Saul would not confesse himselfe in a fault Borr. 17. Quest. v. 25. How Saul praieth Samuel to take away his sinne 1. Some read fer porta beare my sinne S. L. V. but neither Samuel nor any other Saint can beare an others sinnes or make satisfaction for them but onely Christ who hath borne our sinnes and healed our infirmities others therefore read remit Chal. forgiue Iun. but neither hath any man power to forgiue sinnes but God onely therefore the best reading is take away for all these significations the word nasha hath that is he desireth to be reconciled vnto God by the Prophet that by his praier and mediation his sinne might be forgiuen which he desireth rather because of the fearefull expectation of the punishment threatned then for the hatred and detestation of his sinne 2. But Saul herein goeth somewhat further then Simon Magus who depended altogether of Peters prayers desiring him to pray for him hauing no heart to pray for himselfe but here Saul desireth the Prophet onely to goe and pray with him he will pray himselfe but he would haue the Prophet also to pray with him 3. And whereas Saul desireth Samuels assistance then present and liuing to pray with him and for him this example doth not giue any warrant that men should flee to any of the Saints that are departed to be reconciled vnto God by them who can not pray with vs beeing absent and not knowing our necessities can not pray for vs. sic fere Pellican 18. Quest. v. 28. How the kingdome is said to be rent from Saul 1. By this present occasion of rending the lappe of Samuels garment he confirmeth Gods former sentence in the reiection of Saul Iun. not that he was now actually deposed for he continued king till his dying day but he was depriued of the right of the kingdome which was translated to Dauid though not presently in his owne person yet in his posteritie and succession and hereby also may be insinuate the violate death of Saul who should as by force be pulled frō the kingdome and it rent from him Pellic. 2. And whereas Dauid is said to be better then he it is not vnderstood of any difference in their nature at all for we are all by nature the children of wrath nor so much in respect of outward workes wherein in some of them Dauid offended more then Saul but this is to be taken both in respect of God of whome Dauid was better accepted and more fauoured and his sinnes pardoned as also of Dauid that he had a more obedient heart wrought in him by grace to doe the will of God and seeke and set forth his glorie whereas Sauls heart was not sound but auerse and estranged from God sic fere Pellican 19. Quest. v. 29. Whether is the better reading The eternitie of Israel or the strength of Israel will not lie 1. The word netzach is by the most here translated victoria fortitudo victorie strength C.B.G.V.P. some referring it vnto God who gaue Israel power and victorie ouer their enemies some to the people that God would not faile them of their former strength 2. But seeing netzach signifieth also eternitie as Psal. 49.20 They shall not see light or liue ghadh netzach in eternū for euer that sense is more fit here because it is more agreeable to the eternitie and constancie of God not to lie or repent then properly an effect of his power 3. Some vnderstand this of the constancie of Gods sentence against Saul that although a man may in his rage threaten and yet after repent him yet it is not so with God he hath said and he will performe Osiand yet it is better referred to both the infallible purpose of God in electing of Dauid as in the reiecting of Saul Iun. 4. And although Gods iudgements are immutable and irrevocable where there is no repentance yet vpon our repentance and submission the Lord is said also to repent him of the euills otherwise determined against vs. Osiand 20. Quest. v. 31. Why Samuel returned with Saul which he had refused before 1. At the first Samuel denied to returne with him v. 26. least he might haue seemed in shewing such facilitie to haue approoued his sinne he did not simply then denie him but said in effect that he would not goe with him yet or at that time Osiand as Christ said Ioh. 7.5 I will not goe vp yet to the feast and yet afterward went 2. Some thinke that because Saul onely required a ciuill honour of Samuel to honour him in the presence of the people that Samuel refused not Osiand but seeing that is saide that Saul worshipped God and Samuel was also present it is not like but that Samuel worshipped God also with Saul as Iosephus well noteth c. 7. lib. 6. de antiquit 3. But yet though Samuel vouchsafed his presence to Saul in prayer he did not pray for the restoring of the kingdome to Saul or for the reuersing of Gods sentence for then he had praied against the will of God but onely he assisteth Saul in his propheticall office according to the will of God Pellican 4. One reason also of Samuels returning might be to see iust execution done vpon Agag the king of Amalek whome Samuel hewed in pieces before the Lord. Borr. 5. This reuerent and respectiue behauiour of Samuel toward Saul sheweth that the ministers of God should yeild outward honour euen vnto euill Magistrates contrarie to the practise of that proud man of sinne that hath disgraced accursed and trampled vpon with his feete good Princes Emperours and Kings the Lords Anointed Osiand 21. Quest. Of Agags behauiour and speech before Samuel 1. Whereas it is said he came mighedanoth daintily or delicately the sense can not be that he came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trembling as afraid of death as Lat. Septuag for it seemeth by his speech that he did not looke for death at Samuels hand a weake old man some make the contrarie sense that he came pleasantly Genevens as contemning death Osiand but rather it is vnderstood that he came delicately apparelled and adorned as a king Vatab. Iun. as fearing nothing lesse then death 2. Concerning his speech the bitternes of death is passed some thinke he spake it as bewailing the bitternes of death which he was like to suffer as saying a bitter death so R. Levi. Iosep. Lat. Septuag some thinke he came confidently as making no account of death Osiand But he rather thought there was now no feare of death but that the danger was ouer seeing he came from a valiant captaine to a weake old man Iun. and the same mercifull and clement beeing the Lords Prophet Pellican 22. Quest. v. 33. Of Samuels hewing Agag in pieces 1. Iosephus saith onely that Samuel commanded him to be slaine in Gilgal but the text is otherwise that Samuel commanded Agag to be brought vnto him who with his owne hands hewed him in pieces 2. This Samuel did beeing
this oath Saul should haue had more iust cause to persecute him whereas now he had no pretext 2. But here this question will be mooued how Dauid kept his oath when as he caused the two sonnes of Rizpah Sauls concubine and the fiue sonnes of his daughter to be hanged because of the Gibeonites 2. Sam. 21. To this the answer is readie that Dauid for his part was so minded as much as in him lay to keepe this oath as may appeare by the punishment which he tooke of them that killed Ishbosheth Sauls sonne but in this oath was to be excepted vnlesse God gaue any speciall commandement to the contrarie as he did in the cause of the Gibeonites for Dauid asked counsell of God and followed the Lords direction in that action Mar. neither did Dauid voluntarily put thē to death but seauen of Sauls sonnes were required by the Gibeonites for oppression of whome the land was punished by famine neither was Sauls posteritie vtterly destroied for Dauid had compassion on Mephibosheth Ionathans sonne CHAP. XXV 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the death of Samuel the time and place 1. THough Saul hated Samuel because he had told him that the Lord had cast him off yet he had no power to hurt him for Samuel was of great authoritie both because he was the Lords Prophet and for that he had beene the Iudge and gouernour of Israel and had gouerned them iustly as also Samuel had giuen vp the politike administration betaken him to a priuate life in the schoole of the Prophets and therefore Saul the lesse regarded him but most of all the Lord kept Saul from doing any violence to Samuel Mar. 2. Seasonable mention is now made of Samuels death because Saul at the length had confessed that Dauid should be king Pellican the authoritie and testimonie of the Prophet was not now so needefull Dauids enemie acknowledging his right 3. Concerning the time of Samuels death Iosephus thinketh that it was in the eighteene yeare of Sauls raigne and that Samuel had iudged Israel 12. years alone lib. 6. c. 14. But this can not stand for Samuel was at the least 20. yeares Iudge alone as it may appeare c. 6.2 and Saul and Samuel had but 40. yeares betweene them Act. 13.21 then if Samuel iudged Israel 20. yeares and died in the 18. yeare of Saul there should remaine yet two yeares of the 40. yeares vnder Saul and Samuel therefore the opinion of some Hebrewes is false that Saul raigned but seauen moneths after Samuels death for after this Dauid soiourned a yeare among the Philistims c. 27.7 ex Pellican see more hereof qu. 2. c. 12. 4. The place where Samuel died and was buried was in his house that is among his familie and kinred in Ramah Osiand 2. Quest. Of the mourning for Samuel and his buriall and generally of funeralls 1. The people had great cause to mourne for Samuel the Lords Prophet and an vpright man and at this time two calamities happened together the death of Samuel so great a Prophet and the exile of Dauid Mar. and not long after Samuels death the Philistims preuailed against Saul when he and his three sonnes died in battell who were kept vnder while Samuel liued it is not like that Saul was either present or mourned for Samuel as he had done for Saul yet he did forbeare in this publike lamentation to pursue Dauid and therefore he taketh this opportunitie to escape to the vtmost parts of the land while they were busied about the buriall of Samuel Iun. 2. There was a very great assembly of all Israel to honour Samuels funerall for the bodies of the Saints are to be interred after a comely sort and according to their deserts while they liued to be brought vnto the ground with honourable solemnitie But here therefore two extreames are to be shunned that neither the bodies of Christians should be neglected and cast away as vncleane as among some heathen which had no opinion of the immortalitie of the soule they made small account of the dead and vnder the Pagane Emperours of Rome they suffered the bodies of Christians to lie vnburied and the like disgrace vnder the idolatrous Popes of Rome therein following the steppes of their predecessours hath beene offered vnto Gods Saints both keeping them from buriall and raking their bones out of their graues whereas the bodies of Christians in hope of the resurrection as the temples of the holy Ghost should with reuerence be commended and committed vnto Christian sepulture 3. The other extreame is in the superfluous and vnnecessarie cost which is bestowed vpon the sepulchres of the dead as the kings of Egypt had their costly Pyramides and Queene Artemisia made for her husband that famous tombe mausoleum famous ouer the world In time of Poperie they shrined them in siluer and cloath of gold and grew to further superstition to adore the reliques of the dead to inuocate them as their patrons whereas no such seruice was done vnder the law vnto Samuel or any of the Prophets neither did Christ or his Apostles euer command any such thing to be done This superstition euen Cicero misliked following onely the instinct and light of naturall reason for thus he writeth 1. Philippic An me censetis P. C. decreturum fuisse vt parentalia cum supplicationibus iungerentur vt inexpiabiles religiones in rempublicam inducerentur vt decernerentur supplicationes mortuorum adduci non possum vt quenquā mortuorum adiungerem cum deorum immortalium religione Doe ye thinke honourable fathers that I would haue decreed that funeralls should be ioyned with supplications that inexpiable religions should be brought into the Common-wealth that the praier to the dead should be decreed I can not be induced to ioyne any of the dead with the religion of the immortall gods Thus much Cicero one of the heathen Romanists our Christened Romanists may be ashamed then of their grosse superstition and wilfull blindnesse herein 4. Beside as they praied not here to Samuel so neither praied they for Samuel for the dead are neither to be praied vnto nor yet praied for We read that the Patriarkes Abraham Isaak Iaakob were mourned for when they died so were the Prophets Moses Samuel with others yet praiers and supplications were made for none of them wherby an other superstition of Poperie is discouered concerning Purgatorie if they answer that there was no Purgatorie before Christ surely there is lesse reason to imagine it after the comming of Christ seeing he by his death is as auaileable to purge our sinnes now as before And as in the sepulture of the Saints of the old Testament no mention is made of any prayer for the dead so neither is there in the new Testament as in the death of Iohn Baptist Stephen Iames. Act. 12. Mart. 3. Quest. v. 2 3. Of Nabal and Abigail his wife 1. Nabal is described by his place of dwelling in Maon who kept his cattell in Carmel
the posteritie of Phinihes beeing vnfaithfull in their office they of Ithamar tooke occasion to vsurpe the Priests place without any such assignment from God 2. Therefore the more probable opinion is that here reference is had to the first election of Aaron and his seede to the Priesthood Exod. 29.9 that his whole seede should haue enioyed that priuiledge but now part of Aarons house such as came of Ithamar for the sinne of Eli his house are cut off 〈…〉 12. Quest. v. 30. Vpon these words but now it shall not be so Here ariseth a great doubt seeing Gods promises are most certaine and his decree immutable how the Lord here is brought in saying and vnsaying againe 1. The answer is that Gods promises some are absolute without any condition as was the promise of the Messiah some are propounded vnto vs conditionally especially the temporal promises made vnto the Israelites depended vpon the condition of their obedience so was the Priesthood promised to this familie of Eli Mar. so now life euerlasting is promised to the faithfull and beleeuers 2. But will some say doth then Gods election depend vpon our workes or beleefe No in no wise for God as he hath promised the reward so also to those whome he purposeth to make heires of his promise he hath likewise ordained the meanes to giue them faith and all other graces to apprehend and lay hold of the promises which are denied vnto those that are depriued of the promises 3. Gods promises then are onely effectuall to those which by a liuely faith doe apprehend them the rest which by their disobedience doe fall off from Gods promises doe not worke any alteration in the purpose of God who foresaw both their disobedience and that his promises belonged not vnto them 13. Quest. v. 27. What man of God it was that was sent vnto Eli. 1. Diuers opinions there are of this matter some thinke it was Elias some an Angel appearing in humane shape some that it was Elkanah or some other of Phinehes race ex Vat. 2. But it is more probable that it was Samuel himselfe who thus speaketh modestly of himselfe so that this is set downe by an anticipation or preuention of the storie which is more fully declared in the next chapter sic Iun. Iosephus The reasons are these because it is saide there was no manifest vision in those daies c. 3. v. 1. that is no prophesie as the Chald. and consequently no Prophet 2. In the next chapter v. 3. relation is made to this commination as beeing in effect all one and the same 3. Samuels vnwillingnes to tell what he had heard and Heli his patient hearing of it in the next chapter shewes that it had not beene told him before 14. Quest. v. 34. Of the signe which the Prophet gaue and generally of signes 1. Because that there were fewe Prophets in those daies there was no manifest vision c. 3.1 it was therefore necessarie that this Prophet should confirme this prophesie by a signe which kind of demonstration by signes of it selfe doth not giue credit and authoritie to the prophesie but as the spirit of God working by the signe as the instrument perswadeth the heart 2. The signe is by the accomplishment of a part of the prophesie to shew the certentie of the rest so because whatsoeuer God hath heretofore promised to his Church is performed as concerning the incarnation passion resurrection ascension of Christ we thereby are assured that God will performe the rest as of the destruction of Antichrist the generall resurrection the day of iudgement 3. Now because signes also may be wrought by the operation of Sathan as the Egyptian sorcerers did and Sathan may sometimes foretell things these differences are to be obserued betweene true and false predictions 1. The signes which the true Prophets gaue did alwaies take effect and neuer failed Sathan sometime speaketh true but more often lyeth 2. the propheticall predictions were propounded manifestly and plainly the oracles of Sathan were doubtfull and ambiguous 3. the propheticall tended to a good ende for the maintenance of true religion the diabolicall to the aduancing of superstition and false religion which is the true marke to discerne true propheticall signes from false Deut. 13.2 Mar. 15. Quest. v. 32. Of the punishment threatned to fall vpon Eli and his posteritie 1. The first iudgement is that the house of God shall be distressed thou shall see the distresse of the habitation of the Lord the Arke beeing taken Iun. the most read thou shall see thine enemie in the habitation of the Lord but that is spoken of afterward v. 35. and it is not like that this great iudgement of taking the Arke should be omitted seeing the Lord saith c. 3.12 he wil bring vpon Eli his house all things which he had spoken and when I beginne I wil make an ende it is like therefore that all which afterward befell Eli his house was before spoken of 2. The second calamitie is that for a long time there should not be an old man left in Eli his house for he and his sonnes dying in one day they left behind them but two yong sonnes Ahitub and Ichabod whereof mention is made c. 14.3 3. The third calamitie is that all the rest of his house should die when they are men which some vnderstand that before they come to be thirtie yeare old fit for the seruice of the Tabernacle they should be taken away by death Osiand But rather here is particular reference to that lamentable accident when Saul put to the sword 85. of the priests which did weare a linen Ephod beeing then men growne of thirtie yeare old at the least all of them were put to the sword sauing Abiathar who liued to see greater sorrow for beside the afflictions of Dauid whereof he was partaker he survived to see himselfe displaced and Zadok put in his place therefore it is said to cause thine eyes to faile Heli in his posteritie grieued to see an other not of their family preferred to the priesthoode the like phrase when one is said to see or faile in his posteritie see 2. Sam. 7. v. 16. where the Lord saith to Dauid thy kingdome shall be established before thee for euer that is in thy posteritie 4. The fourth miserie is the death of his two sonnes Ophni and Phinehas both in one day v. 34. where the rest of the calamities shall take beginning Iun. 5. The fifth the substituting of an other high priest in his place which was performed by Salomon who set Zadock in Abiathars roome 1. king 2. 6. The sixth is the pouertie and bare estate of his posteritie which should humble themselues to the priest for a peece of siluer and a morsell of bread which came to passe afterward when Abiathar was sent to Anathoth to liue of his owne patrimonie which was not sufficient to maintaine him and his without some releefe from the altar Iun. As the sonnes of Eli sinned
since the time of Samuel the Prophet who restored religion beeing then greatly corrupted Mar. CHAP. IIII. 1. Quest. v. 1. How Samuels word came to all Israel There are fowre expositions of these words 1. some thus interpret the word of Samuel was knowne to all Israel C. Pellic and so referre it to the latter ende of the former chapter v. 20. how all Israel knew that faithfull Samuel was the Lords Prophet But here the word knowne is added it is not in the originall 2. Others expound it of Samuels speaking to all Israel that the warre should be vndertaken by the commandement of Samuel sic Vat. Genev. but the Philistims as it appeareth first prouoked the Israelites to battell it would haue somewhat derogated to Samuel at the first if he should haue beene the perswader of such an vnfortunate battell 3. Some then vnderstand it of Samuels admonitions and preachings to the people to draw them to repentance Osiand 4. But this going before the lamentable euent of the battell with the Philistims as a preface vnto it rather signifieth that the word of Samuel came to passe in this manner to all Israel for he had prophesied not onely against Helies house but had shewed that all Israel should tast of the same iudgement their eares should tingle when they heard the heauie newes c. 3.11 And by the euent of these prophesies Samuel got credit and estimation with all Israel Iun. 2. Quest. v. 3. Of the Israelites sending for of the Arke into the campe 1. Their presumption appeareth in commanding as it were the Arke of God to be brought vnto them causing it to be fet without any pompe or due reuerence by the ministerie of the prophane and vngodly priests the sonnes of Heli. Pellic. 2. Further they did it presumptuously in aduenturing thus to doe of their owne head neuer consulting with Samuel nor hauing any such warrant or commaundement from God Osiand 3. Their carnall confidence is manifest in trusting to the Arke of wood hauing God their enemie who as Iosephus saith was greater then the Arke which was to be reuerenced for him they seeke not to amend their manners nor to be reconciled to God by repentance nor to remooue the wicked priests Pellic. Osiand 4. Much like hereunto was the superstitious practise of the Papists who in the time of common calamities as of the pestilence and vnseasonable weather would goe about in procession in the streetes with their pix and the host as though there were vertue in such ceremonies to appease the wrath of God Osiand Mar. And much like also are carnall Christians to these superstitious Israelites who are confident vpon their baptisme and the receiuing of the Eucharist and such other badges of their profession which are but witnesses against them meanes to prouoke the wrath of God the more while they are not answerable to their profession in their life like as the Israelites at the presence of the Ark had a greater ouerthrow then before Borr. 5. Dauid carried an other minde who sent backe the Arke againe to Ierusalem when he fled from Absalom 2. Sam. 15. perswading himselfe that there was more force in true humilitie and repentance then in the sight and presence of any ceremonie whatsoeuer 3. Quest. v. 7. Of the feare of the Philistims 1. This was no true feare of God proceeding of loue but from a seruile minde beeing terrified with the expectation of Gods iudgements such a feare was in Pharaoh and in the Cananites at the comming of the Israelites so the Deuills doe feare also and tremble Bor. 2. These Philistims had no knowledge at all of the true God but a superstitious imagination that he was like vnto their gods and therefore they speake of the onely God as of many calling them gods v. 8. These are the gods that smote the Egyptians because they thēselues worshipped many gods Iun. 3. They as all Idolaters haue no sure confidence in their idols but speake as desperate men not knowing which way to turne them Osiand 4. Quest. v. 8. How it is said which smote the Egyptians with plagues in the wildernesse Whereas the plagues which were laide vpon the Egyptians were sent vpon them in Egypt and not in the desert to remooue this doubt 1. some insert a coniunction copulatiue and in the desert Sept. Vatab. 2. Some doe vnderstand it of the wonders which the Lord wrought for his people in the desert sic Chald. Osiand but then many words must be supplied which are not in the text 3. Some doe giue an other interpretation and would haue midbar here not to signifie the desert but the word for by the word of God in the mouth of Moses were all those plagues brought so is the word taken Cantic 4.3 Thy speech midbar is comely ex Borr. but it is not like that the blind ignorant Philistims had such vnderstanding of the power of Gods word 4. Wherefore hauing made mention of all the plagues wherewith the Egyptians were smitten and forced to let Israel goe as they are declared in Exodus vnto the 11. chap. they adde also in the desert because in the ouerthrow of the Egyptians in the red sea which ioyned to the desert of Etham there was a consummation of all the former plagues Iun. and it was the last and most grieuous plague of all Genev. So that the first solution commeth nearest to the point to vnderstand the plagues wherewith they were smitten partly in Egypt partly in the desert 5. Quest. v. 12. Of the man of Beniamin that came with the heauie tidings and of his behauiour 1. Some of the Hebrewes without any ground doe imagine that this should be Saul that ranne from the battell and had taken out of the Arke the tables of stone ex Pellican But this is not like for then Saul when he was annointed by Samuel should haue beene past a young man as he is there called c. 9.2 which was aboue twentie yeare after this battell as may be gathered c. 7.6 for the Arke abode after this 20. yeres in Kiriathiearim before Sauls electiō to be king D. Kimchi vseth this reason that seeing the Lord strooke Vzzah for touching the Arke Saul could not haue gone vnpunished if he had opened the Arke to take out the Tables of stone It was then some messenger of the tribe of Beniamin some ordinarie person of no great account because he is not expressed by name 2. He vseth two ceremonies to shew his griefe the rending of his garments which argued a minde rent and perplexed with griefe and the earth vpon his head shewed their mortall and casuall state that must goe to the earth againe Borr. see the like Iosh. 7.6 Iun. 6. Quest. v. 18. Of the causes of the suddaine death of Heli. 1. The principall cause was the iustice of God in punishing by this temporall iudgement the negligence of Eli and remissenes in not correcting his sonnes that as he bowed not the
necks of his sonnes to the yoke so his necke as a iust recompense is now bowed and broken Borr. 2. The subordinate cause was the lamentable report of so many calamities which fell out together Israel fled his sonnes slaine and the Arke taken at the which he grieued most of all the messenger maketh no pause at all but vttereth all his heauie newes at once as it were of purpose to oppresse and ouerload him with griefe whereas if he had taken time to tell it by degrees his griefe might haue beene somewhat allaied 3. The instrumentall cause was his falling from his seate which was not a low stoole but an high throne as Iosephus as meete for the person of the high priest and chiefe Iudge so he fell high and he was also very old almost of an hundred yeares and so his bodie was grosse and quarrie and he not nimble to shift for himselfe Vatab. Adde also hereunto that he was very dimme sighted and so could not see which waies to helpe himselfe 7. Quest. v. 18. What is to be thought of Helies case before God 1. Temporall corrections though they be vnto the death of the bodie are not signes that a man is cast off and forsaken of God as Ionathan and Iosias were cut off suddenly in battell yet both of them good men 2. Neither yet is sudden death to be taken alwaies as a forerunner of euerlasting punishment Moses died in his strength and without sicknesse Sampson ended his daies all at once when he pulled downe the house vpon his head and the Philistims sudden death to the children of God is but as the translation of Henoch and Elias which was in a moment therefore Heli is not to be condemned because this iudgement of sudden death fell vpon him 3. But it may rather be gathered that Heli was notwithstanding some infirmities a good man and though he could not escape this temporall punishment which for example sake the Lord had purposed to bring vpon him yet it may safely be thought that he died in the state of grace in respect of euerlasting life 1. This may be gathered by his innocencie and honestie of life who misliked the sinnes of his children as it may appeare by his reprehension of them though it were too milde and fauourable neither doth the Scripture obiect any crime of note vnto him but that of negligence and remissenes toward his children 2. His patience is euident that when Samuel had declared vnto him the purpose of God in iudging his house he meekely made this answer as submitting himselfe to the will of God v. 18. He is the Lord let him doe what seemeth good as comforting himselfe in God though he could not auoid that outward chastisement Osiand Pellican The like patient resolution was in Dauid But if he thus say I haue no delight in thee behold here I am let him doe to me as seemeth good in his eyes 2. Sam. 15.26 3. Further his zeale and loue vnto religion appeareth who tooke more grieuously the losse of the Arke then the death of his sonnes and desired no longer to liue the Arke beeing taken 4. Lastly that saying of Ecclesiasticus may be applied vnto Heli Concerning the Iudges euery one by his name whose heart went not a whoring nor departed from the Lord their memorie be blessed Ecclesiast 46.11 for of this number was Heli one of the Iudges who is not found to haue misled the people vnto Idolatrie or false worship 8. Quest. v. 21. Of the death of Phinehes wife and of her sonne Ichabod 1. This woman grieuing more for the losse of the Arke then reioycing that shee had gained a sonne and for very griefe giuing vp the ghost and making no great account of the death of her father in law and husband in regard of that dishonour which by the taking of the Arke would redound vnto God therein sheweth her zeale and loue vnto religion which her husband wanted Pellican 2. Shee thereupon named her sonne Ichabod which is compounded of two wordes ee which signifieth vae woe Osiand or where Pellican rather it is put for een not or no Iun. the other word is cabadh glorie Ichabod then is where is the glorie or rather no glorie Iosephus thinketh that shee came before her time and that Ichabod was borne at seuen moneths but that is not like because the child liued c. 14.3 but here Samuels prophesie is fulfilled that there should not be an old man left of Helies house 3. This translating of the glorie of God to the Philistims prefigured the oblation of grace to the Gentiles and the remoouing of the glorie of religion from the obstinate Iewes Pellican CHAP. V. 1. Quest. v. 2. Why the Philistims brought the Arke of God into the house of Dagon 1. SOme thinke that the Philistims herein did honour the Arke which the Israelites had prophaned and vsed with small reuerence placing the same in the most honourable place as they thought in the temple of their Idol Dagon therein shewing their error and simplicitie rather then treacherie Pellican 2. But it appeareth rather that they did it in dishonour and disgrace of the Arke as giuing vnto Dagon the honour of the victorie and consecrating it vnto their Idol as one of their chiefe spoiles Bor. Osiand And this is euident by the euent first the casting downe and defacing of their Idol by the hand of God then the plaguing of the people which things came vpon them for the contempt of the Arke 3. Thus in the kingdome of the beast and Antichrist as the Philistims did giue vnto Dagon the honour of the Arke so the Romanists prophane the Sacraments of religion in their temples of Idols Borr. 2. Quest. v. 4. Of these words onely Dagon remained 1. Some read the bodie of Dagon Chald. others the trunk of Dagon L. or stumpe B. G. but none of these wordes are in the originall but onely Dagon remained some read thus onely that which resembled a fish remained Iun. but this expoundeth rather the sense then interpreteth the words 2. This Idol Dagon as appeareth by this description in his vpper parts he was like a man in his nether parts he resembled a fish for dag signifieth a fish and his head and hands beeing cut off onely that which was properly called Dagon representing a fish remained some thinke it was called dagon of the great abundance of wheate and graine in those sea coasts Osiand but the other deriuation is more certaine for whereas the countrey of the Philistims which were the same called of forraine writers Phenicians consisted of merchandise and fishing they to that ende framed their Idol to the similitude partly of a man partly of a fish Borr. 3. Quest. Why the Lord shewed this example vpon the Philistims god 1. Herein the Lord manifestly sheweth that when religion seemeth to be vtterly banished and the true worship of God to be abolished and superstition and impietie to take place that then God
which Saul doth here Shall Ionathan die who hath so mightily deliuered Israel c. 14.45 This mutabilitie in Saul and changeable nature in falling from clemencie to crueltie from pietie to prophanes from a good gouernour to become a tyrant doth shew that these vertues were not throughly grounded in him but onely superficially infused 12. Quest. Whether the Prince may pardon the punishment inflicted by the law 1. As it is a princely part for clemencie to be extended where there is place for fauour so it is acceptable to God and honourable before men for iustice duly to be executed as these reasons doe shewe 1. the Prince beareth not the sword for nought Rom. 13.4 but if malefactours should escape vnpunished what vse should be then of the sword 2. To iustifie the wicked and to condemne the righteous are both an abomination vnto God Prov. 17.15 if it be vnlawfull to condemne the righteous so is it to cleare the wicked 3. he onely hath power to dispense with the punishment who first imposed it but God hath prescribed the punishment for certaine sinnes by him then and the authoritie of his word they must be released 4. where iustice is executed God is pleased as appeareth 2. Sam. 21. when Sauls sonnes were hanged vp for the slaughter of the Gibeonites And where iustice is suspended God is offended as the land was punished with famine in the same place 2. But further to decide this question and not to shut vp all way vnto clemencie here are certaine necessarie considerations to be weighed 1. There is great difference between humane and diuine lawes for in humane as the law receiueth life from the Prince so the punishment is arbitrarie in him to be inflicted or remitted but in the execution of the diuine lawes there is not the like libertie 2. Concerning the diuine lawes these distinctions must be obserued first some are negatiue Thou shalt not kill steale c. which are strictly to be obserued but in the affirmatiue as to put the murtherer to death there is not the like strictnes and necessitie secondly where there is no penaltie ioyned to the law as that they should vse iust waights and measures but the punishment is not prescribed and in such like there was place for fauour thirdly where the penaltie of the law can not be inflicted without greater dammage to the Common-wealth there it may be respited as Dauid put not Ioab to death for slaying Abner and Amasa because he saw he could not do it without great disturbance in the Commonwealth But for the punishment inflicted by the law of God to be vpon partialitie and conniuence released as Dauid suffered Amnon for his incest and Abshalom for murder to goe vnpunished hath no good warrant And though Dauid spared them yet Gods iustice ouertooke them both Mar. Further how farre Moses Iudicials doe now tend see Hexapl. in Exod. in the question before the first chapter 13. Quest. v. 15. How Saul was made King in Gilgal before the Lord. 1. Some thinke it is so saide because of the publike and great solemnitie and generall assembly gathered together as in the presence of the Lord. Osiand 2. Some that there was an altar there built before the which Saul was confirmed king Vatab. 3. Some that the place was holy because there the people were circumcised by Ioshua and there the couenant was renued betweene God and his people Iosh. 5. Pellican 4. Iosephus thinketh that Saul was there againe anointed with the holy oyle but that is not like seeing he had with his owne hand anointed him before Dauid indeed was thrice anointed once by Samuel then by the tribe of Iudah in Hebron 2. Sam. 2.4 and afterward he was anointed king ouer all Israel 2. Sam. 5.3 but he was not againe anointed by Samuel 5. Wherefore it is said before the Lord because the Arke was brought thither at this time Iun. Borr. And as it was before translated to Mizpeh c. 10. so now was it remooued to Gilgal Hieron CHAP. XII 1. Quest. v. 1. Of Samuels purging of himselfe 1. SAmuel thought it fit to cleare himselfe before he dismissed the people least that afterward when the administration of the kingdome should not be altogether answerable vnto the peoples expectation they might alleadge that they were prouoked and vrged by the vniust gouernment vnder Samuel and his sonnes to aske a king therefore he would cleare himselfe and his gouernment before the people Osiand 2. Because they seemed to reioyce in their new elected king with a carnall and immoderate ioy he thought it fit to allay and temper their ioy by calling to remembrance how they had sinned against God in the manner of asking a king Pellican 3. And withall by clearing himselfe of all wrong and oppression done vnto them he doth by the way taxe their ingratitude that were wearie of so good and vpright a Magistrate Borr. 4. Likewise Samuel maketh this Apologie in respect of the new king that it might be a president and patterne for him to follow Pellican 2. Quest. v. 2. Of Samuels age he saith I am old and gray headed 1. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that Samuel exceeded not the age of 52. yeares when he died but that can not be for if Samuel as Iosephus thinketh liued 18 yeares after Saul was king lib. 6. in fine and yet in the beginning of his kingdome was gray headed and had sonnes fit for gouernment then if his whole age were but 52. we must haue Samuel gray headed at 34. yeares and then to haue children fit to beare office 2. Therefore it is more probable that Samuel was at this time 52. yeare old at the least and that he liued more 18. yeares vnder Saul and might be about 70. yeares of age in all Iosephus seemeth to fauour the first opinion for he thinketh that Samuel was but 12. yeare old when the Lord first appeared vnto him c. 3. not long after that Eli died he saith that Samuel iudged Israel 12. yeares alone and 18. yeares with Saul lib. 6. c. 14. all makes but 42. yeares But after Eli his death the Arke was 20. yeares in Kiriathiearim c. 7.2 not long before Saul was made king and whereas immediately after Eli his 40. yeares Samuel and Saul succeeded 40. yeares more Act. 13.21 if this time be deuided and halfe of it giuen to Samuel halfe to Saul Samuel should not be aboue 32. yeare old when Saul was desired to be king but the Scripture saith that Samuel was then become old chap. 8.1 Therfore it is not probable that Samuel was then but twelue yeare old or els we must make a longer space betweene Gods first appearing to Samuel and Eli his death 3. Here then are some things certen some vncerten First it is vncerten how old Samuel was when Eli died secondly it is vncerten how long Samuel and Saul gouerned Israel But it is certen that Samuel and Saul betweene them had but 40. yeares Act. 13.21 as may
cheife shepheard and that he will not become his disciple whose example he neglecteth to imitate Thus it appeareth by the Scripture and by the practise of the Church what necessitie is laid vpon preaching and what curse hangeth ouer them that are negligent in the Lords worke that euery Lords day the spirituall Manna of Gods word should raine downe vpon the people It pitieth my heart therefore that some men should so much forget themselues as to call them Sabbatarians which require this dutie at the Pastours hands to sanctifie the Lords day continually with the preaching of the word of God and further are not afraid to call these positions and the like as that the Lords day must necessarily be kept now of all Christians that it is not lawfull to vse the seauenth day to any other ende but to the holy and sanctified ende to the which the Lord appointed it that we be restrained vpon the Sabbath day from worke both hand and foote as the Iewes were that the Church hath no authoritie to set vp any day like to the Sabbath day these and the like conclusions one is not ashamed to call Sabbatarian errors and impieties more then either Iewish or Popish superstition a new Idol noisome doctrines tending to schisme and sedition yea hereticall assertions Let such an one take heede how he raile vpon Gods ordinance and institution which can not be too much honoured and howsoeuer he may turne his penne in his heat against his brethren let him not oppose himselfe against the sacred institution of God in the Sabbath as he hopeth one day to enioy the euerlasting Sabboth CHAP. XIII 1. Quest. v. 1. How Saul is saide to haue beene one yeere in his kingdome 1. WHereas the words in the originall are Saul the sonne of a yeare in his raigne some doe read thus Saul was the sonne of a yeare when he began to raigne Lat. that is innocent as a child of a yeare old as the Chald. Pellican but this interpretation seemeth to be coact and forced because mention is made of two yeares that he raigned in the next words he should be there expounded also to haue beene as one of two yeere old neither is it true that Saul was or could be so innocent as a child of a yeere old 2. Wherefore others doe referre it vnto the time from his vnction and inauguration that a yeare was expired Vatab. Genevens Osiand but that can not be for as yet the seuen daies were not expired which Samuel set vnto Saul to stay for him in Gilgal v. 8. 3. Some finding this doubt to be very difficult doe thinke that in this place it was expressed how old Saul was when he began to raigne and how long he raigned but that in continuance of time the place was corrupted and changed but giue this libertie thus to answer proposed doubts by imagining the text to be corrupt and it will greatly empaire the credit and authoritie of the Canonicall and authenticall Scriptures 4. Therefore the best solution is that Saul was now in his first yeare while these things were done mentioned in the two former chapters and in this Chimchi Iun. and though in the originall it is said onely the sonne of a yeare neither one nor first is added yet by the correspondencie of the number of two yeares afterward expressed here that word one or first may be well supplied 2. Quest. v. 1. How Saul is said to haue raigned two yeares ouer Israel 1. Some vnderstand it that he raigned but two yeares in all ouer Israel Osiand but the many warres which Saul had with the Philistims and other enemies c. 14.47 and the long persecution of Dauid and the time of Dauids abode in Ziklag which was a yeare and foure moneths c. 27.7 doe make euident proofe that Saul was king aboue two yeares Iosephus also writeth that Saul raigned while Samuel liued 18. yeares and after his death 20. yeares c. 15. lib. 6. de antiqu And S. Paul giueth to Saul and Samuel together 40. yeares Act. 13.21 All this sheweth that Saul raigned more then two yeares 2. Some other expound it thus that Saul raigned two yeares before he tooke vpon him the state of a king Genevens but raigned without any pompe as the Romane Dictatours not yet hauing any garrison or guard of souldiers Pellican but this can not hang together seeing it is said before he had beene a yeare king or was in the first yeare of his kingdome as he raigned the first yeare so he raigned the second if he tooke not vpon him the state of a king for two yeares how it is said he had beene king one yeare beside this busines expressed in this and the next chapter in the choosing of three thousand men and encountring with the Philistims sheweth that he tooke vpon him to be king as likewise in the 11. chap. when he sent a peremptorie message ouer all Israel that they should come forth after Saul Samuel 3. Therefore the meaning is that he raigned two yeares that is lawfully before the Lord reiected him which was vpon his returne from Amalek when he had disobeied the commandement of God c. 15. and immediatly after the Lord commanded Samuel to anoint Dauid king and then the spirit of God departed from Saul so in right he raigned but two yeares then he vsurped the kingdome afterward Vatab. Borr. as it is said c. 14.47 he held the kingdome ouer Israel that is by violence and tyrannie 3. Quest. v. 2. Of Sauls age when he began to raigne Although it be no where expressely set downe how olde Saul was when he began to raigne yet it may be coniectured that he was of good yeares seeing in the first yeare of his raigne he had a sonne namely Ionathan that was able to take vpon him a charge of souldiers as this verse sheweth that a thousand of the garrison which Saul had chosen out were with Ionathan in Gibeah and in the next chapter Ionathan with his armor bearer slew twentie men of the Philistims this sheweth that Ionathan could not be much lesse then twentie yeare old and Saul his father fourtie or thereabout Pellican 4. Quest. v. 3. Of the place where Ionathan smote the garrison of the Philistims 1. Some read Ionathan smote the garrison of the Philistims which was in the hill namely at Kiriathiearim where the Arke was Vatab. Genevens Some thinke it was an hill in the confines and borders of Israel where the Philistims had a garrison Osiand 2. But it is rather taken here for a proper name Ghebah which is the same v. 2. called Gibeah sometime it is named Gibeah of Beniamin v. 15. sometime Gebah of Beniamin v. 16. sic Ar. Pag. Chal. Pellican Iun. Iosephus also saith that this garrison of the Philistims held a castle neare vnto Gabah where Ionathan did discomfite them See before c. 10. quest 5. 5. Quest. v. 5. Of the number of the Philistims that gathered them to battell
shares or mattocks or other instruments which could not be done without new forging of them they went to the Philistims for they had no smiths of their owne and they bought of the Philistims all their yron implements for husbandrie but a file to make a shift to sharpen them they were allowed 3. Thus we see into what seruitude Israel was brought altogether destitute of outward weapons that the glorie of the victorie should onely redound vnto God Genevens 4. Like vnto these Philistims was Iulian the Apostata that denied to the Christians the helpes of the liberall artes that they might be kept in ignorance and Antichrist who tooke from the people the word of God Borr. and Satan goeth about vt pij Ecclesiae ministri è medio tollantur that the godly ministers of the Church should be taken out of the way which should reach out the word of God vnto the people that is put spirituall weapons into their hands whereby they should resist his tentations Osiand 14. Quest. v. 22. How it was true that neither sword nor speare was found among the people The doubt here is because not long before c. 11. they obtained a great victorie against the Ammonites how the people could be without weapons here 1. Chimchi thinketh that they had their old weapons but they made them new 2. Other of the Rabbines thinke that onely they were forbidden the vse of weapons on the hither-side of Iorden toward the Philistims but not on the other side where Iabesh was but where then did Saul get weapons for the 300. thousand they could not finde sufficient in Iabesh 3. Ben Gerson thinketh that there was no yron in Israel and therefore they could haue no weapons but this is contrarie to that blessing which Moses gaue to Asher that his shoulders should be yron and brasse Deut. 33.25 5. Therefore it is like in the battell against Ammon they vsed slings and such other weapons with the which they besieged afterward a citie of Moab and in Deborahs time there was neither sheild nor speare found among fourtie thousand of them Iud. 5.5 Mar. CHAP. XIIII 1. Quest. v. 1. Whether Ionathan offended because he told not his father when he went against the Philistims 1. IN battells ordered by humane militarie discipline it is not fit that any should without consent of the Generall leaue their standing and goe against the enemie for this would bring confusion into the campe and giue aduantage to the enemie and we read in the Romane histories that it was death to breake the order of battell yea Manlius spared not his owne sonne though he had done valiantly against the enemie yet there is an other reason in such battells which are gouerned and directed by God as Ionathan here by the direction of Gods spirit was mooued to set vpon the Philistims Borr. 2. Who also of purpose would not acquaint his father beeing timorous and doubtfull least that by this feare this worthie exploit might haue beene hindred Osiand 2. Quest. v. 4. Of Ahiah the high Priest 1. This Ahiah was also called Ahimelech the sonne of Ahitub chap. 22.20 for it was not 〈◊〉 among the Hebrewes for the same to be called by sundrie names 2. Some read Ahiah the sonne of Ahitub the brother of Ichabod that is which Ahiah was the brother of Ichabod Iun. Vatab. but it is better referred to Ahitub that he was the brother of Ichabod Chald. Sept. Lat. Ar. Pag. for if Ahiah had beene the brother of Ichabod he should haue beene the sonne of Phinehes Ichabods father and not of Ahitub 3. Further it is added the brother of Ichabod the sonne of Phinehes the sonne of Eli the Priest of Iehovah in Shiloh that is which Eli was sometime the Lords Priests in Shiloh sic Lat. Iun. not referring it to Ahia that he was the Lords Priest in Shiloh as the most doe vnderstand and so read as the Chal. Sept. Ar. Pag. Genev. for Shiloh was now destroied and the Arke of God aboad in Ciriathiearim 4. So as yet the high priestood was in the house of Eli the prophesie against his house was not yet fulfilled vntill Salomōs time the sentence of God though it be for a time suspended yet in the ende shall most surely take place Pellic. 5. This mentioning of Ahiah will helpe vs to vnderstand that place c. 7.2 of the twentie yeares remaining of the Arke in Kiriathiearim that it is to be taken of the time which went before the election of Saul and that act of the Prophet there declared in calling the people to repentance for Ahiah could not be high Priest vnder 25. yeare old now in the beginning of Sauls raigne vnder those yeares he was not but it is likely he was much aboue for Abiathar his sonne not many yeares after this ministred in the Priests office c. 23.9 This Ahiah was nephew vnto Ichabod borne at the death of Eli c. 4.21 who was then vnborne or very young then it must be needs aboue twentie yeares between the death of Eli and the election of Saul Further hence it may be coniectured that Samuel could not be so young as some Hebrewes imagine not elder then 52. yeares when he died for he knew all these high Priests first Eli and vnder him Phinehes his sonne then Ahitub after him Ahiah and after him Abiathar that fled vnto Dauid all these to haue beene high Priests is euident in the storie onely Ahitub excepted who must haue executed the high Priests office after Eli and Phinehes death or els it was vacant and from him it descended vnto Ahiah his sonne 3. Quest. v. 7. Whether Ionathan doubted of Gods assistance saying It may be Iehovah will worke for vs. It is euident both by Ionathans confident aduenture and by his godly cōfession in the words following that the Lord can saue with few as with many that he doubted not of good successe but thus he saith 1. to shew the difficultie of the enterprise in it selfe and to stirre vp his seruant also to haue confidence in God and repose their trust in him as Caleb vpon the like occasion when he enterprised to take Hebron saide If so be the Lord wil be with me to driue them out Iosh. 14.12 Iun. 2. And this speech is vttered by Ionathan magis orantis quā trepidantis affectu rather with a deuout then doubtfull affection praying for good successe rather then fearing Pellic. 3. Yet because we haue not such absolute assurance of spirituall things as temporall he thus speaketh as beeing readie if the Lords pleasure were so to aduenture his life in the quarrell of Gods people Osiand 4. Quest. v. 10. Of the signe which Ionathan taketh of good successe from the answer of the Philistims 1. This obseruation of Ionathan of the answer and speech of the Philistims is farre vnlike that superstitious coniecture which Dagons priests made by the going of the kine which carried the Arke chap. 6. for there is great difference between
seruants and said I haue seene a sonne of Ishai Iunius thinketh that this might be Ionathan who had the first notice of Dauid but then it seemeth he should not haue beene called one of Sauls seruants or young men and beside it may be gathered chap. 18.1 that Ionathan had then onely the first sight and knowledge of Dauid when his heart was knitt vnto him It was rather as it should seeme some of Sauls ordinarie followers and seruants that gaue this intelligence of Dauid 2. And further whereas Iunius thinketh that Dauid was knowne now to be a warrelike man by that exploit which he did against Goliath which storie following in the next chapter he taketh to be set out of place and to haue beene done before this it is not necessarie so to applie these words which rather may haue relation to his more then warrelike feates in slaying the lyon and the beare which might be done before this Gods spirit beginning to worke in him 3. Gods prouidence herein appeareth in bringing Dauid to Sauls court that he might be acquainted with the affaires of estate before he tooke vpon him the kingdome Borr. as also that Dauids patience humilitie wisedome might be diuersly exercised and tried that first he might be humbled and afterward exalted Genevens CHAP. XVII 1. Quest. v. 4. Why Goliath is called habenaim betweene two 1. THe most Interpreters vnderstand it to be so spoken because he came betweene the two armies A.P.V. supplying the word armies but because he is said to come forth from the Philistims campe it should seeme superfluous to adde betweene the two armies as also for the same reason the Chalde reading from betweene them seemeth not to be so proper because he is saide also to come forth from the armie of the Philistims 2. But the Latine translatour readeth spurius a bastard without any shew of reason or ground 3. Some thinke it to be spoken of his great stature that he was as bigge as two Pellican but the description of his great stature followeth afterward 4. Therefore I rather approoue Iunius reading that he is called habenaim that is duellator because he challenged any hand to hand that the combate might be betweene two as his challenge is set out and proclaimed v. 8 9 10. Giue me a man that we may fight together so the Sept. giue the sense reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mightie man a champion for the word benaim beeing of the masculine gender can not agree with machanoth armies or campes beeing of the feminine and the article set before habenaim noteth some speciall description of the man 2. Quest. v. 4. Of Goliaths stature 1. Whereas it is saide in the text that he was sixe cubits and an hand breadth high that is counting after the common cubit three yards and an hand high Iosephus is deceiued that maketh him but foure cubits high and an hand breadth lib. 6. de antiquit c. 10. 2. It is like seeing this Goliath was of Gath that he was of the generation of the Anakims who beeing expelled out of Israel yet remained in Azzah Gath and Ashdod Iosh. 11.22 Osiand 3. As his bodie was huge and vast so was his armour his brigandine or brestplate called kashkashim of the similitude of fish skales weighed fiue thousand shekels of brasse which counting after the common shekel which was halfe an ounce amounteth to an 156. pound 4. ounces and his speare head weighing sixe hundred shekels maketh 18.3 quarters Genevens wherein appeareth the great strength of this gyant whose armour and weapons if all of them were reckoned weighed not lesse then 200. pound waight more then any other could beare yet he was able to walke vp and downe with it and to weild himselfe and his armour yet this armour of proofe could not defend him frō the stone out of Dauids sling for there is no strength nor counsell against God 3. Quest. v. 6. Whether it were Goliaths sheild which he caried betweene his shoulders or what other part of his armour it was 1. The most doe here read a sheild of brasse betweene his shoulders A.P.L.S.B.G. but his sheild was borne before him by his armour bearer v. 7. as captaines haue their pages that beare their targets and the word chidon Iosh. 8.18 is by Montan. and Pagnin in that place translated a speare not a sheild 2. Some thinke that it was the hinder part of the helmet which hung downe betweene the shoulders and couered them as a sheild Vatab. but that part of the helmet which commeth out vseth to be before for safegard of the face which if it were turned behinde would be combersome 3. Iunius calleth it humerale a shoulder piece but the same word Iosh. 8.18 and Ierem. 6.23 he taketh for a speare and whereas v. 45. Dauid saith to Goliath thou commest to me with a speare and chidon if it had beene the shoulder piece that was not in Dauids sight he would rather haue spoken of his brigandine or brestplate that was before him and in his view 4. Therefore I rather preferre the reading of the Chal. which calleth it a speare or iauelin of brasse both because the word is so taken Iosh. 8.18 where Ioshua lift vp his speare for a signe Iob 41.19 where it is said that the Leuiathan of the sea laugheth at the shaking of chidon the speare Iosephus also saith he carried his speare betweene his shoulders It seemeth therefore that he had both a speare or launce in the one hand and a iauelin or trunchin of brasse which he caried betweene his shoulders with the other 4. Quest. v. 8. Why Goliath saith Am not I a Philistim 1. Ionathas Syrus thinketh that this Goliath was that Philistim which had before killed Eli his sonnes and taken the Arke and therefore he saith in a vaunting manner Am not I that Philistim but that exploit seemeth to haue beene done to long before almost fourtie yeares considering also that the brother of this Goliath was slaine by one of Dauids worthies toward the ende of Dauids raigne 2. Sam. 21.19 which was very neare eightie yeres from the death of Eli his sonnes 2. The most read Am not I a Philistim but it had beene no great matter for him to be a Philistim the Israelites had no cause to be afraid of euery ordinarie Philistim 3. Therefore Vatablus readeth well Am not I Pelisteus ille that Philistim and as the Chalde interpreteth Am not I Goliath the Philistim that is that famous Philistim which hath done so many great exploits among them Vntab 5. Quest. v. 10. Of Goliaths chalenge that prouoked Israel to fight hand to hand This kind of chalenge is much displeasing vnto God as proceeding of pride and tending vnto mischiefe 1. which vse of putting the triall of the common cause vpon the hazard of two or some few was taken vp first among the Gentiles as the Romanes and the Albani did set out each of them three champions that by their aduenture the generall
by rockes and caues and such other places as he is reprooued afterward by the Prophet Gad v. 5. Iun. 3. Some thinke that at this time Dauid made these two Psalmes 57. and 142. as the title sheweth Osiand But these Psalmes seeme rather to haue beene indited when he was in the caue or hold of Engedi 1. Sam. 24.1 Iun. Mar. for the title of the 57. Psalme sheweth that Dauid when he was in that caue fled from Saul but at this time he did not directly flee from Saul but came from the Philistims countrey 4. Iosephus saith that Dauid sent from this place to his father brethren shewing where he was which might very well be because they came vnto him for otherwise they could not haue found him out Saul for hatred vnto Dauid beganne to deale hardly with his kinred and therefore in disdaine he called him the sonne of Ishai herein Dauid sheweth his dutifull affection vnto his parents that he was carefull to prouide for them in the middes of his affliction Mar. 2. Quest. v. 2. Whether Dauid did well in receiuing those vnto him which fledde away for debt 1. It may well be that all those which came flocking to Dauid to the number of 4. hundreth came not all with a sincere minde as acknowledging Dauid to be the Lords anointed for Dauid himselfe suspected them as he saith vnto them 1. Chron. 12.17 that if they came peaceably vnto him his heart should be knit vnto them but if they came to betray him to his aduersaries God would behold and rebuke it Iosephus also saith that some came rerum nouarum cupidi beeing desirous of chaunge and nouelties But if any such came vnto Dauid vpon any sinister pretense it made not Dauids cause the worse our Sauiour had one Iudas among his Apostles and some followed him onely to see his miracles and now many hypocrites seeme to professe the Gospel yet is not the cause and profession it selfe thereby disgraced Martyr 2. But howsoeuer some of them might come rather to seeke their owne then Dauids wealth yet their cause was good in generall they were not such a band of ruffians and rakehels as wicked Ahimelech hired to kill his seuentie brethren Iud. 9. but such as were oppressed and wronged and perplexed in minde and vnder the extortioners hand the most read cui erat creditor he that had a creditor and was endebted which some excuse thus that these indebted could not obtaine their right and so fell into other mens daunger or beeing in debt if they had possessions and lands those might satisfie their creditors if they had nothing their owne tenuitie and poore estate might excuse them Mar. But the word nosheh of nasha signifieth also an oppressour extortionour and such persons endebted are vnderstood which were vnder the extortioner and vsurers hand Iun. that were cruelly handled and extorted vpon for their debts 3. Herein Dauid was a type of Christ who called vnto him all those which were heauie laden with the burden of their sinnes promising to ease them Borr. Osiand 3. Quest. v. 3. Of Mizpeh in Moab whether Dauid went and where he left his parents 1. Beside this Mizpeh in Moab there were fowre places beside of that name as is shewed before qu. 7. in chap. 7. it was also called Malle that is a fort 1. Macchab. 5.26 as Iunius readeth there following Iosephus 2. Dauid commended his father and mother to the king of Moab some thinke because he was allied by the mothers side by Ruth to the Moabites but that kinred was somewhat too auncient others thinke that Moab became Sauls enemie since the ouerthrow at Iabesh Gilead by Saul but that was the king of the Ammonites not of the Moabites some Hebrewes thinke that this king of Moab did put Dauids parents to death ex Pellic. but that is not like for it is saide they dwelt with the king of Moab that is was honourably entertained as Iosephus saith the reason why this king fauoured Dauid was for that Saul was his enemie as appeareth c. 14.48 which was the cause also that Dauid afterward found entertainment likewise among the Philistims chap. 27. Iun. 4. Quest. v. 5. Of the Prophet Gads comming to Dauid 1. This Gad was the same Prophet that came to Dauid after he had numbred the people and offered him three choices 2. Sam. 23. of him mention is made also 1. Chron. 21. and 2. Chron. 29. it seemeth that Dauid vsed to consult with this Prophet to be directed by him and to be informed of the Lords wil Mar. wherein the Lords mercie appeareth to Dauid that leaueth him not in the middes of his affliction destitute of the word of God Osiand whereas Saul yet flourishing in authoritie and wealth was forsaken of God Mar. 2. Some thinke that this hold which Gad aduiseth Dauid to leaue was not farre from the caue in Adullam Osiand but the text sheweth it to be otherwise for the caue of Adullam was in the tribe of Iudah and now Dauid was not in Iudah but in Moab in the hold of Mizpeh 3. After Dauids returne into the land of Iudah Saul began more eagerly to persecute Dauid and to be incensed against the Priests and this fell out after the counsell of the Prophet but Gods word was not the cause of that cruel murder but it was an occasion whereby Sauls malice and hypocrisie was discouered Mart. 5. Quest. Of the vse and necessitie of Prophets in times past God saw it needfull vnder the law to sustaine his Church with Prophesies and continually to send them Prophets for their instruction and strengthening vntill the Messiah came which calling of the Prophets the Lord seeth not to be necessarie now as then for these reasons 1. The Church of God was to be nourished in the hope and expectation of the Messiah by the reuiuing of prophesies but now Messiah is exhibited to his Church 2. The visible Church of God then was limited vnto one nation vnto whome Prophets might be sent whereas now the Church is dispersed ouer the world 3. The people of Israel beeing then the visible Church and so hated and enuied of the whole world in that respect had neede of Prophets to be encouraged by them 4. Beside the Iewes were curious and inquisitiue of things to come and therefore to stay them from running to Soothsayers and wizzards the Lord sent them Prophets to resolue them 5. They had then onely the fiue bookes of Moses first and afterward the Prophets and till the Scriptures were full a supplie was to be made by Prophets for after the books of the Prophets were written and added to Moses after Malachies time they had no more Prophets much lesse now the new Testament beeing ioyned to the old to make the Scriptures complete hath the Church of God the like neede of Prophets Mart. 6. Quest. v. 6. Of the place where Saul called his seruants together 1. Some read thus Saul remained in Gibeah vnder a tree in
15.49 the cities of the Ierahmeelites c. 27.10 the Kenites also dwelt with the children of Iudah Iud. 1.26 Hormah belonged to Iudah Iud. 1.17 and Hebron and Char-ashan was in the tribe of Simeon called Hashan Iosh. 14.4 but the Simeonites had that inheritance among the tribe of Iudah 4. It is not like that Dauid would forget to send a present to the place where the Arke of God was to shew his thankefulnesse vnto God CHAP. XXXI 1. Quest. v. 1 2. Of the ouerthrow of the Israelites in generall 1. IOsephus writeth that the same day Saul was slaine in mount Gilboa when Dauid triumphed against the Amalekites where we see the diuers successe of those that trust in God as Dauid did and such as vse vnlawfull meanes as Saul did that consulted with a witch Mar. 2. Whereas all the people fled it was a signe that the wrath of God was vpon them as this is reckoned among the iudgements which God would lay vpon his people for their sinnes they should flee before their enemies Leuit. 26. Mart. and it is often seene that the people are punished vnder an euill magistrate as beeing accessarie to his sinnes Osiand for they conspired with Saul against Dauid neither did any of them finde fault with the cruell slaughter of the innocent Priests Mar. 3. Saul is reserued in the battell vntill the last and greatest extremitie when he saw all the people discomfited and his sonnes slaine before him that his sorrow thereby falling vpon him by the iust iudgement of God might be encreased Mart. 2. Quest. v. 2. Of the death of Sauls sonnes and specially of Ionathan 1. Here are onely three sonnes of Saul mentioned to haue died in this battell Ishbosheth was not present either because he was no warriour or for that he was left at home to be ouerseer of the familie Mar. 2. All these three doe die together with their father not bearing his punishment or suffering for their fathers sinne they had sinnes of their owne which Gods iudgements might worke vpon which it pleased God should concurre with the punishment of their father that euill parents might be warned who by their wickednes doe bring Gods iudgements vpon themselues and their posteritie 3. But concerning Ionathan his lamentable ende beeing a good man deserueth more compassion which is thus farre to be considered 1. that Ionathan beeing a good man howsoeuer he ended his daies could not die euill 2. God no doubt turned this temporall death of Ionathan to his euerlasting glorie 3. God might foresee that if Ionathan had remained his heart might haue changed toward Dauid and therfore the Lord taketh him away wherein Gods iudgements though secret and hid to vs are most iust Martyr 3. Quest. v. 4. Whether Saul can be excused or iustified for killing himselfe 1. Some thinke that Saul did this of a valiant minde and therein did choose rather thus to die then that God should receiue any dishonour by his death and Pellicane doubteth not to say that Saul taking a sword and killing himselfe animam in manus Domini commendavit did commend his soule into the hands of God sacrificium se Domino obtulit and offered vp himselfe a sacrifice vnto God here also the example of Sampson is alleadged that brought destruction vpon himselfe Contra. 1. They which kill themselues doe it of a cowardly rather then valiant minde for if they could with patience beare and indure their troubles they would not hasten their owne death 2. Saul herein respected more his owne dishonour then Gods for he giueth this reason least the vncircumcised should come and thrust him through and mock him Bor. 3. Neither could this be a sacrifice vnto God beeing not offered in faith for Saul immediately before had shewed his infidelitie in seeking vnto a witch 4. The exāple of Sampson is farre vnlike for the spirit of God came vpon him but the euill spirit was vpon Saul Sampson in zeale intēded the destructiō of Gods enemies not directly his own but as willing to giue vp his life for the glorie of God in the confusion of his enemies but all things were vnlike in Saul he principally intended his owne death was not therein reuenged vpon Gods enemies neither died in Gods quarrell but to redeeme his owne shame 2. Therefore the sounder opinion is that Saul died in despaire and so killed himselfe and this his desperate death may seeme to be a forerunner of euerlasting destruction Osiand And that this act of Sauls was vnlawfull it is euident 1. Cor. 11.14 where it is saide Because he asked counsell of a familiar spirit and asked not of the Lord the Lord slue him that is the Lord so disposed that by the ministerie of Satan working vpon the malice of Sauls heart he was slaine by his owne hands 3. Herein Gods iustice appeareth that as Sauls sword was turned against the innocent Priests in putting them to death and against Dauid whome he vniustly persecuted so now he himselfe should fall vpon the edge thereof he first spake to his harnesse bearer to thrust him through whome the Hebrewes take to be Doeg that fell vpon the Priests but it is like if it had beene that murderous wretch he would no more haue stopped at it then he had done in killing the Priests the like example is found in the Romane stories of M. Antonius that would haue had his armour bearer called Eras to kill him but he first fell vpon his owne sword ex Martyr 4. Quest. Whether it be lawfull for one vpon any occasion to kill himselfe 1. Many reasons may be alleadged to shew the vnlawfulnes of this fact for any to lay violent hands vpon themselues 1. The Scriptures doe directly condemne it it is forbidden in that commandement Thou shalt not kill for he that killeth himselfe sheddeth his owne blood and therfore is a murtherer for if it be vnlawfull for one man to kill an other much more is it to take away his owne life seeing euery man is nearest himselfe and it is more vnnaturall for one to shedde his owne blood then an others 2. Our life is the gift of God therefore it cannot be cast away without great impietie 3. None of the Saints in their greatest miserie thought of any such way to rid themselues out of trouble as Ioseph Dauid Iob. 4. Our Sauiour biddeth his Apostles to escape trouble to flee from one citie to an other he neuer opened any gappe vnto such enterprises 5. Plato vsed this reason that as souldiers doe commit a capitall offence leauing their station without commandement from the generall so neither should a man put himselfe out of Gods seruice in this life to the which he is called Aristotle addeth further that it is not lawfull to take out of the way a citizen without the warrant of the law and the consent of the magistrate so neither should a man displace himselfe beeing a citizen and inhabitant in this great commonwealth of the world without
the will of the highest and supreame Iudge Therefore Hierome well saith speaking in the person of God Non recipio tales animas quae me nolente exierunt è corpore I will not receiue those soules which against my will goe out of their bodies 6. The Athenians had a law that they which killed thēselues should confiscate all their goods and not be buried in the fields of Athens But the Romane lawes somewhat mitigated the penalties of those which killed themselues decreeing that if he that killed himselfe were not guiltie of any other crime his fact should not hurt his successours and posteritie Diocles. l. 9. tit 2. leg 12. and such other lawes there are diuers to the same effect And the reason why the Romanes gaue greater libertie vnto this sinne then the Athenians may seeme to be this because they had so many famous persons that had killed themselues whome they were loath to count infamous or condemne whose examples shall presently be brought forth ex Martyr 2. Now diuers examples out of forren stories are alleadged to iustifie this vnlawful act As among the Philosophers Cleanthes Empedocles Zeno and some write Aristotle also cut off their owne liues the like did Brutus Cassius Cato Demosthenes Lucretia so did Sampson and Razis 2. Macchab 14. Ionas also bid the mariners cast him into the Sea Ion. 1.12 diuers holy women to saue their chastitie as Pelagia the virgine whome Ambrose commendeth and a chast matrone whome Maxentius would haue rauished killed her selfe making as though she attired and prepared her selfe to come forth Euseb. lib. 8. c. 15. Contra. 1. Concerning the examples of the heathen they doe not much mooue vs for their actions proceeding not of faith howsoeuer glorious they seemed to be were not accepted Some of them killed themselues thorough impatience as not beeing able to endure the reproach and shame with they feared as Lucretia because shee was defloured and Cato Vticensis for that Cesar preuailed and yet he bid his sonne promise himselfe all good of Cesars clemencie Some of them but not many of that minde did shorten their daies for the desire of immortalitie as Cleombrotus Ambraciata but this was a preposterous and presumptuous desire in them to hasten to immortalitie without the calling of the eternall and immortall God whose gift it was 2. Concerning the examples obiected out of Scripture as of Sampson we haue seene before quest 3. Razis is alleadged out of an Apocryphal booke which is not of canonicall authoritie in the same booke 2. Macchab. 12.42 Iudas Macchabeus is commended for sacrificing for certaine idolaters after they were dead who hauing idols found about them died apparently in the state of impenitencie for such the Papists themselues forbid praier to be made As for Ionas he had the spirit of prophesie and that act of his was propheticall and therefore not to be imitated 3. And of those which killed themselues to preserue their chastitie this charitable iudgement is to be giuen that though the act which they committed was vnlawfull how good so euer the occasion and intention seemed to be for we must not doe euill that good may come thereof yet God might giue them the sight of their sinne before their soule departed and so they repenting of it it was not imputed vnto them And here Augustines resolution is sound Non veneramur eos nomine martyrum qui sibi collum ligaverunt We doe not reuerence those as Martyrs which haue knetched or throtled their owne necke sic fere Martyr The conclusion then is that it is not lawfull for any vpon what occasion so euer to take away their owne life as wicked Abimelech caused his page to thrust him through and treacherous Iudas hanged himselfe But euery man must waite patiently vpon the Creator till he shall call againe into his hands the soules and spirits of men which he sent vnto their bodies 5. Quest. Whether Saul is to be held a reprobate and so euerlastingly condemned 1. Some doubt not to affirme that Saul commended his soule into Gods hands and obediently submitting himselfe vnto Gods iustice which inflicted this punishment vpon him Hanc domini iustitiam vbi amplexatus est post primam temporalemque mortem in secundam atque aeternam incidere non potuit while he embraced this iustice of God after the first and temporall death he could not fall into the second and euerlasting death Pellican Contra. 1. But Saul yeilded not himselfe of an obedient minde vnto the punishment foretold for diabolicall predictions worke not obedience but rather diffidence but of a desperate minde forced by Gods iustice did cast himselfe headlong into present danger 2. Neither is the first death though it be neuer so fearefull and terrible an exemption from euerlasting death for the disobedient in Noahs time died in the flood and yet afterwards were in the prison of hell 1. Pet. 3.19 2. Some therefore doubt not to affirme that Saul post foedam mortem abiectus est in perpetuos inferorum cruciatus after a filthie death was cast into the perpetuall paines of hell Osiand But seeing the Scripture doth not directly speake of his euerlasting reprobation but of his temporall reiection from the kingdome we are not hastily herein to precipitate our sentence 3. Wherfore the safer way is to leaue Saul vnto the iudgement of God and not without the warrant of the Scripture to giue any sentence of his condēnation And yet by the whol course of the historie by Sauls wilfull transgressions his disobedience to the Prophet in not staying his comming falsifying of the Lords word in sparing of Agag the king of Amalek in putting to death the innocent Priests in persecuting Dauid and breaking his oath and faith there giuen vnto him in consulting with a witch and lastly in his desperate ende it is euident that more arguments may be gathered of Sauls condemnation then of his saluation yet because nothing is expressely set downe touching his state with God it is better so to leaue it sic fere Martyr 6. Quest. v. 9. Of the Philistims rage toward Saul beeing dead 1. Like as Dauid cut off Goliaths head and carried it about in triumph so now the Philistims cut off Sauls head and reioyce in this victorie and conquest such is the mutabilitie and chaunge of these earthly accidents which are sometime vp sometime downe 2. Further the Philistims are more cruell in this battel then they were when the Arke was taken in Eli his time when Ophni and Phinehes were slaine for then they did not so rage vpon the bodies of the dead the reason is because they had since that time receiued many discomfitures by the hand of Samuel Saul and Dauid by which meanes their hatred was more exasperate 3. They laide vp Sauls armour in the house of Ashtaroth and his head in the house of Dagon 1. Chron. 11.10 giuing the glorie of this victorie vnto their filthie Idols and so robbing the true God of
the sacrifice might be in Ishai his house it is not necessarie to imagine that the sacrifice also was there offered Thirdly Samuel biddeth them not to the sacrifice it selfe but to the feast after the sacrifice as the Chalde translateth and Iosephus expoundeth which is called the sacrifice because the feast was made of the remainder of the peace offerings and eucharisticall sacrifices 2. Therefore their opinion seemeth more probable which thinke that Samuel pretended to offer sacrifice 1. because it is added I am come to doe sacrifice to the Lord which phrase sheweth that it was a sacred and religious act 2. they are bidden also to sanctifie themselues as by washing of their bodies and raiment and by taking heede that they touch no vncleane thing according to the law Osiand 3. it had beene no sufficient excuse for so graue a Prophet to say he went to keepe a feast 4. neither had it beene necessarie for him to carie a bullocke with him to that ende but to sacrifice with it was fittest to take a bullocke which was seperated before and sequestred to that ende 5. beside the religious vse practise of the Prophet sheweth as much whose custome was to begin the waightie and graue affaires of the kingdome with sacrifice as he did at the first designement of Saul to be King c. 9. and at his solemne inauguration c. 11. Pellican 3. Quest. v. 2. Whether Samuel dissembled in saying he was come to sacrifice Three things doe excuse or rather iustifie Samuels act herein 1. In respect of the author of this counsell which was God who commandeth not sinne to be done neither is the author of any euill Samuel therefore no more lied beeing bidden thus to say by the Lord then he can be saide to commit murther whome the Lord biddeth to kill 2. The ende is to be considered it is vnlawfull to lie or dissemble of malice to the hurt of our brother but this semblance here vsed by Samuel brought no such inconuenience with it none receiued any hurt by it Osiand 3. But most of all the manner of this action doth make Samuels excuse lawfull for he telleth no vntruth but onely concealeth some part of the truth for indeede he sacrificed but that was not the chiefe nor onely end of his comming and thus in great and waightie affaires to conceale somewhat and not to vtter all it is prouidencie not hypocrisie Pellican So the Prophet Ieremie beeing asked by the Princes what communication he had with the King onely telleth them that he had entreated him that he might not returne to Iehonathans house to die there but the rest of the conference he vttered not Ier. 38.27 4. Quest. v. 4. Why the Elders of the citie were astonished at Samuels comming 1. Some read onely that the Elders were gathered together at Samuels comming Chal. and Iosephus to the same ende magno hominum comitatu salutatus est he was saluted by a great companie of men but the words following shew that they were afraid in saying commest thou peaceably and the word charad signifieth to tremble to be mooued or astonished 2. They were astonished by reason of the place because Samuel vsed not to come thither Genevens or of the time he came at an extraordinarie vnwoonted season Pellic and the occasion might trouble them they might feare least some grieuous sinne had beene committed among thē and that the Prophet was sent of God to be the minister of some great iudgement or punishment Vatab. 5. Quest. Of Samuels error in taking Eliab the eldest sonne of Ishai to be the Lords anointed 1. Samuel in saying the Lords anointed is before him meaneth that he was chosen and approoued of God to be anointed king Iun. as that which a mā loueth he casteth his eie vpon that which he hateth he turneth his eyes from Borr. 2. But herein Samuel speaketh vnaduisedly of himselfe without Gods warrant as Nathan did to Dauid when he encouraged him to build God an house 2. Sam. 7.3 Iun. 3. Samuel looked to the outward stature lineaments and proportion of his bodie which indeede are comely ornaments in Magistrates and gouernours but the inward parts and gifts of the minde are more to be respected vnto the which the Lord looketh and not to the outward man Osiand 4. And Samuel had experience alreadie of a king in the outward comelines and stature of the bodie exceeding all others and none in Israel to be compared with him yet God was not pleased with him neither were the inwards parts of his mind answerable to the outward shew no more were Eliabs as may appeare by his vnkinde and vncourteous cariage toward Dauid c. 17.28 6. Quest. v. 10. Of the number of Ishai his sonnes 1. Iosephus thinketh that Ishai had onely seauen sonnes sixe beside Dauid and he to be the seauenth and nameth all the seauen much according to the names set downe 2. Chr. 2.15 which are these Eliab called also Elihu 1. Chr. 27.18 Abinadab whome Iosephus calleth Aminadab Shammah called also Shimmah 1. Chr. 2.13 Nathaneel Raddai whom Iosephus calleth Rael and Ozem with Iosephus Asam these sixe are said to be Ishai his sonnes and Dauid the seauenth 1. Chron. 2. 2. But whereas here seauen of his sonnes were brought before Samuel before Dauid came and c. 16.12 Ishai is saide directly to haue eight sonnes to reconcile this doubt the eight is supposed to haue beene one of the elder brothers sonnes it may be Ionadab the sonne of Shammah whereof mention is made 2. Sam. 13.3 for in the Hebrew phrase nephewes were called sonnes Iun. 7. Quest. v. 12. Of Dauids ruddie or red colour whether it were of his haire or of his face 1. Some thinke that his haire was of red colour both in his head and beard Pellican as the Latine also readeth rufus red and Iunius which properly is referred to the haire Iosephus thinketh he was of yellow colour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of fire colour as the Septuag all these seeme to vnderstand this description of his red colour of his haire 2. But I rather thinke that he was of a ruddie countenance as B.G. translate rubeus A.P. or rubicundus Osiand that is ruddie or reddish my reasons are these 1. because Dauid is here described to be a comely person as these two are ioyned together c. 17.42 He was ruddie and of a comely face but the rednes of the haire belonged not to his comelines especially seeing that in those countries the blackish curled haire was had in more price as appeareth by Salomons description Cantic 5.11 Vatab. 2. the word here vsed admoni of edom red or ruddie is referred to the ruddines of the bodie Lament 4.7 the Nazarites are described to be white as milke and ruddie bodied as the precious stones which two colours of whitenes and ruddines withall doe make a perfect hue 8. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids age when he was anointed King 1. Iosephus making Saul to raigne 20. yeaaes after
Samuels death lib. 6. c. 15. in fine must needes suppose Dauid at this time not to be aboue 10. yeare old nor yet so much for Samuel could not liue lesse then two yeares after this as may appeare by the turbulent affaires that fell out betweene this time and Samuels death c. 25.1 and Dauid was but thirtie yeare old after Sauls death when he began to raigne in Hebron 2. Sam. 5.6 But it is not like that Dauid at eight or ten yeare old could doe such exploits as the killing of the Lyon and beare which immediatly followed and the subduing of Goliah and not long after this he receiued the sword of Goliah of the high Priest to vse as his weapon which sheweth that he was both of strength and stature he was also the kings sonne in law before Samuel died c. 22.14 2. Therefore I thinke their opinion more probable that take Dauid at this time to haue beene about 23. yeares old Pellican and so would haue as many yeares betweene Dauids first anoynting by Samuel and his second anoynting by the men of Iudah in Hebron 1. Sam. 2. as were from that his second anointing in Hebron to his third anointing by the men of Israel ouer all Israel 2. Sam. 5.7 that is about seuen yeares In which space all those troubles which fell betweene Saul and Dauid with his exile and banishment might well be compassed his age because it is not set downe cannot be precisely gathered but vpon the former reasons it is like he exceeded twentie yeares 9. Quest. v. 13. Whether Dauid were anointed before his brethren 1. Some thinke that he was not and whereas it is saide in the text that Samuel anointed him in the middes of his brethren they expound it thus that he anointed one among the brethren Vatab. that is the last of all the brethren Pellican But beside that the phrase more properly giueth this sense that in the middes of his brethren that is in their presence and before them Dauid was anointed so the Septuag translate bekereb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the middes and the Chald. inter among so much is gathered also out of the text that all the brethren sate downe together at the feast as Iosephus also obserueth as Samuel had said vers 11. We will not sit downe till he come hither 2. Iosephus further saith that Samuel hauing placed Dauid next vnto him at the table he should round him in the eare that God had appointed him to be King and forthwith powred the anointing oyle vpon him but seeing he was anointed before his brethren whereby Dauids brethren perceiued what the Prophet intended to what ende should he haue concealed the words And further seeing the Israelites when they anointed Dauid king could repeate the wordes which Samuel vsed at his first anointing which were these The Lord hath said to thee thou shalt feede my people Israel and thou shalt be a captaine ouer Israel 2. Sam. 5.2 it is like these wordes were not whispered in Dauids eare for howe then should they come to the notice of all Israel 3. Wherefore some thinke it more probable that Samuel both spak vnto him in the audience of his brethren anointed him in their sight yet they might not greatly regard it nor thinke the Prophet did it seriously but contemned it as appeareth by Eliabs vnkinde entertainment of Dauid in the campe after this c. 17.28 Like as Iosephs brethren regarded not his dreames but Iaakob onely laide them to his heart neither would the Pharisies and Iewes acknowledge Christ of whome Dauid was a type for their Messiah and King Osiand 4. Now then whereas some thinke that Dauid was not so much as anointed before his brethren but before they sate downe Chimch some that he was anointed before them but they knewe not what was done Ioseph I take the way betweene both that they sawe Dauid to be anointed before them but vnderstood nothing concerning the kingdome for then Eliab would not haue carried himselfe so insolently against him afterward chap. 17. but when they heard Dauid to sing propheticall songs they might thinke that he was anointed to be a Prophet but that Dauid knew himselfe nothing concerning the kingdome it hath no shew for the word of promise was annexed to the outward signe of his anointing those words which Samuel spake to Dauid might afterward be published by Samuel or Dauid himselfe And if all Dauids brethren had beene acquainted with this secret it could not haue beene kept from Saul seeing as it appeareth by Eliab they were enuious against Dauid Mart. 10. Quest. v. 13. Of the spirit of God that came vpon Dauid after his anointing 1. By the spirit we vnderstand the excellent graces and gifts of the spirit which now Dauid was endued with and made fit for the kingdome and Saul thereof depriued beeing reiected from the kingdom as the gift of fortitude and magnanimitie Vatab. whereby he feared not to encounter with a lyon and a beare 2. He had the gift of prophesie Ioseph whereby he beganne to endite and sing diuine Psalmes and hymnes to the praise of God Osiand 3. The blessing of God was with Dauid and his spirit assisted him quâ omnia foeliciter ageret whereby he did all things happily Bor. prouidently prosperously for so the word tzalach signifieth to prosper Ar. and to come vpon 4. Beside the spirit of God came in a further degree vpon Dauid then it rested vpon Saul for it framed Dauids heart to obedience vnto the will of God Pellican and it wrought in him true sanctification which Saul had not but onely receiued for the time certaine heroicall gifts and temporarie graces of the spirit 11. Quest. v. 14. Of the euill spirit of the Lord that was sent vpon Saul 1. Some thinke it is called the euill spirit of the Lord because God also was the creator of them yet not as they are euill Vatab. but whereas two phrases are here vsed an euill spirit from the Lord and an euill spirit of God the meaning appeareth to be that it is called the euill spirit of God because it was sent of God 2. Some here speake of permission that God suffered the euill spirit to come vpon Saul to vexe him Vatab. but the phrase from the Lord importeth more then permission 3. Some doe here vse a distinction that both the good spirit and the euill spirit are sent of God and haue their power and commission from him but with this difference that the things which the good spirits of God worke are of themselues pleasing and acceptable vnto God but the things which the euill spirit enterpriseth are not of themselues to Gods liking as they are wrought by Sathan but as they make for the manifestation of Gods will and the reuelation of his iust iudgement in which respect they are said to be sent of God Borr. so that the very wicked and euill spirits are at Gods commandement to execute his will Genevens 4.