Sunday before the Earles deaâ—h ensuing the Friday after and when she wâ—s dead hâ—r body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châ—ldren of her Mâ—jesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâ—ined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ— is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâ—hence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâ—ishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâ—ts death with some other of the Eaâ—les servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whâ—refore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâ—ster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâ—ke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâ—cret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâ—keeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâ—jesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâ—e day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâ—lty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâ—fidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâ—heth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâ—th dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâ—ulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâ—h beene told me also by some of the servaâ—ts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâ—ttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâ—knesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâ—x as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâ—r be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâ—iâ—es and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâ—et also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardâ—napaâ—us and Nero â—ut even Heliogâ—batus himselfe so his Lordshâ—p also changeth Wâ—ves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câ—use he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
subjection to the Frenâ—h And as for Portâ—gâ—ll â— hâ—ve heard some of â—he chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their Kingdome that rather then they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves and to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might befâ—ll them â—y that means rather then endanger their subjâ—ction to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in divers histories of the Grecians at this day who doe hate so much â—he name and dominion of the Latines as thâ—y had rather to endure all the miseries which daâ—ly they suffer under the Turke for their relâ—gion and otheâ—wise then by calling for aid from the West to hazard the subjection to the said Lâ—tines So that by these examples you see that feare and horrour of externall subjection may sâ—ay men in states and consequently also both Papâ—sts and Puritans in the state of England from pâ—ssiâ—g to the second kind or degree of treason albeit they were never so deepe in the first and had both ability time will and oportunity for the other Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech and said that this seemed to mee most cleare and that now I understooâ— what the Lawyer meant before when he affirmed that albeit the most part of Papists in generall might be said to deale against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance and increase of their religion and so to incurre some kind of treason yet perhapâ— not so far-forth nor in so deepe a degree of proper treason â—s in this booke is presumed or inforced though for my part said I I do not see that the book presumeth or inforceth all Papists in generall to be properly traytors but onely such as in particular are therein named or that are by law attainted condemned or executed and what will you say quoth I to those in particular Surely quoth he I must say of these much after the manner whiâ—h I spâ—ke before that some here named in this book are openly knowne to have beene in the secoâ—d degree or kind of treason as Weslmeâ—land Norâ—on Sanders and the like But divers others namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have sufâ—ered by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignements or heard protested by them at their deaths or gathered by reason and discourse of my sâ—lfe for that no forraine Prince or wise councellor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments I cannot I sâ—y but thiâ—ke that to the wise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason wherein no doubt they were was sufficient to dâ—spatch and make them away especially in such suspitious times as these are to the end that being hanged for the first thâ—y should never bee in daâ—ger to fall into the second nor yet to draw other men to the same which peâ—haps was most of all misdoubted After the Lawyer had spâ—ken this I held my peace to heare what the Gentle man would answer who walked up and down two whole turnes in the Gallery without yeelding aâ—y word again and then staying upon the sudden cast his eyes sadly upon us both and said My masters howsoever this be which indeed appertaines not to us to judge or discus but rather to perswade our selves that thâ— state hath reason to do as it doth and that it must oftentimes as well prevent inconveniences â—s remedy the same when they are happened yet for my owne part I must confesse unto you that upon some consideratâ—ons which use to come unto my mind I take no sâ—all griefe of these differences among us which you terme of divers and different religions for which we are driven of necessity to use discipline toward divers who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors I know the cause of this diffâ—rence is grounded upon a principle not easie to cure which is the judgement and conscience of a man whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affâ—ction whatsoever for a time he may otherwise â—issemble outwardly I remembâ—r your speech bâ—fâ—re of the doubtfull and dangerous inclination of suâ—h as live discontented in a State of a different religion especially when either in deed or in their owne conceipt they are hardly dealt withall and where every mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the whole I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity and the opinion of calamity moveth affection of mercy and compassion even towards the wicked the better fortune alway is subject to envie and he that suffereth is thought to have the better cause my experience of the divers reignes and proceedings of King Edward Queene Mary and of this our most gracious Soveraigne hath caught me not a little touching the sâ—quell of these affairs And finally my good friendâ— I must tell you plaine quoth he and this he spake with great asseveration that I could wish with all my heart that either these differences were not among us at all or else that they were so temperatly on al parts pursued as the common state of our country the blessed reigne of her Majesty and the common cause of true religion were not endangered thereby But now and there he brake off and turnâ—â— aâ—â—e The Lâ—wyer seeing him hold his peace and depart he stepped after him and taking him by the gowne said merrily Sir all men are not of your complexion some â—re of quicker and more stâ—rriâ—g Spirits and doe lâ—ve to fish in water that is troubled for that thâ—y â—oe partâ—cipate the Black-moores humour thâ—t dwâ—ll in Guinea whereof I suppose you hâ—ve heard and seene also some in this Land whose exâ—rcise at home is as some write the one to hunt catch and sell thâ— other and alwayâ—s â—he stronger to make money of the weakâ—r for the time But now if in Eâ—gland we should live in peace and unity of the state as thâ—y doe in Germâ—ny notwithstaâ—ding thâ—ir differences of Religion and thâ—t the onâ— shâ—ulâ— not prey upon the other theâ— shâ—ulâ— the great â—aulcons fâ—r the Fâ—eld I meane the favourites of the time faile whereon to fâ—ed which wâ—re an inconveniencâ— as you knâ—w Truly Siâ— said the Gâ—ntleman I thâ—nke you rove neerer the maâ—ke then you weeâ—e for if I be not deceived the vâ—â—y ground of muâ—h of thâ—se broiles whâ—reâ—f we talke is but a very pâ—â—y nâ—t in the minds of the Prâ—ncâ— or State whâ—se inâ—entions no doubt be most jâ—st and holy bâ—t in the greedy imagiâ—â—tion and suâ—tâ—le conâ—â—t of him who at this prâ—sâ—nt in râ—spâ—ct of oâ—r sinnâ—s is pâ—rmitted by God to tyranâ—ize both Prince aâ—d State and beâ—ng himsâ—lfe of no religion feedeth notwithstandiâ—g upâ—n our differencâ—s in â—â—ligion to the fatting of â—imsâ—lfe and
subtile fiâ—e and sox I â—e the â—ever he was â— like wâ—ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ— to his frâ—end at the same time and doe assure my self â—â—t would be most pleasant to the Realme â—nd profitâ—ble to her Majâ—sty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâ—ly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâ—w against the same as it was permitted in the fiâ—st yeer of Kinâ— Henry the eight agâ—inst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sâ—â—passe them both After thâ— Gentleman hâ—d saâ—d this â—he Lawyâ—r stood still somewhat smiling to himsâ—lfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâ—lfe afraid and then sâ—id My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâ—o madâ— in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mâ—n as my Lâ—rd of Leicâ—stâ—r is Yes said the Gentleman I hâ—ve heâ—rd how that my Lord of Leicâ—ster was very carefull and dilâ—gent at thâ—t time to have suâ—h a Law to passe against talkâ—rs hoping bâ—likâ— that his L. undeâ— tâ—at generall restrâ—iâ—t mighâ—â—ye the more quiâ—â—ly in harbor from thâ— tempest of menâ— toâ—â—â—s which â—aâ—â—ed busily at that time of diâ—â—rs hâ—s Lorâ—shâ—pâ— actions and asianâ— whiâ—h perhaps himsâ—lf would have wished to pâ—ssâ— wiâ—h â—ore sâ—cresie As of his discontâ—ntment and pâ—â—pâ—râ—tion to rebâ—llion upon Monsâ—eurs fiâ—st coâ—iâ—g inâ—o the Land of his disgrâ—ce and châ—â—kâ— râ—câ—â—veâ— iâ— Câ—uâ—â— of th◠〈◊〉 dâ—â—th of the nobâ—e Pâ—â—le of Essâ—x of thâ—s mâ—ns hâ—stly 〈…〉 widow whoâ— he seâ—t up â—nd downe thâ— Coâ—ntâ—â—y â—om hâ—â—se tâ—â—ouse by privâ—ew 〈…〉 to avâ—id the sight knowledge of thâ— Qâ—eeâ—es Mâ—jesty Aâ—d albeâ—t he hâ—d notâ—on by usâ—d her at hiâ— good king bâ—fâ—re for saâ—isfyiâ—â— of hâ—s owne last but â—lso mâ—rried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâ—me by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâ—entlâ— threatned most shâ—rp revenge towards all subjects which should dâ—re to speake thereof and so for the conâ—â—aling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâ—kâ— no maâ—vaâ—le though his Lorâ—shâ—p were so diligent a proâ—uâ—er of that law fâ—r silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâ—p wâ—s in great distresse about that time when Monsiâ—uâ—s matteâ—s were in hâ—nd and that he did many things and purposed more whâ—reof he desired lâ—ssâ— spâ—ech â—mong the people â—specially afterwards whâ—n hâ—s said desigâ—ements tooke nâ—t place I was my sâ—lfe that yâ—er not fâ—r from Warwiâ—k when he câ—me thither from the Court a full Mâ—â—e content and when it was thâ—ught most certainly throughoâ—t the Realm that he would hâ—ve takâ—n armes sooâ— after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâ—h Monsâ—euâ— hâ—d gone fâ—rward The thiâ—g in Cambridge anâ— in all the Couâ—tâ—ey â—s I roâ—e was in â—vâ—ry maâ—s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not oâ—ely â—he counâ—enâ—ncâ—s but alsâ— the bâ—hâ—viour and to 〈◊〉 the bold spâ—â—ches of all such as were of his fâ—ction My Lâ—rd himselfe had given oâ—t a little before at 〈◊〉 worâ—h that thâ— matteâ— woulâ— cosâ— maâ—y brâ—kâ—n hâ—â—ds before 〈…〉 next and my Lord of Waâ—wiâ—k hâ—d sâ—id opâ—nly at his table in Greâ—nwiâ—h Sir 〈…〉 bâ—ing by if I be not decâ—ived thâ—◠〈…〉 not â—o â—e suffâ—râ—d I meane the marrâ—â—gâ— whiâ—h woâ—dâ— of his oâ—â—e câ—ming abroad 〈…〉 by his own Lady then also preâ—eâ—t 〈…〉 common compâ—nio◠〈…〉 Lordships part against the Queenes Mâ—jesty Such running there was such seâ—ding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâ—s and forces of Casimâ—re and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâ—fence of the Realme and Râ—ligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâ—lfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friâ—nâ—s for their comfort such debasing of them thâ—t fâ—voureâ— the marriâ—ge especially two or three Counâ—ellâ—urs by name who were said to be the câ—use of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâ—ply punâ—shed to the â—errour â—f all others such letters were written and intercâ—pâ—ed of purpose impâ—rting great powers to be ready and so mâ—ny other things done and designed tending all to mâ—nifest and open warre as I began hartâ—ly â—o be afrâ—id and wished my selfe baâ—ke at Cambridge againâ— hoping that bâ—ing therâ—â—y Scholâ—rs gâ—wne should excuse â—e from necâ—ssiâ—y of â—ighting or if not I wâ—s resolved by my Lords good leâ—ve to follow Aâ—istotle who prefâ—â—râ—th â—lway the Lyon beâ—ore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thâ—t hiâ— Lordship should hâ—ve no bâ—tter succâ—sse in this if it came to â—riâ—ll then his Faâ—her hâ—d in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâ—s privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mâ—nt to hâ—ve deceived him â—f â—he matteâ— hâ—d broken out And amongst othâ—r there was a certaâ—n Vice-prâ—sident in the Wâ—â—ld who being left in theâ—r come and absence of another to pâ—ocure friâ—nds said in a place secreâ—ly not fâ—r from Ludlâ—w that if the mattâ—r came to blâ—wes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâ—r in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâ—tlâ—man and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know â—hat the Pâ—pâ—sts were most named and misdâ—ubâ—ed of his part in that cause for their open indiâ—ation towards Mâ—nsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ— was given out every where by this Champâ—on of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâ—d done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in â—he Râ—alm which descried not this vizâ—rd at the fiâ—st neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâ—eing her Mâ—jâ—sty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâ—ng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâ—jesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâ—st and faithfâ—llest Protâ—stants of the Realme to be â—oth honourable convenâ—ent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâ—raign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâ—ene ours most assured Spaiâ—e
or so I leave it to bâ— tried hereafter between my yong Lord of â—enbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ— to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râ—spect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâ—veth whereof Master Edwâ—â—d Diaâ— and Mâ—ster Edmond Tiney both Courtâ—ers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâ—s as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâ—ll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâ—mens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâ—ir hâ—sbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâ—e that when he dâ—sireth any womans favour then whâ—t person so evâ—r standeth in his way hath the luâ—k to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for â—xample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâ—r Majâ—sty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâ—om a paire of stâ—ires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâ—hout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâ—hard Varney who by commandement remaâ—ned with her that day alone with one man onâ—ly and hâ—d sent away perforâ—e all her Sâ—rvants from hâ—r to a Market two miles of hâ— I sâ—y wiâ—h his man can tâ—ll how she died whiâ—h man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâ—hes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâ—son and Sâ—r Richarâ— himsâ—lf dying abâ—ut the same time in London cried pitioâ—sly â—nd bâ—aâ—phemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâ—intance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ— Buttleâ— kinsman to my Lord gâ—ve out the whole fact a littâ—e bâ—foâ—e her death Bâ—t to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâ—ll in love with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld whom I signified bâ—fore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sâ—y of an artificiall caâ—â—rre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that â—t a time most fortunate for hiâ— purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with â—hilde in his absâ—nce the childe was a dauâ—hter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ— my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâ—d not a friend or two to accompâ—ny the Dâ—puty as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâ—iâ—his â—his Secretary entertained afterwâ—rd by my Lord of Leiâ—ester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Râ—â—ipe as all his friends are well assured the mâ—ker wheâ—â—of was a Chyâ—urgeon as is belâ—eved that thâ—n was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâ—re in operation with whom if the gâ—od Lady had beene sooner acquainted and â—sed his helpe shâ— should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrâ—y but might have spared the yong childe in her bâ—lly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâ—r must you mâ—rvaile though all these died dâ—vers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenâ—y of the Iâ—â—lian art for which this Chyruâ—gian and Doctor Iulio wâ—re entertained so carefully who can makâ— a mâ—n dye in what manâ—er oâ— shâ—w of siâ—knessâ— you wâ—ll by wâ—ose instructâ—ons â—o doubt but hâ—s Lorâ—ship is now cunning espâ—cially â—dding also to â—hese â—he counsell of his Doctor Bayâ—y a man also noâ— a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thâ—t in presence of my Lord of Leicâ—ster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâ—red and given as iâ— should not appeâ—re presently and yet should kill thâ— pâ—rty afâ—erward at what time should be appointed Which aâ—gument belike pleased well his Loâ—dship and thâ—â—efore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâ—s being that dâ—y present So though one dye of a flux and aâ—oâ—her of a catarrâ— yâ—t â—his impâ—râ—eth â—â—ttle to thâ— matter but shewâ—th rathâ—r the great cunning and skill of the Arâ—ificâ—r So Cardinall Chatilian aâ— I hâ—ve saiâ— before having accused my Lâ—rd of Leicester to thâ— Qâ—eens Majesty and after thâ—t pâ—ssiâ—g from Lonâ—on towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâ—ieâ— asserâ—ion â—rue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â— very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâ—tron to many Preachers anâ— Students and towards me and some of my friends in pâ—râ—icular he had bâ—ene in some things very benâ—ficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin â—onnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ— given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâ—s Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ— and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
his first wâ—fe and so broken that contract then forsooth would he needs make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majesty and so defeat all other Princes by vertue of his precontract But after thâ—s his lust compâ—lling to another place he would needs make a postcontract with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld and so he did begetting two children upon her the one a boy called Robin Sheffiâ—ld now living some time brought up at Newington and the other a daughter borne as is knowne at Dudley Castle But yet after his concupiscence changed againe as it never stayeth he resolved to make a retract of this postconâ—râ—ct thâ—ugh â—t were as surely done as I have said as bed and Bible could make the same and to make a certaine new protract which is a continuation of using her for a time with the widow of Essex but yet to stop the mouâ—hes of out-criars and to bury the Synagogue with some honour for these two wives of Leicester were merrily and wittily called his old and new Testaments by a person of great excellency within the Realme he was content to assigne to the former a thousand pounds in money with other petty consideratioâ—s the pittifullest abused that â—ver was poore Lady and so betake his lims to the latter which latter notwithstanding he so useth as we see now confessing now forswearing now dissembling the marriage as he will alwayes yet keâ—pâ— a void place for a new surcontract with any other when occasion shall require Now by my truth sir quoth I I never heard nor read the like to this in my life yet have I read much in my time of the carnalâ—ty and licenciousnesse of divers outragious persons in this kinde of sin as namely these whom you have mentioned before especially the Emperour Heliogabaluâ— who passed all other and was called Varius of the varity of filth which he used in this kinde of carnality or carnall beastlinesse whose death was that being at length odious to all men and so slain by his own Souldiers was drawn through the City upon the ground lâ—ke a dog and cast into the common privy with this Epitaph Hic projectus est indomitae rabide libidinis catulus Here is thrown in the Whelpe of unruly and raging lust which Epitaph may also one day chance to serve my Lord of Leicester whom you call the Beare-whelp if he go forward as he hath begun and dye as he deserveth But good sir what a compassion is this that among us Christians namely in so wel governed and religious a Common-wealth as ours is such a riot should be permitted upon mens wives in a subject whereas we read that among the very Heathens lesse offences then these in the same kinde were extreamly punâ—shed in Princes themselves and that not onely in the person delinquent alone but also by extirpation of the whole family for his sake as appeareth in the example of the Tarquinians among the Romans And here also in our owne Realme we have registred in Chronicle how that one King Edwin above six hundred yeeres past was deprived of his Kingdome for much lesse scandalous facts then these I remember well the story quoth the Gentleman thereby doe easily make conjecture what difference there is betwixt those times of old and our dayes now seeing then a crowned Prince could not passe unpunished with one or two outragious acts whereas now a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort rangeth at his pleasure in all licenciousnesse and that with security void of fear both of God and man No mans wife can be free from him whom his fiery lust liketh to abuse nor their husbands able to resist nor save from his violence if they shew dislike or will not yeeld their consent to his doings And if I should discover in particular how many good husbands he had plagued in this nature and for such delights it were intolerable for his concupiscence and violence do run joyntly together as in furious beasts we see they are accustomed Neither holdeth he any rule in his lust besides onely the motion and suggestion of his own sensuality kindred affinity or any other bâ—nd of consanguinity religion honour or honesty taketh no place in his outragious appetite what he best liketh that he taketh as lawfull for the time So that kinswoman allie friends wife or daughter or whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye I leave out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes of kinred more neere that must yeeld to his desire The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her daughters at once or successively is no more with him then the eating of an Hen her chicken together There are not by report two noble women about her Majesty I speake upon some accompt of them â—hat know much whom he hath not solicited by potent wayes neither contented with this place of honour he hath descended to seeke pasture among the waitiâ—g Gentlewomen of her Majâ—sties great chamber offering more for their allurement then I thinke Lais did commonly takâ— in Corinth if three hundreth pounds for a night will make up the sum or if not yet will he make it up otherwise having reported himselfe so little shame he hath that he offered to another of higher place an 100 pound lands by the yeere with as many jewels as most women under her Majesty used in England which was no mean bait to one that used traffick in such merchandize she being but the leavings of anothâ—r man before him wherof my Lord is nothing squemish for satisfying of his lust but can be content as they sâ—y to gather up crums when he is hungry even in the very Landry it selfe or other place of baser quality And albeit the Lord of his great mercy to doe him good no doubt if he were revokeable hath laid his hand upon him in some chastisement in this world by giving him a broken belly on both sides of his bowels whereby misery and putrifaction is threatned to him daily and to his yong Sonne by the widow of Essex being Filius peccati such a strange calamity of the falling sicknesse in his infancy as well may be a witnesse of the Parents sinne and wickednesse and of both their wasted natures in iniquity yet is this man nothing amended thereby but according to the custome of all old adulterers is more libidinous at this day then ever before more given to procure love in others by conjuring sorcery and other such meanes And albeit for himselfe both age and nature spent doe somewhat tame him from the act yet wanteth he not will as appeareth by the Italian ointment procured not many yeers pâ—st by his Chyrurgion or Mountibanke of that Countrey whereby as they say he is able to move his flesh at all times for keeking of his credit howsoever his inability be otherwise for performance as also one of his
hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâ—e privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâ—emeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâ—sonages in matters oâ— such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâ—dges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâ—iumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ— for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâ—riage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâ—eby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
of Edward and Richard the second as also of Henry and Edward the sixt doe sufficiently fore-warne us whose lives were prolonged untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspiratours and not longer And for the statute you speak of procured by themselves for establishing the incertainty of the next true successour whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration and certainty of the same it is with Proviso as you know that it shall not endure longer then the life of her Majesty that now raigneth that is indeed no longer then untill themselves be ready to place another For then no doubt but wee shall see a faire Proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely next heire with a bundle of halters to hang all such as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same At these words the old Lawyer stepped back as somewhat astonied and began to make Crosses in the ayre after their fashion whereat we laughed and then he said truly my Masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute as my selfe but now I perceive that I alone am not malitious For my owne part I must confesse unto you that as often as I reade over this statute or thinke of the same as by divers occasions many times I doe I feele my selfe much greeved and afflicted in minde upon feares which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our Countrey and what privy meaning the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their owne drifts against the Realme and life of her Majestie that now raigneth And so much more it maketh mee to doubt for that in all our records of law you shall not find to my remembrance any one example of such a devise for concealing of the true inheritour but rather in all ages states and times especially from Richard the first downeward you shall finde statutes ordinances and provisions for declaration and manifestation of the same as you have well observed and touched before And therefore this strange and new devise must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning and God of his mercy grant that it have not some strange and unexpected event In sight of all men this is already evident that never Countrey in the world was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruine then ours is at this day by pretence of this Statute For whereas there is no Gentleman so meane in the Realme that cannot give a guesse more or lesse who shall bee his next heire and his Tenants soone conjecture what manner of person shall be their next Lord in the title of our noble Crown whereof all the rest dependeth neither is her Majesty permitted to know or say who shall be her next successor nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine who in right may be their future Soveraigne An intollerable injury in a matter of so singular importance For alas what should become of this our native Countrey if God should take from us her most excellent Majesty as once he will and so leave us destitute upon the sudden what should become of our lives of our states and of our whole Realme or governement can any man promise himselfe one day longer of rest peace possession life or liberty within the land then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne over us Which albeit wee doe and are bound to wish that it may bee long yet reason telleth us that by course of nature it cannot bee of any great continuance and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter And shall then our most noble Common-wealth and Kingdome which is of perpetuity and must continue to our selves and our posterity hang onely upon the life of her Highnesse alone well strucken in yeares and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion I was within hearing some six or seaven yeares agoe when Sir Christopher Hatton in a very great assembly made an eloquent oration which after I wene was put in print at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallowes that by errour as was thought had discharged his peece upon her Majesties Barge and hurt certaine persons in her Highnesse presence And in that Oration he declared and described very effectually what inestimable dammage had ensued to the Realme if her Majesty by that or any other means should have beene taken from us He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men what division what dissension what bloudshed had ensued what fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us whensoever that dolefull day should happen wherein no man should be sure of his life of his goods of his wife of his children no man certain whether to flie whom to follow or where to seeke repose or protection And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said truth and farre lesse then might have beene said in that behalfe things standing as they doe so many one I trow hath heard these words proceed from a Councellour that had good cause to know the state of his own Countrey entred into this cogitation what punishment they might deserve then at the whole State and Common-wealths hands who first by letting her Majesty from marriage and then by procuring this Statute of dissembling the next inheritour had brought their Realme into so evident and inevitable dangers for every one well considered and weighed with himselfe that the thing which yet only letted these dangers and miseries set downe by Sir Christopher must necessarily one day faile us all that is the life of her Majesty now present and then say we how falleth it out that so generall a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long and may for any thing we know to morrow next is not provided for aswell as fore-seene Is there no remedy but that wee must willingly and wittingly runne into our owne ruine and for the favour or feare of some few aspirours betray our Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand innocents as live within the land For tell mee good Sirs I pray you if her Majestie should die to morrow next whose life God long preserve and blesse but if she should be taken from us as by condition of nature and humane frailty she may what would you doe which way would you looke or what head or part knew any good subject in the Realme to follow I speake not of the conspiratours for I know they will bee ready and resolved whom to follow but I speake of the plaine simple and well-meaning subject who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute fraudulent I meane in the secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours shall bee taken at that day upon the sudden and being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crowne shall be brought into a thousand dangers both of body