hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
ruine of â—he Râ—alm For whereas â—y the common dâ—stiâ—ctâ—on now râ—ceived in speech thâ—re are three noâ—â—ble differences of religion in the Lâ—nd â—he two extreams whereof are the Papâ—st and â—he Paritan and the religious Protâ—stant oâ—taining the meane this fellow being neither maketh his gaine of all and as he sâ—ekâ—â—h a Kingdome by the one extreame and spâ—ile by the otherâ— so he useth the authority of the third to compâ—sse the fiâ—st two and the couâ—ter-mine of eaâ—h one to the overthrow of all thrâ—e To this I answered In good sooth Sir I see now where you are you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinâ—ry taâ—ke and confeâ—â—nce in the Universiâ—y for I know that you meane my Lord of Leâ—â—â—ster who is the subjâ—ct of all pleasâ—nt discourses at this dâ—y â—hroughouâ— the Râ—â—lme Not so pleasant as pittifull answered the Gentlâ—mâ—n if all mâ—ttâ—rs and circumsâ—anâ—es were wel consiâ—ered excâ—pt any man tâ—ke pleasure to jest at oâ—r owne miseries whiâ—h are like to be greater by his inâ—quâ—â—y â—f God aveâ—t â—t not then by al the â—iâ—kednâ—ssâ—â—f England bâ—sides he being the man that by all probâ—biliâ—y is like to be the bâ—ne and fâ—tall dâ—stiny of oâ—r â—tatâ— with the eversion of â—rue râ—lâ—gâ—on whereof by indirâ—ct meanes he 〈…〉 thâ—â— the Lanâ— dâ—â—h nourâ—sh Now 〈◊〉 qâ—â—th thâ— Lâ—wyâ—â— if you say th◠〈◊〉 for â—he Proâ—estants opinion of him whâ—t shâ—ll I 〈◊〉 for his mâ—rits towards the Papâ—stâ— who for as mâ—â—h â—s I câ—n perceive doe 〈◊〉 theâ—sâ—lâ—â—s lâ—â—tle bâ—holding unâ—o hâ—m albeâ—â— fâ—r hâ—s â—aine he was some yeere their secret friâ—nâ— agâ—iâ—â—t you untill by his friends he was pâ—rswaâ—ed and chiefly by thâ— Lâ—rd North by way of poliâ—y as the said Lord bosâ—eth in hope of gâ—â—ater gâ—â—â—e tâ— step ovâ—r to the Puritans agaâ—nst us both whom notwithstanding it is probâ—ble that he loveth as much as he doth the rest You know the Bearâ—s love said the Gentleman which is all for his own panch and so this Bear-whelp turneth all to his own commodity and for greedinâ—sse thereof will overturn all if he be not stopped or muzlâ—d in time And suâ—ely uâ—to me it is a strange speculation whereof I cannot pick out the reason but onely that I do attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes that in so wise and vigilant a State as ours is and in a Countrey â—o well acquâ—inâ—ed and beaten with suâ—h dangeâ—s a man of such a Spirit aâ— he is knowne to be of so extrâ—me ambition prâ—de falshâ—â—d and tâ—â—châ—ry so borne so bâ—ed up so nâ—zled in treason fâ—om his infancy descended of a tribe of traytours and flâ—shâ—d in conspiracy agaâ—nst the Royâ—ll blood of King Henries children in his tâ—ndâ—r yâ—erâ—s and exâ—rcâ—sâ—d â—ver since in drifts againsâ— the same by the blooâ— and ruâ—ne of diâ—â—rs others a man so well knowne to beare sâ—â—râ—t in 〈◊〉 aâ—ainst hâ—r Majâ—sty for causes irreconcilâ—able and most dradly rancour against the beâ—t and wâ—sâ—st Coâ—ncâ—llours of her Hâ—ghnâ—sse thâ—t suâ—h a oâ—e I say so hâ—â—â—full to God and man anâ— so markâ—â—ble to the simplest Subjâ—ct oâ— thiâ— Land by the puâ—lique â—nsignes of hiâ—â—yrannous purpose shâ—uld b◠〈◊〉 so many yeâ—res wâ—thout châ—â—kâ— to aspire to tyranny by most manifest wâ—yes and to pâ—â—ssâ—sse himâ—eâ—fâ— as now hâ— hath doâ—◠〈◊〉 Courâ— Couâ—câ—ll and Couâ—â—râ—y wâ—â—hout 〈◊〉 so that noâ—hing wantâ—â—h to him but onâ—ly hâ—s pleasâ—re and the dâ—y already conâ—eived in his minde to dispose as hâ— liâ—t boâ—h of Prince Crown Realm anâ— Râ—ligiâ—n It â—s much truly quoth I that you sâ—y and it ministrâ—â—h not a little mâ—rvaile unto mâ—â—y wherof your Worship is noâ— the first nor yâ—t the 〈◊〉 person of accompt which I have heard discourse and complaine But what shall I say hereunto there is no man that ascribeth not this unto the siâ—gular benignity and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who measuring other men by her owne Heroicall and Princely sincerity cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace as he is nor remove her coâ—fidence from the place where she hath heaped so infinite benefits No doubt said the Gentleman but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall câ—use thereof which Princely disposition as in her highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation so lyeth the same open to many dangers oftentimes when so benâ—gne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambâ—tiâ—us persons which observation perhaps câ—usâ—d her Mâ—jesties most noble Grandfather and Father two renowned wâ—se Princâ—s to withdraw sometime upon the sudden their great favour from certaine Sâ—bjects of high estate And her Majesty mâ—y eâ—sily use her owne excellent wisdome and memory to recâ—ll to minde the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen tâ— divers Princes by too muâ—h confidence in obliged proditours with whom the name of a Kingdome and one houres reigâ—e weyeth more then all the duty obligation honesty or nature in the world Would God her Mâ—jâ—sty could see the continuall feares that be in heâ— faithfull Subjâ—cts hearts whiles that man is abouâ— her noble person so well able and lâ—kâ—ly â—f thâ— Lord avert it not to be the calamity of her Priâ—ely blood and name The talke wâ—ll never out of many mouthes anâ— minds that diverâ— ancient mâ—n of this Reâ—lme and once a wise Gentleman now a Councâ—llour had with a certaine friend of his concerning the presage and deep impression which her Mâ—jesties Father had of the house of Sir Iohn Duâ—â—ey to be the raine in time of his Majâ—sties royall house and blood which thing was â—â—ke to have been fulfilled soon after as all the world knoweth upon the death of King Edward by the said Dudley this mans Faâ—her who at one blow procured to dispâ—tch from a possession from the Crown all three children of the said noble King And yet in the middest of thâ—se bloody practices against her Majesty that now is and her sister wherein also this fellowes hand was so far as for his age he could thrust the same within sixteen dayes before King Edwards death he knowing belike that the King should dye wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary as I have heard by them who then were with her promâ—sing all loyalty and true service to her after the decease of her brother with no lâ—sse paâ—nted words then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth So dealâ— he â—hen with the most deare châ—ldren of his good King and Master by whom he had bâ—ene no lâ—sse exalted and trusted then this man is by her Mâ—jâ—sty And so deâ—ply dâ—ssembled he then when he had in hâ—nd the plot to dâ—stroy â—hem boâ—h And whâ—t then alas mâ—y not we feare and doubt of thiâ— his son who in outragious ambition and dâ—sire of reigne is not infâ—riour to his Fathâ—r or to any oâ—hâ—r aspiring spirit in the world buâ— far more iâ—sâ—lent câ—uâ—ll vindiâ—ative â—xpert poteâ—t
subtile fiâ—e and sox I â—e the â—ever he was â— like wâ—ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ— to his frâ—end at the same time and doe assure my self â—â—t would be most pleasant to the Realme â—nd profitâ—ble to her Majâ—sty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâ—ly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâ—w against the same as it was permitted in the fiâ—st yeer of Kinâ— Henry the eight agâ—inst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sâ—â—passe them both After thâ— Gentleman hâ—d saâ—d this â—he Lawyâ—r stood still somewhat smiling to himsâ—lfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâ—lfe afraid and then sâ—id My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâ—o madâ— in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mâ—n as my Lâ—rd of Leicâ—stâ—r is Yes said the Gentleman I hâ—ve heâ—rd how that my Lord of Leicâ—ster was very carefull and dilâ—gent at thâ—t time to have suâ—h a Law to passe against talkâ—rs hoping bâ—likâ— that his L. undeâ— tâ—at generall restrâ—iâ—t mighâ—â—ye the more quiâ—â—ly in harbor from thâ— tempest of menâ— toâ—â—â—s which â—aâ—â—ed busily at that time of diâ—â—rs hâ—s Lorâ—shâ—pâ— actions and asianâ— whiâ—h perhaps himsâ—lf would have wished to pâ—ssâ— wiâ—h â—ore sâ—cresie As of his discontâ—ntment and pâ—â—pâ—râ—tion to rebâ—llion upon Monsâ—eurs fiâ—st coâ—iâ—g inâ—o the Land of his disgrâ—ce and châ—â—kâ— râ—câ—â—veâ— iâ— Câ—uâ—â— of th◠〈◊〉 dâ—â—th of the nobâ—e Pâ—â—le of Essâ—x of thâ—s mâ—ns hâ—stly 〈…〉 widow whoâ— he seâ—t up â—nd downe thâ— Coâ—ntâ—â—y â—om hâ—â—se tâ—â—ouse by privâ—ew 〈…〉 to avâ—id the sight knowledge of thâ— Qâ—eeâ—es Mâ—jesty Aâ—d albeâ—t he hâ—d notâ—on by usâ—d her at hiâ— good king bâ—fâ—re for saâ—isfyiâ—â— of hâ—s owne last but â—lso mâ—rried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâ—me by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâ—entlâ— threatned most shâ—rp revenge towards all subjects which should dâ—re to speake thereof and so for the conâ—â—aling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâ—kâ— no maâ—vaâ—le though his Lorâ—shâ—p were so diligent a proâ—uâ—er of that law fâ—r silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâ—p wâ—s in great distresse about that time when Monsiâ—uâ—s matteâ—s were in hâ—nd and that he did many things and purposed more whâ—reof he desired lâ—ssâ— spâ—ech â—mong the people â—specially afterwards whâ—n hâ—s said desigâ—ements tooke nâ—t place I was my sâ—lfe that yâ—er not fâ—r from Warwiâ—k when he câ—me thither from the Court a full Mâ—â—e content and when it was thâ—ught most certainly throughoâ—t the Realm that he would hâ—ve takâ—n armes sooâ— after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâ—h Monsâ—euâ— hâ—d gone fâ—rward The thiâ—g in Cambridge anâ— in all the Couâ—tâ—ey â—s I roâ—e was in â—vâ—ry maâ—s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not oâ—ely â—he counâ—enâ—ncâ—s but alsâ— the bâ—hâ—viour and to 〈◊〉 the bold spâ—â—ches of all such as were of his fâ—ction My Lâ—rd himselfe had given oâ—t a little before at 〈◊〉 worâ—h that thâ— matteâ— woulâ— cosâ— maâ—y brâ—kâ—n hâ—â—ds before 〈…〉 next and my Lord of Waâ—wiâ—k hâ—d sâ—id opâ—nly at his table in Greâ—nwiâ—h Sir 〈…〉 bâ—ing by if I be not decâ—ived thâ—◠〈…〉 not â—o â—e suffâ—râ—d I meane the marrâ—â—gâ— whiâ—h woâ—dâ— of his oâ—â—e câ—ming abroad 〈…〉 by his own Lady then also preâ—eâ—t 〈…〉 common compâ—nio◠〈…〉 Lordships part against the Queenes Mâ—jesty Such running there was such seâ—ding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâ—s and forces of Casimâ—re and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâ—fence of the Realme and Râ—ligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâ—lfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friâ—nâ—s for their comfort such debasing of them thâ—t fâ—voureâ— the marriâ—ge especially two or three Counâ—ellâ—urs by name who were said to be the câ—use of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâ—ply punâ—shed to the â—errour â—f all others such letters were written and intercâ—pâ—ed of purpose impâ—rting great powers to be ready and so mâ—ny other things done and designed tending all to mâ—nifest and open warre as I began hartâ—ly â—o be afrâ—id and wished my selfe baâ—ke at Cambridge againâ— hoping that bâ—ing therâ—â—y Scholâ—rs gâ—wne should excuse â—e from necâ—ssiâ—y of â—ighting or if not I wâ—s resolved by my Lords good leâ—ve to follow Aâ—istotle who prefâ—â—râ—th â—lway the Lyon beâ—ore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thâ—t hiâ— Lordship should hâ—ve no bâ—tter succâ—sse in this if it came to â—riâ—ll then his Faâ—her hâ—d in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâ—s privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mâ—nt to hâ—ve deceived him â—f â—he matteâ— hâ—d broken out And amongst othâ—r there was a certaâ—n Vice-prâ—sident in the Wâ—â—ld who being left in theâ—r come and absence of another to pâ—ocure friâ—nds said in a place secreâ—ly not fâ—r from Ludlâ—w that if the mattâ—r came to blâ—wes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâ—r in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâ—tlâ—man and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know â—hat the Pâ—pâ—sts were most named and misdâ—ubâ—ed of his part in that cause for their open indiâ—ation towards Mâ—nsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ— was given out every where by this Champâ—on of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâ—d done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in â—he Râ—alm which descried not this vizâ—rd at the fiâ—st neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâ—eing her Mâ—jâ—sty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâ—ng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâ—jesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâ—st and faithfâ—llest Protâ—stants of the Realme to be â—oth honourable convenâ—ent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâ—raign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâ—ene ours most assured Spaiâ—e
Sunday before the Earles deaâ—h ensuing the Friday after and when she wâ—s dead hâ—r body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châ—ldren of her Mâ—jesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâ—ined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ— is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâ—hence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâ—ishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâ—ts death with some other of the Eaâ—les servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whâ—refore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâ—ster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâ—ke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâ—cret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâ—keeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâ—jesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâ—e day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâ—lty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâ—fidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâ—heth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâ—th dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâ—ulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâ—h beene told me also by some of the servaâ—ts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâ—ttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâ—knesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâ—x as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâ—r be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâ—iâ—es and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâ—et also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardâ—napaâ—us and Nero â—ut even Heliogâ—batus himselfe so his Lordshâ—p also changeth Wâ—ves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câ—use he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thâ—t it is a matter sufficâ—ently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ— is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friâ—nds of his in reasoning of these matters deâ—y stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâ—jesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thâ—y alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâ—yes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâ—lecontent in the present government nor hâ—pe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâ—sties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth â—e Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâ—lfâ— or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ— is â—vident that he meaneâ—h to hâ—ve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâ—h other men and to hunt wâ—th Huntington and oâ—hâ—â— hounds in the sâ—me chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plâ—y the Beare when he coâ—eth to divâ—ding of the pray and will snatch the best pâ—rt to himselfe Yea and these sâ—lf same peâ—sons of his traine anâ—â—action whom you call his friend though in publâ—que to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ— plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâ—k it and among thâ—mselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâ—me Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâ—r lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâ—ll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâ—resse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which â—ow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâ—h all Royâ—lties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâ—ly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taâ—â— effect or come to passe To the same point â—ended the words of Mistressâ— Anne West Daâ—e Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâ—r Robert Kâ—owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâ—esence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâ—in him â—s for dislâ—ke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ— of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâ—ce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâ—s his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thâ—t she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâ—full speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâ—ve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâ—tâ—er should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâ—lled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâ—uld easily perswade and give satisfactâ—on that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâ—lfe in this suâ—t Whiâ—h three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he â—hâ—t suâ—th to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâ—thinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ— himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâ—eth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâ—ckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâ—ng that alwayâ—s the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to â—he precepâ— it bâ—ginneth
house of Suffolk bâ—fore them both A notable change quoâ—h the Gâ—ntleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so â—uch debased by the Son as thouâ—h it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâ—s how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thâ—ngs men and times And as we have seene now two testâ—ments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begâ—n greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâ—ortly a third Testâ—ment of her Mâ—jesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thâ—t before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ— wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâ—d that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâ—sideration of some doubt aâ—d irâ—esolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâ—ssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine â—hose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâ—ve thereby and that whatsoever succâ—ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâ—stâ—ment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâ—me should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ— owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâ—med to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâ—ble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâ—tter the authoritie of Paâ—lament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâ—r as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden â—gainst the neâ—t inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâ—ance in the right of his mother though he were excludâ—d by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâ—ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ— Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâ—lme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâ—e to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâ—pose no examination of the witnessâ—s or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
at his his companions hanâ—s when she onâ—ly shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient deâ—res Cleare it is quoth the Lawyer that the nearenesse of aspirors to the â—â—owne endangereth greatly the present possessors as you have well proved by reason and I could shew by divers examples if it were need For when Henrie Bullingbrooke Duke of Lancaster saw not onely Richard the second to be without issue but also Roger Mortimer Earle of March that should have succeded in the Crowne to bee slaine in Ireland though before as is thought he meant not to usurpe yet seeing the possibility and neare cut that he had was inuited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes blond and dignity as he did The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester that he nâ—ver meant the murther of his nephewes untill he saw their father dead and themselves in his owne hands his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched and his onely sonne and heire â—arle of Warwick within his owne power Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God for causes to himselfe best known to leave unto this noble Realm any issue by her most excellent Maiestie it hath been a poynt of great wisedome in mine opinion and of great safety to her Highnes person state dignity to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland I meane both the mother and the sonne whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had beene long ere this atchieved if her Majesties owne wisedome and royall clemency as is thought had not placed speciall eye upon the conservation thereof from time to time Which Princely providence so long as it shalâ— endure must needs be a great safety and fortresâ— to her Majesty not onely against the claimes aides or annoyance of forraine Princes whâ— wil not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heires remain at home nor yeâ— so willing in respect of policy to â—elpe thaâ— line to possession of the whole Island but also against practices of domesticall aspirers as yoâ— have shewed in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Scâ—tland are great bâ—ocks as also speciall bulwarks to her Majesties life and person seeing as you say these copartners make so little account of the other of that line who should ensue by order of succession Marry yet of the two I thinke the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose to bee made away both for that hee may have issue and is like in time to be of more ability for defence of his owne inheritance as also for that he being once dispatched his mother should soone ensue by one slight or other which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty albeit I must needes confesse that her Highnesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof in placing her restraint with so noble strong and worthy a Peere of our Realme as the Earle of Shrewsburie is whose fidelity and constancy being nothing plyable to the others faction giveth them little contentation And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used and do use dayly to slander and disgrace him and thereby to pull from him his charge committed To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all but stood stâ—ll musing with himselfe as though hee had conceived some deep matter in his head â— and after a little pause he began to say as followeth I cannot truly but much marvaile when I do compare some things of this time and government with the doings of formâ—r Princes Progenitors to her Majesty Namely of Henrie the 7. and Henrie the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence as they thought it necessary not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way but even the possibilities of all perill as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heire to the said Duke of Clarence and of Maâ—gaâ—et his sister Countesse of Salisbury with the Lord Henry Montague her sonne by whose Dauâ—hter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth All which were executed for avoyding of inconveniencies and that at such times when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line especially by the latter And yet now when one of the same house and Line of more ability and ambition than ever any of his Ancestors were maketh open title and claime to the Crowne with plots packs and preparations to most manifest usurpation against all order all law and all rightful succession and against a special statute provided in that behalfe yet is he permitted boâ—ne out favoured and friended therein and no man so hardy as in defeâ—câ—â—f her Majestie and the Realme to contrâ—â—le hiâ— for the same It may be that her Majestie is brought into the same oâ—inion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity as Iulius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus his dearest obliged friend of whose ambitious practises and aspiring when Caesar was advertised by his carefull friends he anâ—wered that hee well knew Brutus to be ambitious but I am sure quoth he that my Brutuâ— will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth â—nd after my death let him shift for the same among others aâ— he can But what ensued Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake but yet all the world knoweth that ere many moneths passed this most noble and â—lement Emperour was pittifully murthered â—y the same Brutus and his partners in the publique Senate when least of all he expected such treason So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequell or to trust them with a mans life who may pretend preferment or interest by his death Wherefore would God her Majestie in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royall person as the weighty moment of the matter requireth which containeth the blisse and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdome as this I know right well that most excellent natures are alwayes furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love and are most bounden by dutie and so it is evident in her Maiestie But yet surely this confidence so commendable in other men is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince for that it goeth accompanyed with so great perill as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged as commonly by Gods appoyntment they are fâ—r the speciall hand he holdeth over Princes affaires or when there is probable conjecture or just surmise of the same We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar had not onely the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation but even the very day when
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâ—mous Rome Wishâ— all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâ—ke all them dead So should he never need thâ—ir hâ—te to dread Even sâ—ch a mischiefe I wâ—sht to my foes That many men might pâ—rish with fâ—w blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâ—eous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâ—s dâ—yes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares â—oe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot â—mend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâ—s slâ—ine By Nero's doome whosâ— faults he did correct Use not too shâ—rpe rebukeâ— but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride â—rocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâ—h winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâ—re your friâ—nd should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ— praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sâ—y he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâ—me His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ— was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bâ—â—ming â—he influence of the angry starres Thâ—â— thus by death his future fortune barres Aâ—â— sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châ—m or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ—'d the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâ—st To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâ—ve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâ—siâ—n oâ— hâ—s 〈◊〉 and â—eâ—tâ—ng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâ—ist The booke of Iustâ—ce Lawâ—er Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâ—ate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâ—ly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâ—sh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guâ—nâ—ans Gentleman The Tâ—rant of Englâ—sh staâ—e Three 〈…〉 in Eâ—gâ—and 〈◊〉 The â—ule of â—eâ—ceâ—teâ— Gentlâ—man Lawyâ—◠〈◊〉 Lord Nâ—â—ths pâ—â—â—cy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâ—hâ—lâ—r The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâ—ingham Deepe disâ—imulâ—tion 〈…〉 Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâ—ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ— Shâ—la◠〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâ—laine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâ—odities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâ—vers marriages of her Madeseaâ—ed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâ—cesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâ—erâ—hâ—ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâ—st Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâ—tler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâ—fâ—ing of a châ—lde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ— operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâ—lâ—r Lea. Honnieâ— Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâ—x The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ— Genâ—leman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ— Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ— and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâ—erpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâ—cenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâ—ians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâ—ng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couâ—t A demonstration of Leycesteâ—s tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâ—eâ—nes danger againe Anno Regni 3â— Leyâ—esters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediâ—â—on of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ— violence with the Prince her sâ—lfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ— power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâ—den Wales Sir Henâ—y Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey †Her Maiesty â—s he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ— possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâ—wyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ— Vniveâ—sity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ— Leycesters home gaine by heâ— Maâ—esties faâ—our A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâ—gne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pâ—t out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâ—ge of lands wiâ—h her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâ—lkes and Velvetâ— The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâ—dleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâ—man Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasâ—rer Caâ—bridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâ—s * At Diâ—â—ies house in Warwick shiâ—e dame Lettice 〈◊〉 and some othâ—â— such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ— The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâ—e hanged for hâ— pleasure by Leycesters auâ—hority Gentleâ—â—n Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and â—eicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ— demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâ—d Lee. Ludowick Grâ—vel George Witney â—ord Barkley Archbâ—shop of Caâ—terbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ— of Leycestâ—r declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of â—he Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâ—ceâ—ely for Huntâ—ngton or for himselfe The words of thâ— Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâ—ent the Nature of ambâ—tion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ— of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâ—ture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâ—s Wife A new Triumvirâ—â—â—â—tween â—â—tween Leycester Talbot and â—hâ— Coâ—ntesse of Shrâ—veâ—bury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâ—cester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aâ—t 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ— meane in her Majesties dayes â—oure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâ—stor 5. The Peâ—cies The two Neviles Leycesteâ—s hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâ—ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâ—es life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her