Whisperers of their own Inclinations and because they see nothing at the present spring up they forget that the Roots grow undiscern'd And no Questioâ—â— the King in that Conjuncture of Time thought every Cloud dispers'd and pursued all those fatal ways that mistaken Flattery cou'd guide him in But a particular Accident made way for a general and fatal Revolution The Duke of Hereford one day discoursing with the Duke of Norfolk complain'd how much the King was misguided by mean and base Counsellors such as fought their own private Interest and not the publick Good and fear'd that the King following such Councels would so lose the Hearts of his People that it might prove dangerous to him Assuring him that no private displeasure urg'd him to say this but meerly his love to his King and Country and therefore desir'd the Duke being one of the King's Cabinet-Council to lay these things before him which might prove of ill Consequence if continued The Duke of Norfolk seemed not to dislike what had been said but so represented it to the King that he turn'd it rather to an Accusation than a Counsel The King that could not endure to hear unpleasant Truths and at that Instant looking upon himself as above the mean Consideration of publick Notions so resented the boldness of the Duke of Hereford that he summon'd him to answer this that now became his Charge before the Council where the Duke confirmed his Information which was deny'd by the Duke of Hereford owning all that he had said but the Duke of Norfolk maintaining the Accusation the Combat was demanded and assented to and the day appointed by the King At which time both the Dukes appear'd arm'd and being just ready to be engag'd they were stopt by the King and Banishment pronounced against both the Dukes The Duke of Norfolk dyed suddenly after at Venice having enjoy'd no great Benefit by those Violences he so precipitately engaged in A little after dyed John of of Gaunt Father to the Duke of Hereford and fourth Son of Edward the Third after whose death the Dutchy of Lancaster fell to this Dukes being his eldest Son. But the King in his deceiv'd opinion of Power and Security acted the most probale means to shake both seizing all the Duke's New-descended Estate into his own hands and endeavour'd to make his Banishment perpetual Revoking all his Letters Patents to prevent the suing out the Livery for those Lands during his Banishment If this be well consider'd 't is impossible a King should do it purely from his own advice First he enrag'd a Person that could only be a considerable Enemy his Popularity gave him an Interest in Power and his Descent from a King the Pretence to use it This could be no Motive from right Reason to urge the King to do such an imprudent Injustice he was above the Temptation of a private Estate but his Ministers were tempted by it following the usual Methods of their Counsels by no Considerations but Revenge and Interest as if their Safeties were grounded upon nothing so much as their Princes Hazard and their Advantages upon his Prejudice As the Testimony of the prevalency of these Counsellors the King left all the Business to them and gave himself up wholly to Sloth and Pleasure The imitation spread into Luxury and Effeminacy and the King thought it was the Testimony of Arbitrary Power to live uncontrolled to such a loose Condition all Power but this shadow of it was exercis'd by his Ministers who now depress'd all Persons of either Courage or Honour A Valiant Man was counted dangerous and a Wise Man Mutinous and every one was made perceive that 't was easier to prosper by following their Princes Humour than to pursue his Interest and Honour The Ministers being grown into Absolute power thought of nothing but how to satisfie their greedy Ambitions They pretended to get all for the King the sure way to convey it to themselves And indeed his Gifts were so large to them that they brought him into more wants than ever the Wars of his brave Ancestors could reduce them to and us'd more unjust Inventions to supply his private use than they needed publick Assistances to support the Interest and Honour of it But Edward the First and Edward the Third had a less Burthen and Charge to support They had a Kingdom and no Favourites the first was not capable to satisfie the latter For at this time without any publick occasion strange ways were us'd to levy Money sometimes Pole-money was exacted of every Religious Person and Secular Priest sometimes sums were drawn from the People under the name of Benevolence sometimes Money borrow'd by Privy Seals Then Commissioners sent to all Sheriffs and Corporations declaring the King 's High Displeasure for the kindness they testified to the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick and for this affection shew'd to the King's Enemies his Pardon was to be obtain'd by heavy Fines or rather Taxes laid upon them The Commons were bound by new-invented Oaths to perform what they engag'd to and black Charters Sealed and Deliver'd to the King's use whereby their Liberty might be as well taken away as their Properties had been By such Counsels as these the Subjects were turn'd to Slaves and made waiters upon any Opportunities to shake off their Fetters The King made believe he govern'd most when he had none to Govern For Slaves are not in the Business of Mankind their Thoughts are fix'd upon Revenge and Freedom and like distemper'd Men seldom return to their former Composures The first occasion that prov'd this true was a Rebellion that broke out in Ireland the opportunity of which Diversion favour'd the Earl of Northumberland to gather Forces in the North. And others of the Nobility and People weary of their Oppressions resolv'd in the King's absence to attempt some relief and fixt upon the Duke of Hereford as the proper Instrument to act by His Banishment that the King design'd to make perpetual was the Cause of that mischief which he believ'd he should prevent by it He now became the Center to which all other Discontents tended to whom now resorted many of his former Friends and others whom Oppression now made so Among these the Archbishop of Canterbury was the Chief who in Speech to the Duke of Hereford laid open their Grievances and Desires summing up all the Mischiefs and Misfortunes of an unsteady Government the Contempt it spread abroad and Oppression at home not Slaves to their Prince but to his Favourites and that Peace under their Extortions was more chargeable than War The Expence of their Riots and Ambitions needed more Projects and Taxes to maintain them than the Defence and Support of the Government it self requir'd By their Cruelties most of the Nobility were destroyed and the Commonalty wasted concluding with imploring the Duke to pity the Oppression of his Countrey and to animate those that were ready to redeem themselves from Slavery by
and Lord Treasurer but the City to shew their good will to the Queen among the many Testimonies she received gave a bloody one of their Devotion to her increasing Success and struck off the Bishop's Head and seiz'd the Tower of London killing many in their Fury and acting those Lawless Cruelties that they before Condem'd These strange Revolutions evidently shew'd the various Powers of Adversity and Prosperity how it depresses some below themselves and lifts up others beyond their Reason and Consciences The Queen that had been before the repairer of her Husband's Errors now makes use of them to her Husband's ruin She that us'd to bring Peace to heal those Wounds Ill Councels had made brought War now to make them wider and whilst she Condemn'd those Diseases that made the Nation sick she made Rebellion the Cure. But success as it was us'd to do made her not only act worse than her self but worse than those she had so Condemn'd At first she only declared against the Favourites and perhaps then only design'd their ruins but she ought not with the loss of her own Vertue to try to Cure what the want of it in others had caused But had not the rapidness of her Good Fortune hurried her so fast from her self she might have discern'd she was expos'd upon so violent a Stream as wou'd carry her by its own Force and not by her Direction and others at last wou'd use that Power which in such Cases as these are is seldom retain'd long by the Raisers of it Mighty Causes that bring Disorders like Temples raise up things first and toss up unthought of Ruines upon them and a Succession of mischief lasts till the Storm ceases No Age but this afforded these Examples and yet we see it not powerful enough to teach those who would be safe in Vertue not to hazard being Corrupted by Power violently obtain'd The Queen now with still encreasing Forces pursues her flying King and Husband and from Oxford marches to Glocester and from thence to Bristol where the King had put the Earl of Arundel and Spencer the Father to defend the Place which was fortified as well as the time wou'd give them leave But this Place quickly yielded to that success which seem'd to deny all hopes to the King 's declining Condition Spencer was there taken and executed with all the Rigour that Revenge and Conquest cou'd invent and with as much Contempt of Law as he and his Son had formerly shewed They Condemn'd him without any Tryal and prevented his natural Determination which cou'd not have been long being then Fourscore years old Proclamation was about this time made That if the King wou'd come in and conform himself to the Laws and Government he should be restor'd by the General Consent of the People But the King either durst not or his Favourite Spencer durst not let him trust this Declaration Such Ministers made desperate hold their King the safer the more sinking their Condition is and rather chose that the Hazard of their Prince may save them than their Ruin save their Prince Though perhaps in his Prosperous Condition they flatter'd him that their Lives and Fortunes shou'd be always Sacrifices for him But 't is equally strange that Princes in great Power and Prosperity shou'd with pleasure believe Flatterers and that those Interested Flatterers should hope to be believed it shews a fatal Weakness in the one and loose Designs in the other Those also that put forth this Proclamation to call the King to his own Government did perhaps as little desire he shou'd embrace it For this was but once done and seem'd a thing rather us'd to covâ—â— what was intended than a clear intention in it self For the eager pursuit of the King was still continued who as some say seeking to Land in Lundy was driven by Tempest into Wales and in the Abby of Nethe in Glamorganshire lay some time conceal'd From Hereford the Queen divided part of her Army under the Command of Henry Earl of Lancaster into Wales in pursuit of the King who by the means of one Ryce ap Powel who was well acquainted in the Country took the King in a Monastery This Earl of Lancaster was Brother to him that was beheaded at Pomfret and seem'd to shew a Powerful pursuit of Blood to bring the King into the Mercy of a Family where he had shew'd so little Others say that the King and and the younger Spencer were in the Castle of Bristol when it was besieged from whence fearing the Event he with the younger Spencer stole away by night and endeavouring to escape by Sea his Boat was beaten back and trying to put out again it was discover'd by the Lord Beaumont who chas'd them with a small Vessel and took the King and Spencer in it However they all agree that Spencer was taken with him as if the King must always appear inseparably from the Cause of his Misfortunes The Earl of Arundel that was taken at Bristol with others were beheaded at the Instance of Mortimer who now Govern'd the Queen's Affections and Affairs This Earl of Arundell was generally allowed a brave Character and seem'd to be Guilty of no Fault but Loyalty to an unfortunate King unless his Relation to the younger Spencer who marryed his Daughter The same thing that creates a prosperous Interest in one Condition brings Ruine in another or else it seem'd improbable that so brave a Gentleman shou'd dye like a Traytor only for being Loyal The younger Spencer was carryed along only to Grace the Queen's marching Triumph and as the chief Cause of her taking Arms he was render'd as Contemptible a Spectacle as was possible and expos'd in a fitting Posture to increase the Storms and Reproaches that use to attend such miserable Objects And perhaps some were mingled in the Crowd that had formerly in his prosperous Greatness saluted him with fawning Acclamations At last he was eased of all his Sufferings though by a Death as full of Torments as cou'd be imagin'd which yet he endur'd with much seeming calmness perhaps wearied with so much shame and misery he might be willing any way to find an undisturbed Quietness A Parliament was presently called where it was agreed the King shou'd be Depos'd and his Son placed in his Throne who hearing of it refus'd such an untimely Succession without the Consent and Resignation of his Father Commissioners were immediately Deputed consisting of Lords and Bishops to go to the King But before they came the ready Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln had pressed the King to yield to the powerful Decrees of the Nation and added â—no question specious Petences how well he shou'd be provided for and live more happily than the various Cares of a Crown wou'd ever permit him Yet mingled Threatnings That if he refus'd quietly to resign to his Son the Fury of the Incens'd Nation wou'd not only Destroy Him but perhaps his Posterity The King seem'd quietly to submit and
their Friends Others were Masters of Them not They of Themselves and they that resisted were always more fortunate than they that submitted Edward I. and Edward III. in their greatest Hazards required none to attempt more than they did in their own Persons and in the greatest Prosperity and Safety they prescrib'd no more Virtue and Temperance than they gave Examples for Edward and Richard II. in Danger depended on others to attempt for them and in Prosperity they gave no Rules of Virtue but suffer'd the Vices of others to be their Examples Edward I. and Edward III. knew how to gain Power and how to use it They made the best Laws that might have attempted the easiest to break them Edward and Richard II. knew little how to get Power and less how to use it Chance sometimes brought it and their giddy Favourites lost it They never seem'd inclin'd to make good Laws and were always contriving to violate those that were made Edw I. and Edw. III. knew how to gain and how to preserve by the Love and Confidence they rais'd in their Subjects hearts the first they requited and never abused the last Edward and Richard II. shew'd little skill how to gain and as little how to preserve They were advised to the mistaken Policy of neglecting Love and to the Folly of abusing Trust. Edward I. and Edward III. had great Taxes and Supplies which in themselves might appear very large but would not seem so vast when compar'd with their Victories The Conquest of Wales Scotland and France will not seem such light Victories to be obtain'd with small Assistance but what the Nation gave was justly bestowed for what it was given and faithfully laid out for their Honour and Interest Edward and Richard II. had great Supplies but made no Purchase with them of Honour or Interest What others bestowed for the publick Glory they gave away to their private Favourites and wanted more to supply their Avarice and Ambitions than the others did to enlarge the Nations Glory The private Conquests the Favourites made over these Princes were more chargeable than the Victories the others obtain'd over Nations Edward I. and Edward III. not only returned Security and Benefit for their Subjects Gifts by Conquests Abroad but by excellent Laws at Home What Edward I. began well Edward III. gave perfection to nor were these brave Princes more just in making good Laws than severe in the due execution of them and never shewed so much severity as against those that abused the Trust of Justice as if they were more offended at the Enemies of Mankind than at their own Edward and Richard II. returned nothing to their Subjects for what they gave neither by the Bravery of Arms to crush the Greatness of their Enemies nor by the Virtue of good Laws to increase the Prosperity of the People They seem'd not fitted in Themselves to attempt the first and too much influenc'd by Favourites to incline to the last They feared the Greatness of their Subjects more than their Enemies and shewed they would rather have Conquer'd at Home than Abroad as if they would choose to make their own People Slaves rather than Others They apprehended the Effect of good Laws and were most pleased with those that debauch'd the Trust of Justice and the Judges esteemed most Loyal that were readily wicked those were the greatest Favourites that the People most hated the greatest Enemies to Men were reputed the best Friends to them Edward I. and Edward III. mingled their Interests with their Subjects and never refused to hear the Wrongs of those that assisted them to revenge their Injuries on others They were equally Valiant and equally Successful and both died uncheck'd by Fortune only Edward I. dy'd himself and Edward III. outliv'd himself But the Death of his glorious Son the Black Prince join'd with the weight of Old Age might justly make that Sun set clouded Edward and Richard II. divided their Interests from their Subjects and their complaint of Grievances rather procur'd Punishment than Redress They thought their Peoples Good was inconsistent with their Power and to be sensible of Oppression was Rebellious They were alike in their Tempers and equally Successful and in the midst of the greatest smiles of Fortune both alike forsaken by Her But Richard II. in the last wretched Scene of his Life had the opportunity of shewing some Testimonies that he sprung from the Black Prince and had not liv'd more unhappily than he dy'd bravely The First he ow'd to his Favourites the Last to Himself FINIS