â—am Marti Quam Mercurio The Ho. ble and learned Knight Sr. Walter Raleigh Ro Vaughan sculp REMAINS of S ir Walter Raleigh viz. Maxims of State Advise to his Son his Sons advise to his Father His Sceptick Observation concerning the causes of the Magnificencie and Opulency of Cities His Letters to divers persons of quality With The Prerogative of Parliaments being a Dispute between a Counsellour of State and a Justice of Peace LONDON Printed for William Sheares Iunior in Westminster Hall 1657. MAXIMS OF STATE With Instructions to his SON and the SONS advice to his aged FATHER Whereunto Is added Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander and other Nations Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities inrich and strengthen other Countries against our own By Sir WALTER RALEIGH LONDON Printed for Will. Shears Junior at the Blue Bible in Bedford Street in Covent-garden 1656 The Contents OF Government Page 1 Of Policie 2 Of Monarchie 3 Of Aristocracie or Senatorie State 5 Of Free State or Popular State 6 Of Tyrannie 7 Of Olygarchie or the Government of a few ibid. Of a Common-wealth 8 Of causes of States and Common-wealths in generall 10 Of Founding a State ibid. Of Causes preserving State or Common-wealth 15 Of Mysteries or Sophisms ibid. Of Axioms or Rules of preserving a State 1-9 Rules for preserving of a Kingdom Hereditarie 25 Rules for preserving of a Kingdom Conquered 25 Kingdoms hereditarie are preserved at home by the ordering of a Prince ibid. Kingdoms new gotten or purchased by force are preserved by Rules 10 35 Rules politick of Tyrants 41 Sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny 42 Sophisms of the sophisticall or subtile Tyrant to hold up his State 46 Of preservation of an Aristocracie 53 Of preservation of an Olygarchie by Sophisms ibid. Of preservation of an Olygarchie by Rules ibid. Of Conversion of States in generall 59 Causes of conversions of States are of two sorts Generall and Particular ibid. Particular causes of Conversion of State are of two sorts 60 Of sedition 61 Causes of sedition are of two sorts ibid. Of Alteration without violence 64 A Method how to make use of the Book before in the reading of the storie 67 Old age is not ever unfit for publick Gouernment ibid. Example of the like practice in Charls the Fifth 68 Of observation for the Affirmative and the Negative ibid. Of defence for David in marrying Abishag 70 Politicall Nobility Of Adoâ—ijah aspiring to the Kingdom 71 Observations Of ways of such as aspire to the Kingdom and marks to discern them 73 Politicall Prince 75 The TABLE of the Chapters containd in Sr WALTER RALEIGH'S INSTRUCTIONS to his SON CHAP. Page VIrtuous persons to be made choice of Friends Great care to be had in the choosing of a Wife Wisest men have been abused by flatterers Prâ—vâ—â—e Quarrels to be avoided Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate What sort of servants are most fit to be entertained Brave rags wear soonest out of fashion Riches not to be sought by evil means ibid. What Inconveniences happen to such as delight in Wine Let God be thy protectour and directour in all thy Actions The Sceptick doth neither affirm neither deny any Position but doubteth of it and proposeth his Reason against that which is affirmed or denied to justifie his not Consenting Observations concerning the causes of the Magnificencie and Opulencie of Cities Safetie for defence of the people and their goods in and near a Town Causes that concern the Magnificencie of a Citie That the Seat of Government is upheld by the two great Pillars thereof viz. Civile Justice and Martiall Policie which are framed out of Husbandry Merchandise and Gentry of this Kingdom Sir Raleigh's letter to Mr Secretary Winwood before his Journey to Guiana To his Wife from Guiana To Sir Ralph Winwood To his Wife copied out of his own hand writing To his Wife after Condemnation To King James at his return from Guiana His third Letter to Secretary Winwood His Letter to Prince Henry touching the modell of a Ship His Speech immediately before he was beheaded Sir VValter Raleigh Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander and other Nations Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities inrich and strengthen other Countreys against our own FINIS MAXIMS OF STATE OF GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT is of two sorts 1. P rivate of himself Sobriety Of his Family called Oeconomy 2. Publick of the Common-wealth called Pâ—licy A man must first Govern himself ere he be fit to Govern a Family And his Family e're he be fit to bear the Government in the Common-wealth Of Policie Policie is an Art of Government of a Common-wealth and some part of it according to that State oâ— form of Government wherein it is setled for the publick good State is the frame or set order of Common-wealth or of the Governours that rule the same especially oâ— the chief and Sovereign Governour that commandeth the rest The State of Sovereignty consisteth in five points 1. Making or anulling of Laws 2. Creating and disposing of Magistrates 3. Power over life and death 4. Making of War or Peace 5. Highest or last appeal Where these five are either in one or in more there is the State These five points of State rest either in 1. One Monarchie or Kingdom 2. Some few chief men for virtue and wisdom called an Aristocracie 3. Many called a Free-State or Popular State These three sorts of Government have respect to the common good and therefore are just and Lawfull States These 3. degenerate into 3. other Governments viz. 1. Monarchie into 1. Tyrrannie 2. Aristocracie into 2. Oligarchie 3. Popular state into 3. Common-wealth or Government of all the common and baser sort and therefore called a Common-wealth by an usurped Nick-name These all respect their own and not the publick good and therefore are called Bastard Governments I Monarchie A Monarchie or Kingdom is the Government of a State by one head or chief tending to the common benefit of all Monarchie or Kingdoms are of three sorts touching the right or possession of them viz. 1. Hereditary by descent as the English French c. 2. Elective by suffrage of the other Orders of some of them as the Pâ—loniâ—â— 3. 〈◊〉 or of both kinds viz. descent yet not tied to the next bloud as the ancient Jewish State Monarchies are of two sorts touching their power or Authority viz. 1. Intâ—re Where the whole power of ordering all State matters both peace and war doth by law custâ—â— appertain to the Prince as in the â—â—â—gest Kingdom where the Prince hatâ— power to make Laws League Waâ— To create Magistrates to pardon life Of appeal c. Though to give a contentment to the other degrees thâ—â— have a suffrage in making Laws yâ—â— ever subject to the Princes pleasure nor Negative will 2. 〈◊〉 or restrained that haâ—â— no full power in all the points or matters of State as the
it be not to save thy self thy Prince or Countrey for there is nothing more dishonourable next to Treason it self than to be an Accuser Notwithstanding I would not have thee for any respect loose thy reputation or endure publick disgrace for better it were not to live than to live a coward if the offence proceed not from thy selfe if it do it shall be better to compound it upon good terms than to hazard thy self for if thou overcome thou art vnder the cruelty of the Law if thou art overcome thou art dead or dishonoured If thou therefore contend or discourse in argument let it be with wise and sober men of whom thou mayest learn by reasoning and not with ignorant persons for thou shalt thereby in trust those that will not thank thee and utter what they have learned from thee for their own But if thou know more that other men utter it when it may do thee honour and not in assemblies of ignorant and common persons Speaking much also is a sign of vanity for he that is lavish in words is a niggard in deeds and as Solomon saith The mouth of a wise men is in his heart the heart of a fool is in his mouth because what he knoweth or thinketh he uttereth And by thy words and discourses men will judge thee For as Socrates saith such as thy words are such will thy affections be esteemed and such will thy deeds as thy aâ—â—ctâ—â—â—s and such thy life as thy deeds Therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of what thou maintainest whether touching Religion State or vanity for it thou erie in the first thou shalt be accounted profane if in the second dangerous if in the third indiscreet and foolish He that cannot refrain from much speaking is like a Citie without walls and lesse pains in the world a man cannot take than to hold his tongue therefore if thou observest this rule in all assemblies thou shalt seldom erre restrain thy choller hearken much and speak little for the tongue is the instrument of the greatest good and greatest evil that is done in the world According to Solomon Life and death are in the power of the tongue and as Euripide truly affirmeth Every unbrialed tongue in the end shall find it self unfortunate for in all that ever I observed in the course of worldly things I ever found that mens fortunes are oftner made by their tongues than by their virtues and more mens fortunes overthrown thereby also than by their vices And to conclude all quarrels mischief hatred and destruction ariseth from unadvised speech and in much speech there are many errours out of which thy enemies shall ever take the most dangerous advantage And as thou shalt be happy if thou thy self observe these things so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoid their companies that erre in that kind and not to hearken to Tale-bearers to inquisitive persons and such as busie themselves with other mens estates that creep into houses as spies to learn news which concerns them not for assure thy self such persons are most base and unworthy and I never knew any of them prosper or respected amongst worthy or wise men Take heed also that thou be not found a liar for a lying spirit is hatefull both to God and man A liar is commonly a Coward for he dares not avow truth A liar is trusted of no man he can have no credit neither in publick nor private and if there were no more arguments than thee know that our Lord in S. John saith That it is a vice proper to Satan lying being opposite to the nature of God which consisteth in Truth and the gain of lying is nothing else but not to be trusted of any nor to be believed when we say the truth It is said in the Proverbs That God hateth false lips and he that speaketh lips shall perish Thus thou mayest see and find in all the Books of God how odious and contrary to God a liar is and for the world believe it that it never did any man good except in the extremity of saving life for a liar is of a base unworthy and cowardly spirit CHAP. V. Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate AMongst all other things of the World take care of thy estate which thou shalt ever preserve if thou observe three things First that thou know what thou hast what every thing is worth that thou hast and to see that thou art not wasted by thy Servants and Officers The second is that thou never spend any thing before thou have it for borrowing is the canker and death of every mans estate The third is that thou suffer not thy self to be wounded for other mens faults and scourged for other mens offences which is to be surety for another for thereby millions of men have been beggered and destroyed paying the reckoning of other mens riot and the charge of other mens folly and prodigality if thou smart smart for thine own sins and above all things be not made an Ass to carry the burdens of other men If any friend desire thee to be his surety give him a patt of what thou hast to spare if he press thee farther he is not thy friend at all for friendship rather chooseth harm to it self than offereth it If thou be bound for a stranger thou art a fool if for a merchant thou puttest thy estate to learn to swim if for a Church-man he hath no inheritance if for a Lawyer he will find an evasion by a syllable or word to abuse thee if for a poor man thou must pay it thy self if for a rich man it need not therefore from Suretiship as from a Man slayer or Enchanter bless thy self for the best profit and return wil be this that if thou force him for whom thou art bound to pay it himself he will become thy enemy if thou use to pay it thy self thou wilt be a beggar and believe thy Father in this and print it in thy thought that what virtue soever thou hast be it never so manifold if thou be poor withall thou and thy qualities shall be despised Besides poverty is oft times sent as a curse of God it is a shame amongst men an imprisonment of the mind a vexation of every worthy spirit thou shalt neither help thy self nor others thou shalt drown thee in all thy virtues having no means to shew them thou shalt be a burthen and an Eye-sore to thy friends every man will fear thy company thou shalt be driven basely to beg and depend on others to flatter unworthy men to make dishonest shifts and to conclude poverty provokes a man to do infamous and detested deeds Let no vanity therefore or perswasion draw thee to that worst of wordly miseries If thou be rich it will give thee pleasure in health comfort in sickness keep thy mind and body free save thee from many perils relieve thee in thy elder years
you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son This 22. of March from the Isle of Christophers yours Walter Raleigh Yours Walter Raleigh Post-script I Protest before the Majestie of God That as Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise I could willingly do the like did I not contend against sorrow for your sake in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you If I live to return resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Myne and meant it but after my sons death he made them believe he knew not the way and excused himself upon want of water in the River and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound When he came back I told him he had undone me and that my credit was lost for ever he answered That when any son was lost and that he left me so weak that he resolved not to find me alive he had no reason to enrich a companie of Rascals who after my sons death made no account of him He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible and more impossible to have victuall brought them into the Mountains And it is true that the Governour Diego Poloâ—eqe and other four Captains being slain whereof Wat flew one Plessington Waâ—s servant and John of Morocâ—urs one of his men slew other two I say five of them slain in the enterance of the Town the rest went off in a whole bodie and took more care to defend the passages to their Mynes of which they had three within a League of the Town besides a Myne that was about five miles off than they did of the Town it self Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne but when he came to the banck-side to Land and had two of his men slain outright from the bank and six other hurt and Captain Thornix shot in the head of which wound and the accident thereof he hath pined away those twelve weeks Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne the one the death of my son a second the weaknesse of the English and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned and that I rejected all these his Arguments and told him that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State he shut up himself into his Cabbin and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs and finding that he had not prevailed he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died Thus much I have written to Mr Secretarie to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth I did after the sealing break open the Letter again to let you know in brief the state of that business which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland and Silvanus Scoâ—y For the rest there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was for being commanded upon mine Alleagiance to set down not onely the CouÌ„-trey but the very River by which I was to enter it to name my Ships number men and my Artillerie This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies especially to the Governour Palamago of Guiana Elderado and Trinidado of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 16â—7 at Maâ—rill when I had not yet left the Thames which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretarie I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve and one of the Councels The King also sent a Commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of â—nie Regno de Granado è Portricho with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us If were too long to tell you how we were preserved if I live I shall make it known my brains are broken and I cannot write much I live yet and I told you why Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet ran from me at the Granadoes and Wolleston with him so as I have now but five Ships and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat a sabble of idle Rascals which I know will not spare to wound me but I care not I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done that have slept so little and travelled so much my friends will not believe them and for the rest I care not God in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart Sir Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood SIR SInce the death of Kemish it is contessed by the Serjeant Major and others of his inward friends that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the Riverside but because my son was slain my self unpardoned and not like to live he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King they answered that the King though I were not pardoned had granted my heart under the Great Sea He replyed that the grant to me was to no man non Ens in the Law and therefore of no force this discourse they had which I knew not of till after his death but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne I answered him I would not do it but if my self could satisfie the King and State that he had reason not to open it I should be glad of it but for my part I must avow that he knew it and that he might with loss have done it other excuses I would not frame he told me that he would wait on me presently and give me better satisfaction but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin but I heard a Pistol go over my head and sending to know who shot it word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it his boy going into his Cabbin found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him and looking in his face saw him dead the Pistol being but little did but crack his rib but turning him over found a long Knife in his bodie all but the handle Sir I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert a very valiant honest Gentleman divers unworthy persons good for nothing neither by sea
published that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left in deposito in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time and so to his successours Stephen Langthon who was ever a Traytor to the King produced this Charter and shewed it to the Barons thereby encouraging them to make war against the King Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed but they presented unto the King other articles and orders tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth which when the King refused to signe the Barons presently put themselves into the field and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the King word except he confirmed them they would not desist from making war against him till he had satisfied them therein And in conclusion the King being betrayed of all his Nobility in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta and Charta de Forestis at such time as he was invironed with an Army in the Meadowes of Staynes which harters being procured by force Pope Innocent afterward disavowed and threatned to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Soveraigne Lord which when the Lords refused to obey the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence wherewith having mastered and beaten the Barons they called in Lewes of France a most unnaturall resolution to be their King Neither was Magna Charta a Law in the 19. of Henry the 2d but simply a Charter which hee confirmed in the 21. of his reigne and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littletons opinion Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter which had first an obscure birth from usurpation and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion JUST I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Lawes and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudicial to the King doth not your Honour think it reason they should be observed COUNS. Yes and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit for no man is destroyed but by the Lawes of the land no man disseized of his inheritance but by the Lawes of the land imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty for were it otherwise the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Person or state and being imprisoned yet doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land JUST But may it please your Lordship were not Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins imprisoned being no suspition of Treason there COUNS. They were but it cost them nothing JUST And what got the King by it for in the conclusion besides the murmure of the people Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves and repented them a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences for so much their diet cost his Majesty COUNS. I know who gave the advice sure I am that it was none of mine But thus I say if you consult your memory you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta did not onely imprison but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall JUST My good Lord if you will give me leave to speak freely I say that they are not well advised that perswade the King not to admit the Magna Charta with the former reservations For as the King can never lose a farthing by it as I shall prove anon So except England were as Naples is and kept by Garrisons of another Nation it is impossible for a King of England to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly as by the love of his people For by one rebellion the King hath more losse then by a hundred years observance of Magna Charta For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Roagues and Rebels and to pardon them yea the state of the King the Mouarchie the Nobility have been endangered by them COUNS. Well Sir let that passe why should not our Kings raise mony as the Kings of France do by their letters and Edicts onely for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said that he freed the French Kings of their wardship the French Kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution JUST I will tell you why the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry the Pefants of France have no courage nor armes In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle which the French call Chasteau Villain every good City hath a good Cittadell the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay yea the Nobility of France in whom the strength of France consists doe alwayes assist the King in those leavies because themselves being free they made the same leavies upon ther Tennants But my Lord if you marke it France was never free in effect from civill wars and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves since that freedome of Wardship But my good Lord to leave this digression that wherein I would willingly satisfie your Lordship is that the Kings of England have never received losse by Parliament or prejudice COUNS. No Sir you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our Kings in former times JUST My good Lord to avoid confusion I will make a short repitition of them all then your Lordship may object where you see cause And I doubt not but to give your Lordship satisfaction In the sixt year of Henry the 3d there was no dispute the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him to wit for every Knights fee two marks in silver In the fifth year of that King the Lords demaunded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the Kings Councell for that time present excused alleadging that those priviledges were exhorted by force during the Kings Minoritie and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffes of every Countrey requiring them to certifie what those liberties were and how used and in exchange of the Lords demaund because they pressed him so violently the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his and had held in the time of his Father with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown which at that time the King being provided of forces they durst not deny in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him upon condition to confirme the Great Charter For by reason
Crown the ornaments thereof And it is an infalliable maxime that he that loves not his Majesties estate loves not his person COUNS. How came it then that the act was not executed IUST Because these against whom it was granted perswaded the King to the contrary as the Duke of Ireland Suffolk the chief Iustice Tresilian and others yea that which was lawfully done by the King and the great Councell of the kingdome was by the mastery which Ireland Suffolk and Tresilian had over the Kings affections broken and disavowed Those that devised to relieve the King not by any private invention but by generall Councell were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors and the most honest Iudges of the land enforced to subscribe to that judgement In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk when he was constrained to set his hand plainly told these Lords that he wanted but a rope that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription And in this Councell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King of the Iudges by them constrained of the Lords that loved the King and sought a reformation and of the King himself for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires that the people would not fight against the Lords whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King when the Citizens of London made the same answer being at that time able to arme 50000. men and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends and defenders of the Realme when the Lord Ralph Passet who was near the King told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands pleasure when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings presence that he was not worthy to live c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate lay ambushes to intrap the Lords when they came upon his faith yea when all was pacified and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords and promised to produce Ireland Suffolk and the Archbishop of Yorke Tresiltan and Bramber to answer at the next Parliament these men confest that they durst not appear and when Suffolk fled to Callice and the Duke of Ireland to Chester the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords ranne like a coward from his company and fled into Holland After this was holden a Parliament which was called that wrought wonders In the Eleventh year of this King wherein the fornamed Lords the Duke of Ireland and the rest were condemned and confiscate the Chief Iustice hanged with many others the rest of the Iudges condemned and banisht and a 10. and a 15. given to the King COUNS. But good Sir the King was first besieged in the Tower of London and the Lords came to the Parliament and no man durst contradict them IUST Certainly in raising an army they committed treason and though it appear that they all loved the King for they did him no harm having him in their power yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King not attending the sequell And it is so judged upon good reason for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent And besides those Lords used too great cruelty in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the Kings servants who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord in that he commanded COUNS. It is true and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death seeing the principalls Ireland Suffolk and York had escaped them And what reason had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand was not the Kings estate as dear to himself as to them He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private and gives him the best advice he is discharged before God and his own conscience The Lords might have â—â—tired themselves when they saw they could not prevail and have left the King to his own wayes who had more to lose then they had IUST My Lord the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares and being wholly governed by their enemies and the enemies of the kingdome and because by those evil mens perswasions it was advised how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies But we will passe it over go on with our parliaments that followed whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged saith H. Kinghton his Treasurer his Chancellour the Iustices of either bench the Clerk of the privy seal and others and took the government into his own hands He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s and 6d in the gound upon other Merchandise COUNS. But by your leave the King was restrained this parliament that he might not dispose of but a third part of the money gathered IUST No my Lord by your favour But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands and my Lord it would be a great ease and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes by which he might have 1000l upon every 10000l and save himself a great deale of clamour For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary then to discontent those poor men who being made desperate beggars may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements especially where the necessity of such as are to receive cannot possible give dayes his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for and then dispose the rest at his pleasure And my good Lord
Commissioners which because one of the Aldermen refused to pay he was sent for a souldier into Scotland He had also another great subsedy of six shillings the pound of the Clergy and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the Laity and four shillings the pound upon Lands In the second yeare of Edward the sixt the Parliament gave the King an aid of twelve pence the pound of goods of his Naturall subjects and two shillings the pound of strangers and this to continue for three yeares and by the statute of the second and third of Edward the sixt it may appear the same Parliament did also give a second aid as followeth to wit of every Ewe kept in severall pastures 3d of every weather kept as aforesaid 2d of every sheep kept in the Common 1d ob The House gave the King also 8d the pound of every woollen cloath made for the sale throughout England for three years In the third and fourt of the King by reason of the troublesome gathering of the poly money upon sheep and the tax upon cloath this act of subsedy was repeal'd and other relief given the King and in the seventh yeare he had a subsedy and two fifteens In the first yeare of Queen Mary tunnage and poundage were granted In the second yeare a subsedy was given to King Philip and to the Queen she had also a third subsedy in Annis 4. 5. Eliz. Reg Now my Lord for the Parliaments of the late Queens time in which there was nothing new neither head money nor sheep money nor escuage nor any of these kinds of payments was required but onely the ordinary subsedies and those as easily graunted as demanded I shall not need to trouble your Lordship with any of them neither can I inform your Lordship of all the passages and acts which have passed for they are not extant nor printed COUNS. No it were but time lost to speak of the latter and by those that are already remembred we may judge of the rest for those of the greatest importance are publick But I pray you deal freely with me what you think would be done for his Majesty If he should call a Parliament at this time or what would be required at his Majesties hands IUST The first thing that would be required would be the same that was required by the Commons in the thirteenth yeare of Hen. the eight to wit that if any man of the commons house should speak more largely then of duty he ought to do all such offences to be pardoned and that to be of record COUNS. So might every Companion speak of the King what they list IUST No my Lord the reverence which a Vassall oweth to his Soveraigne is alwaies intended for every speech howsoever it must import the good of the King and his estate and so long it may be easily pardoned otherwise not for in Queen Elizabeths time who gave freedome of speech in all Parliaments when Wentworth made those motions that were but supposed dangerous to the Queens estate he was imprisoned in the Tower notwithstanding the priviledge of the house and there died COUNS. What say you to the Scicilian vespers remembred in the last Parliament IUST I say he repented him heartily that used that speech and indeed besides that it was seditious this example held not The French in Scicily usurped that Kingdome they neither kept law nor faith they took away the inheritance of the Inhabitants they took from them their wives and ravished their daughters committing all other insolencies that could be imagined The Kings Majesty is the Naturall Lord of England his Vassals of Scotland obey the English Laws if they break them they are punished without respect Yea his Majesty put one of his Barons to a shamefull death for being consenting onely to the death of a Common Fencer And which of these ever did or durst commit any outrage in England but to say the truth the opinion of packing the last was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened COUNS. Why sir do you not think it best to compound a Parliament of the Kings servants and others that shall in all obey the Kings desires IUST Certainly no for it hath never succeeded well neither on the kings part nor on the subjects as by the Parliament before-remembred your Lordship may gather for from such a composition do arise all jealousies and all contentions It was practized in elder times to the great trouble of the kingdome and to the losse and ruine of many It was of latter time used by King Henry the eight but every way to his disadvantage When the King leaves himself to his people they assure themselves that they are trusted and beloved of their king and there was never any assembly so barborus as not to answer the love and trust of their King Henry the sixt when his estate was in effect utterly overthrown and utterly impoverished at the humble request of his Treasurer made the same known to the House Or other wise using the Treasurers own words He humbly desired the King to take his Staffe that he might save his wardship COUNS. But you know they will presently be in hand with those impositions which the King hath laid by his own Royall Prerogative IUST Perchance not my Lord but rather with those impositions that have been by some of your Lordships laid upon the King which did not some of your Lordships fear more then you do the impositions laid upon the Subjects you would never disswade his Majesty from a Parliament For no man doubted but that his Majesty was advised to lay those impositions by his Councell and for particular things on which they were laid the advice came from petty fellows though now great ones belonging to the Custome-House Now my Lord what prejudice hath his Majesty his Revenue being kept up if the impositions that were laid by the generall Councell of the Kingdome which takes off all grudging and complaint COUNS. Yea Sir but that which is done by the King with the advice of his private or privy Councell is done by the Kings absolute power IUST And by whose power it is done in parliament but by the Kings absolute power Mistake it not my Lord The three Estates do but advise as the privy Councell doth which advice if the King imbrace it becomes the Kings own Act in the one and the Kings Law in the other for without the Kings acceptation both the publick and private advices be but as empty Egg shels and what doth his Majesty lose if some of those things which concerns the poorer sort to be made free again and the Revenue kept up upon that which is superfluous Is it a losse to the King to be beloved of the Commons If it be revenue which the King seeks is it not better to take it of those that laugh then of those that cry Yea if all be conten to pay upon moderation change of the Species Is it