who finding himsâ—lfe sore graueled about my former speach of freedome both out of the Philosophers and Schole-Deuines wâ—nt to read Medina a Schoolâ— Doctor about the matter of free choice but vnderstanding him not as it seemth by his peâ—uerting of his meaning hath cast himselâ—â— into 〈◊〉 greater broiles and intanglements then before you shall heare his discourse Were thâ— Statute inforced peremptorily and no leasure graunted for deliberation or after deliberation no liberty of choice but inforst vpon them to take it whether they will or no then might the Oath be accounted a pressure the acceptance therof a slauery But first tyme being giuen to consider therof and after consideration leaue graunted to choose or refuse this in their owne Schoole learning is true and fâ—ll liberty For to it they annexe these two conditions 1. indeterminationâ—m iudâ—ij ad deliberandum an vnlimited scope for the iudgement to deliberate 2. facultatem eligerdi vâ—l resutandi quod deliberatum est power either to chose or refuse what is deliberated The first is radix libertatis the sourse or fontaine of liberty the other is ipsa libertas freedome it selfe saith Medina And that is the very case betweene the King and his subiects in this matter of the Oath so that the very refusall aâ—ter deliberation argues that either to take it or no they had liberty of choice but in râ—fusing it no loyaltie of affection Thus farre M. Barlow And surely it pittiâ—th me that I must â—ere open so many deâ—ectes of his in this his discourse For first he graunteth as you see tâ—at the vrging of this Oath were a preâ—sure if tâ—e Sâ—atute were inforced perempâ—orily and no leasure grauâ—ted for deliberation But what dotâ— he meane by peremptory inforcement to beat men with â—â—uoâ—s to take the Oath for otherwise the inforcement of the punishment of the law of Premunire contayning the loâ—se of lands goods and liberty peremptorily proposed by the law to him that refuseth is I thinke peremptory inforcement suâ—ficient to make the action inuoluntary no lessâ— then tâ—e feare of death inforceth the foresaid MerchaÌ„t to cast out his goods in a tempest So as in this point M. Barlow findeth no refuge for so much as that which â—e sayth if it were so so it were a pressure indeed and consequently he grauâ—â—eth the Oath to be a pressure But you will say that he putteth another condition â—ecessary to make a thing inuoluntary to wit when the party hath no leasure to deliberate and vpon this he standeth much as radix libertatis the root of liberty or fre choice and foundeth himselfe in the doctrine of Michael Medina a Catholick Schoole Doctor of our dayes and therof inferreth for that the Catholicks haue a tyme to deliberate to take the Oath and after deliberation haue choice to take it or not those that take it take it freely But I would put to M. Barlow this case If a thiefe should meete him alone in a place where he were not afraid to be discouered and should will him either to giue him his purse or his little finger to be cut of and should giue him a whole day to deliberate and after to choose whether he would loose his purse or his finger and he chooseth to loose his purse is this action free from inforcement for that he hath time to deliberate and after liberty to make his choice What man of sense will say this but M. Barlow Or will M. Barlow himselfe say that he gaue his purse â—reely for that he had sufficient time to deliberate and make choice after his deliberation I thinke he will not were his tyme of deliberatioÌ„ giuen neuer so long Nay in this point he hath wholy peruerted corrupted and mâ—â—â—â—derstood Medina who neuer so much as named or imagined this condition of tyme or leasure graunted to deliberate for alwaies it is to be presupposed that in euery action good or bad there is sufficient time for our reason to deliberate for otherwise there should be no deliberate action But the pasâ—ime is that M. Barlow falling vpon two conditions of liberty expressed by Medina firâ—â— indeterminationem iudicij ad deliâ—erandum the indetermination of our iudgment to deliberate and for the power to choose or refuse what is deliberated he vnderstood the former condition to be of time and so translateth it most ridiculously thus an vâ—limited scope for the iudgment to deliberate as who would say that euery free action must haue an vnlimited scope of time to deliberate first or that otherwise it were not free As if M. Barlow when he is riding from London to Lincolne and hath two waies to take must needs haue an vnlimited scope of time for his determination which way to ride and this must be not an hower nor halfe a day nor a day nor a moneth nor a yeare but an vnlimited scope so as he may sit a whole yeare nay seauen yeares yea twenty or more to deliberate which way he will choose which were good for his flocke for so perchance the wolfe should neuer come amongst them But was there euer such a Philosopher or any such Philosophy taught before or Diuinity had he not euill luck at this his first stumbling vpon Medina so to mistake him But you will say what doth then Medina meane wheÌ„ he saith that the first condition required to liberty is indeterminatio iudicij ad deliberandum the indetermination of our iudgment to deliberate which he calleth the root of liberty Whereto I ansâ—ere that he meaneth not an vnlimited scope of time to deliberate as ignorantly M. Barlow imagineth for of this now you haue seene the absurdity but that the iudgment of him that maketh the choice be not determined and tyed already by instinct of nature to any one part or parcell of the obiect but that it be indiffereÌ„t of it seâ—fe and in the power of the sayd chooser to imploy it to what part he will which is called indetermination of liberty or indifferency of iuâ—gment to thinke what the chooser will vpon which indifferency of iudgment followeth liberty of choice in the will as vpon the roote and ground therof Medina his example is taken from the difference betweene the choice of a brute beast a man for that the brute beast hath his iudgement or estimatiueâ—power so tyed determined by insâ—inct oâ— nature to one part of the obiect as he cannot diuert from that to any other As when you propose meate to a beast that is hungry he cannot but be moued to admit the same as thinking that best in this his estimate or brutish iudgement but mans iudgement or vnderstanding is not so determined to one parâ— by instinct of nature but may apply it selfe also to consider of the opposite I shall alleadge the wordes of Medina which will make all the matter cleare Libertatem voluntatis saith he antecedit indeterminatio indifferentia iudicij ex parte
downe in his seauenth booke of his Visible Monarchy The seuere lawes also against them that refused to take the Oath of supremacy and should say or heare masse were made long befoâ—e this and put in practice so as this narration could not stand What replyeth M. Barlow to this Niâ—il ad Rhâ—â—â—â— sayth he the speach is here of lawes whose payne is death Yea Syr. And is it so I refer me to the wordes euen now recited out of the Apology that her Maiestie neuer punished any Papiâ—â—â—â—â— Religion that she was most free from all persecution doth not all any include other punishments besides death Moreouer when it is sayd that she neuer made any rigâ—â—ous lawes against Catholickes doth this only compreheÌ„d the lawes whose punishment is death To what straites is M. Barlow driuen here And yet if he doe remember well the oath of Supremâ—cie he cannot but know that the third refusall therof is also death So as euery way the poore man is taken OF QVEENE ELIZABETH HER FELICITIES and infelicities CHAP. II. AFTER this followeth another question betweene M. Barlow and me about the felicities or infelicities of Queene Elizabeth or rather betweene the Lord Iustice Cooke and me who hauing vpon diuers occasions to the exprobration of Catholicke men and religion whome she pursued in her life time enlarged himselfe extraordinarily in her exaltation calling her The happie Queene The blessed Queene and the like I was forced for defence of the truth to examine somewhat the grounds of this felicitie My words then were That the said Lord Cooke vpon the occasion of certaine words in Pope Clements Breue where Queene Elizabeth is named misera semina a miserable woman in respect no doubt of the miseries of her soule litle respected by her vpon which wordes the Oratour triumpheth thus What miserable it is sayd that miseria coÌ„stâ—s ex duobus contrarys copia inopia copia tribulationis inopia consolationis miâ—erie consisteth of two contraries of aboundance and penury aboundance of tribulation penury of consolatioÌ„ And then he sheweth in what abouÌ„dance of coÌ„solations Q. Elizabeth liued in al her life without waÌ„t of all tribulation which if it were true yet is it but the argument which the worldlinges vsed in the Psalme to proue their felicitie that their Cellars are full their sheep fertile their kine fat they suffer no losse and then Beatâ—â— dixeri nâ— populim cuiâ—ac sâ—nt happie did they call the people that had these things But the holy Ghost scorneth them and so may all men do our Oratour that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument in so high a matter And as for his definition of misery by copia and inopia store want it is a miserable one in deed neuer heard of before I thinke to come from any mans mouth but his owne it being ridiculous in Philosophy and fit to be applyed to any thing that hath eyther store or want As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him that hath store of witt and want of folly and a foole to be him that hath store of follyâ— and want of wit and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches want of beggarie a poore man is he that hath store of beggarie penury of riches And are not these goodly definitions thinke you for so great and graue a man to produce Thus passed the matter then But now M. Barlow doth constitute himselfe Aduocate for the Iustice and if he plead his cause well he will deserue a good â—ee for the cause it selfe is but weake as preseÌ„tly you will behould The Lord Cooke sayth he who at the Arraignement of Garnet indignantly scorning that the high Priest of Rome should in a Breue of his call so great a Prince as Quene Elizabeth was Miseram Fâ—minam a miserable woman by a description of miserie consisting of two contraries want of comâ—ort and plenty of tribulation shewes by many reasons euident and demonstratiue that she hauing aboundance of ioy and no touch of affliction but blessed with all kind of felicities could not be called Miserable c. In which words I would haue you note first that wheras here he sayth that the Iustice shewed this by many reasons euident and demonstratiue within a dozen lines after he saith of these reasons But if they be not concluding demonstrations yet as least let them be probable perswasions which is quite contrary to that which he sayd before that they were euident and demonstratiue so soone the man forgetteth himselfe But to the matter it selfe that albeit all these temporall felicities ascribed to Queene Elizabeth had bene so many and so great as Syr Edward affirmeth them yet had it beene but the argument of worldlings who in the 143. Psalme did measure their felicity by their full Cellars were checked for the same by the holy Ghost by teaching them that not Beatus populus cui haec sunt but beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus eius consequeÌ„tly that Queene Elizabeth might haue these temporall felicities and yet be truly miserable in that sense wherin Pope Clement so called her to wit concerning the affaires of her soule and euerlasting saluation To this I say he answereth first by demanding why temporall prosperitie may not be made an argument of Gods loue to Queene Elizabeth and of her felicitie for so much as it is scored vp for one of the Notes of the true Church by Cardinall Bellarmine de Notâ—â— Ecclesiae Nota 15 Whereunto I answer that this temporall felicitie is not to our purpose for that Pope Clement spake of her spirituall infelicitie as hath bene shewed and that temporall felicitie doth not infer or argue spirituall felicitie euery man will confesse that hath spirit to discerne it for that the whole Scripture is ful of testimonies that wicked men and consequently miserable in soule haue bene temporally blessed by Almighty God made rich powerfull prosperous euen to the very affliction scandalizing as it were of the iust and vertuous but yet were they not happy for this but most miserable euen as those Israelites were that hauing their fill of quailes in the desert sent theÌ„ from God they had no sooner eaten them as the Scripture sayth adhuc escae eorum eraÌ„t in ore ipsorum ira Dei ascendiâ— super 〈◊〉 the meat was yet in their mouthes and the wrath of God did fall vpon them And he that shall read ouer the 72. Psalme shall see that it is altogeather of this matter to wit of Dauids admiration of the wealth and prosperitie of the wicked whose end notwithstanding he sayth to be most miserable aestimabam vt cognoscerem hoc labor est ante me donec intelligam in nouissimis eorum deiecisti eos dum alleuarentur I did thinke I could haue vnderstood this matter but it is harder then I imagined vntil I coÌ„sidered their ends thou
Iesus that in euery kingdome that receaueth the Ghospell there should be one Archbishop ouer the whole kingdome one Bishop ouer many hundred Pastors in a kingdome and all they inuested with that authority and iurisdiction Apostolicall which they clayme iure diuino to be due `vnto them by the ordinance of Christ certainly that Church which should renounce and disclayme such an authority ordayned in the Church cannot be a true Church but the Synagogue of Sathan for they that should renounce and deny such must needs therin renounce and deny Christ himself Thus the assumption is cleared So the Author 34. To which argument as the Catholicks for true Bishops will willingly graunt the sequeleâ— that the Church of the Puritans is no Church but a Synagogue of Sathan for that it wanteth themâ— so I see not what Mâ— Barlow and his Protestants can reply thereuntoâ— for if Episcopall authority be diuinoâ— then cell of Rome condemned the same togeather with the Author therof So these Lutherans But with our beggarly English Protestants all is fish that coÌ„meth to the neâ—â— and of these outcast raggs they must patch vp a Church or els confesse that before Luther they haue none to whome they can accrew 39. And truly it is a pittifull thing to see what raggs some of them are not ashamed to gather vp what Hereticks I say they will professe to ioyne withall in opinions most brutish and blasphemous deuided amongst themselues and discarded by the more learned Protestants that the Reader may well with the Poâ—t demaund quid sequar aut quem For M. Symons draweth in Petrús Abilardus who though he died a repentant Catholicke and a religious Monk of the Abbey of Cluny in France which singuler grace I find only graunted by Almighty God to no other Sect. Maisters but Berengarius him yet whiles he liued in error he maintayned that Christ tooke not flesh to redeeme mankind that he had two persons that he was not God and the like Doth not this man stoope low for help thinke you Againe he togeather with M. Fox admitteth for brethren the beastly and barbarous Albigenses who had their beginning as Massonius writeth from one Henry Bruis of whom and whose filthy life S. Bernard maketh mention And these were so far of from being Ghospellers as they could not endure the Ghospell it self which hauing first most villainously abused at the siege of 〈◊〉 they cast it ouer the Walls towards the Catholike Army shooting many arrowes after it and crying aloud vnto the Souldiers ecce lex vestra miseri behould o miserable men your law or as Matthew Paris relateth it sitâ— behould your law we care not for it take it to your selues I omit their execrable blasphemies against our Bl. Sauiour himself S. Mary Magdalen not to offend Christian eares therwith for which our Sauiour seemed to take reuenge vpon them on the feast and in the Church of the same Saint where 7000. of them were slaine as saith Massaeus or many more as Heisterbachius who then liued Now what greater discredit can there be to the Protestants and their cause then then to rake Hell and make Saints of these damned soules enemies of all piety most seditious and rebellious spirits But to proceed 40. To these by M. Buckley Fox Abbotts others are adioyned the Waldenses whom they will haue to be but schollers or rather followers of the former but this following is only in tyme not in doctrine if we well consider what most authors write of them both and M. Fox is not ashamed to draw into his den fanatical Almericke making him for more credit of a Priest a Byshop But M. Iewell with one blast bloweth away all these clouted patches of this beggarly Church saying thus Of Abilard and Almerick and certaine other your strange names M. Harding meaneth Apostolicks Petrobusians Waldâ—nses Albigenses Image-breakers we haue no skill they are none of ours So he ouerthrowing in few words all M. Fox his laborious endeauours to make them Saints Martyrs true Ghospellers so well do these men agree among themselâ—es in buylding vp the babylonicall tower of their new deuised and confused Synagogue one denying what another graunteth yea one and the selfe same man fighting with himself saying vnsaying affirming and denying For in the very tenth page of that defence M. Iewell writeth As for Iohn Wickliff Iohn Husse Waldo and the rest they were godly men their greatest heresy was this that they complayned of the dissolute and vitious liues of the Clergy c. 41. Lo here Waldo is a godly man without error in doctrine yet of his followers M. Iewell hath no skil they are none of his Whereas notwithstanding you may be sure the schollers agreed in all things with their maisters Which of these two M. Iewell wil you beleeue Truely as for the godlines of Waldo I find no great record so neither will M. Iewell be able to shew wherin he disagreed from the Waldensians who as Guido the Carmelite writeth did hold amongest diuers other things which I pretermit that no man might iudge another for life and death because it is written nolite iudicare Iudge you not That Lay-men had authority giuen them from Almighty God to heare Confessions and absolue from sinnes That all carnall copulation when men are tempted therunto is lawfull They contemned the Apostles Creed and would haue Masse said but once in the yeare to wit on Maunday-Thursday by saying seauen Pater Nosters and blessing the bread and wine c. This and much more was the godly doctrine of M. Iewells Doctor Waldo whose learning was equall to his vertue for he could scant as most Authors affirme either write or read But I meane no further to prosecute this argument of which who listeth to read more may peruse what Coccius the Author of the Protestants Apology F. Persons in the last part of his three Conuersions haue written hereof and he will rest satisfied Now I come to examin M. Barlowes disputation what skill of Diuinity he sheweth in the same 42. He entreth into the list with great courage tells the Reader that F. Persons standeth ouer the Cardinall as if he were gasping for breath vnder the blow he hath receaued for his contradictions and makes the Father as a Chirurgion of the camp to cure three or foure of them which M. Barlow will needs lance againe and cut as he thinketh to the quick but vseth such dull instruments that so weakely as he doth neither cut nor bruze though much he labour to do his best and after some ten pages spent in idle babling lying and ignorant disputing like a victorious conquerour in the end excusing himself for the length of his discourse by reason that F. Persons did set vp saith he his crest and rest vpon it that if in this there be any contradiction he will yield that the Apologer hath not ouerlashed in
in extolling or rather belying Q. Elizabeth farr beyond all truth or desert calling white black and black white making light darknes darknes light after he hath made her of all liuing creatures the most admirable on earth with many boÌ„basting phâ—ases setting forth her praise who yet in her life tyme did nothing or very little God wot that was praise worthy leauing after 44. yeares raigne no other monument in the land of her liuing in it but that she had pulled downe many Churches 〈◊〉 howses and not so much as buylt or let vp oneâ— or â—rected any thing for posterity to remayne after 〈◊〉 But as Xenophon in Cyrus did not so much write 〈◊〉 life as in him describe what a good King should beâ— so M. Barlow in his transformed Queen Elizabeth â—â—â—leth vs not so much what she was indeed as what 〈◊〉 should haue bene or as now they would for the crâ—dit of their Ghospell wish that she had bene After aâ—â— these Encomions giuen of her life I say thus he adâ—uaunceth her after her death to heauen and withoâ—â— authority will needs canonize her before her tyme to vse his owne phrase make her an eternized Saintâ— His words be theseâ— For her reward in heauen if restraints of liberty and pursuites of malice for Gods truthâ— inflicted through Iealousie and indured with singular patâ—â—ence if a release from them vnexpected followed with hâ—â—nours and blessings neyther interrupted by others wheâ—ther treasons or inuasions nor blemished by herselfe with vice criminall or continued if life shut vp after length 〈◊〉 dayes and a full age with a courage defying death withâ— prayâ—rs imploring mercy with faith assuring the prayers with testimoâ—ies witnessing her assurance can be preceding coniectures or rather euidences of vnspeakable happinesseâ— we may safely conclude that she which passed through 〈◊〉 Crowne of thornes borne so constantly to a Crowâ—e of Gold worne so tryumphantly hath nâ—w gotten the thirâ— of Glory to enioy for euerlasting 115. So M. Barlow with more to the same effectâ— telling how she was an example of vâ—rtue for her owne to follow and a loadst irre for other Nations to admire coÌ„cluding with this Apostrophe Now this renowned Queen this eternized Saint c. And not to enter into disputâ— of the truth of his words nor yet to aske him by what â—ertainty he knowes that she passed from one of these â—hree Crownes to another especially from the gold â—o glory which requireth other proofe then this verâ—all florish of a few Rhetoricall figures bare imagiâ—ary coniectures of that courage prayers faith and testimonies witnessing assurance which this man sitting in his chamber doth faigne but she at her death if we belieue eye witnesses of much better credit then himselfe did little feele to omit this I say as an idle fancy or fiction rather of this foolish Parasite two things I would demauÌ„d of him the first that seeing he will needs draw his glorious Queen into the Calendar of Saints what title or place she shall haue amongst them in the same for that in ours there is no Saint of that sex but is either Virgin or Martyr or both or else nec Virgo nec Martyr as are Wiues Widdowes and repentaÌ„t sinners M. Barlow shall do well in his next to tell vs in which of these degrees this his new Sainted Queen Elizabeth is to be placed perhaps when he hath thought better on the matter he may find some perplexity be content to let her passe for one that was nec Virgo nec Martyr and thrice happy had it bene for her if she had bene indeed a true repentant sinner 116. The other thing is to know what he thinketh of the renowned Mother of his Maiesty whom by this canonizing of Q. Elizabeth he must needs condemne to hell-fire for it is impossible that one heauen should hold both these Queenes in life and beliefe so quite opposite the one with great commendation of vertue remayning in the vnity of the Catholick faith in which and for which she dyed to the great admiration and amazement of the whole world to 〈◊〉 a Queene Mother of a King indeed for religion 〈◊〉 vnder the colour of â—reason to which foule spot as 〈◊〉 Orator well noteth Royall dignity was neuer lyablâ— against all law with all disgrace â—o lâ—ose her heâ—d 〈◊〉 an ordinary malefactor by way of publick and coÌ„ 〈◊〉 iustice whiles the other liued in all ruffe pride and pleasure followed the fancyes of new vpstart Ghospellers hated and persecuted that faith wherin notwithstanding vntill the fall of her vnhappy Father 〈◊〉 whole Iland froÌ„ the first CoÌ„uersion had remayned 〈◊〉 in the end shut vp a wicked lyfe with a miserable pâ—tiful death if that may be sayd to be pitifull miserable which was without all remorse of conscience for fâ—â—mer sinnes all remonstrance of piety in and before her agony all remembrance of her future weale oâ— woe in the life to come all naming God as of her selfe or enduring others that did name him for her or put her in mind of him whatsoeuer this lying Minister who is true in nothing with a few fine phrases chatteth and forgeth to the contrary 117. And if it would but please his most Excellent Maiesty out of his Royall respect to his most Noble Mother to see who in her person haue alwaies most honoured or dishonoured his he should soone find that as in her life tyme the Catholiks had her in highest esteeme so since her death haue registred her in the raÌ„ke of Martyrs of whome the glory of this age Cardinal Bâ—ronius to name one for all the rest writeth thus Porrò eamdâ—m Ecclâ—siam nobilissâ—mam c. Moreouer God in this our age hath permitted that most noble Church of Scotland to be tempted that it might yield a most noble example of Christian coÌ„stancy when as a moÌ„gst â—ther Martyrs which no other Country hath hitherto â—ad it hath deserued to haue their owne Queene the â—â—nguler glory and ornament of the Catholick faith â—efore tryed by a long imprisonment for to be honouâ—ed with the Crowne of Martyrdome So he As conâ—rariwise in M. Barlows brethrens bookes both at home â—nd abroad he shall find the most iniurious slanders â—â—ying reports and reproachfull villanies powred forth â—gainst that innocent Princesse as will make any mans â—ares to glow and hart to rue to see so little respect of â—rincely Maiestie or such insufferable liberty in Proâ—estant writers conioyned with singular impudency â—nd fraudulent malignity in imputing the outragious â—ttempts of the trayterous subiects to the Queen herâ—elf as though she had bene the Author of that misâ—hiefe which in hart she detested with many bitter â—eares the true tokens of vnfaygned griefe most pittiâ—ully bewailed let one Reusnâ—rus in his Genealâ—gyes be â—eene whose words I abhore to set downe and the Reader will not thinke me too sharp and I must conâ—esse that in respect
ouer by Guntar at his last passage for albeit I haue determined with my selfe in this my banisâ—ment to spend my tyme in other studies more profitable then in contention about controuersies Yet must I needs accâ—pt kindly of your good will in making me partaker of your newes there And more glad should I haue byn if you had aduertised me what your and other mens opinion was of the Booke in your partes then that you request me to write our mens iudgment from hence And yet for so much as you require it so earnestly at my hands and that the party is to returne presently I shall say somewhat with the greatest breuity that I can albeit I do not doubt but that the parties that are principally interessed thereâ—â—â—ill answere the same much more largely First then for the Author for so much as he setteth 〈◊〉 downe his name it seemeth not so easy to ghesse yet the more generall opinion in these partes is that as that odious Discouery of Roman doâ—trine and practises which of late you haue seene answered was cast forth against the Catholickes vnder the cyphred name of T. M. with direction as he said from Superiours the Authoâ—â— being in deede but an inferiour Minister so diuers thinke it to be probable that this other booke also coÌ„meth from some other T. M. of like condition tâ—ough in respect of his office somewhat neerer to his Maiâ—sty to whom perhaps he might shew the same as the other dedicated his and thereupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regia as in the first front of the booke is set downe somewhat difâ—â—rent from other bookes and cause it to be printed by Barker his Maiâ—sties Printer and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes and other like deuises wherin our English Ministers do grâ—â— now to be very bold and do hope to haue in tyme the hand which Scottish Ministers once had But I most certainly do perswade my selfe that his Maiestie neuer read aduisedly all that in this Booke is contayned For that I take him to be of such iudgement honour as â—e would neuer haue let passe sundry thinges that here are published contrary to them both Thus I wrote at that tyme of my coniecture about the Author of the said Apology alleaging also certayne reasons in both the foresayd kindes which albeit they be ouerlong to be repeated heere yet one or two of ech kind especially such as Master Barlow pretendeth to answere may not be pretermitted As for example sayd I his Highnes great iudgmeÌ„t would presently haue discouered that the state oâ— the qâ—â—stion is twice or thrice changed in this Apology and that thinâ— proued by allegations of Scripturesâ— Fathersâ— Councels which tâ—e aâ—uerse part dâ—nyâ—th not as after in due place I shall shew And againe â—e â—ould â—â—uâ—r haue let passe so maniâ—est an ouersight as is 〈…〉 oâ— Cardiâ—all Bellâ—â—mine with â—leuen seuerall plaâ—es oâ—â—â—nâ—â—adâ—â—â—â—â—n to himâ—elâ—e in his workes wheras in the true natuâ—e o◠〈…〉 or contrariety no one of them can be proued or mantayned as euery man that vnderstandeth the latinâ—onâ—ue will but looke vpon Bellarmine himselfe will presenâ—ly find This was one of my reasons besides diuers other that I alleaged in that place all which for so much as it pleaseth Maister Barlow to deferre the answere thereof to another place afterwards and now to satisfy a reason only of certaine contemptuous speach vsed against the Pope and Cardinall Bellarmine I shall here also make repetition of my wordes therein Thus then I wrote In like manner wheras his Maiestie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty and vsage of others especially men of honour dignity it is to be thought that he would neuer haue consented if he had but seene the Booke with any attention that those phrases of contempt not only against the Pope at least as a temporall Prince but neyther against the Cardinall calling him by the name of Maister Bellarmine should haue passed For so much as both the Emperour and greatest Kings of ChristeÌ„dome do name that dignity with honour And it seemeth no lesse dissonant to cal a Cardinal Maister then if a man should call the chiefest dignities of our Crowne by that name as M. Chancellour M. Treasurer M. Duke M. Earie M. Archbishop M. Bancroft which I asure my selfe his Maiestie would in law of Honour condemne if any externe Subiect or Prince should vse to men of that Sate in our countrey though he were of different religion Wherfore I rest most assured that this proceeded either out of the Ministers lacke of modesty or charity that if his Maiestie had had the perusall of the Booke before it came forth he would presently haue giuen a dash of his pen ouer it with effectuall order to remedy such ouersights of inciuility So I then And if I were deceiued in iudgement as now it seemeth I was for that it pleaâ—eth his Maiesty to take the matter vpon himselfe to auouch that Booke to be his yet in reason can it not be taken euill at my handes that followed those coniectures and sought rather to deryue vpon others the pointes which in that booke I misliked then to touch so great a personage as was and is my Prince Yea in all duty and good manners I had obligation to conceale his Maiesties name for so much as himselfe concealed the same and when any Prince will not be knowne to be a doer in action as in this it seemeth he would not at that tyme I know not with what dutifull respect any subiect might publish the same though he did suspect that he had part therin For that subiects must seeme to know no more in Princes affaires then themselues are willing to haue known And consequently when I saw that his Maiesty concealed his name I thought it rather duty to seeke reasons to confirme couer the same then by presuÌ„ption to enter into Princes secrets and to reueale them And hauing thus rendred a reason of my doings in this behalfe it remaineth that wee see what Maister Barlow hath to say against it for somewhat he must say wheresoeuer he find it though neuer so impertinent to the purpose hauing taken vpon him to contradict and plead against me in all pointes and reaceaued his â—ee before hand as may appeare by the possession he hath gotten of a rich benefice and hopeth for more First then he runneth to a ridiculous imitation of my former reasons whereby to seeke out whether Persons the Iesuite were the true author of my Lettter or no from passage to passage doth furnish his style with some railing offals out of M. VVatsons Quodlibets against him which though the author recalled and sore repented at his death as is publikely knowne and testified by them that stood by and heard him yet this charitable Prelate wil not suffer his synne to dye with him but will needs
hath the ChaÌ„pion M. Barlow any thing to reply for his Lord in this no truly but granting my proofe to be substantiall as taken from the Scripture it selfe he runneth to otheâ— impertinent matter of dissimilitude betweene Q. Elizabeth Nabuchodonosor as that he had no successour but the Queene hath c. which is not the question in hand nor was the comparison made in this and moreouer in it selfe is false For that Nabuchodonosoâ—s sonne called Euilmeroâ—â—th succeeded him and after him againe Baltazar which seemeth to haue bene fortold by the Prophet Ieremy c. 27. saying Seruient ci ones gentesâ— filio eius filio fâ—lâ— eius All nations shall serue Nabuchodonosor and his sonne and his sonnes sonne In which respect Nabuchodonosor was much more happy theÌ„ Q. Elizabeth who left no such issue to succeed her and therefore the place alleadged by M. Barlow oâ—t of Isay Ex quo dormisti c. since thou wert dead none came in thy place to cut vs vp by graue Authors is vnderstood of Baltazar the last King of that race for to the former it cannot wel be applyed whose sonne and nephew after his death kept them wellnigh forty yeares in captiuity and they were not deliuered till after the death of Baltazar by Cyrus who with Darius ouerthrew him and succeded him by which you may see how well M. Barlow pleadeth for Queene Elizabethsâ— happinesâ— And all this was spoken against the infeâ—ence of true felicity supposing that Queene Elizabeths dayes had beene so aboundant and affluent in all kinde of temporall prosperities as the flattery of these Orators would haue it seme that her selfe had such copia of consolations and inopia of tribulations as the Lord Cooke describeth But for proofe that this was not so theâ—e were many parâ—iculer poynts touched which did shew that her temporall consolations were mingled also with desolations her prosperity with aduersities her ioyes many tymes with griefe as for example the circumâ—tances of her natiuity the declaration made against her by her owne Father as well in the putting to death her Mother with note of incontinency togeather with so many adulterers punished with her as also aâ—terward the same declaratioÌ„ made more authentically in publike Parlament her disgraces passed aâ—terward againe in the time of King Edward her contemptible reiection by the setters vp of Queene Iane her peâ—ills in Queene Maries time by the cutting off of her best friendes whereby she was forced to a deepe dissimulation in religion that could not be but afflictiue vnto her her feares and doubâ—s in the beginning of her owne raigne what would follow by change of religion the pretence of the King of Frâ—â—â—â— known to be in hand for his wiues succession immediatly after Queene Mary her frights by the Duke of Norfolke Earles rising iâ— the North a great Counsell of the chiâ—fest Nobility held at London against her and in fauour of the Queene of Scotland which then â—he was not able to resist if it had gone forward her publike excommunication and depriuation by two or three Popes which could noâ— but bring sollicitude with it her doubtfuâ—nes about maâ—iing being preâ—sed on the one side by the sollicitatioÌ„ of her Kingdome for hope of succession and held backe on the other side by certayne desirs of designements of her owne her fauorites her intricate reckonings with her sayd fauorits from time to time as Pickering Dudley Hatton Packiâ—gton Rawley and Essex among whome the two Earles became in the end to be dredfull vnto her her ielousy and feares conceâ—ned not only of forraine Princes whome she had deepely offended with raising their subiects and maintayning them against them but of domesticall inhabitants likewise especially of Priestes Iesuits and Seâ—inâ—ryâ—men who were painted out to her to be such dangerous people togeather with the Catholickes that vsed their helpes in matters for their soules as she neuer ceased to add lawes vnto lawes against them all and against all vse of Catholicke religion wherunto her selfe had sworne and voluntarily protested in Queene Maries dayes And not only this but breaking also into bloud for these imagined terrors shee put to death publickly aboue an hundred and thirty anointed Priests only for hatred of their order and profession togeather with many other afflicted in priâ—ons others sent into banishment by forty fifty yea seauenty at a time She put to death also both the nearest in kinred and dearest in affection that she had on earth as was her Maiestie of Scotlnd and the Earle of Essex the guilt of which proceeding lying vpon her conscience did so trouble her for diuets yeares before her death as was pittifull but her death it selfe more pittifull in dying without sense feeling or mention of God as diuers do report that do pretend to know the same most certainly I should be glad with like or greater certainty to know thâ— contrary for I take compassion of her state with all my hart And this is in effect the summe and substance of that which was spoken before concerning the interruptions and interpellations of Queene Elizabeths temporall ioyes and comfort which Syr Edward Cooke M. Barlow do make to be so singular and absolute And what reply is now made thinke you to all this Truly nothing at all to the purpose in hand for that one of these two poynts should be shewed eyther that these things are not so or that they do nothing at all impeach Queene Elizabethâ— teÌ„porall felicity and store of conâ—olations but neither of these is proued what then You shall heare first he runneth againe into an extreme rage of rayling and reuiling and scolding as it were a tip-toe inforcing his whole answere with the most contumelioâ—s speach that he can deuise but to this is extant his own answere in print out of Seneca which he alleageth in the Preface of his Sermon at Paulâ— Crosse against his Maister the Earle of Essex Vt quisque est â—â—ntemptissimus ita solutiâ—â—ima lingua â—â—t As each man is more contemptible then others so is he more lewd loose in his tongue Then he chafeth intemperatly that any thing should be sayd or writteÌ„ against Queene Elizabeth after her death and herâ— he dilateth himselfe very largely for lacke of better matter vpon that common place that the rulers of the people are not to be spoken euill of specially after their death for which he citeth both Scriptures and prophane authors I follow not his order in this but the conâ—exion rather of the matter and will proue them to be both hoggs aud doggs out of Aristophanes Pliny Sophocles and other Authors that do reuile the dead But to this obiection also I will put his owne answere in his foresaid SermoÌ„ against the Eâ—rle of Essex where hauing made the same obiectioÌ„ againâ—t himselfe for speaking euill of the said Earle after his death as he doth now against me for calling to memory some of Queene
Eliâ—abeths affaires his answere in his owne words is this But dearely beloued there is a difference in faults of men as in diseases some onely are hurtfull to the parties themselues some loathsome and infectious to others the first are to be buried with their bodies forgotten but the other will annoy and therfore must be remembred after death In Scripture some Kinges that were vicious had their faultes touched euer after their buriall but no more yet some are neuer named in Scripture but their sinne is branded vpon their name as often you may see of â—eroboam neuer mentioned but presently addeth the sonne of Nebat which made Israell to sinne This was the mans answer at that time for that it serued for his purpose the same may serue me now against him for if the case of Ieroboam that made Israell to sinne might be applied to the Earle of â—ssex that was of their owne religion and changed nothing therein so far as is knowne and was but a priuate person how much more may the same be applyed to Queene Elizabeth that indeed brought in that fatall diuision and new worship of Ieroboam into her Kingdome which she found quiet vnited with the rest of Christendome in the knowne Catholicke fayth of Christs Church But saith M. Barlow reproaches are vttered eyther for reprâ—ose to amend or for vexation to grieue the parties calumniated both which endes doe cease in death Whereunto I answere that if they be reproches and contumelyes indeed without truth wherof M. Barlowes tongue and pen are fulâ— they serue to neyther of these ends but principally to shew the wiked mind of the vtterer but if they be true as those things are which I haue touched concerning Q. Elizabeth her infelicities â—heÌ„ albeit they be vttered to none of these two foolish ends mentioned by M. Barlow eyther to amend or vex the dead yet are they recorded to warne instruct them that are aliue by shewing Gods iustice vpon sinne his prouidence his power and his care to feare men by terror of euerlasting inâ—amy from the like offences many other such holy ends for the which in Scripture it is a most common ordinary thing to heare the sinnes of wicked Princes repeated and reiterated after death M. Barlow himselfe cannot deny it I did further add also in my former Letter the example of diuers ancient Fathers as Iustinus Martyrâ— Irenaeus Tertullian and others who to comfort the afflicted Christians in theyr dayes and to honour more the cause for which they suffered did put them in mind what manner of pâ—ople and Princes their first persecutors were as namely Nero and Domitian what life they led what end they made and that indeed they were â—it instruments to be the first actors in such a worke which I applying to Queene Elizabeth sayd that the like obseruation and comparison might be made she being the strangest woman that euer perhaps liued for diuers admirable circumstances before touched and the very first absolutely of that sex eyther Christened or created that tooke vpon her Supreme Power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters c. Wherunto M. Barlow comming to answere and hauing nothing at all to say to the purpose doth so childishly trifle as is most ridiculous telling vs first that if the Papists may comfort themselues for that they haue bene beaten by a woman then may the diuell comfort himselfe also that a woman is prophesied in Genesis according to our interpretation to breake his head Sysera also the Captaine may glory that he was ouerthrowne by a woman But this is triflingâ— for I doe not say simply by a woman but by such a woman as neuer was the like in diuers points of enormity against Câ—thâ—licâ—â— religion and therin was the Fathers obseruations of enormous manners of Nero and Domitian and not in the sex as they were men Secondly he sayth that diuers Popes were more like to Nero and Domitian then Queene Elizabeth but this is also trifling For neyther is the matter proued if it could be yet doth it not improue my comparison as it was some comfort to the ancient afflicted Catholickes to consider what manner of Princes they were that first began most sharpe persecution against them so might English Catholickes doe by consideration of the person of Queene Elizabeth that first of all women persecuted them in England and with inspeakable monstrosity made her selfe Head of the Church Thirdly he sayth about this matter that heauen and hell arâ— not more different then those Christian martyrs of the Primitiue Church from these later of English Papists for they sayth he acknowledged the Emperors supremacy independant vpon any but God prayed for them seriously both lyuing and dying c. But this now is more then trifling for it seemeth to me meere madnes to say that ancient Christian martyrs vnder Nero and Domiâ—ian did acknowledge those Emperours Supremacy independant vpon any but God which inferreth to my vnderstanding that they acknowledged them for Supreme Headeâ— of the Catholicke Church in those dayes for so signifieth the worde Supremacy in the controuersy betweene vs and the wordes immediatly following independant vpon any bâ—â— God doe seeme playnely to confirme the same as doth also the comparison and contrariety it selfe which hee putteth betweene those old Martyrs and ours For if he had meant of temporall Supremacy there had not bene any difference or contrariety betweene them For â—hat our Martyrs also doe acknowledge temporall Supremacy to Kings and Princes though not spirituall which inferreth that M. Barlow ascribing more to the ancient Martyrs vnder Nero and Domitian must needes meane that they held them â—or Heades of their Church euen in spirituall Ecclesiaâ—ticall aâ—fayres although they were Pagans and â—oe consequently might and ought to repayre to them in matters of controuersy about Christian Religion and were â—ound to follow their direction therein And if this be not more then trifling especially for a Prelate to vtterâ— I leaue to the discreet Reader to consider But now let vs see briesely some of his answers to the points before rehearsed of Queene Elizabeths life and death First he sayth to the note about her birth and disgrace by her Father and Parlament that the Scriptures are not soe Censorious for God himselfe mislikes the Prouerb that it should be sayd the fathers did eat sower grapes and the childrens â—eeth were sett on edge but this is folly for I alleadged it not as a sinne of hers for the sinne was her fathers and mothers but as some disgrace in temporall felicity Then he telleth vs that in some places the ciuill Lawes doe permit some bastards to succeed Item that she shewed well by her courage and other Princely qualities that she was King Henries daughter Item that her selfe did so far coÌ„temne those slaunders published in print as shee would neuer consent to haue them cleared but rather scorned them Item that
hartily sincerely I do desire it without any worse affectioÌ„ towards her then harty coÌ„passion notwithstanding all the outcryes raging exclamations made by this intemperate Minister against me for the contrary to wit â—or malice and hatâ—ed against her and for iudging her before the tyme against the prescription of the Apostle S. Paul which I haue not done For Gods iudgements are secret cannot absolutly be known in particuler before the last day when according to the Scripture all shal be made maniâ—est so far as it shal be conuenient for men to know But yet in this lyfe men also may giue a ghesse and take notice according to our present state of many things how they are to fal out afterwards as S. Paul doth often repeate and affirme most resolutly that such as shall commit such and such delicts as he there recounteth shall neuer attayne to the Kingdome of heauen but be damned eternally according to their workes as loose life murthers fornications adulteryes sectes schismes heresies and the like And if one should see or know some persons to commit all these sinnes togeather or the most of them so dye without contrition or peÌ„nance for the same to his knowledg might not he by good warrant of S. Paul affirme that in his opinion they are daÌ„ned Nay doth not S. Paul giue this expresse liberty of iudging to his Scholler Timothy by him to vs when he saith as before also hath bene noted Quorumdam hominum peccata maniâ—â—sta sunt praecedentia ad iudicium quosdam autem subsequentur The sinns of some men are manifest going before them vnto iudgmeÌ„t and others haue their sinnes following them So as iâ— eyther before their death or after their death wheÌ„ the particuler iudgment of euery soule is to be made any mans griâ—uous sinnes be made manifest there is no doubt but that men may iudge also in a certaine sort or at least make to theÌ„selues a very probable and likely coniecture of the miserable state of that party yea more theÌ„ a coÌ„iecture if the Church should censure him for any great sin coÌ„mittedâ— dâ—ing aâ—terwards in the same without due repeÌ„taÌ„ce which is wont to be declared by denying vnto him Christian burial as when they murther themselues the like But aboue all when the said Church doth cut of any body by ExcoÌ„munication from being any more a member thereof for schisme heresy or other offence of this quality a man may make iudgement of his daÌ„nation yea must also for then is he in the case whome S. Paul affirmeth to be sâ—buersum subuerted by heresy that is as much to say turned vpside downe or pluckt vp by the rootes proprio iudicio condemnatum condemned not only by the iudgment of the Church but also by his owne iudgmeÌ„t in like manner when he coÌ„meth to answere the matter for that being bound to follow the direction of the Church he became Haeretiâ—us homo as the Apostles words are that is to say an Hereticaâ—l man one that out of choice or election would neâ—des follow his owne iudgment This point then that a man or woman dying in the excoÌ„munication of the known Catholicke Church may be pronounced to be damned and cannot possibly be saued albeit their liues were otherwise neuer so good and apparent holy is a thing so generally earnestly and resolutely affirmed and incultated by the ancient Fathers of the primitiue Church that no man can doubt of it without pertinacity or impiety For S. Cyprian that holy Bishop and Martyr doth treat the same largely in diuers places saying first that an hereticke or schismatike that is out of the Church cannot be saued though he should shed his bloud for Christ inexpiabilis culpa quae nec passione purgatur it is an inexpiable synne to be an Hereticke or Schismaticke that is to say not euer to be forgiuen nor can it be purged by suâ—fering for Christ himselfe And againe he sayth that such a man can neuer be a martyr though he should dye for Christ nor yet receiue any Crowne for confession of Christian fayth euen vnto death which death saith he non erit â—idâ—i corona sed poena 〈◊〉 it shall not be a Crowne of fayth but a punishment oâ— perâ—idiousnes And many other like places and sâ—yings he hath which for breuity I omit wherin also do coacurre with him the other ancient Fathers that ensued after and namely S. Augustine in many parts of his workeâ— in particuler where he saith against the Donatists That neither baptisme nor Martyrdome profiteth an heretike any thing at all which he repeateth oâ—ten times and in another place he saith If thou be out oâ— the Church thou shalt be punished â—ith eternall paines although thou shouldest be burned quicke for the name of Châ—ist And yet againe the same Father Hereâ—ikes dâ— sometimes brag that they do giue much almes to the poore and do suâ—â—er much for truth but this is not for Châ—ist buâ—â—or their Sect. â—â—oke for whom thou sufferest quia for as miâ—â—us es ideo miser es â—or that thou art cast sorth of the communion of the Church therfore art thou miserable whatsoeuer thou doest or sufferest otherwise For harken to the Apostle saying to himselfe Iâ— I should giue all that I haue to the poore and deliuer my body to the â—ire without â—harity I am nothing he that is out of the Church liueth out of chariâ—y And let the Reader see more of this in S. Aâ—gusâ—ine Serm. Domini in mome cap. 9. lib. 2. contra Petilianum Donatist cap. 98. lib. 1. contra Gaudâ—ntium cap. 33. in Conc. de gâ—stis cum Emeâ—â—â—o where he hath these words Iâ— vnto an heretike that is out oâ— tâ—â— Church it should be said by an enemie of Christ Offâ—r vp sacrifice to my idols and adore my Gods and he in refusing to adore should be put to death by the sayd enemy of Christ for this fact yet shall â—â—le damnâ—d and not crowned I pretermit in this matter S. Chrysostome hom 11. in â—â—ist ad Eâ—â—es S. Pacianus Bishop of Barcelona that liued sâ—mâ—what beâ—ore him Epist. 2. ad Sâ—mpronium S. Fulgâ—ntius tâ—at liued the next age after lib. de fide ad Pâ—trum cap. 29. whose wordes are these spoken with a vehement spirit and some men ascribe them to S. Augustine Firnassime tene 〈◊〉 dubiâ—â—s c. Do thou hould â—or most firme and certayne and no wayes doubt but that whosoeuer is an hereticke or â—chismaticke and therby out of the Church tâ—ough he be baptized in the name of the Father the Sâ—nne and the holy Ghost do neuer so good workes giueâ— nâ—uâ—r so â—â—ch almes no though he should shed his bloud for thâ—nâ— mâ— oâ— Christ yet can he not be saued Well then this is the Maior proposition no Christian man or woman though of neuer so good life can be saued â—ut of the vnitie of the knowne
liued in Africk he not only suffered but procured throughout all Sicily and his kingdome of Italy the fairest women and maidens which the Turkes lusted after to be taken from their parents bosome and married wiues euen out of their husbands armes to be giuen vnto them So he And was not this a vertuous man trow you who to pleasure the Turkes sworn enemies of Christ would thus deale with Christians And doth not this man deserue to be credited speaking in his owne behalfe before Pope all writers and whatsoeuer other testimony But indeed this dealing was conforme to his deuotion for he who so vilely esteemed of our Sauiour himself no meruaile if in his other behauiour he were so irreligious base and wicked for as we haue before out of Fazelius shewed he held our Sauiour and Moyses to be no better theÌ„ Mahomet calling them all three Seducers as with Fazelius the Chronicles of Augusta and Compilatio Chronologica both German histories do auouch and moreouer affirme that he speake the same in the hearing of Henry the Lantgraue saying withal If the Princes of the Empire would but follow me I would ordaine a bâ—tter maner of beliefe and liâ—e for all Nations And verily it seemeth that he aymed at this when as you haue seene before out of his owne epistle set downe and censured by both the Matthews he went about to abase all the Clergie by taking all liuings from them and to depriue them of all their dignity â—or that being once effected he might with more ease afterwardes haue made a new Clergy a new faith a new Christ but he forgot in this his foolish feruor what the Kingly Prophet Dauid said and praied against such atteÌ„ptes Omnes Principes qui dixerunt hereditate possideamus Sanctuarium Dei c. All thoâ—e Princes who haue sayed let vs possesse as our inheritance the Sanctuary of God let them be O my God as a wheele and as straw before the face of the wind as a fier that burnes the wood and as a flame that consumes the mountaines So shalt thou persecute them c. Which seemes in some sort to be verified litteâ—ally in this man who after his excommunication being in extreme calamitie as well by the election of another Emperour defection of a great part of the Empire from him as also for that one of his sonnes to wit Entius King of Sardinia was taken prisoner by the people of Bolognia and another was dead in Apulia Likewise himself percussus est saith Matthew Paris morbo qui dicitur lupus vel sacer ignis was stroken with the disease which is called the wolâ—e or holy fier whereby he was so humbled as the same Author witnesseth that he offered vnto the Pope good conditions of peace according saith Matthew to that saying of the Psalmist which followeth immediatly in the same Psalme by me now alleadged Imple facies eorum ignominia quaerent nomen tuum Domine fill their face with confusion and they will seeke thy name O lord And this chastismeÌ„t of almighty God as it began in his owne person so it continued in his issue partly whiles he liued partly after his death vntill they were all extirpated In his life tyme his Sonne Henry was made away by his owne procurement being cast into pryson where he was eyther poysoned by his command as some thinke or else died naturally as others report Entius was taken by the Bolognians and there after twenty yeares restrainst and more being kept in an iron cage he pined away and died miserablie Bononiam ductus saith Mutiâ—â— mittitur in ferreamâ— caueam in qua sordidissimo victu nutritus miserimam vitam post aliquot annos finiuit Entiuâ— being brought to Bolognia is cast into an iron cage in which being intertained with most filthy diet after some yeares imprisonmeÌ„t ended a most miserable life So he His other bastard-sonne Fredericke died in Apulia And after the said Emperour his death his sonne Conrade King of Sicily was poysoned by Manfred his bastard-brother and Manfred was slaine in battaile by Charles of Angâ—ow and Conradinus Sonne or Nephew to Conradus for in this Authors differ was beheaded at Naples and so ended the race of this wicked and vnfortunate Emperour of whome that may iustly be said which Iob speaketh of the like men Haec est pars impij apud Deum c. This is the portion of the wicked man with God aâ—d the inheritance of the violent oppressors which they shall receaue from the omnipotent If his sonnes shal be multiplied they shall die by the sworde and his nephews shall not be filled with bread All whome he shall leaue behind him shal be buried in destruction Which if all Princes could remeÌ„ber amidst their greatnes no doubt but they would be more moderate in their power and actions and also feare him more qui auâ—ert spiritum Principum terribilis apud omnes Reges terrâ— who taketh away the life of Princes and is dreadfull to all the Kinges of the earth Before we haue set downe out of the Councell it self then which there can be no more graue or greater authority all the causes of his condemnation as his sacriledges his periuries vpon periuries his perfidiousnes to the Christians his treacherous treaty with the Soldan his spoiling of Churches and monasteries his expelling of the Christians out of Nuceria and giuing it to the Turkes his reuiuing the foule faction of the Guelphes and Gibbelines all which and many more as they may be seene in the sentence of Innocentius and Seuerinus Binnius so also many other Authors might be alleadged for the same And he who listeth to read more herof may peruse VVilliam of Nangis the Frenchman in the life of S. Lewis and with him all the Authors whom before we haue cited where some of these things haue bene more particulerly touched which no doubt was the cause why VViceliâ—â— a German in his Epitome of the Popes liues in this Innocentiâ—â— the 4. spake so contemptibly of the Emperours death as he said sub hoc perijt bestia Fredericus In the time of this Pope died that beast Fredericke And the Monke of Padua registring the same death saith Vitam amisit in Apulia c. On S. Lucies day Fredericke died in Apulia and descended into hell carrying nothing with him but a sack of sinnes So he far different from that which before we haue heard others to write of the death of Innocentiuâ— And this may suffice to shew what smal reason M. Barl. had so much to iustify this Emperor for his sake to coÌ„demne the Popes who then liued forgetting in boâ—h that seuere coÌ„mination of the Holy Ghost Qui iustificat impiuÌ„ qui condemnat iustum abominabilis est vterque apud Deum He that iustifies the wicked and he that condemnes the iust both are abominable before God Which makes M. Barlowes case the more pittifull for that he
the moon in the Asseâ— belly M. Barlows flattery of Kinges Barl. p. 44 3. Reg. 2. Wisely Syr William Salomons fact of killing Adoniah condemned Lucae 2. Iob 36. Psal. 2. The secoÌ„d psalme ill chosen of M. Barlow for flattery of Princes Examples of Gods terrible threats vnto Kings Daniâ—l .4 3. Râ—g 21. Iob 36. Gods prouidence in gouerning his Church perfect no wayes defectuous Alu. Pelag lib. 1. De planctu Eccl. cap. 13. Aluarus Pelagius abused by M. Barl. Gratian Decret part 1. distinct 5. Greg. c. 10. ad interrogata Augustini Beda lib. 1. de hist. Angl. cap. 27. Bertrand in additione ad glos de maioritate obedientia c. â— Barl. p. 49. M. Barlows falfe dealing in alledging his aduersaries wordes â—et p. 20. Prou. â—4 vers 28. Vincen. aduers. hares August de vera rel cap. 38. Idolatry and superstition not alwaies causes of fâ—ar Foure kindâ—s of superstition 1. Tim. 1. M. Barl. prouoked to stand to his own Authors The Maior The Miâ—or An important controuersy to be haÌ„dled If M. Barlow list to accept this offer alâ—beit the author be dead he shall find those that will ioyne with him Barl. p. 52. There is no vltima resolutio with the ProtestaÌ„ts in matters of faith The Catholicks answere concerning his vâ—tima â—esolutio No resolution amongst heretâ—cks What resolution is taken froÌ„ the Pope Pag. 53. M. Barlows hate of ambition scilicet and his mortification M. Barlows stomake for digestion and concoction Barl. p. 54. Letter pag. â—â— Bar. p. 55. M. Barlows idle discourse 1. Pet. 2. 1. Cor. 8. Lett. p. 22. M. Barlowes ill fortune in dealing with Schol men Barl. p. 57. Of â—ctiue passiue scaâ—dall â— 2. q. 43. ar 1. ad 4. Scandal actiue without passiue Ibid. art 2. in coâ—porâ— Carnal Diuinity Bad dealing in M. Barlow The definition of scandal what is actiue and paâ—siue scandall ScaÌ„dalum Pharisaeorum ScaÌ„dalum Pusilloâ—uÌ„ S. Thomas expounded S. Thom. abused The errours of M. Barlow about the matter of scaÌ„dall M. Barlows want of patieÌ„ce M. Barlow vnderstaÌ„deth not the tearâ—es oâ— schoole Diuinity Epist. 50. Who lay the scandall of Balaam Catholicks or Protestants Letter pag. 22. M. Barlow speaketh morâ— then he can proue The successâ—oÌ„ of the Church of Rome Barl. pag. 59. 60. M. Barlows arguments against the Church of Rome The Pope both particuler Bishop of Rome and yet chiefe Pastour of the whole Church M. Barlowes bad argument which is false both in antecedent and consequent Euill life doth not preiudice truth of doctrine Barl. p. 60. M. Barlowes Ministeriall phrases of indument and stripping By Baptisme we are made members of the Church ProtestaÌ„ts gone out of the Catholike Church not Catholikes out of theÌ„ Barl. p. 62â— Mattâ— 13â— Antiquity prescriptioÌ„ good argumeÌ„ts in case of Religion Matth. 13. Tertul. aduers Marc. lib. 4. The Fathers do vrge prescription Hilar. lib. 6. De Trinitate ante medium Hier. Episâ—â— ad Paâ—nachium Pag. â—2 Concil Caâ—thag apuâ— CyprianuÌ„ Bad dealing of M. Barlow How posseâ—sioÌ„ with prescriptioÌ„ are euincing arguments in mâ—tters of fayth Sober Rec. cap. 3. §. 101. c. M. Barlow hardly vrged Matth. vlt. Matth. 16. No such Oath euer exaâ—ted by oâ—her Princes Barl. pag. 62. About Q. Elizabeths raigne life death Lett. p. 27. Queene Elizabeth her Manes M. Barlowes flattering loquence Barl. 64. M. Barl. turnes with the wynd like a weather-cocke Quene Elizabeth otherwise blazoned by forrain writers then M. Barlow reporteth Barlow p. 66. 67. Q. Elizabeth Canonized for a Saint by M. Barlow Q. Elizabeth in M. Barl. his iudgment neuer coÌ„mittâ—d anâ— mortal sinne Q. Elizabeth would neuer haue chosen M. Barlow for her ghostly Father About Q. Elizabeths Manes sacrificing vnto theÌ„ Barl. p. 74. Hierom. Eâ—ist ad Rom. Oratâ—â—em August de Dâ—â—tr Chrisâ—ian M. Barl. his trifling Act. 28. v. 11. 2. Pet. 2. 4. Act. 17. 28. Rom. 14.4 In what cases a maÌ„ may iudg of another 1. Tim. 5. 24. Barl. p. 75. Matth. 6. About externall mortifications 3. Reg. 2â— 27. Achab truly mortified Prophane impietie in M. Barlow Q. Elizabeth no cloystered Nunâ—e A place of S. Paul expounded coÌ„cerning bodily exercise Châ—ysost in comment ad c. 4. in 1. Tim. 3. Reg. 17. M. Barlow no friend to mortifications A strange kind of mortificaâ—â—on Mortification Rom. 8. 13â— Aug. l. 1. confeâ—s c. 5. Bern serm 52. in Cant. Ser. 13 de verbâ—â— Apost Strange kind of answering Gregor 5. moral c. â— Two parts of mortification internall externall Externall mortification in Princes M. Barlow a Deuine for the Court. Apol. pag. 16. M. Barl. foolish shift in answering his Aduersaries obiection about the PersecutioÌ„ vnder Q. Elizabeth Lett. paâ— 18. Let. p. 29. L. Cooke in the book of the late arraignmeÌ„t fâ—l 53. Psal. 143. Barl. p. 78. M. Barlow very forgetfull Temporall felicity no argument of spirituall happines Psal. 72. Hier. 12. Abacuâ— 10. Psalm 77. Bâ—llarm de notis Eccl. cap. 15. A place of Bâ—llarmâ— answered concerning temporall felicity S. August discourse S. Hierome Arnobius S. Basil. S. Chrysostome Theodoret Euthymius Psal. 2. 4. Psa. â— 36.23 Sapien. 4. Prouerb 1. 26. M. Barlâ— moues habens L. Câ—â—â—â— in tâ—e last boâ—ke â—f Arrâ—ignmeÌ„ts pag. 64. A bad definition of Misery by coâ—â—a inoâ—ia Psal. 68. 2. Cor. 1. Syr Edw. Cooke a poore Deuine None soe bold as blind bayard Lett. pag. 29. M. Barlowes weake Philosophy Barlow p. 82. 1. â—eg 31. Eccles. 4. 5. M. Barlow hardly vrged M. Barlowes waÌ„t of Diuinity Strange cases of conscience proposed by M. Barlow Nabuchodonosor more happy then Q. Elizabetâ— Q. Elizabeth her infelicities M. Barlow eueâ— by his owne censure and sentence contemptible M. Barlow followeth not his owne rules â—arlow pag. 96. The vices of wicked Kings recounted after their death in Scripture Letter pag. 35. A monstrous head of the English Protestant Church Barlow pag. 99. Nero and Domitian heads of the Church in M. Barlowes opinion Touching the birth of Queene Elizabeth M. Barl. Babylon Philâ—ra loue-druggs M. Barl. neuer like to be prisoner for religion S. Augusâ—â—â—â—â—o Protâ—staÌ„t Calumnious citations For what cause a maÌ„ may be a Martyr Matth. 5. The Prieâ—â—s that dâ—e â—â—n Q. 〈◊〉 time true Martyâ—s M. Barlows two foolish cases â—arl p. 92. Quodlib pag. 269. 277. M. Barlows trifling M. Barl silence and the cause therof A charitable Bishop Barl. p. 94. Barl. Preface to his sâ—â—mon the fiâ—st sonday in Lent 16â—0 About the making a way his Maiesties Mother Tacitus lâ— 1. Histor. M. Barlow turns his sailes with the wind serues the tyme. Barl. p. 59. Q. Elizabeths purgation about the Q of Scotlands death Hier. 2. 22. About the disastrous death of Q. Elizabeth â—â—5 â—5 The narration of the manner of Q. Elizabeths death In what case we may iudg of other meÌ„s soules after their death 1. Tim. 5. No sin to iudge of men deceased in herâ—sie Cyprian l. 〈…〉 S.