as to the last event I may seem to owe more to my Enemies then my friends ' while those will put a period to the sins and sorrows attending this miserable life wherewith these desire I might still contend I shall be more then Conquerour through Christ enabling me for whom I have hitherto suffered as he is the Author of Truth Order and Peace for all which I have been forced to contend against Error Faction and Confusion If I must suffer a violent death with my Saviour it is but mortality crowned with Martyrdom where the debt of death which I owe for sin to nature shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to God Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept and although death be the wages of my own sin as from God and the effect of others sins as men both against God and me yet as I hope my own sins are so remitted that they may be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my death so I desire God to pardon their sins who are most guilty of my destruction The Trophies of my charity will be more glorious and durable over them then their ill-mannaged victories over me Though their sin be prosperous yet they had need to be penitent that they may be pardoned both which I pray God they may obtain that my temporal death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by Gods just inflicting eternal death upon them for I look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable then the eternal damnation of the meanest Subject Nor do I wish other then the safe bringing of the ship to shore when they have cast me over-board though it be very strange that Mariners can finde no other means to appease the storm themselves have raised but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God my enemies cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation whose malice in this I shall defeat that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my soul with my body of whose salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair they have only discovered this that they do not much desire it Whose uncharitable and cruel restraints denying me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains hath rather enlarged then any way obstructed my access to the throne of Heaven And for his better preparation he is a suitor to the Governour that he might have two of his own Chaplains to preach and pray with him And that he might have liberty to write to his Queen in France and to the Prince of Wales to acquaint them with his sad condition but not granted For the General hath ordered that the King be brought up with a Guard Prisoner to Windsor Castle and came to Winchester Tuesday 21. December where the honourable Mayor and Aldermen met him at the Towns end and as in duty heretofore presented him with a Speech and then with their mace The Governour of the Guard told them that by the Act of No address to the King they were all Traytors which not a little troubled the well meaning Mayor The next night Friday to Farnham and after dinner at Bagshot calling for his Coach he was told it was gone before and indeed so designed then ready to mount an excellent horse he had been newly prickt with a nail stark lame the King was troubled which being perceived a Gentleman lent him a swift Gelding but being observed the Guards were commanded for Flankers till the King came off the Downs and so he came to Windsor Saturday night 23. Decemb. Colonel Thomlingson commanding the Guards when Colonel Harrison left him And here they refuse to afford his Majesty any Ceremony of State upon the knee and hardly the Cap his attendance taken away and he clapt up close And because William Prinne of Lincolns Inn Barrester puts himself in Print the first man that brings in his Charge whether to his eternal shame or otherwise we shall give you his title wherein we finde in this case as very often in other his Pamphlets more matter in the Title Page then all that follows in the Book besides He calls it Mr. Prinns Charge against the King shewing That the Kings Design Purpose Resolution his Endeavours Practice Conversation have alwayes been engaged byassed tended to settle establish confirm Popery Tyranny Slavery in among over his Dominions Subjects People and in order to that Design End Purpose he writ to the Pope of Rome stiling him His most Holy Father Catholique Majesty thrice honoured Lord and Father engaging himself to the said Pope to endeavour to settle the Popish Religion only in his Dominions And since his coming to the Crown hath extended extraordinary favours upon protection of notorious Papists Priests Iesuites against all prosecution of Laws enacted against them notwithstanding all his Protestations to the contrary hath raised up a most horrid unnatural and bloudy War arming his Roman Catholique Subjects to Massacre Plunder Torture Imprison Ruine his Loyal Faithful pious Protestant Subjects to burn sack spoil their Cities Towns Villages collected from the Books written By VVilliam Prinne of Lincols Inne Esq. Being but a very small taste from that main Ocean of that which he hath written concerning the King and his ill behaviour since his coming to the Crown As also with references unto clear satisfactory convincing Answers unto several Objections concerning resisting censuring suspending depriving Kings for their Tyranny yea capitally proceeding against them By the said Author Thus he belches up the Charge and his proofs are plain from himself the only Author and witness directing us by his Margin to the third part of the Sovereign power of Parliaments wherein he pretends to overthrow all Scripture proofs against killing Kings and Princes His proofs against the Kings person is cited out of Prynns Popish Royal Favourite Romes Master-piece To which we refer the Reader without censuring them as some have done to be a Rhapsodie of Nonsense But then also we not to be partial refer the Reader to the History of Him Bastwick and Burton their Crimes Charge Indictments Censure Sentence and Execution And to second Prinne there follows Petitions pretended from the well-affected of the County of Norfolk from several Garrisons and other such in complyance with the Armies Remonstrance and Declarations and therein praying for justice against the King And yet not long after the 10. of Ianuary Mr. Prinne Imprints a Memento for which he reâ—uses to answer the Commons Summons untill he be sent to in a Legal way and by a lawful and sufficient Authority for he was not long before turned out of being a Member and continued now a prisoner to the Army and ever since out of date or use This man an indefatigable Author of most vast pieces in the Parliaments defence should now with others be ill intreated by their own stipendaries in the inscrutable judgement of God The appearance in Parliament is yet thin for Oligarchy gets
third appointed this form To be chosen by six Princes of Germany Three Ecclesiastical Arch-Bishops Moguntia Colen and Trevine Three Temporal the Duke of Saxonie the Count Palatine of the Rhene and the Marquesse of Brandenburgh and when those six voyces should happen equally divided that then the Duke of Bohemia before it was a Kingdom should determine the Election this was approved by all the Germain Princes and other Christian Princes and Estates of this world And the manner and conditions are these After his Election he is called onely Caesar and the King of the Romanes and not Emperour till he be Crowned and takes his Oath presently after his Election To defend the Catholick Religion and Pope of Rome To minister Iustice to keep the Lawes of the Empire c. and so is anointed and with some prayers upon him a drawn sword put in his hand a Ring on his finger a scepter in his other hand and three Bishops set the Crown Emperiall upon his Head Then all the Princes take Oath to him In Polonie after the same manner In Spain of late the Kings are not Crowned but have another admission equal and performed by the Arch-Bishop of Toledo Primate of Spain In France they have some alterations from their ancient manner by Lewis le Ieune who ordained the 12. Peers of France Six Ecclesiastical and six Temporal The Arch-Bishop and Duke of Rhemes anointeth and Crowneth the King The Bishop and Duke of Lava bears the Glasse of sacred Oyl The Bishop and Duke of Lanques the Cross. The Bishop and Earl of Beauvais the Mantle Royal. The Bishop and Earl of Koyon the Girdle The Bishop and Earl of Chaalons the Ring The Duke of Burgundy Dean of the Order holds the Crown The Earl of Gasconie and Guiennie the first Banner quartered The Duke of Normandy the second Banner quartered The Earl of Tholosa the Golden spurs The Earl of Campain the Banner Royal or Standard of War The Earl of Flanders the sword Royall And this day the King is severally apparelled three times First as a Priest Secondly a King and Warriour Thirdly as a Iudge He takes his Oath by the Arch-Bishop of Rhemes to the Church and to the people c. and so vested with the Mantle Girdle Ring Ointment and Crown with declaration what each signified And though this Ceremonie of sacring and Anointing Kings be more ancient than the Christian Kingdom of France yet is it the most ancient for particular Majestique manner and most of the Neighbour Kingdoms have affinity from her especially in England being the very same in effect The sacredness of the Hebrew Kings depended much upon their being anointed Anointing added a divine Majesty to their Kings and made them sacred and allied unto God exercising power and authority over things divine the virtue of the sacred Ointment being communicated to them formerly compounded by Moses of Aromatick ingredients and was yet for Initiation and Consecration till Iosiah hid it under ground in the Temple in the same secret place where the Ark of the Covenant Aarons rod Urim and Thummim and the Manna were laid up in preservation against the overthrow of the Temple by the Assyrians as had been prophecied and so lost to posterity in time of their Babylonish Captivity And therefore the King resolves on the day 2. February which is censured For a vanity though serious and the wisest Monarchs are very idle in it as not conferring one dram of solid grandure to the Throne and yet he acknowledgeth that as the King enters recognizance and stipulateth with the people to govern by Law so they acclaim him their King And is all this but vanity Though the Scriptures also exemplifies it in the Iews their first King Saul after the manner of all Nations and after him David Solomon Iehoash The Highâ— Priest anointing him with solemnities as you may see of Gods own appointing and the Ceremony to our Saviour when the Iews crowned him was no doubt in imitation of other Kings and may be a pattern for Christians But the day come which began his solemnitie conveyed him by water from White-Hall to Westminster not in usual state through the streets from the Tower the onely reason the dregs of the Infection not clearing the danger of such concourse of people which is put upon his frugality to save money And though it belonged to the Dean of Westminster Bishop of Lincoln to officiate some chief parts of the Celebrity yet he being under a deserved displeasure and in October last put out of his office of Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and intrusted unto Sr. Thomas Coventry who sat in Chancery two Terms before much of his duty was conferred upon Dr. Laud Bishop of St. Davids not of Bath and Wells till September after And then concerning the alteration of the Prayer The very Committee for managing the particulars of the Coronation resumed then those ancient particulars of the Prayer till Henry the sixth's time Ut obtineat gratiam huic populo c. like Aaron in the Tabernacle Elisha in the waters Zacharias in the Temple Sit Petrus in Clave Paulus in dogmate and were suitors to the King not to suffer the Dean to that duty and had this answer Who was not worthy to keep the seal lesse deserving to Minister now to his Soveraign Nor was he admitted to the next Parliament nor had summons by Writ so no Proxy to appoint a suffrage though it is said and evilly mentioned by an Historian That the Dukes Mother intruded who loved the Bishop if fame belies her not better then was fitting But this scandal I have answered sufficiently See the Life and Death of King Iames. And his own letters will discover the truth dated the seventh of Ianuary 1625. to the Duke and signed Iohn Lincoln so then he was not Chanceller and saies that he is come to do service for the preparation to the Coronation c. and craves of the Duke to receive a creature of your own struck dead with displeasure and by him to be brought to kiss the Kings hands And another Letter to the King complains that he hath not received his Writ of summons unto the Parliament that he might make his Proxie c. Nor can he go into the County as he had done long since but in expectation of this Writ and that in his absence in this Parliament no use may be made of the Kings Name to wound the reputation of a poor Bishop Cabala 107 108. and so our other Historians are mistaken in this And the manner of his Delivery of the Seal was thus Sir Iohn Suckling was sent from the King to demand it but charily he locked it up in a Cabinet and sent it and the Key by the Knight inclosed in a Letter to the King and so was outed of the Seal but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanary of Westminster which indeed he had for his life and after
proclamations viz. one dated the one and twentieth day of May in the eleventh of his Majesties reign and the other dated the one and thirtieth day of January in the same year thereby prescribing and enjoyning the working of Flax into Yarn and Thread and the ordering of the same in such wayes wherein the Natives of that Kingdome were unpractised and unskilful which proclamations so issued were by his Commands and Warrants to his Majesties Iustices of peace and other Officers and by other rigorous means put in execution and the Flax wrought or ordered in other manner than as the said proclamation prescribed was seized and employed to the use of him and his agents and thereby the said Earl endeavoured to gain and did gain in effect the sole sale of that native commodity The Earls Reply That he did endeavour to advance the Manufacture of Linnen rather than of Woollen because the last would be the greater detriment to England That the Primate of Ireland the Arch-bishop of Dublin Chancellour Loftus and the Lord Mount Norris all or the Council and Subscribers of the Proclamation were as liable to the Charge as himself That the reducing of that Nation by Orders of the Council-board to the English Customes from their more savage usages as drawing Hoâ—ses by their tails c. had been of former practise that the Project was of so ill avail to him as he was the worse for the Manufacture thirty thousand pounds at least by the Loom he had set up at his own charge The Fourteenth Article was not urged 15. That the said Earl of Strafford traiterously and wickedly devised and contrived by force of Armes in a warlike manner to subdue the Subjects of the said Realm of Ireland to bring them under his tyrannical power and will and in pursuance of his wicked and trayterous purposes aforesaid the said Earl of Strafford in the eighth year of his Majesties reign did by his own authority without any warrant or colour of Law tax and impose great sums of money upon the Townes of Baltemore Bandenbridge Talowe and divers other Townes and places in the said Realm of Ireland and did cause the same to be levied upon the Inhabitants of those Towns by Troops of Souldiers with force and arms in a warlike manner And on the ninth day of March in the twelfth year of his now Majesties reign trayterously did give authority unto Robert Savill a Serjeant at armes and to the Captains of the companies of Souldiers in several parts of that Realm to send such numbers of Souldiers to lie on the Lands and Houses of such as would not conform to his orders until they should render obedience to his said orders and warrants and after such submission and not before the said Souldiers to return to their Garrisons And did also issue the like warrants unto divers others which warrants were in warlike manner with force and Arms put in execution accordingly and by such warlike means did force divers of his Majesties Subjects of that Realm to submit themselves to his unlawful commands And in the said twelfth year of his Majesties reign the said Earl of Strafford did trayterously cause certain troops of horse and foot armed in warlike manner and in warlike array with force and armes to expel Richard Butler from the possession of Castle-cumber in the Territory of Idough in the said realm of Ireland and did likewise and in like warlike manner expel divers of his Majesties Subjects from their houses families and possessions as namely Edward Brenman Owen Oberman Patrick Oberman Sir Cyprian Horsfield and divers others to the number of about a hundred families and took and imprisoned them and their wives and carried them prisoners to Dublin and there detained them until they did yield up surrender or release their respective estates and rights And the said Earl in like warlike manner hath during his Government of the said Kingdom of Ireland subdued divers others of his Majesties Subjects â—ase to his will and thereby and by the means aforesaid hath levied war within the said Realm against his Majesty and his liege people of that Kingdom Testified by Serjeant Savil. The Earls Reply That nothing hath been more ordinary in Ireland than for the Governours to put all manner of Sentences in execution by the help of Souldiers that Grandison Falkland Chichester and other Deputies frequently did it Sir Arthur Teningham to this point deposed that in Falkland 's time he knew twenty Souldiers assessed upon one man for refusing to pay sixteen shillings That his Instructions for executing his Commission were the same with those formerly given to the Lord Falkland and that in both there is express warrant for it That no Testimony produced against him doth evidently prove he gave any Warrant to that effect and that Serjeant Savil shewed onely the Copy of a Warrant not the Original it self which he conceived could not make Faith in Case of Life and Death in that high Court especially it being not averred upon Oath to agree with the Original which should be upon Record That he conceived he was for an Irish Custome to be tried by the Peers of that Kingdom 16. That the said Earl of Strafford the two and twentieth of February in the seventh year of his now Majesties reign intending to oppress the said Subjects of Ireland did make a proposition and obtained from his Majesty an allowance that no complaint of injustice or oppression done in Ireland should be received in England against any unless it first appeared that the party made first his address to him the said Earl and the said Earl having by such usurped tyrannical and exorbitant power expressed in the former Articles destroyed the Peers and other Subjects of that Kingdom of Ireland in their lives consciences land liberties and estates the said Earl to the intent the better to maintain and strengthen his power and to bring the people into a disaffection of his Majesty as aforesaid did use his Majesties name in the execution of his said power And to prevent the Subjects of that Realm of all means of complaints to his Majesty and of redress against him and his agents did issue a Proclamation bearing date the seventeenth day of September in the eleventh year of his Majesties Reign thereby commanding all the Nobility undertakers and others who held estates and offices in the said Kingdom except such as were imployed in his Majesties service or attending in England by his special command to make their personal residence in the said Kingdom of Ireland and not to depart thence without licence of himself And the said Earl hath since issued other Proclamations to the same purpose by means whereof the subjects of the said Realm are restrained from seeking relief against the oppressions of the said Earl without his license which Proclamation the said Earl hath by several rigorous waies as by fine imprisonment and otherwise put in execution on his Majesties subjects as namely one Parry and
to his Son Sir Harry Vane a Key to fetch some Papers out of a Cabiner in which he findes another Key to an inward Shutter which he opens and lighted upon these Notes who forthwith shews them to Master Pym and that afternoon occasioned a Conference with the Lords to whom he urges the Commons former Request that the Earl might answer to new Proofs referring to the three and twentieth Article and were grounded upon these Notes which he then produced and that the Commons desired that the Earl might answer to them the next Day at the Bar in Westminster-hall which was granted April the thirteenth he appeared and the Notes were read upon this ground No danger of a War with Scotland if Offensive not Defensive Then their several Opinions which he collected in brief with Nominal Letters for each Counsellours Name thus K. C. H. How can we undertake Offensive War if we have no more money L. L. IR. Borrow of the City an hundred thousand pounds Go on vigorously to levy Ship-money Your Majesty having tried the affections of your People you are absolved and loose from all Rules of Government and to do what power will admit Your Majesty hath tried all ways and being refused shall be aquitted before God and Man and you have an Army in Ireland that you may imploy to reduce this Kingdom to obedience for I am confident the Scots cannot hold out five Moneths L. Arch. You have tried all ways and have always been denied it is now lawfull to take it by force L. Cot. Leagues abroad there may be made for the defence of the Kingdom The Lower House are weary of the King and Church All ways shall be just to raise Moneys in this inevitable necessity and are to be used being lawfull L. Arch. For an Offensive not any Defensive War L. L. Ir. The Town is full of Lords put the Commission of Array on foot and if any of them stir we will make them smart The Earls Reply That being a Privy-counsellour he conceived he might have the freedom to vote with others his opinion being as the Exigent required it would be hard measure for Opinions resulting from such Debates to be prosecuted under the notion of Treason And for the main hint suggested from his words The King had an Army in Ireland which he might imploy here to reduce this Kingdom He answereth That it is proved by the single Testimony of one Man Secretary Vane not being of validity in Law to create Faith in a Case of Debt much lesse in Life and Death That the Secretaries Deposition was very dubious for upon two Examinations he could not remember any such words And the third time his Testimonie was various but that I should speak such words or the like and words may be very like in sound but differ in sense as in the words of my charge here for there and that for this puts an end to the Controversie There were present at this Debate but eight Privy-counsellours in all two are not to be produced the Arch-bishop and Windebank but Sir Harry Vane affirms the words I deny them then there remain four for further evidence viz. the Marquis Hamilton the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Cottington who have all declared upon their Honours that they never heard me speak those words nay nor the like Lastly suppose though I granted it not that I spake those words yet cannot the word this rationally imply England because the Debate was not cerning Scotland as is yielded on all hands because England was not out of the way of obedience as the Earl of Clare well observed and because there was never any the least intention of landing the Irish Army in England as the aforesaid Lords of the Privy-council are able to attest And having done the Lord High Steward asked him if he had any more to say in his own defence for the Court was willing to prepare matters for Judgment To which he made a summary Repetition of his several Defences And having ended he spake thus My Lords THere remaines another kind of Treason that I should be guilty of for endeavouring to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Land That this should be Treason together that is not Treason in one part a Treason accumulative that when all will not do it alone being weaved up with others it should do it seems very strange Under favour my Lords I conceive there is neither Statute nor Common Law which doth declare this endevouring to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Land to be high Treason for I have been diligent in the inquiry as you know it deeply concerns me and could never discover it It is hard to be questioned for life and honour upon a Law that cannot be shewn for it is a rule in Sir Edward Coke De non apparentibus non existentibus eadem est ratio Ihesu Where hath this fire lain hid so many hundreds of years without smoak to discover it till it thus burst forth to consume me and my children That punishment should precede promulgation of a law to be punished by a law subsequent to the Fact is extreme hard what man can be safe if this be admitted My Lords it is hard in another respect that there should be no token set by which we should know this offence no admonition by which we should avoid it If a man pass the Thames in a boat and split himself upon an Anchor and no Buoy be floting to discover it he who â—weth the Anchor shall make satisfaction but if a Buoy 〈◊〉 sot there every man passeth upon his own peril Now where is this mark where the token upon this Crime to declare it to be high Treason My Lords be pleased to give that regard to the Peerage of England as never to expose your selves to such moot-points such constructive interpretations of Laws If there must be a tryal of wits let the subject matter be of somewhat else than the lives and honours of Peers It will be wisdome for your selves for your posterity and for the whole Kingdom to cast into the fire these bloudy and mysterious volumes of constructive and arbitrary Treason as the Primitive Christians did their Books of curious Arts and betake your selves to the plain letter of the Law and Statute that telleth us what is and what is not Treason without being more ambitious to be more learned in the art of Killing than our fore-fathers It is now full 240. years since any man was touched for this alleged Crime to this height before my self let us not awaken these sleeping Lyons to our destruction by taking up a few musty Records that have lain by the walls so many ages forgotten or neglected May your Lordships please not to add this to my other misfortunes for my other sins be-slave me not for Treason Let not a president be desired from me so disadvantagious as this will be in the consequence to the whole Kingdom
do not through me wound the interest of the Common-wealth And howsoever these Gentlemen say they speak for the Common-wealth yet in this particular I indeed speak for it and shew the inconveniencies and mischiefs which will fall upon it For as it is said in the Statute 1. of Henry 4. No man will know what to doe or say for fear of such penalties Doe not put my Lords such difficulties upon Ministers of State that men of wisedome of Honour of Fortune may not with cheerfulness and safety be imployed for the publique if you weigh and measure them by graines and scruples the publique affaires of the Kingdome will lie waste no man will meddle with them who has any thing to lose My Lords I have troubled you longer than I should have done were it not for the interest of these dear pledges a Saint in heaven hath left me At this he stopt a while offering up some tears to her ashes what I forfeit my self is nothing but that my indiscretion should extend to my posterity it woundeth me to the very soul. You will pardon my infirmity something I should have added but am not able therefore let it pass And now my Lords for my self I have been by the blessing of almighty God taught that the afflictions of this present life are not to be compared to the eternal weight of Glory which shall be revealed hereafter And so my Lords even so with all tranquillity of mind I freely submit my self to your judgment and whether that judgment be of life or death Te Deum laudamus When he had done two of the Members Mr. Glyn and Mr. Pym endeavouring to render him as odious as it is usually observed from Declamatours satisfying the Ear of the Auditours but not their judicial Censure for the point came to be this the Commons are to justifie their Charge by Law upon the matters of Fact as yet not appearing under the Letter of any Statute of Treason As for that of the 25 of Edward 3. it came short but yet it is supplied with this Proviso annexed that because all particular Treasons could not be then defined therefore what the Parliament should declare to be Treason â—n time to come should be punished as Treason within which compass they intend to bring him and that by Bill of Attainder The Earl put upon a point of Law desires Council which by no means the Commons would assent unto and notwithstanding all the reason in the world it was canvased three Days and at last concluded that his Council should plead such matters as they should be restrained unto Saturday the seventeenth of April the Earl appears with his Council Master Lane the Prince's Attourney Master Gardner Recorder of London Master Loe and Master Lightfoot Lane argued that the said Statute of 25 Edward 3. was a Declarative Law and so not to be interpreted as of consequence equity or construction but by the express Letter onely that it was a penal Law and so not to admit of any Constructions or Inferences for the true nature of penalties enforce the keeping of known Laws not of conjectural and dubious And for the Salvo he affirmed that in the sixth of Henry 4. the Nobility petitioned the Parliament to limit all Treasons by Statute in which Parliament Chapter 10. an Act passed thereupon that the Salvo should be holden repealed in all times to come nothing to be esteemed Treason but what was literally contained in the Statute of 25. Edward the third nor could the rest of the Council speak more then what had been said by Mr. Lane being so sufficient for matters of Law unless their Lordships would state any other questions to which they were ready to answer upon which the Court adjourned without prefixing any time of meeting The Commons meant it not to meet any more the Earl had satisfied all curious observations of his defence and the Commons knew it well enough but they resolved to attaint him by Bill which was debated by the Commons the nineteenth day and the Earl voted by them guilty of high Treason meerly upon the evidence of Secretary Vane and his notes but upon reading the Bill engrossed in their house the one and twentieth day It was hardly canvassed by the Poll the dissenters being fifty nine and my Lord Digby the most eminent that urged for him and yet it passed That afternoone with all expedition it was brought to the Lords and the four and twentieth day they were put in minde to fix a day for reading of it to which they returned answer that on Munday and Tuesday after they would not fail being not over harty to do it then for it was debated by the Lords to be a business of very high concernments and so perplext as necessarily required a conference with the Common who put it upon Mr. St. Iohn the Kings Solicitor to satisfie them and to justifie the Bill by Law upon Thursday the nine and twentieth and to offer reasons enforcing them to this way of proceeding against the Earl who was ordered to be there present And the Commons to shadow the violence of this proceeding with the Earl they bethought themselves of some publique affair and so petition the King 1. For removing of all Papists from Court. 2. For disarming of them generally throughout the Kingdome 3. For disbanding the Irish Army To which they had Answer the eight and twentieth 1. They all knew what legal trust the Crown hath in that particular therefore he shall not need to say any thing to assure them that he shall use it so as there shall be no just cause of scandal 2. He is content it shall be done by Law 3. And for the last he had entered into consultation about it finding many difficulties therein and he doth so wish the disbanding of all Armies as he did conjure them speedily and heartily to joyn with him in disbanding those two here Scots and English I am now come to the point to consider of the Differences between two Writers our Historian and his Observatour concerning the Death of the Earl of Strafford and reflecting upon the late Arch-bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was living and so pursued since his Death I being intrusted by him when time and occasion should happen to offer in publick what I had in charge under his own hand-writing and others also not to quarrel it any further but to rectifie mis-understandings if it may be done without malice on any side and so I shall handle it as a Moderatour We begin from the Bill of Attainder which was read in presence of the Earl at the Bar. Whereas the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons in this present Parliament assembled have in the name of themselves and of all the Commons of England impeached Thomas Earl of Strafford of High-treason for endeavouring to subvert the ancient and fundamental Laws and Government of his Majesties Realms
and so an abrogation of those of Ireland Now there was not a reception of the one instead of the other but the one with the other there being no difference in substance but onely in method number of subjects determined and other circumstantials argue no more an abrogation then that doth of the Apostles Creed by our reception of the Nicene Creed and Athanasius's wherein some points are more enlarged Or that the reception into our use the form of the Lords prayer according to S. Matthew abrogates that of S. Luke being the shorter Neither do I see but if for the manifestation of the union of the whole Reformed Churches We then should approve and receive the Articles of Religion agreed in other Reformed Churches and they receive ours it were no abrogating of either And the difference in them being onely in Circumstantials and not in substance all might be called one confession That as of many Seas one Ocean of many National Churches one Catholique Church so of many formes of Confessions but one faith amongst them That Argument from the Apostles speech of making void the old Covenant by speaking of a new or taking in the first day of the week to be the Sabbath instead of the last when but one in seven was to be kept doth not fit the Case for in these there was a superinduction and reception of the one for the other but in the Canon the Articles of England are received not instead but with those of Ireland And the practise of divers Bishops confirms it who many years after that upon an Ordination examined the persons as formerly according to the Articles of Ireland and took their subscription of them And in this I shall give you the sence of a most eminent learned and judicious person upon the view of what the Observator rescued had written of it I have received saies he the Book you sent me and have perused it I see he will have the allowance of our Articles of England by the Synod in Ireland to be a virtual disanulling of the Irish Confession which I conceive saith nomore but that both Confessions were consistent And the Act of that Synod not a revocation of the Irish Articles but an approbation of ours as agreeing with them He hath his flings at the Sermon preached at the Lord Primates Funeral but in truth he wrongs himself and our Church in those detractions from him Now this being so that the Articles of Ireland were not abrogated nor by the Primate so apprehended where was the ground of any displeasure disaffection or former grudge pretended very uncharitably by the Observator to be the cause of the Lord Primates carrying a sharp tooth against the Earl of Strafford It could not be for the first Canons passing which was all that was done in it for himself proposed and commended it and such as were intimate with him never heard him express any displeasure to the Earl upon that account And what Arguments soever may now be picked out of the draught of the Canon to imply an abrogation virtually or legally which is the last refuge the Observator flies unto are of no force to prove his displeasure then who did not so apprehend it and if he had then taken any such offence they are strangers to that holy man that can believe he could smother a grudge so many years but for such as have so aspersed him I shall pray that the thoughts of their hearts may be forgiven them So much for the clearing of that mistake concerning the Articles of Ireland which being made the Foundation of that other Building we are next to enter upon must accordingly fall with it also viz. The second Scandal in putting forward of the Earl of Strafford 's death But first to the whole matter which I shall lay down as plainly and briefly as the business will bear it The House of Commons having voted the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford which with some difficulty passed at last the House of Lords also and so tendered to the King for his royal assent He refused it for the present as not being satisfied upon his Hearing the Charge and Defence with the Evidence on both sides of which himself was witness That no sufficient proof was made nor any Law then in force whereby the Earl could be guilty of high Treason It was therefore necessary that Judges for the Law and Divines for his Conscience should satisfie him therein and they were with him to that end sent for by him and not sent to him The Houses of Parliament already really assured that their Proceedings and Votes for the Earl's condemnation ought to be sufficient satisfaction for the King without scruple of his own conscience to sign to their judgment the King being a party in Life and Death of a Delinquent ought to confide in the Verdict of the Iury. Nor was the King present as to satisfie his own conscience but his curiosity and it had been a strange President in the Parliament to consent unto much less to send any persons to the King to clear his conscience contrary to the Parliaments sentence especially such persons not having Vote in the House as the Judges have not Nor are the Bishops so much as assistant in cause of bloud or death by the fourth Canon of the Council of Toledo And it is confessed by both Authours that the Judges and Divines also were not willing to give their Opinions point blank against the Vote in Parliament And certainly if they had they might well have expected to be further questioned for it But in truth the Judges told the King that in point of Law the Oath made by Sir Henry Vane of the Earls advice to raise Horse to aw this Nation the Earl was guilty of Treason which though but singularis testis and which circumstances have been taken for sufficient testimony in Treason and more the King could not draw from the Judges as to any other particular but they flew to their general Opinion that super totam materiam he was guilty The King then starts his last Doubt that in his conscience he could not pass the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised him under his hand that his Prerogative should save him never to pass that Bill nor to consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life And this was now that point of conscience Breach of Promise mostly insisted upon wherein the Divines were to satisfie And we have heard what hath been said of them And now let us see what the Arch-bishop of Armagh is pleased to say and that under his own hand-writing The Arch-bishop of Armagh's Testimony in Answer to the Historian pag. 257. l. 29. That Sunday morning writes he wherein the King consulted with the four Bishops London Durham Lincoln and Carlile the Arch-bishop of Armagh was not present being then Preaching as he then accustomed every Lords day to do in the Church of
for that Letter which he means was 〈◊〉 five days before Yet the Earl intending to say more than had been writ in some passion he cast away the Pen and out of his Cabinet drew that Paper-promise under the Kings hand intrusting it to the Lieutenant or to that other person for the King whether sealed up or open I cannot say and this is the Paper which the Primate doth mention that Lincoln put into the Kings hand But the Letter before spoken of was very long and written to the KIng upon the Citizens Tumult at Westminster And it was thus May it please your Majesty It hath been my greatest grief in all these Troubles to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your People and to give Councils tending to the disquiet of the three Kingdoms Most true it is that this mine own private condition considered it had been a great madness since through your gracious favour I was so provided as not to expect in any kinde to mend my fortune or please my minde more than by resting where your bounteous hand had placed me Nay it is most mightily mistaken for unto your Majesty it is well known my poor and humble advices concluded still in this that your Majesty and your people could never be happy till there were a right understanding betwixt you and them no other means to effect and settle this happiness but by the counsel and assâ—â—â— of the Parliament or to prevent the growing evils upon this State â—ut by intirely putting your self in your last resort upon the loyalty and good affections of your English Subjects Yet such is my misfortune this truth findeth little credit the contrary seemeth generally to be believed and my self reputed as something of separation between you and your people under a heavier censure than which I am perswaded no Gentleman can suffer Now I understand the minde of men are more incensed against me notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared that in your princely opinion I am not guilty of Treason nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the Bill This bringeth me into a very great strait there is before me the ruine of my Children and Family hitherto untouched in all the branches of it with any foul crimes Here is before me the many ills which may befall your sacred person and the whole Kingdom should your self and the Parliament part less satisfied one with the other than is necessary for the preservation of King and people Here are before me the things most valued most feared by mortal man Life or Death To say Sir that there hath not been a strife in me were to make me less than God knoweth mine infirmities give me And to call a destruction upon my self and young children were the intentions of my heart at least have been innocent of this great offence may be believed will finde no easie content to flesh and bloud But with much sadness I am come to a resolution of that which I take to be best becoming me to look upon that which is most principal in it self which doubtless is the prosperity of your sacred person and the Common-wealth infinitely before any private mans interest And therefore in few words as I put my self wholly upon the honour and justice of my Peers so clearly as to beseech your Majesty might please to have spared that Declaration of yours on Saturday last and intirely to have left me to their Lordships So now to set your Majesties conscience c. at liberty I do most humbly beseech you for the preventing of such mischief as may happen by your refusal to pass the Bill by this means to remove praised be God I cannot say this accursed but I confess this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed Agreement which God I trust shall for ever establish betwixt you and your Subjects Sir my consent herein shall more acquit you to God than all the World can do besides To a willing man there is no injury done And as by Gods grace I forgive all the World so Sir I can give up the Life of this World with all chearfulness imaginable in the just acknowledgment of your exceeding favours and onely beg that in your goodness you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor Son and his Sisters less or more and no otherwise than their unfortunate Father shall appear more or less guilty of his death God long preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and faithfull Subject and Servant STRAFFORD Tower May 4. 1641. But then this Letter you see was dated five days before the ninth day of May which was Sunday So that the account stands thus Saturday May the first the Kings Speech to both the Houses in defence of the Earl of Strafford Munday 3. The Tumult of the Citizens at Westminster crying out for justice against the Earl Tuesday 4. The said Letter was writ from the Earl to the King mentioning the Kings Speech on Saturday last Wednesday 5. The Lords laid aside the Bill of Attainder because it brought the King in as a Judge and consulted to fall upon several Articles of his Accusation Thursday 6. The Lords voted him guilty of high Treason and the Commons as busie about the Bill for continuation of the Parliament Saturday 8. Both Bills were presented to the King who promised his Answer on Munday after Sunday 9. The conference with the Bishops At the close of which and at parting at night the Bishop of Lincoln having gotten that Paper-promise under the Kings hand from the Lieutenant of the Tower or from that other person sent it or put it into the Kings hands These passages made it late on Sunday night And the next morning Munday the tenth of May he was solicited early from both Houses with those two Bills which the King signed and commissioned the Earl of Arundel the Lord Privy Seal the Lord Chamberlain and others for the passing of them the one for the continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford at one time the same instant with the same Pen and Ink the King lost his Prerogative and Strafford's life also Corruptio unius generatio alterius But because we may not censure without the Book see what the King says giving his Reasons which enforced him to the signing of both these Bills and first as in order upon his passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliament and after settling this during the pleasure of the two Houses THat the world saies the King might be fully confirmed in My purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice Reason Honour and Conscience I could to the happie success of this Parliament which had in Mee no other design but the General good of My Kingdoms I willingly passed the Bill for Triennial Parliaments which as gentle and seasonable Physick
to Portsmouth with the Kings command to Colonel Goring to ship him over Seas into France 14. May 1641. These Proceedings were lodged up in silence by the Parliament till their time to vent it and others the like surmises upon the King to his disadvantage in their Declaration at the end of this Moneth the nineteenth of May. To which he often answered that he disliked to be suspected and called to account upon general and idle discourses and inferences of unknown persons and Letters for matters improbable in themselves and scandalous to him of which he often asked Reparation not onely for vindicating of his Honour but for settling his Subjects from jealousies and fears grounded fed and maintained by false and malicious Rumours raised from time to time and cast upon the King to stir up the People against him of which he heartily complains If I had not mine own Innocency says the King and Gods Protection it were hard for me to stand out against those Stratagems and Conflicts of Malice which by Falsities seek to oppress the Truth and by Iealousies to supply the defect of real Causes which might seem to justifie so unjust Engagements against me And indeed the worst effects of open Hostility come short of these Designs For I can more willingly lose my Crowns than my Credit nor are my Kingdoms so dear to me as my Reputation and Honour Those must have a period with my Life but these may survive to a glorious kinde of Immortalitie when I am dead and gone A good Name being the embalming of Princes and a sweet consecrating of them to an Eternitie of Love and Gratitude among Posteritie Those foul and false Aspersions were secret Engines at first employed against my Peoples love of me that undermining their opinion and value of me mine Enemies and theirs too might at once blow up their Affections and batter down their Loyaltie Wherein yet I thank God the Detriment of mine Honour is not so afflictive to me as the Sin and Danger of my Peoples Souls whose Eys once blinded with such Mists of Suspitions they are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of Actions wherein they do not onely not consider their Sin and Danger but glorie in their zealous Adventures while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed that many are ambitious to merit the Name of my Destroyers imagining they then fear God most when they least honour their King I thank God I never found but my pitie was above mine anger nor have my passions ever so prevailed against me as to exclude my most compassionate Praiers for them whom devout Errours more than their own Malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion I had the Charitie to interpret that most part of my Subjects fought against my supposed Errours not my Person and intended to mend me not to end me And I hope that God pardoning their Errours hath so far accepted and answered their good Intentions that as he hath yet preserved me so he hath by these Afflictions prepared me both to do him better service and my People more good than hitherto I have done I do not more willingly forgive their Seductions which occasioned their loyal Injurie than I am ambitious by all Princely Merits to redeem them from their unjust suspitions and reward them for their good intentions I am too conscious to my own Affections toward the generalitie of my People to suspect theirs to me nor shall the Malice of mine Enemies ever be able to deprive me of the comfort which that confidence gives me I shall never gratifie the spitefulness of a few with any sinister thought of all their Allegiance whom pious frauds have seduced The worst some mens ambition can do shall never perswade me to make so bad interpretations of most of my Subjects actions who possibly may be Erroneous but not Heretical in point of Loyaltie The sense of the Injuries done unto my Subjects is as sharp as those done to my self our welfares being inseparable in this onely they suffer more than my self that they are animated by some Seducers to injure at once both themselves and me For this is not enough to the malice of mine Enemies that I be afflicted but it must be done by such Instruments that my Afflictions grieve me not more than this doth that I am afflicted by those whose prosperitie I earnestly desire and whose Seduction I heartily deplore If they had been my open and forreign Enemies I could have born it but they must â—e my own Subjects who are next to my Children dear to me and for the restoring of whose tranquillity I could willingly be the Jonah if I did not evidently foreâ—see that by the divided Interests of their and mine Enemies as by contrary Windes the Storm of their Miseries would be rather increased than allayed I had rather prevent my Peoples ruine than rule over them nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right as of their happiness if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Sovereign Yet I had rather suffer all the Miseries of Life and die many Deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray mine own just Rights and Sovereigntie thereby to gratifie the ambition or justifie the malice of mine Enemies between whose malice and other mens mistakes I put as great a Difference as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Noveltie and the Leprosie of Disloyaltie As Liars need have good Memories so malicious persons need good Inventions that their calumnies may fit every mans fancie and what their Reproaches want of Truth they may make up with Number and Shew My patience I thank God will better serve me to bear and my charitie to forgive than my leisure to answer the many false Aspersions which some men cast upon me Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than mine own Vindication I should never have given the malice of some men that pleasure as to see me take notice of or remember what they say or object I would leave the Authours to be punished by their own evil manners and seared Consciences which will I believe in a shorter time than they be aware of both confuse and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on me and make the World see there is as little truth in them as there was little worth in the broaching of them or Civilitie I need not say Loyaltie in the not suppressing of them whose credit and reputation even with the People shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same Fornace of popular obloquie and detraction which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamie and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour First nothing gave me more cause to suspect and search mine own Innocencie than when I observed
there a person much in favour with the King which so allarmed the Cardinal that finding him tripping in some counsel for accommodation with Spain and pressing for a peace so hatefull and dangerous to the Cardinal he was sent to Lyons with Monsieur de Thoü and there both beheaded The Duke of Bovillon was condemned on that score but saved by Intercession of the Prince of Orange who had rendered France remarkable service in Germany and so meriting no less than the saving of an innocent sufferer Thus this ambitious Cardinal choaked with the bloud of the French Peers and some coldness to him from the King took sickness and the fourth of December 1642. died His Life was like that of Sejanus their Death different this Man in his Bed who deserved violence He was born at Paris of noble Extraction took Priesthood at Rome where Pope Paul the fifth by his visiognomy told him That he should become the great Cheat of the Word The Queen Mother preferred him first to be Bishop of Laron where he wrote that Book of controversie full of wit and learning then she put him to the King and afterwards commends him to the Pope who sent him the Cap and after the famous Siege and forcing Rochel he became Commander of the King and Kingdom his policy made him ingratefull to his Mistress cruel to any that shadowed him from the Sun-shine of glory and ambition he cut off the Marillack's head and many others of the greatest eminency sparing none that opposed him pardoning none an accomplisht Machiavel if not exceeding beloved by the most zealous Protestants and hated by the most devout Catholicks His task was to ruine Lorain beginning with that of Guise and in deadly malice with Austria He was the Engine to imbroil this Monarchy of Great Brittain tampering with the Scots into their Rebellion and after with England the onely means to ruine Religion in which he observed so much setlement as that in fine it might have given a turn to the Romish And indeed he imbroil'd the World into Divisions that himself might govern by that means and thereby hath the honour of setling France by his superlative service His Life tyrannous cruel which caused him in continual fears and much disquiet He deserves a voluminous memory and he hath it made up a Medley of good and evil merit Most men expected a mighty change in that Government but he setled his Succession upon his Confident Cardinal Mazerine whom he so instructed that the work went on in the former Frame and so continues to this day But the French King outlived not long the Haresser of this his Journey to Catalonia but returning to Paris extreme sad and loth to die was forced the more to leave this life and to declare the Queen Regent or Governess of his young Son the King recommends the Cardinal to her who had received him long before This King was kept under by Richlieu who indeed did his work and made him outward glorious ambitiously hurried on to War his own good nature desirous of peace In whose time though the Hugonots were destroyed he assisted the Duke de Nevers to the Succession of the Dutchy of Mantua seized upon Lorain allied with Swede and the Protestant Princes against the Emperour and House of Austria disturbing the peace of all Europe In these great men ends this Year We begin this Year 1643. with a Treaty of peace for in truth honest men and wise men were weary of War and therefore Sir Benjamin Rudyerd said well in a Speech when he told the Parliament in February last The War would soon ruine all He did verily believe said he That the Vote already pass'd For the Disbanding the Armies the next Moneth will finde us no farther on our way than where we now are besides the ill Accidents thaâ— may happen and so much precious time spent as till then The main Business is whether we shall have a present Treaty or no and this concerns us in all that we have and Are. Since we refused a Treaty at Nottingham I do not finde that we have gotten much ground although our Army then was fresh full and full paid the People erect bountifull and forward to the War Now the Disposition of the Kingdom for the greatest part stands bent towards a Peace so that wheresoever the Refusal or Delay of the way to it shall be fixt the Disadvantage will fall on that side How clear soever the Intentions of the House are yet abroad it will be taken but as a Shew without Reality and so it will be returned upon us For the Propositions I have not known nor heard that all the Propositions in any Treaty of Importance were ever swallowed whole If some be harsh and rough they may be wrought and suppled by wise Treaters made fit for an acceptable Agreement If other be unpassable they may be totally rejected Those that are our unquestionable Rights may be so claim'd and held We have already tasted the bitter bloudy Fruits of War we are grown exceedingly behinde-hand with our selves since we began it â—f we persist there will such a confluence of Mischiefs break in upon us as I am afraid will ruine the King the Kingdom the Nation unless God be mercifull to us and do step in with a great Miracle for a little one will not serve our turn I have long and thoughtfully expected that the Cup of Trembling which hath gone round about us to other Nations would at length come in amongst us It is now come at last and we may drink the Dregs of it the worst which God divert There is yet some comfort left that our Miseries are not likely to last long For we cannot fight here as they do in Germany in that great large vast Continent where although there be War in some parts of it yet there are many other remote quiet places for Trade and Tillage to support it We must fight as in a Cock-pit we are surrounded with the Sea We have no stronger Holds than our own Sculls and our own Ribs to keep out Enemies so that the whole Kingdom will suddenly be but one flame It hath been said in this House that we are bound in conscience to punish the shedding of innocent bloud with bloud But Sir who shall be answerable for all the innocent bloud which shall be spilt hereafter if we do not endeavour a Peace by a speedy Treaty Certainly God is as much to be trusted in a Treaty as in a War it is He that gives wisdom to treat as well as courage to fight and Success to both as it pleaseth him Bloud is a crying sin it pollutes a Land why should we deâ—ile this Land any longer Wherefore Mr. Speaker Let us stint bloud as soon as we can Let us agree with our Adversaries in the way by a present short wary Treaty God direct us It was sound counsel and for the present begat a Treaty
the Breaches of the State without the Ruines of the Church as I would be a Restorer of the one so I would not be an Oppressor of the other under the pretence of Publick Debts The Occasions contracting them were bad enough but such a discharging of them would be much worse I pray God neither I nor mine may be accessory to either And now dies Mr. Iohn Pym a Member of the House of Commons and a notable stickler for the Parliament he was ever observed to be an high Prebyterian in profession whose subtilty managed the most of their publick affair and ended his days when he had wrangled for the Mastery and left all in great doubt which party might overcome not without some regret and repentance they say that these Differences which he hatched should prove so desperate as he now too late fore saw would undo this Nation In the midst of May it was that Colonel Nath Fines Governour of the City of Bristol had discovered a Plot of the Inhabitants to betray the Town which after much Examination lighted upon Robert Yeomans and George Bourchier who had secretly provided themselves of Arms intending to kill the Centinels by night and possess the Main Guard whereby to master the greatest part of the other side within the Town to kill the Mayor and many others affected to the Parliament and by that means to betray the City to the Kings Forces which should lodg near hand for that purpose two miles off but the Plot pretended was discovered and those men condemned by a Council of War to be hanged This was known at Oxford whereupon the Kings Lord Lieut. of all his Forces the Lord Ruthen lately made Earl of Forth writes to the Governour of Bristol I having been informed that lately at a Council of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriff of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his Service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expressing their loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his Service according to their Allegeance do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Mr. George Mr. Stevens Captain Huntley and others taken in Rebellion at Cirencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust Iudgment to execute any of them that those here in custodie must expect no favour or mercie At Oxford May 16. 1643. To the Commander in chief of the Council of War in Bristol Forth The Answer comes from the Governour Colonel Nathaniel Fines and the Council of War at Bristol in effect That if you shall not make distinction between Souldiers of Arms and secret Spies and Conspirators we will not onely proceed against them but others and if by any inhumane and unsouldierlike Sentence you shall execute those persons you named then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonel Connesby and others whom we have here in custodie must expect no favour or mercie May 18. 1643. Nath. Fines President c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant General And so notwithstanding the Kings Letter also to the Mayor and Citizens in their behalf Yeomans and Bourchier were hanged May 30. There was a Plot discovered at London the last of May against the Cities of London and Westminster and by consequence the whole Parliament the chief of the Conspiracy were Mr. Waller a Member of the House of Commons Mr. Tomkins his Brother in Law and lately Clerk of the Queens Council Mr. Chaloner Mr. Hasel Mr. Blinkhorn Mr. White and others As for the Plot we have ravelled into the search of the truth but must take it from the Parliaments Declaration That they should seize into their custodie the Kings Children some Members of the Parliament the Lord Mayor and Committee of Militia all the Cities Out-works and Forts the Tower of London and all the Magazines Then to let in the Kings Forces to surprize the Citie and destroy all Opposers and to resist all payments of Taxes And much heartened they were by a Commission of Array sent from Oxford at that time and brought secretly by the Lady Aubigne Daughter to the Earl of Suffolk Widow of the late Lord Aubigne wounded at Edg-hill and died at Oxford the thirteenth of Ianuary This Commission was directed to Sir Nicholas Crisp and divers others This Plot was discovered the last of May. They were arreigned in publick at Guild-hall and all those four named condemned onely Tomkins and Chaloner executed the first 〈…〉 Door in Holborn the other in Corn-hill but the chief Conspirator Waller was by General Essex reprieved imprisoned a twelve-moneth in the Tower and after for a Fine of ten thousand pounds pardoned and for shame sent to travel into France The reason is much studied for satisfying the World why he the chief Actor the other but brought in by the by should receive such partial Justice because he was ingenious and confessed all and Mr. Pym had engaged his promise for his Life but certainly the most evident Reason is very apparent his great Sum of Money paid down and belike his ample confession of the particulars which the other at their death did not acknowledg Iuly 5. The Parliament having been put to it in want of the great Seal of England now at Oxford for confirmation of their Acts and Ordinances it had been oftentimes disputed and committed the making of another Seal for the use of the Parliament yet deferred the times not â—itted for so great a business the renewing of the Treaty being offered at on both sides But now the Parliament pass four Votes 1. That it is necessary the Great Seal to attend the Houses 2. That there hath been a failer of it at this Parliament 3. Much prejudice to the King Parliament and Kingdom 4. That the Houses ought to provide a Remedie thereof for the time to come Afterwards they made an Order That if the Lord Keeper Littleton upon Summons did not return with the great Seal within fourteen days he should lose his Place and whatever should be sealed therewith by him after that time should be null and vacate in Law A worthy Member desired the Serjeant at Law that ordered the Ordinance not to wade too far in the business before he did consult the Statute of 25 Edward 3. where Counterfeiting the Great Seal is declared high Treason To which the Serjeant replied That he purposed not to counterfeit the old Seal but to make a new Indeed the Parliament being the highest Court and Council had shewn their legislative power by passing Ordinances without the Kings assent to binde the Subject in the exercise of the Militia and that there wanted nothing but the executive part with a Great Seal for the administring justice in all Courts of Law and Equity which would sufficiently declare their power in all necessary Incidents of that supreme Council That since inferiour Courts had their proper Seals the
six score shot Canon and Culverin and the next day but twenty their Cannon over heat and faulty is drawn to Farnham No relief came according to promise from Oxford desperate they sally out Snow Byfield and Ontram each with twelve Troopers Brown Bills and eighteen Musquetiers and fall upon Onslow who seldome scaped the scowring gain his redoubt draw off his Demy Culverin with so many Prisoners as filled the Goal within with loss onely of three men and one hurt and retreat Whilest Sir William Waller with two Troops arrived at Basing-stoak and came out with his Horse faced the House had his Captain killed and many more from the works within so that this daies service is accounted with loss without sixty killed and twelve hurt two Gunners and two Lieutenants Those that sallied lost were six slain and but six wounded The Besiegers are re-inforced with two Companies two Waggons and twelve Troops of Horse the next day two Regiments their Artillery ten Guns followed with one Company For Sir Waller's whole Army appeared going to the West took their Leaves of the Leaguer for the King was sending relief from Oxford and Waller would not stay The Messenger Edward Ieffery being returned with this good news that they were advanced to Alder-Maston for there was ten out of a Company of Commanded men drawn out of several of the Kings Garisons of Oxford Wallingford Winchester and Dennington Castle amounting to fourteen hundred men the most part Foot but some were mounted Dragoons And all these commanded by Colonel Gage who by a still march in the night and yet many hazards by seven a clock September 12 was come to Chinham-down where he findes Colonel Norton by an Alarm standing ready in a Body and from him the Alarm went on to Colonel Morley and so to all their other Quarters And notwithstanding the advantage of ground which Norton had men fresh and prepared against tired Troops and wearied Foot a thick Fog also to blinde his Ambuscadoes against the Cavaliers that were strangers and could discern no way nor pass more than what their valour and the sword could cut out But Gage makes his approach appearing first on a Hill near the High way which leads to Andover Whereupon Norton charges with great courage and broke through the others Horse who having a reserve of Musquetiers and with more than ordinary valour to give them their due saies their Adversaries forced Norton to retreat or rather to fly to Morley's Quarters as far as the Church and so through Basing-stoak The day by this time clearing up Lieutenant Colonel Iohnson with some Musquetiers sally out of the Garison beat them at the Grange from their Line and pursue them to the Hill thence to the Delve clearing that Quarter with so small defence as is not easily to be believed nor their loss to be credited the slain are not numbred but the Prisoners brought in were counted sixty four common Souldiers two Serjeants one Lieutenant but indeed the suddain supply and boldly managed had amazed the Besiegers The relief consisted of many Horse Loads of Powder and Match a Drove of Cattel besides Plunder from Basing-stoak The Ammunition brought in the Convoy return to Cowdrey's Down and the Enemies Horse retreat to Chinham and forced from thence they finde in the Town fourteen Barrels of Powder one hundred Arms with good provisions of all sorts which are sent in also to the Garison Major Cufford and Hull marched out and take in Basing side Onslowes fatal place and quarter and in it two Captains Iarvas and Iephson one Lieutenant two Serjeants and thirty Souldiers who were made to draw Onslowes Demy-Culverin into the Garison their Tents and Huts fired and hastening away from their Works Colonel Morley's Cornet lost his Colours with this Motto Non ab Equo sed in Aequo victoria not from their Horse for they fled but in the equity of their Cause who had the victory All done with the losse of the Garrison Souldiers but fifteen and some hurt whereof five died and so Gage goes home again to Oxford by the way of Reading leaving their quarters in Blaze and only one left them quiet for Intelligence came to him that the Parliament Forces were drawing together neer Silchester and Kingscleer Lieutenant Colonel Iohnson was a Doctor of Physick but besieged and in this hazard for his life became a Souldier was now shot in the Shoulder whereof contracting a Feaver he died valiant in that Profession and learned in the other both Herbalist and Physician After this for many daies the Garrison had room and courage to march out and meet their Enemy in several Parties several times and return with Booties sometimes Arms otherwhile Cattel with losse to their Enemie when in October they might see from off their Towers the Van of the Earl of Manchesters Army march to Basing-stoake and Shefield the next day eight Regiments of Foot and some of Horse drawn to the South of Basing Troop to Farnham Sir William Wallers Regiment and others of the General Essex joyn to the Leaguer draw into Battalia the next day march towards Reading But in fine the besiegers wearied with twenty four weeks diseases and now Winter seizing them their Army wasted from two thousand to seven hundred the evil news from the General Essex Army in the West of England Newburie Battel lately passed the King come to Bulington Green raised Dennington Siege and now advanced to Hungerford from thence to Oxford and the Parliaments Forces leaving the Field the Besiegers at Basing began to consider and to resolve to rise and be gon At morning Sun the 16. of Novem. the Besiegers draw off their Wagons and Guns the Foot march to Odjam and fire their Huts for it was but time they had intelligence that Colonel Sir Henry Gage with one thousand Horse brings in Amunition and provision and so were quit of any opposers A Siege where the Souldiers within suffered all inconveniences incident thereto want of provision supplied as by miracle having no lesse then one hundred and fourty uselesse persons Sir William Waller harrowing with his Forces at Farnham Norton able to bring three times the Force against the the supplies yet all failed and Basing House now at liberty When at London it was confidently reported it was lost And the Lady Onslow reporting that the Parliament had considered their good service in the Cause and therefore had given Basing House to her Husband and hoped the world should then see them in a better condition but it proved otherwise he being forced out of his Lines of Communication On the tenth of Ianuary comes to the Scaffold William Laud Doctor of Divinity Arch Bishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England To begin the Story of his Life at the hour of his Death would be tedious and out of time and tune some have done it well and given him his due Nay Mr. Prynnes Breviate published on purpose to defame him to the
the purchasers then the sword had done before Eighty barrels of power did the work most terrible to the Assailants that dreamed not of such an Accident Upon the firing the Cavaliers gave a charge also in the amaze of their Enemy and commanded by Sir Iohn Digby did the execution resolutely and bid farewel at Eleven at night and marched away into Cornwal These were old Souldiers of Gorings and Greenviles and now scattered abroad by this encounter Hopton was shot in the Thigh and Digby in the Head some Prisoners and Horse taken of such as were slaine But the rest kept rendezvouz at Stratton the Prince at Lamiston and Fairfax follows The 25. of February he sends a party of 1000. Horse and 400. Dragoons before he came to Lamiston commanded by Colonel Basset a gallant Gentleman fell upon this forelorn-hope and after a hot skirmish and the whole Army coming near hand he quitted the Town And the Prince hears of this and the forces marching towards Pendennis Castle he quits the place and ships himself with the Lord Capel Lord Culpepper and Sir Edward Hide March the first to the Isle of Scilly The Lord Hopton with some small forces at Trurâ— in Cornwal the General sends him summons Sir Through Gods goodness to his people and his just hand against their Enemies forces being reduced to such condition as to my sense the hand of God continuing with us they are not like to have subsistence or shelter long to escape thence nor if they could have they whither to goe for better To prevent the shedding of more blood I have sent you this summons for your self and them to lay down Arms upon those conditions enclosed which are Christian-like Noble and Honourable to be accepted March 5. Some time was taken up in this Treaty and concluded That the Lord Hopton shall disband his Army in the West the General Fairfax excepting His Lordship to have fifty of his own Horse and fifty of Fairfax for his Convoy to Oxford all strangers to have Passes beyond Seas and to carry with them what is their own without Horses and Arms. All English Officers to go home to their Habitations or if they will beyond Seas Each Colonel to have his Horse and two Men and Horses to wait on them Each Captain one Man and Horse The Troopers Twenty shillings a piece and to goe where they pleased March 13. But Hopton hearing of the ill effects of the Propositions for peace takes shipping with divers other of his Officers and sailed into France where he remained many years after And the West being cleared Fairfax returns back again to the Siege of Bristol where we leave him to take breath And in this time also the Kings party spared not to weaken his Enemies Towns are retaken some surprised encounters answered defeats redoubled death and devastation that I dread to write of all It sufficeth that mostly we have named the Fields and Fights for I have almost done whilst I devote my self to his Majesties pious Meditations upon this subject The various Successes sayes the King of this unhappy war have at least afforded me variety of good meditations sometimes God was pleased to try me with victory by worsting my Enemies that I might know how with moderation and thanks to own and use his power who is only the true Lord of Hosts able when he pleases to repress the confidence of those that fought against me with so great advantages for power and number From small beginnings on my part he let me see that I was not wholly for saken by my peoples love or his protection Other times God was pleased to exercise my patience and teach me not to trust in the arm of flesh but in the living God My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of my cause and those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastisment both of them and me Nor were mine Enemies lesse punished by that prosperity which hardened them to continue that injustice by open hostility which was begun by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults There is no doubt but personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of Publick engagements nor doth God account everie gallant man in the worlds esteem a fit instrument to assert in the way of VVar a righteous Cause The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skil valour and strength the lesse doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory I am sure the event or success can never state the Iustice of any Cause nor the peace of mens consciences nor the eternal fate of their Soules Those with me had I think clearly and undoubtedly for their Iustification the Word of God and the Laws of the Land together with their own Oathes all requiring obedience to my just Commands but to none other under Heaven without me or against me in the point of raising Arms. Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Fears and wild fundamentals of State as they call them which actually overthrow the present fabrick both of Church and State being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to allege who being my Subjects were manifestly the first assaulters of me and the Laws First by unsuppressed Tumults after by listed Forces The same Allegations they use will fit aâ—y Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Laws and Governours which can never be such as some side or other will not finde fault with so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them some Parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs who died fighting against me the Laws their Oaths and the Religion Established But sober Christians know that glorious title can with truth be applied only to those who sincerely preferred Gods truth and their duty in all these particulars before their lives and all that was dear to them in this world who having no advantageous designs by any Innovation were religiously sensible of those Ties to God the Church and my self which lay upon their Souls both for obedience and just assistance God could and I doubt not but he did through his mercy crown many of them with eternal life whose lives were lost in so just a Cause the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their soules Their wounds and temporal ruin serving as a gracious opportunitie for their eternal health and happiness while the evident approach of death did through Gods grace effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility Faith and Repentance which together with the Rectitude of their present engagement would fully prepare them for a better life then that which their enemies brutish and disloyal fiercenâ—sse could deprive them of or without Repentance hope to enjoy They have often indeed had the better against my side in the
Scots have taken Sandy Fort and now batter the Castle raise a Fort at Balderton on the South another on the West another great Fort upon Beacon-hill the other River Sinite turned away from the Town A Sconce is raised in Balderton-lane for six peices to play within lesse then Musket shot and their Morter peices into the Town And therefore they send the second Summons the twentieth of April and had Answer three dayes after That they were willing to Treat to surrender upon honourable conditions and the Treaty to begin the fourth of May twelve on either side which concluded That the Garison with all the Ordnance Arms and Ammunition should be Surrendred the ninth of May to the Commissioners for the Parliament The Governour Bellasis Officers Gentlemen Clergie to march away with their Horses and Swords into any Garison of the Kings not besieged or to their own Houses the Souldiers with staves in their hands and their own goods And all of them to have three Moneths time to make their Peace with the Parliament or that failing to be allowed passes to go beyond Seas The Scotish Army draw off four miles Then also came News that Banbury Castle was Surrendered and these Articles concluded the eighth of May. All Officers to march away with Horses and Swords the Common Souldiers without Arms with their goods and half their monies by full accompt and their passes as the former and to deliver the Castle with all Arms Ammunition and Colours The King at this time had some good Garisons in South Wales the Lord Byron Governour of Carnarvan Town and Castle had endured a gallant siege but hearing of the Kings sufferings and no hope of relief he delivered it up to the Parliament upon very honourable conditions worthy of a noble person and all others intrusted with him the twelfth of Iune But let us be more particular in the constant loyalty of the good old Marquess of Worcester now eighty four years of age besieged in his Castle of Ragland above six moneths who now hearing of his son the Lord Glamorgan to be landed with considerable Irish forces sends to the Parliament Committee at Chepstow this bold Letter Having notice that you are not ignorant of my Sons landing with the Irish Forces I am so much a Father and tender of the whole Countries ruine that if their coming to this place be hasted by the occasion of your Answer You and not I will be the occasion of the Countries curse You have taken from me my Rents and Livelihood for which if you give undelaid reparations I shall be glad to live a quiet neighbour amongst you If otherwise you will force me to what my own nature hath no liking of and yet justifiable by the word of God and Law of nature I expect your Answer by this Messenger as you give occasion H. Worcester Ragland May 29. In Answer to which the Committee return a slight construction of his serious offer and to his requital of newes of his Son and his Irish Rebels they are pleased to return him better intelligence for his Lordships information with his Majesties and the Scots Declaration and mean no more to trouble him with Letters or Answers Your Lordships friends and servants Roger Williams c. Committee men For now comes Colonel Morgan with considerable Forces when the Castle was even sore spent and summons his Lordship with the assurance that all the Kings Garisons are ordered forthwith by the Kings Command to surrender to the Parliament Tho. Morgan 3. Iune To whom the old Marquess returns That he never offended the Parliament and knows no reason to render his House and Goods to Sir Tho. Fairfax which is none of the Kings to give or dispose being his own inheritance and never forfeited But the Forces here are the Kings which he may please to dispose and therefore desires time to send to his Majestie to have his Command therein for loath should I be to live an hour to falsifie my trust If otherwise I am of beliefe that God is of more strength then all humane Force but you shall not finde him obstinate that is Your friend and servant Worcester June 3. 1646. Morgan replies He may not assent for sending to the King being in vain for his Majestie being now with our friends the Scots who have already proclaimed That no person whatsoever formerly in Arms against the Parliament shall not be admitted to any conference with him I post away your first Answer to the Parliament and by six a clock to morrow morning I expect your Answer to Your humble servant Tho. Morgan June 3. 1646. But this return from the Marquess concludes That he keeps no Forces in defiance of the Parliament but in defence of himself from the insolencies of the common Souldiers on both sides and seeing you refuse to grant me my civil request we must here with the last man sell our lives as dear as we can not out of obstinacie or ill affection but meerely to preserve that Honour which I desire should attend me to the death and God assist them that are in the right Your friend Worcester 4. June This Resolution brought thither the General himself with addition of Forces and all things in readiness for the Storm which truly we finde the General alwaies unwillingly to enforce but rather to spare the effusion of blood and therefore he nobly and like himself Summons the Marquess My Lord Being come into these parts with such a power as I may not doubt but with the same in Gods name shortly to reduce this Garison I have in order thereto thought good to send your Lordship this Summons to deliver up to me for the Parliaments use no more for the King this Garison which as it only obstructs the Kingdoms universal Peace the condition may beget such terms as by delay and vain hopes cannot hereafter be expected I remain my Lord Your Lordships most humble servant Tho. Fairfax Aug. 7. The Answer is suddain SIR Although my infirmities might justly claim priviledge in so suddain an Answer to deliver up my House and the only House now in my possession to cover my head I dare say that if you did understand the condition I am in you will not think it a reasonable demand I am loath to be the Authour of mine own ruine on both sides and therefore desire to send to his Majesty for his pleasure what he will have done with this Garison As concerning my House I will presume he will command nothing neither know I how either by Law or Conscience I should be forced out of it Your Excellencies humble servant Worcester Aug. 7. The General is pleased to Reply Touching your sending to his Majesty It is that which hath been denied to most Garisons in England further than an account to the King of the thing done upon the surrender which I do also surely grant to your Lordship And for that destruction Your House if
of transcending Prerogative and Superstition this was the business of his Life to come grew up with his Youth and crowned his Age with glory We are told that Walter the Grandfather at his Death desired his Son then at ten years old to be mindfull of his six and thirtieth year of his Age beyond which neither he nor but few of his fore-fathers lived which he well remembered at the Block but it was too late to avoid At which instant this his Son being a Scholar at Eaton thesame Minutâ—e his Father suffered suddenly and distractedly awaked leaped out of his Bed and cried out thâ—t his Father was killed No sooner came King Iames to the Crown than that he restored this Son in Bloud to his Titles and Estate forfeited by his Father We are told that he was such a Spark that at Tennis with Prince Henry who called him the Son of a Traitour â—he made no more ado but cracks his Pâ—te with a Racket that the bloud ran down we may credit him to be no Coâ—rtier who tells this Tale in earnest but if so as no man can believe it was an uâ—handsom Return to his Son for King Iames his kindness to the Fathers memory and herein himself an ungratefull person to the Royal Family But to go on it is said that from his Infancy he was well affected to the Reformation of the Church which he received by Inheritance of his Father who was the less inclined to Doctor Whitgift his Tutour because he was a Bishop But his Son this Earl unfortunate in his first Wife was divorced and then he went to the Waâ—s in the Netherlands thence to the Palatinate In the beginning of the Reign of King Charls he went with Viscount Wimbleton in the Expedition to Cadiz in Spain the rather because his Father had been there before him yet the Son came home without Success In the year 1635. he married his second Wiâ—e Daughter to Sir William Paulet of Wiltshire but was soon separate from this Wife also who afterwards bore a Son that died within the year Then it is said that he abandoned all uxorious thoughts and applied himself to the improvement of those Rules which conduce to the soundness of Church and State In the first year that King Charls advanced against the Scots this Earl had a principal Command but after the Pacification the Earl was made Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold and in the Civil Wars between the King and Parliament he was chosen General of the Parliaments Forces and it is said as of his good fortune that in all the Wars he never received any hurt he was called home it is said that after his good Service for the State the Kingdom might enjoy as much benefit by the strength of his Counsels as it received safety by his Arms which with Resolution he took up and with chearfulness he laid them down joyning with the Parliament in person and affection he did much advance and facilitate the Victories to come which were happily atchieved by the Successour Sir Thomas Fairfax General of the Parliaments Forces So much for his Life set down by a special Pen which I have undertaken thus far to abreviate lest I should injure his story by any addition of mine own Not long after he fell into a Distemper for four Days aguish then fiercely assaulted with a Lethargy and died and in him ended the Name and Honour of that House having no Issue His Funeral charges and other engagements were supplied by Parliament with five thousand pounds and because there was due to his Separate the Widow four thousand five hundred pounds the Parliament seized it by her Delinquency being no Round-head the odd five hundred pounds to a Colonel and the other to the Earls poor Servants But the Funeral was deferred untill the twenty third of October and observed Because the Battel of Edg-hill was fought on the same Day 1642. Or rather says another that the Rebellion in Ireland broke out on the same Day 1641. His Funeral Herse remaining in Westminster Abbey Church a Spectacle for the people Some bold Malignant on the seven and twentieth of Nov. at Night most shamefully handled his Effigies broke off his Head disfigured the Face tore away his Sword and Spurs and rent down his Arms and Escucheons They were not poor Knaves for they left all behinde Silk and Velvet to boot And for all his good Service the Arrears of four thousand five hundred pounds of his Countesses Jointure of one thousand three hundred pounds per annum sequestred for her Delinquency notwithstanding her pitifull Petition was disposed of and she could never receive it At the Rendition of the Garison of Worcester I think was brought up Prisoner to the Parliament that gallant stout-hearted West-countrey Gentleman Sir Iohn Stowel Knight and Baroner and of great Revenues in Somersetshire and elsewhere where he first refused to kneel being capable of Composition by Articles and required to know the Charge they have against him But to that he was answered with a Commitment to Newgate and an Indictment to be drawn up against him the next Assizes for Somersetshire For levying War against the Parliament and Kingdom And was found guilty there and so is to be proceeded against at the Kings Bench. His Sufferings are summ'd up in an History by it self imprinted and published to the World to which for the particulars we recommend the Reader The four and twentieth of September had voted the Disposal of the Kings person to be in the Parliament and the Scots Papers answered that Vote the six and twentieth of October That he is not onely King of England but also King of Scotland and as the English have an interest in him he being King of England so have the Scots no less interest in him he being King of Scotland and as the Scots have not the sole Interest in him he being King of Scotland because they acknowledg withall that he is King of England so have not the Parliament of England the sole Interest in him he being King of England because the Scots desire to have it remembred that he is also King of Scoâ—land so as neither Nation having a sole but a joint interest in his Person the Scots ought jointly to dispose of it for the weal and benefit of both Kingdoms The Scots Argument lies thus Wheresoever the Kingdom of Scotland hath an interest in their King there they may dispose of him But the Kingdom of Scotland hath an interest in their King he being in England therefore in England they may dispose of him 'T is true that Mr. Challoner a Member of the House of Commons managing the Argument there in the House and of his own framing made a specious Answer but was replied unto and that suppressed Other Arguments the Scots had That the Parliament of England hath no more power to dispose of the person of the King of Scotland being in England than the parliament of Scotland
of this Synod is to have meetings and Counsels together and are able to draw their brethren Pupils of their Faction as servum pecus slavishly yet with much zeal to voice as they please for their ends These prime men of God are almost deified by the Commons and are honour'd by the subtil and cunning Nobles and Gentlemen caressed and invited principal Guests to their Ladies and Wives And therefore however this Church Government pretends purity it is protestatio contra factum And Mas Robert Bruce was so attended into Edenburgh which occasioned King Iames to say Bruce intends to be King and to declare himself heir to King Robert the Bruce and it may easily be so believed if we confer the story of Mas Bruce his carriage with King Iames being seriously asked by the King whether upon his coming to the Crown of England he might not redeem the Roman Catholicks of Scotland Angus Huntly and Arrol in point of State security and give them a pardon and to restore them to their honour and Lands Bruce answered you may pardon Angus and Arrol but not Huntly Nay said the King rather he then they he my kinsman and friend doe as you think fit replyed Bruce you shall not have me and Huntly both for you see the story and yet this man was but a Minister at Edenburgh The General Assembly the great and high Sanhedrim the last resolution of faith the ultimate decision of all Controversies Infallibilitie the Jurisdiction universal concerning Ecclesiastica Ecclesiasticos and all Temporalia in ordine ad spiritualia It hath an Independent Soveraignty immediately from Christ to punish in Estate Life or Body in Life and death The King is to be Excommunicable and every Individual person whatsoever is to concur to compel censure punish dethrone un-King to kill c. It is composed of Commissioners from all the Presbyteries each Presbyterie sending two preaching Elders and a Lay Elder Every Corporation one Commissioner The Universities send Commissioners Lay-men and Graduates in Liberal Arts and Sciences The King is a Member Personally or Virtually and Representatively He hath one voice affirmative only Some hold he is there Princeps membrum some say he sits there as the Representative of the Civil body of the Kingdom and hath power to keep the peace there He may have four or five Assistants for advice whilst matters are in debating but in Vote he hath only one voice and that Affirmative only not Negative and is bound to put it to execution though against his conscience for Potestas juris is radically in the whole Assembly the King having but potestatem facti to be an Executioner Rei judicatae The King presides they say but so that it is only civilly in his civil capacity He cannot propose any thing Spiritual the Moderator must He cannot hinder the proposing of any thing concerning the Kingdom of Christ for then it were no free General Assembly Nay if the thing proposed be Spiritual and twisted with things civil and so endanger a change and distemper in the State and Government or danger to the King or Crown the Moderator or any Commissioner only hath power to propose and to determine it and that for God and Christs glory And observe that the proper Moderator should be a Preaching-Elder though we have noted before how Laymen Buchanan Melvil and Bruce have been Moderators but a Lay Elder cannot be Moderator Here is the Legislative Power the Soveraignty of Christs Kingdom the highest Tribunal and Judicatory of Christ upon Earth from which no Person no Officer no condition of Creature is priviledged from it no appeal They indict the Assembly by their own power Necessarily once a year they meet This Assembly vindicateth to it self only authoritativè within the Church of the Kingdom and Nation Yet consensivè and charitativè to extend to all Churches in the World what ever it be that concerneth fidem cultum Regimen c. credenda agenda And in ordine ad Spiritualia they will give the King Laws repeal his Laws command obedience to theirs otherwise Excommunication follows and if he neglect that then they incite inferiour Magistrates Nobles and Commons to order him compel and force him He is in a worse condition under this Soveraignty then under the Pope who is but One these a multitude And in this Assembly the Lay Judges Elders are de jure divino in the highest points of Faith Worship c. and have Vocem deliberativam vocem decisivam and to give Normam fidei cultus politiae what shall we say now to that of the Councel of Chalcedon Concilium Episcoporum est c. and that old verse Ite for as Laici non est vobis locus ici By the power of this Assembly all things there done are animated with a Potestative power by the influence which these Orders received from that Legislative power Christ hath intrusted them within his Oeconomical Kingdom They are above the King and his Soveraignty Their constant Tenet That if the King Queen Regent or Protector of the people or any other in whose person Soveraignty is fixed or will not submit to this holy Scepter any man or men are bound to doe it at their direction Representatively by a Fiduciary trust One of their own says that there is no authority above the Brotherhood No Magistrate may lawfully maim or deform the body of Christ the Church no lawful Church Government is changeable at the pleasure of the Magistrate of necessity all Christian Magistrates are bound to receive this Government Another says That what the holy Brotherhood cannot obtain by suit and dispute the people must bring it to pass The Scots maintain Religion may be reformed or preserved by violence if the King will not the Nobles may if neither of them will the people must Inferiour Magistrates and people may joyn every Individual in this good work may and ought to their utmost power intend and endeavour Reformation they have Texts of Scripture for all of Phineas who killed the Adulterers of Ehud who slew Eglon of Iael who killed Sisera of Matthias who killed a Iew for committing Idolatry and who in the same zeal killed the Kings Commissioner and all to be done in zeal as they fancy to God and his Cause All well affected may Covenant and Combine for doing this work The Confederates may by themselves give Orders of Reformation without the Authority of Soveraignty The have protested in Scotland against King and Parliament contemned Soveraign Authority usurped Royal power renounced their lawful Soveraign command all the Brotherhood to be assistant Denounce War against their Adversaries hear of no peace but enter combination for mutual defence Depose the Queen Regent And for Presidents of all or any of these we may have them in the History of Knox. In a word so absolute so incontroleable is this high Celestial Court that it commandeth conscience and Soul disposeth of Body and Estate that if you conform not to their
him and the memory of his deceased Father His head on the Block he ended his life in these words Merciful Iesus gather my soul unto thy Saints and Martyrs who have run before me in this race He was learned in the Mystery of things Divine and Humane and in the knowledge of Eastern Tongues in History Law and Politiques and alike excellent for the intergrity of his life And preferred to this commendation by a neer observer of him that he loved the old fashion piety with his soul to explain his meaning he saies and yet Not a vain and Superstitious professor of it before others but to distinguish him a sound Protestant Professor and no new Fangler Hugh Scrimiger sometime his Servant had leave to bury his body and continuing sorrowful ere the Scaffold was taken away he passing by fell into a swound and being carried home dyed at his own door Then followed Andrew Gutlery Son to the deserving Bishop of Murrey and by his Judges hated the more for that Blair fell upon him also to repent for siding in the evil Cause He answered therefore came I here to suffer for a good Conscience and a good King which he embraced without fear and would dye without dread of death for his sins he trusted were satisfied by the merits of his Saviour to whom he recommends his soul. The last was William Murrey brother to the Earl of Tullibardin a youth of 19. years at the most who told them That this his day of suffering he accounted a meer honour to his House that he descended of that Ancient Family should deliver up his life for his good King and his Cause and desires that his Parents would not grieve at the shortness of his life being abundantly recompensed with the honourable death And so with his own and good mens prayers he suffered Execution also Montrose much troubled to hear of their deaths was extreamly importuned to sacrifice such Prisoners as he had being they said real Traytors indeed and for which Justice he had Warrant from Gods Vice-gerent the King But as he nere put any to death in cold blood as yet so he would never be said to break his word of Quarter by exchange or imprisonment All this time had Huntley trifled in Plundering as he Marched and gave way to the relief of Innerness and retreats to the Spye notwithstanding Montroses several Messages to him to return to the Siege or to joyn their Forces and to descend Southward and to oppose a new Enemy Major General Middleton Marching with six hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot as far as Aberdine but Huntley would not Although there came in to Montrose many friends and Tenants of the Earl of Seafort the L. Rose and from the farthest Northern Islâ—nds Sir Iames Mack-donel Mack-lins and Glengar the chief of Mac-renalds and many more And by this means before the end of March he might have Marched Southward with a greater Army then ever had been beheld in Scotland But for the present he surrounds and besieges Innerness for the commodious Haven and sent back three Troops of Horse to lodge about the Passes of Spye to have a Watch upon Middleton who was now eighty miles off And had timely warning to draw off from the Siege and from the Enemies strength of Horse and to Retreat beyond Nessa with some Skirmishes and equal loss and so passed by Benly into Rose and after through Long-Nasse Strath-glasse and Harrage into the bank of Sprey And being now not far from Huntley he takes a Troop of Horse and gallops to him twenty miles sending word before that he was coming to crave his Councel in the Kings affairs but Huntley took Horse and fled and the other returned the last of May. By whose example Seaford and others began to falter which put resolution in Montrose to force all the Northern Parts which he could easily doe having tried all the fairest means and failed therein for of late Middleton was entred into Aberdine with five hundred men whom Huntley had besieged and taken upon his own score in revenge to the Town which he plundered though the Kings friends and released all Prisoners that were of Middletons men Montrose busie about his Northern designe on the last of May comes a Herald from the King whose misfortune had as you have heard elsewhere cast himself upon the Scotish Convenanters Army at Newcastle this time twelve moneth 13. of May and commands Montrose to lay down his Arms and Disband and to pass over to France till his Majesties further pleasure The valiant man was amazed at this sad news being assured that they had forced this upon the Kings miserable condition with some secret hint to look to himself also But Montrose must obey and Summons all his Consederates whom he conceived this disbanding would concern and principally he sends Hurrey to Huntley that Montrose was willing to come to his Castle for to be present at this Consultation he Answered The K. had written to him of the same and that his Commands may not admit of second thoughts but to obey as he would They replyed that it was likely Montrose was of that opinion too however ever it might concern them all to provide for prevention of future mischiefs and the very joynt consult would advantage them even in the Enemies opinion He replyed that he had resolved for himself and would have nothing to doe with any body else Montrose sends his Answer to the King by Letters wherein he humbly presumed to be so far inquisitive of his condition with the Covenanters if safe in their hands whether his Majestie was stedfastly resolved to Disband that Army of friends who had exposed their lives and fortunes for his Cause whilst his Enemies were Armed in both Kingdoms what course should be taken for them and their safety not to be left to the mercy of murderous men and in a word whether his particular service might be acceptable in any other way To these he received no open Answer but had returned to him some Articles signed by the Covenanters which he in great regret refused as unconscionable and not vouchsafing to Treat therein he speeds the Messenger back to the King professing that as he had not taken up Arms but by the Kings Commission so he would have no Conditions prescribed him to lay them down by any mortal man but the King himself Therefore he humbly besought the King to sign the Conditions to which though perhaps very harsh he promised obediently to submit unto but disdained the Commands of any other Many of his Friends had underhand sought their peace with the Enemy and Huntley and his Party to please them resolved to force Montrose submission Antrim was arrived alone from Ireland without any Forces but sought to draw the Highlanders to himself calling Montrose in scorn the Governour of the Low lands But Montrose was to depart by the Articles before the first of September
declaring the Kings Concessions to be a ground for settlement of a peace notwithstanding the visible defects of them in the Essentials concerning the liberties of the Kingdom c. And â—herefore desire that all such faithful Members who are innocent will protest against the said Votes by publick Declaration and the rest to be expelled the House that so the well-affected may proceed to set a short period to your own power to provide for a speedy succession of equal Representatives according to the Armies late Remonstrance But as we said the Parliament adjourning till this Munday 11. Decem. and not sitting that day neither the Army Dâ—clare a new Representative which they call an Agreement of the people for future Government of the Nation to be subscribed by all the people The Preamble whereof was in effect We having by our late labours made it appear at what rate we value our freedom and God owning our cause hath delivered our enemies into our hands we ought as bound in mutual duty to each other to avoid the danger of returning into a slavish condition and another chargeable war so that when our common rights shall be cleared their endeavours will be disappointed that seek to be our Masters Our troubles having been occasioned either by want of National meetings in Councel by the undue or unequal constitution thereâ—f or by rendring those meetings uneffectual And therefore we are agreed to provide that hereafter our Representatives be neither undertain for time nor unequally constituted nor be made useless to the end for which they are intended In order hereunto they declare That this Parliament be dissolved the last of April next The Representatives of the whole Nation to consist of three hundred persons The Manner of the eleâ—tion they propound 1. That the Electors be Natives such as have subscribed this agreement such as are assessed for the relief of the poor men of 21. years of age and House-keepers in that Division and for seven years no person that hath adhered to the King or shall oppose this agreement or not subscribe hereto shall have voice in Election 2. That after 14. years such persons may be elected that have voice in Elections and for the present none shall be Eligible who have not voluntarily assisted against the King either before June 1645. or in money Plate or Arms lâ—nt upon the Propositions May 1643. or have abetted the treasonable design in London 1647. or who declared for a Cessation of Arms with the Scots or ingaged in the last Summers Wars against the Parliament 3. That whoever is incapable by the former Rules and yet shall Vote in Elections or sit in Representative shall lose the moity of his Estate he having above 50. l. and if under then three moneths imprisonment And if any oppose the Elections then to lose his whole Estate or a years imprisonment if under 50. l. per an 4. That 150. Members at least shall make an Act of Law And these shall within twenty dayes after their first sitting appoint a Câ—uncil of State to continue untill the second Representative and the Council to Act as they shall direct by instructions 5. That no Officer of State Treasurer or Receiver while such shall be a Representative 6. No Lawyer shall practice whilst he is of any Representative or Council of State 7. That the Representative only without the consent of any other person shall Enact Alter Repeal and declare any Laws to the erecting and abolishing of Officers of Courts of Iustice but with these Exceptions following Not to compel tender Consciences in matters of Religion or Worship No person to be impressed to Serve in War by Land or Sea No person after the dissolution of this present Parliament shall be questioned concerning the late War otherwise then in execution or pursuance of the determination of the present House of Commons against such as have adhered to the King and also Accomptants for money That all manner of persons be subject to the publick Laws and such as have now priviledge shall be nulled and none priviledged hereafter That the Representatives meddle not with the execution of Laws not give Judgement upon any mans person That no Representative shall take away Common Right or Level mens Estates destroy proprieties or make all things common 8. That the Council of State in case of danger may summon a Representative for a Session of fourty daies and to dissolve two moneths before the next appointed Representative 9. The publick faith of the Nation shall be made good save that the next Representative may continue or Null all gifts of money made by the present House of Commâ—ns to themselves or any Lords 10. If any Officer or Leader in any Army or Garrison shall resist the Orders of any Representative shall forthwith lose the protection of the Law and dye without mercy The House moulded as others would have it yet many of the Members could not digest the Choake-paer Proposals Declaration Engagement Agreements but somewhat must be done they debate that point of Proposal of the eleven Members formerly put out and since re-admitted and to please the Army Vote and un-vote and conclude of these Votes now That the Votes of 3. Jan. 1647. for revoking the Order of 9. Septem 1647. for disabling Com. Copley to be a Member is of dangerous consequence and is hereby repealed That the receiving the other ten Members was unparliamentary and is therefore Null That the Vote of 30. June 1648. for the opening away to the Treaty with the King be Null That the Vote of 3. of Jan. 1647 forbidding all address to the King to be taken off was aparantly destructive to the Kingdom Divers of the proscribed Members were made Prisoners as Brown Clotworthy Waller Massey Copley to St. Jame's And now both Houses Vote no Address to be made to the King nor Message from him upon pain of Treason And that the Vote of 28 July to Treat with the â—ing was destructive to the Kingdom The King in a very sad condition by his stricter imprisonment in Hurst Castle and hearing of these Votes prepares his Solâ—loquies for comfort in death meditating thereon in these words As I have leasure enough saies the King so I have cause more then enough to meditate upon and prepare for my death for I know there are but a few steps between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes It is Gods indulgence which gives me the space but mans cruelty that gives me the sad occasions for these thoughts For besides the common but then of mortality which lies upon me as a man I now bear the heavy load of other mens ambitions fears jealousies and cruel passions whose envy or enmity against me maâ—es their own lives seem dâ—adly to them while I enjoy any part of mine I thank God my prosperity made me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of mortality Those are never unseasonable since this is alwaies uncertain death being
an eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy daies But my now long and sharp adversity hath so reconciled in me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men that I thank God the common terrors of it are dispelled and the special horror of it as to my particular much allaied for although my death at present may justly be represented to me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of cruel and implacable enemies can put upon it affairs being drawn to the very dregs of malice yet I bless God I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous though sharp since my Redeemer hath either pulled them out or given me the Antidote of his death against them which as to immaturity unjustice shame scorn and cruelty of exceeded whatever I can fear Indeed I never did finde so much the life of Religion the feast of a good conscience and the brazen wall of a judicious integritie and constancie as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of death I am not so old as to be weary of life nor I hope so bad as to be either afraid to dye or ashamed to live true I am so afflicted as might make me sometime even desire to dye if I did not consider That it is the greatest glory of a Christian's life to die daily in conquering by a lively faith and patient hopes of a better life those partial and quotidian deaths which kill vs as it were by piece-meals and make us over-live our Fates while we are deprived of health honour liberty power credit safety or estate and those other comforts of dearest relations which are â—s the life of our lives Though as a KING I think my self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the love and good will of my people for which as I have suffered many deaths so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead notwithstanding my enemies have used all the poisâ—n of falsitie and violence of hostility to destroy first the love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects and then all that content of life in me which from these I chiefly enjoyed Indeed they have left me but little of life and only the husk and shell as it were which their further malice and cruelty can take from me having berâ—aved me of all those worldly comforts for which life it self seems desirable to men But O my Soul think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives thee any opportunities if not to doe yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause as are the greatest honour of our lives and best improvement of our deaths I know that in point of true Christian valour it argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of wearineâ—â—â— of life and a want of that Heroick greatness of spirit which bâ—comes a Christian in the patient and generous susteining those afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this body and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher or lower whose total absence is best recompensed with the dew of Heaven The assaults of affliction may be terrible like Sampsons Lion but they yeeld much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness while they may yet converse with God That I must die as a man is certain that I may dye a King by the hands of mine own Subjects a violent sudden and barbarous death in the strength of my years in the mid'st of my Kingdoms my Friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators my Enemies insolent Revilers and triumphers over me living dying and dead is so probable in humane reason that hath God taught me not to hope otherwise as to mans cruelty however I despair not of God's infinite mercy I know my life is the object of the Devils and wicked mens malice but yet under Gods sole custody and disposal Whom I do not think to flatter for longer life by seeming prepared to die but I humbly desire to depend upon him and to submit to his will both in life and death in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to me I confess it is not easie for me to contend with those many horrors of death wherewith God suffers me to be tempted which are equally horrid either in the suddeness of a barbarous Assination or in those greater formalities whereby my Enemies being more solemly cruel will it may be seek to add as those did who crucified Christ the mockerie of Justice to the cruelty of malice that I may be destroyed as with greater pomp and artifice so with less pitty it will be but a necessary policy to make my death appear as an Act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Soveraign who know that no Law of God or man invests them with any power of Judicature without me much less against me and who being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before God and man to endeavour my preservation must pretend Justice to cover their perjury Iâ— is indeed a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be acâ—â—â—ers parties and judges but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Sovereign wherein those who have had the chiefest hand and are most guilty of contriving the publick troubles must by shedding my blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before 〈◊〉 and man and I believe in their own consciences too while they carried on unreasonable demands first by Tumults after by Armies Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawful Superiours then this the Guilt of their unjust usurpation notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against delinquents applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs who despaired indeed of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard till the heir whose right it is be cast and slain With them my greatest fault must be that I would not either destroy my self with the Church and State by my word or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword whose covetous ambition no Concessions of mine could ever yet either satisfie or abate Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of brambles which some men seek to erect at once weak sharp and fruitless either to God or man is like to thrive till watered with the Royal blood of those whose right the Kingdom is Well God's will be done I doubt not but my innocency will finde him both my Protector and my Advocate who is my only Judge whom I own as King of Kings not only for the Eminency of his power and Majesty above them but also for that singular care and protection which he
hath over them who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers being the greatest Patrons of Law Justice Order and Religion on earth as there be either men or Devils which love confusion Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel who build it with the bones and cement it with the bloud of their Kings I am confident they will finde Avengers of my death among themselves the injuries I have susteined from them shall be first punished by them who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing me Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my bloud shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after mine The sad confusions following my destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my troubles in which God alone who only could hath many waies pleaded my cause not suffering them to go unpunished whose confederacie in sin was their only security who have cause to 〈◊〉 that God will both further divide and by mutual vengeance afâ—â—â—ward destroy them My greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of Christ who hath swallowed up death in the victory of his Resurrection and the glory of his Ascension My next comfort is that he gives me not only the honour to imitate his example in suffering for righteousness-sake though obscured by the â—oulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice but also that charity which is the noblest revenge upon and victory over my Destroyers by which I thank God I can both forgive them and pray for them that God would not impute my bloud to them further then to convince them what need they have of Christs bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding mine At present the will of my enemies seems to be their only rule their power the measure and their success the exactor of what they please to call Justice while they flatter themselves with the Fancy of their own safety by my danger and the security of their lives and designs by my death forgetting that as the greatest temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes I bless God I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a violent death may pass from me as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting me are sprinkled or by acting and consenting to my death are embrewed with my bloud The will of God hath confined and concluded mine I shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance This I think becomes a Christian toward his enemies and a King toward his Subjects They cannot deprive me of more then I am content to lose when God sees fit by their hands to take it from me whose mercy I believe will more then infinitely recompense what ever by mans injustice he is pleased to deprive me of The glory attending my death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in life I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory and exchanged the shadows of my earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that heavenly Kingdom with himself For the censures of the world I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my destroyers will sufficiently confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against me I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of my Subjects who doe not only pitty and pray for me but would be content even to dye with me or for me These know how to excuse my failings as a man and yet to retain and pay their duty to me as their King there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes especially there where more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick the enjoynment of which private ambitions have hitherto frustrated Others I believe oâ—â—ofter tempers and less advantaged by my ruine do already feel sharp convictions and some remorse in their consciences where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes having under pretence of pairing others nailes been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his complices at once mutining against both Prince and Priest in such a method of divine justice as is not ordinary the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and worse used Authority upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against me the Church and State My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace which I trust is made with God before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the cause so long disputed by the Sword between me and my causeless enemies where I doubt not but his righteous judgment will confute their fallacy who from wordly success rather like Sophisters then sound Christians draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions whose wise providence we know oft permits many events which his revealed word the only clear safe and fixed Rule of good actions and good consciences in no sort approves I am confident the Justice of my Cause and clearness of my conscience before God and towards my people will carry me as much above them in Gods decision as their successes have lifted them above me in the vulgar opinion who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperiry and applause of the world whose rise is from Hell as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design The prosperous windes which oft fill the sails of Pirats do not justifie their Piracie and rapine I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of soul to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for and vindication of the Laws of the Land the freedom and honour of Parliaments the Rights of my Crown the just liberty of my Subjects and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine Government and due encouragements then if I had with the greatest advantages of success over-born them all as some men have now evidently done what ever designs they at first pretended The prayers and patience of my friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup which I doubt not but I shall more chearfully take and drink as from Gods hand if it must be so then they can give it to me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against me And
The King and Hendersonâ— argue about Church matters Mr. Hudson conveyed the King from Oxford The City congratulatocy Petitions to the Parliament The Kings former letters to Ormond of April the thirteenth discovered The Kings Warrant to disband his forces Scots Armies letter to the Parliament The Kings letter to the Prince Hudson examined his confessions The Kings command to Ormond not to treat with the Irish Rebels The State of the Propositions of Peace Prosecution of the Propositions of Peace The Declaration against the Scots Papers Propositions sent to the King The Kings Message to the Parliament French Ambassadour Extraordinary hath Audience Parliaments Answer Propositions presented to the King The Kings Answer to the Propositions 〈…〉 The Scots offer to be gon with the rest of their demands The Kings Answer to the Scots Petition and Remonstrance The Propositions are urged to the King Debate how to dispose of the King Letters complaining of the Scots Army General Fairfax comes to London English Army mutiny for money The taking Covenant with exceptions Tender Consciences taken up Dispute about diposing the Kings person argued The Scots Answer One years account of the Scots Army Earl of Essex his Life and Death 〈…〉 Sir Io. Stowel Prisoner The Scots Papers concerning the dispose of the King Scots Argument Ready money for the Scots Army Sums of money disposed of to certain Members The Kings Message for a Treaty near London The King voted to Holmby The Parliament of Scotland's Queries Ministers of the Assembly answer The Parliament of Scotlands result concerning the King The Kings queries to thâ— Scots Army Scots Answer The Kings Reply The Scots Declaration concerning the King Commissioners to receive the Kings Person Scots Army depart Newcastle The King desires two of his Chaplains to be with him Serjeant Glanvile released upon Bail The King writes again for his Chaplains Eikon â—as page 106. Chap. 24 The Army Model City of London Petition Prince of Orange dies Of the Presbysâ—rial Government Tyranny and Power Practise of the Presbytery Of the persons authorized Their power how exercised Affairs of Ireland The Kings Letters to the Lord General of Ireland In vita Iulii Agricolae The Commons vote the Government of Ireland Dublin besieged by the Rebels Continuation of the Kings affairs under Montrose in Scotland David Lesly comes with Horse from the Scots Army in England Defeats Montroses Forces Surrender of Dunkirk to the Frencâ— 1647. A summary or entrance to this year 1647 Anno 1647. Prince Elector Palatine a Member of the Assembly of Divines The King contemplates his Captivity at Holmby Eikon Bas. cap. 23. Judg Ienkins refuses to be examined Army modelled Petition from the Army Rosvil in secret gives Letters to the King The Kings Answer to the former Propositions The Army discontent The City Petition burned Commissioners of the Parliament and of the Army treat The King taken into the Armies power The Army draws towards London The Armies Representation The Charge against eleven Members Their persons to be suspended Votes in Parliament concerning the 11. Members Answered by the Army Eikon Bas. cap. 26. The Kings desire to see his children retarded The Generals letter in the Kings behalf and herein the case of the Army in reference to the King The eleven Members have leave to navel Result of the difference between the Parliament and Army Both Speakers and some Members fly to the Army The General resents the outrage of the City Theâ— Cities Declaration against the Army The City in some disorder submit And treat with the Army The Army Bâ—igades come to Southwark The Kings Letter to the Gâ—neral for Protection The absent Members are setled again The Army marches in State to Westminster and in Triumph through the City The forced Acts of Parliament made null The late force of Parliament debated Armies Remonstrancâ— hereupon Six of the 11. Members surprized at Sea Sir Philip Stapleton died of the Plague Excise continued by ordinance of Parliament King at Hampton Court Scots Commissioners Sundry secret Petitions of mixed natures Divers Members condemned for Actors in the late Tumult Desires of the Army Propositions sent to the King and his Answer The Kings Message in Answer to the Propositions Debaâ—es hereupon Agitators of the Army present Agâ—tators send Letters to the General and Army The Generals Answer Scots Commissioners Letter to the Speaker The effects of the Kings Answer The Letter of Inteligence The King escapes from the Court Lieutenant Colonel Cromwels Letter to the Parliament The Kings Letter to Col. Whaley The Letter to the Lord Mountague The Letter to the Parliament The Generals Letter to the Speaker Death for any to conceal the King Col. Hamonds Letter to the Parliament Votes to secure the King The Kings Message to the Parliament from Carisbroke Castle Which Hamond refuses in his Letter to the Parliament The Kings Message to the Parliament for an Answer to his last from Carisbroke Castle Four Bills offered to the King with the Proposals The Scots Commissioners dissent Answer to the Bills and Propositions The Kings Servants dismissed Votes of no further adress to the King The Parliaments Declaration concerning those Votes An Answer to the Parliaments Declaration Mutinies about keeping Christmas The Kings Dâ—claration to his people after the Vote of no address The Kings Title altered in things Army Modelled Continuation of Military Actions under Montrose Ogleby escapes Gordon and Spotswood executed Gutlery Murrey Middleton comes from the Scots Army in England with Forces Montrose commanded by the King to lay dowâ— Arms. His Answer sent to the King Montrose disbandeth his Forces and takes leave of â— Scotlâ—nd The affairs of Ireland in chief Munster Treaty concluded Anno. 1648. Summary of the affairs of this year Vniversity of Oxford refuses to be visited by the Parliaments Ordinance Exceptions a the gainst Ordinance of Parliament Concerning the Covenant Negâ—tive Oath Earl of Pembroke Chancellor His Visitation of Oxford Col. Poycâ— revolts in Wales Major General Laughorn joyns with him and surprize Tenby Mutiny in London dispersed City consult and crave pardon Poyers power at Pembroke defeats the Parliaments forces Chepstow Castle taken Poyers party defeated and how Anno 1647. Laughorn escapes to Poyer Tenby surrendâ—ed Pembroke besieged Surrendred upon Aâ—ticles Anno 1648. The Prince writes in the Prisoners behalf Votes concerning the King and Government Duke of York escapes beyond Seas to Holland Petition of Essex for a Treaty with the King Surrey Petition very high gâ—d quarâ—el City petition to this purpose Prisoners of Tumult released Kent insurrection The Geneâ—als Letter in Answer to theirs They reply and fight Maidstone fight Votes against the eleven Members Lords and Aldermen are discharged Kentish men come to Black Heath and Disband The Generals Summons Rumour of impoisoning the King Insurrection of the Earl of Holland They write to the City for assistance Engage in â—ight Earl of Holland taken prisoner The Estates of Scotland disagree Scots protestation Committee of danger in Scotland