and Walls as they could not have shewed greater against the Authors of them By example of the Antwerpians those of Gaunt did the like to their Castle and so were all the rest dismantled except the Castle of Cambray which the States durst not meddle with for that it was in a City which was subject to the Empire and to Archiepiscopal jurisdiction Yet they wrought so as they got Signor d' Insy to be put into it and to keep it for their service causing Signor di Lich to be put out of it who kept it formerly under the Kings protection Don John was now all alone in Namures the Duke of Ariscot and almost all the rest of the Nobility which had waited upon him thither being under several pretences gone so as no persons of any quality remained with him save Barlemonte and his sons and Mansfield in the contiguous Province of Lucemburg He was not failing in representing to the life his dangers and his necessities to the Court of Spain and notwithstanding kept still fair with the States telling them that he had desired the King to send another Governour into Flanders who might be more acceptable to the Country He offered to withdraw himself into the Province of Lucemburg and there to expect the Kings orders and propounded that the States in this interim might not come to any act of hostility nor make any innovation But they suspecting that Don John's end was to make them foreslow their preparations and so allow more time to the King to make his did not any whit cool in their former resolutions They therefore signified unto Don John that in the frist place he should cause the City and Castle of Namures to be put into their hands together with the other â—owns which he had taken in that Province Which he absolutely refused to do unless such provision were first had as was requisite for his dignity and safety Thus were the minds on all sides daily more and more exasperated The States General gave present order that Orange should come himself in person to Brussels and to this purpose they sent four of their Deputies to him There was nothing which he did more desire then this Wherefore he came quickly to Breda a Town of his own and which he had then recovered after having been many years deprived of it From thence he went to Antwerp and so to Brussels It is not to be said with what concourse of people and with what Jubilee he was received in both those Citys The multitude being impatient to see him within their Walls went to meet him whole miles off in the fields and following him with great acclamations of joy called him the Father the Protecter and the Upholder of the Belgick Liberty Nor were the demonstrations of gladness less in all the more civil orders in such sort as his entry and receiving looked much more like the absolute Lord of the two abovesaid Provinces then of the Vassal of a Prince who had just and soveraign power over him and them Hardly was he well setled in Brussels when to witness the great respect they bore him he was by the general Orders created Governour of Brabant an honour altogether unaccustomed For the General Governour residing usually in that Province there needs no other particular Government 'T is true that nothing is more pernitious in States then faction but from this evil this good doth sometimes arise That whilst the one beats down the other the lawfull Prince may the more easily subdue them both Orange his Faction was grounded upon the favour of the people and of the new Sects as may sufficiently be comprehended by what hath been already said Wherefore when 't was seen that his Authority grew to that hight not only in Holland and in Zealand but even elsewhere and that his designe was every day seen of lessening the Kings Authority as also that of the Church high disdain arose in the chief Nobles of Brabant of the Province of Flanders and of the Walloon Provinces and from this disdain did a practice proceed of framing another Faction which might at least counterpoise this The Duke of Ariscot as we have told you before had a particular emulation to the Prince of Orange and many in Flanders being of opinion that after the death of Rechesens the King would have sent some of the Emperours brothers to be Governour of Flanders and especially the Archduke Mathias Ariscot had therefore from that very time endeavoured more then any other to insinuate himself into the favour of that Prince Mathias was not then above 22 years old his fortune was not answerable to his birth for he had many brothers wherefore his house was rather opprest by them then upheld He was therefore very desirous of this imployment in Flanders thinking he could not find another like it in all Germany Ariscot making himself head of this faction and judging that nothing could make more for the advantage thereof then to have a Governour chosen by their Authority he sent an express Messenger Privately away to Vienna and alleadging all the reasons which might most perswade him thereunto he endeavoured to make him take upon him the Government of Flanders In this proposal it was questionable whether the arrogancy of the propounder was greater or the easiness of the accepter thereof And to say truth there could not well any more rash action been undertaken then for the abovesaid Nobles to appoint a Governour over Flanders of their own Authority And on the other side the Archduke appeared too easie in accepting the offer not weighing as he ought to have done how the King to whom he was so nearly ally'd would be thereat offended and upon whose Supreme and lawfull Authority that election did of right depend But Mathias being perswaded that the King would approve of it and that in effect he could not wish more then to have an Austrian Prince of Germany at the Helm of Government in Flanders by reason of the conformity of the two Nations especially a Prince who was invited thereunto by the chief Nobility of the Countrey he did not any longer dispute the businesse Mathias past on to this purpose to Antwerp where he was solemnly received and
in Gaunt Bruges and other Towns in the Flemican part of Flanders to draw that whole Province again to the Kings obedience This mean while the year 1584 began nor did the Winter hinder the continuance of the siege before Ypri The Rebels endeavoured oft to relieve it but being either hindred or defeated they could never effect it The siege endured till the middle of April and the City was surrendred vpon almost the same conditions as Tornay had formerly been The Prince of Parma fared as fortunately in the getting of Bruges by intelligence The Prince of Semay eldest son to the Duke of Ariscot was in it The father adhered unto the King but the son changing sides upon various pretences adhered afterwards to the States And the Flemican part of Flanders was governed by him in their names and in the name of Alanson The son being sollicited by his father to come post to Bruges obeyed him for he knew how fitting an opportunity this would be to make amends for his former error and to reingratiate himself with the King by reducing such a City as this under his obedience and himself again under his service They came then to conditions and the largest which upon such an occasion could be demanded were granted relation always being had to their giving due obedience to the Church and to the King This hapned in May and this helped to further the Kings affairs in many other things in the same Province At the same time Verdugo had very much advanced the Kings affairs on the further side of the Rhine by the taking of Zutfen He got this Town of such importance by surprise And the enemy immediately endeavoured to regain it wherefore Count Hollach was sent thither with good forces and was sate down before it Verdugo being thus begirt craved relief and Fernese knew very well how needfull it was to send it him But being busied in so many other affairs on this side the Rhine which grew every day more ripe he could not assist him so soon nor with such Forces as he willingly would have done or as the occasion required Count Aremberg was at this time about the Rhine being sent thither by the Prince of Parma with a considerable strength of Foot and Horse to assist Ernestus of Bavaria newly chosen Archbishop of Colen and to exclude the former Archbishop Truxes who was deposed for having gone about to marry and for sustaining his Apostasie from the Church by favour of the Heretical faction thereabouts The good cause prevailed at last wherefore Fernese ordered Aremberg to go either with all or a good part of his Forces to the relief of Zutfen And this fell out so luckily likewise as Hollack was forced to raise his siege and to retreat In this interim Bironne with the rest of the lately come French was gone from Flanders the Flemish having afforded them commodity to do so by Sea for they could not without great danger have gone by Land Diffidences and distastes did still increase on both parts Nor was Orange's authority at last sufficient to reconcile Alansons affairs though he still laboured to doe it by reason of the news which was come from France that the King had declared himself much more freely in his Brothers behalf in his interests of Flanders and that he was much better pleased with him then he formerly had been Orange took occasion hereby to induce the States to send the Signor of Schonowel purposely to congratulate with Alanson for this endeavouring by this means the more to engage both parties in the formerly establisht resolutions But soon after came other news that Alanson was dead in the Castle of Tierry after a long sickness with some signs that poyson had been also used Thus he dyed not being above 30 years old He was a Prince of whom it might be questioned whether he had been the causer of greater troubles in France or in Flanders He was alwayes more ruled by others then by himself wavering in all his actions were it either out of weakness of understanding or easiness of nature Suffering himself therefore in France to be carried away sometimes by one Faction sometimes by another and afterwards abandoning them with equal easiness he applied himself again to the Court-Faction there to receive more scorn then respect Wherefore either weary of expecting or despairing of atchieving greater preferments in the Kingdom he with the like fickleness was perswaded to seek for them abroad and therefore passing into Flanders he carried Forces with him thither and with those Forces new Troubles For what remains his Conditions both of body and mind did no wayes correspond with his Birth He was low of stature and not very well shaped he was notwithstanding of a gracious and lively aspect Nor were his actions so altogether worthy of blame but that they were in many things praise-worthy he was kind liberal not much given to pleasures and naturally inclined to follow the best advices unless his Favourites prevailed too far with him to imbrace the worst He dyed when together with his years his hopes did most flourish For the King having no hopes of Issue he did not only promise to himself to enjoy the Principality of Flanders but by a greater fortune to succeed to the Crown of France His death was accompanied by the like of Oranges Alanson dyed the begining of June and Orange left this life in the beginning of July following The manner thus One Baldasar Serack a Burgonian a man but of mean birth but of some natural endowments had wrought himself into his acquaintance and more domestically into that of his Followers with an intention to kill him Orange was then in the Town of Delf in Holland about divers publike affairs one of the chiefest whereof was the better to reestablish the affairs of Alanson Sirack taking his opportunity and coming to Orange in his chamber under pretence of some important business he shot him with a Pistol in the flank and instantly slew him he not being able before his death to speak any one word Then taking himself to his heels he was got so far before he was overtaken as he was already gotten upon the Town-wall with intention of throwing himself down into the Ditch and so swim out when he was overtaken by those that followed him who took him alive and delivered him up to the hands of Justice They endeavoured by most cruel torments to draw from him the reality of the act and the common belief was that he would have confest he had received orders for it and that he expected a reward from Spain But they could never get any thing from him save only that he had slain Orange moved thereunto only by himself and to merit much more thereby from God then from the King He was afterwards condemned to die and suffered death by the most cruel punishments that might be Thusdyed William of Nassaw Prince of Orange in the 52 year of his Age. He
was a man born certainly for very great renown if contented with his own peculiar Fortune he had not through precipices sought after a greater The Emperour Charles the 5. and his Son Philip the 2. did undoubtedly alwayes acknowledge him to be their chiefest Subject in all Flanders and each of them seemed to strive with the other which should most favour him or put a higher esteem upon him He was notwithstanding still in the condition of a Subject but he had so high-pitcht thoughts as would not suffer him to be at quiet under the condition of a Prince He aspired therefore to raise himself thereunto as hath been seen by the Revolts of Flanders And the heat of his ambition being still carried on by the ordering of his designs he had brought his ends to that pass as had he lived there was little doubt to be made but that he would at least have been Prince of Holland and Zealand Vigilancie Industry Liberality Eloquence and a quick insight into any business did vie in him with Ambition Fraud Audacity Greediness and with an application of himself to all Natures And these his good and bad Qualities were accompanied with all others which the most skilfull School of Ruling could teach At all publike Meetings and in all other kind of Negotiations no man knew better then he how to dispose of mens minds how to wheel about opinions how to colour pretences how to hasten business or how to prolong them nor in brief how more artificially to take his advantage by all other means He was therefore thought much better at the government of Civil affairs then at the Military profession He altered his Religion according to his Interests Whilst he was a Child in Germany he was a Lutheran Passing into Flanders he seemed to be a Catholick At the begining of the Revolts he declared himself to be a favourer of the new Sects but not an open professor of any of them till at last he seemed to follow Calvinism as that which of all other Sects is most contrary to the Catholick religion which is maintained by the King of Spain THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Second Part. BOOK III. The Contents In this Book the memorable Siege of Antwerp is described The Prince of Parma resolves upon this enterprise the rather because Orange is dead and by reason of the great perturbancie of the Consederate Provinces He sits down before that City It s great advantages both in situation and in all things else Fernese in the first place treats of shutting up the Scheld to hinder all succour on that side To this purpose he designs a Bridge and the difficulties in making it are mentioned Howsoever it is resolvod to be made Fernese begins it He raiseth a Fort-Royal at each head thereof and these greater Forts are accompanied here and there with lesser Oppositions made by the besieged Their chief Fort at Lillo upon the Scheld By this means the Antwerpians receive great Aids from the Hollanders and Zealanders and therefore they pass freely up and down the River Fernese causeth a Navigable Ditch to be cut the better to bring the materials which were requisite for the Bridge Hereby the labours are increased Fernese endeavours likewise to keep the Enemy from succour by Lillo on the Land-side And therefore secures himself still better there by a Counterdike What is to be understood by a Dike and Counterdike Rubais takes the particular care of the Bridge and of some men of War to oppose those of the Enemy The Antwerpians begin to be troubled They use divers means both in France and in England for succour The Lord of S. Aldegonde endeavours by a perswasive Oration to encourage them as much as he can They therefore resolve to make all manly resistance Divers of their preparations to that purpose They build a Ship vastly great Their Fire-ships They first make use of them to the prejudice of the Bridge which is already perfected but doe no great good thereby nor doth the great Ship prove more fortunate They try their Fire-ships again but still to no purpose Then they bend all their might to prejudice the Counterdike and hope by that means to bring in succour Their first Assault does no good They with better order and greater Forces try a second Assault A bloody business thereupon Fortune varies the dangers and at last gives the victory to the Royalists The Antwerpians treat of a Surrender and after many difficulties deliver up the Town NEver was the loss of Father Benefactor or Prince so bewailed as was Orange his death by those of the Confederate Provinces And since they could no longer enjoy his person alive they without any manner of delay substituted his son Maurice in his place a Youth but of 16 years of age conferring all those self-same honours and offices upon him which they with so liberal a hand had bestowed on his Father Count Buren Orange his eldest son was still detained in Spain being sent thither by the Duke of Alva as hath been said And therefore the Confederate Provinces chose Maurice to succeed in his Fathers commands This Maurice was Orange his second son and by his second wife Anne of Saxony They gave Maurice the Count of Hollack for his Lieutenant and to be assisting to his youth in the Government of Arms. The Prince of Parma hoped that this novelty might occasion some great commotion in the Confederate Provinces which would make for the Kings advantage judging that having lost such a Governour as their councels were thereby weakened so would their courages be also And truly so it fell out with many particular men But in the generall this action did so inhorrid and so incense the people as they resolved to continue their former resolutions more obstinately then before and to keep dead Orange his sense still alive Wherefore Fernese soon saw that he was to place all his hopes in Arms. He had then a very strong Army and such were his advantages over his Enemies as he thought he might assuredly hope yet for much greater every day From the time that he had besieged Mastrick he had still had a great desire to begirt Antwerp But the then difficulties and those which every day arose would never suffer him to undertake a business of so great consequence But all things seeming now to smile upon such a design he would no longer delay the doing of it We therefore will here proceed on to the description of this Siege which we will doe with all brevity and yet with great diligence that by the one we may shun the tediousness of trivial things and by the other present you as punctually as may be with so cry'd up an enterprise And doubtlesly such and so memorable was this action as by the common opinion it was sufficient of it self alone to make Alexander Fernese his merits be very highly valued by the Church and King and his honour