hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
subtile fiâ—e and sox I â—e the â—ever he was â— like wâ—ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ— to his frâ—end at the same time and doe assure my self â—â—t would be most pleasant to the Realme â—nd profitâ—ble to her Majâ—sty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâ—ly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâ—w against the same as it was permitted in the fiâ—st yeer of Kinâ— Henry the eight agâ—inst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sâ—â—passe them both After thâ— Gentleman hâ—d saâ—d this â—he Lawyâ—r stood still somewhat smiling to himsâ—lfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâ—lfe afraid and then sâ—id My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâ—o madâ— in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mâ—n as my Lâ—rd of Leicâ—stâ—r is Yes said the Gentleman I hâ—ve heâ—rd how that my Lord of Leicâ—ster was very carefull and dilâ—gent at thâ—t time to have suâ—h a Law to passe against talkâ—rs hoping bâ—likâ— that his L. undeâ— tâ—at generall restrâ—iâ—t mighâ—â—ye the more quiâ—â—ly in harbor from thâ— tempest of menâ— toâ—â—â—s which â—aâ—â—ed busily at that time of diâ—â—rs hâ—s Lorâ—shâ—pâ— actions and asianâ— whiâ—h perhaps himsâ—lf would have wished to pâ—ssâ— wiâ—h â—ore sâ—cresie As of his discontâ—ntment and pâ—â—pâ—râ—tion to rebâ—llion upon Monsâ—eurs fiâ—st coâ—iâ—g inâ—o the Land of his disgrâ—ce and châ—â—kâ— râ—câ—â—veâ— iâ— Câ—uâ—â— of th◠〈◊〉 dâ—â—th of the nobâ—e Pâ—â—le of Essâ—x of thâ—s mâ—ns hâ—stly 〈…〉 widow whoâ— he seâ—t up â—nd downe thâ— Coâ—ntâ—â—y â—om hâ—â—se tâ—â—ouse by privâ—ew 〈…〉 to avâ—id the sight knowledge of thâ— Qâ—eeâ—es Mâ—jesty Aâ—d albeâ—t he hâ—d notâ—on by usâ—d her at hiâ— good king bâ—fâ—re for saâ—isfyiâ—â— of hâ—s owne last but â—lso mâ—rried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâ—me by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâ—entlâ— threatned most shâ—rp revenge towards all subjects which should dâ—re to speake thereof and so for the conâ—â—aling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâ—kâ— no maâ—vaâ—le though his Lorâ—shâ—p were so diligent a proâ—uâ—er of that law fâ—r silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâ—p wâ—s in great distresse about that time when Monsiâ—uâ—s matteâ—s were in hâ—nd and that he did many things and purposed more whâ—reof he desired lâ—ssâ— spâ—ech â—mong the people â—specially afterwards whâ—n hâ—s said desigâ—ements tooke nâ—t place I was my sâ—lfe that yâ—er not fâ—r from Warwiâ—k when he câ—me thither from the Court a full Mâ—â—e content and when it was thâ—ught most certainly throughoâ—t the Realm that he would hâ—ve takâ—n armes sooâ— after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâ—h Monsâ—euâ— hâ—d gone fâ—rward The thiâ—g in Cambridge anâ— in all the Couâ—tâ—ey â—s I roâ—e was in â—vâ—ry maâ—s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not oâ—ely â—he counâ—enâ—ncâ—s but alsâ— the bâ—hâ—viour and to 〈◊〉 the bold spâ—â—ches of all such as were of his fâ—ction My Lâ—rd himselfe had given oâ—t a little before at 〈◊〉 worâ—h that thâ— matteâ— woulâ— cosâ— maâ—y brâ—kâ—n hâ—â—ds before 〈…〉 next and my Lord of Waâ—wiâ—k hâ—d sâ—id opâ—nly at his table in Greâ—nwiâ—h Sir 〈…〉 bâ—ing by if I be not decâ—ived thâ—◠〈…〉 not â—o â—e suffâ—râ—d I meane the marrâ—â—gâ— whiâ—h woâ—dâ— of his oâ—â—e câ—ming abroad 〈…〉 by his own Lady then also preâ—eâ—t 〈…〉 common compâ—nio◠〈…〉 Lordships part against the Queenes Mâ—jesty Such running there was such seâ—ding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâ—s and forces of Casimâ—re and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâ—fence of the Realme and Râ—ligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâ—lfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friâ—nâ—s for their comfort such debasing of them thâ—t fâ—voureâ— the marriâ—ge especially two or three Counâ—ellâ—urs by name who were said to be the câ—use of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâ—ply punâ—shed to the â—errour â—f all others such letters were written and intercâ—pâ—ed of purpose impâ—rting great powers to be ready and so mâ—ny other things done and designed tending all to mâ—nifest and open warre as I began hartâ—ly â—o be afrâ—id and wished my selfe baâ—ke at Cambridge againâ— hoping that bâ—ing therâ—â—y Scholâ—rs gâ—wne should excuse â—e from necâ—ssiâ—y of â—ighting or if not I wâ—s resolved by my Lords good leâ—ve to follow Aâ—istotle who prefâ—â—râ—th â—lway the Lyon beâ—ore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thâ—t hiâ— Lordship should hâ—ve no bâ—tter succâ—sse in this if it came to â—riâ—ll then his Faâ—her hâ—d in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâ—s privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mâ—nt to hâ—ve deceived him â—f â—he matteâ— hâ—d broken out And amongst othâ—r there was a certaâ—n Vice-prâ—sident in the Wâ—â—ld who being left in theâ—r come and absence of another to pâ—ocure friâ—nds said in a place secreâ—ly not fâ—r from Ludlâ—w that if the mattâ—r came to blâ—wes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâ—r in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâ—tlâ—man and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know â—hat the Pâ—pâ—sts were most named and misdâ—ubâ—ed of his part in that cause for their open indiâ—ation towards Mâ—nsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ— was given out every where by this Champâ—on of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâ—d done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in â—he Râ—alm which descried not this vizâ—rd at the fiâ—st neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâ—eing her Mâ—jâ—sty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâ—ng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâ—jesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâ—st and faithfâ—llest Protâ—stants of the Realme to be â—oth honourable convenâ—ent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâ—raign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâ—ene ours most assured Spaiâ—e
or so I leave it to bâ— tried hereafter between my yong Lord of â—enbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ— to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râ—spect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâ—veth whereof Master Edwâ—â—d Diaâ— and Mâ—ster Edmond Tiney both Courtâ—ers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâ—s as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâ—ll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâ—mens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâ—ir hâ—sbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâ—e that when he dâ—sireth any womans favour then whâ—t person so evâ—r standeth in his way hath the luâ—k to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for â—xample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâ—r Majâ—sty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâ—om a paire of stâ—ires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâ—hout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâ—hard Varney who by commandement remaâ—ned with her that day alone with one man onâ—ly and hâ—d sent away perforâ—e all her Sâ—rvants from hâ—r to a Market two miles of hâ— I sâ—y wiâ—h his man can tâ—ll how she died whiâ—h man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâ—hes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâ—son and Sâ—r Richarâ— himsâ—lf dying abâ—ut the same time in London cried pitioâ—sly â—nd bâ—aâ—phemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâ—intance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ— Buttleâ— kinsman to my Lord gâ—ve out the whole fact a littâ—e bâ—foâ—e her death Bâ—t to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâ—ll in love with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld whom I signified bâ—fore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sâ—y of an artificiall caâ—â—rre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that â—t a time most fortunate for hiâ— purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with â—hilde in his absâ—nce the childe was a dauâ—hter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ— my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâ—d not a friend or two to accompâ—ny the Dâ—puty as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâ—iâ—his â—his Secretary entertained afterwâ—rd by my Lord of Leiâ—ester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Râ—â—ipe as all his friends are well assured the mâ—ker wheâ—â—of was a Chyâ—urgeon as is belâ—eved that thâ—n was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâ—re in operation with whom if the gâ—od Lady had beene sooner acquainted and â—sed his helpe shâ— should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrâ—y but might have spared the yong childe in her bâ—lly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâ—r must you mâ—rvaile though all these died dâ—vers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenâ—y of the Iâ—â—lian art for which this Chyruâ—gian and Doctor Iulio wâ—re entertained so carefully who can makâ— a mâ—n dye in what manâ—er oâ— shâ—w of siâ—knessâ— you wâ—ll by wâ—ose instructâ—ons â—o doubt but hâ—s Lorâ—ship is now cunning espâ—cially â—dding also to â—hese â—he counsell of his Doctor Bayâ—y a man also noâ— a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thâ—t in presence of my Lord of Leicâ—ster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâ—red and given as iâ— should not appeâ—re presently and yet should kill thâ— pâ—rty afâ—erward at what time should be appointed Which aâ—gument belike pleased well his Loâ—dship and thâ—â—efore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâ—s being that dâ—y present So though one dye of a flux and aâ—oâ—her of a catarrâ— yâ—t â—his impâ—râ—eth â—â—ttle to thâ— matter but shewâ—th rathâ—r the great cunning and skill of the Arâ—ificâ—r So Cardinall Chatilian aâ— I hâ—ve saiâ— before having accused my Lâ—rd of Leicester to thâ— Qâ—eens Majesty and after thâ—t pâ—ssiâ—g from Lonâ—on towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâ—ieâ— asserâ—ion â—rue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â— very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâ—tron to many Preachers anâ— Students and towards me and some of my friends in pâ—râ—icular he had bâ—ene in some things very benâ—ficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin â—onnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ— given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâ—s Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ— and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity