nor other beasts Their Emperors Dukes other of their nobles doe abound with silk gold siluer and precious stones Their victuals are al things that may be eaten for we saw some of them eat lice They drinke milke in great quantitie but especially mares milke if they haue it They seeth Mill also in water making it so thinne that they may drinke thereof Euery one of them drinkes off a cupfull or two in a morning and sometime they eate nought else all the day long But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to eate and they drinke the broath thereof Howbeit in summer time when they haue mares milke enough they seldome eate flesh vnles perhaps it be giuen them or they take some beast or bird in hunting Of their manners both good and bad Chap. 5. THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie and partly detestable For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world For they doe highly reuerence them and will deceiue them neither in wordes nor deedes They seldome or neuer fall out among themselues and as for fightings or brawlings wounds or manslaughters they neuer happen among them There are neither theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres If any beast goe astray the finder thereof either lets it goe or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it and without any difficultie receiueth it againe One of them honoureth another exceedingly and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them They are also very hardie and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full In riding they endure much cold and and extreme heat There be in a maner no contentions among them and although they vse commonly to be drunken yet doe they not quarell in their drunkennes Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him as much as conueniently he can Their women are chaste neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words But towards other people the said Tartars be most insolent and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and and ignoble persons whatsoeuer For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia the kings sonne of Georgia and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and estimation among them So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vnto them were they neuer so base would alwaies goe before them and take the vpper hand of them yea and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other people and beyond all measure deceitfull and treacherous towards them They speake fayre in the beginning but in conclusion they sting like scorpions For craftie they are and full of falshood circumuenting all men whom they are able by their sleights Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man they keepe it wonderfully secrete so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe nor find a remedie against their conspiracies They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke and in other actions Drunkennes is honourable among them and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe They are most intollerable exacters most couetous possessours and most nigardly giuers The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them Of their lawes and customes Chap 6. MOreouer they haue this law or custome that whatsoeuer man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery they are punished with death A virgine likewise that hath committed fornication they stay together with her mate Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft is put to death without all pitie Also if any man disclose their secrets especially in time of warre he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado layd on by a tall fellow In like sort when any inferiours offend inought they finde no fauour at their superiours handes but are punished with grieuous stripes They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall yea euen to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother daughter and sister by the mothers side For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely and also the wife of their father after his decease The yonger brother also or some other of his kindred is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased For at the time of our aboad in the countrey a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas was accused before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land and for selling them to others and although it could not be prooued yet was he put to death His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this came made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased brothers wife and the woman also to take him vnto her husband according to the custome of the Tartars She answered that she had rather die then so haynously transgresse the law Howbeit hee deliuered her vnto him although they both refused as much as they could Wherefore carying them to bed they constrained the youth lamenting and weeping to lie downe and commit incest with his brothers wife To be short after the death of their husbands the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in mariage They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes one lawfully begotten called Melich but the other Dauid borne in adulterie at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne Hereupon Melich vnto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother because it was gouerned before time by women went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him Nowe both of them comming to the court and proffering large giftes the sonne of the harlot made suite that he might haue iustice according to the custome of the Tartars Well sentence passed against Melich that Dauid being his elder brother should haue superioritie ouer him and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues each
round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood so by this meanes with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her she is quickly dead and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping in such wise that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it I haue seene many burnt in this maner because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning and when there dieth any great man his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copulation burne themselues together with him Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order that the man being dead hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre and setting him as it were vpright then commeth his wife before him on her knees casting her armes about his necke with imbracing and clasping him vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them and when the wall is as high as their neckes there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her then when she is dead the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads and so they lie buried both together Besides these there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them of which I haue no desire to write I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands For in those dayes before this law was made the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them would presently poison their husbands and take other men and now by reason of this law thâ—y are more faithfull vnto their husbands and count their liues as deare as their owne because that after his death her owne followeth presently In the yeere of our Lord God 1567 for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had in that their City was sacked by the foure kings the king with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger called Penegonde Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezeneger is the place where they get Diamants I was not there but it was tolde me that it is a grâ—at place compassed with a wall and that they sâ—ll the earth within the wall for so much a squadron and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king it is many yeeres agone since they got any there for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome The first cause of this trouble was because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King and by this meanes there are many kings and great diuision in that kingdome and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed yet the houses stand still but empty and there is dwelling in them nothing as is reported but Tygers and other wilde beasts The circuit of this city is foure twentie miles about and within the walles are certeine mountaines The houses stand walled with earth and plaine all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren and the Pagodes which are idole houses these are made with lime and fine marble I haue seene many kings Courts and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger I say for the order of his palace for it hath nine gates or ports First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge there are fiue great ports or gates these are kept with Captaines and souldiers then within these there are foure lesser gates which are kept with Porters Without the first gate there is a little porch where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers that keepeth watch and ward night and day and within that another with the like guard where thorow they come to a very faire Court and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first with the like guard and within that another Court And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters which gates stand open the greatest part of the night because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse and make their feasts in the night rather then by day The city is very safe from theeues for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets or vnder porches for the great heat which is there and yet they neuer had any harme in the night At the end of two moneths I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants which were making ready to depart with two palanchines or little litters which are very commodious for the way with eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines eight for a palanchine foure at a time they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes And I bought me two bullocks one of them to ride on and the other to carry my victuals and prouision for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels as we terme them girts and bridles and they haue a very good commodious pace From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney but we went in the midst of Winter in the moneth of Iuly and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks for he that carried my victuals was weake and could not goe the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer I put my bullocke to swimming and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland vnto the which my bullocke went and finding pasture there he remained still and in no wise we could come to him and so perforce I was forced to leaue him and at that time there was much raine and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals We had great trouble in our iourney for that euery day wee were taken prisoners by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man And another trouble wee had as bad as this that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey as euery day we did although they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger yet euery one of them stamped a seueral
the Prouince of Canada to the port of the Holy Crossâ— where we had left our ships The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North and curred into that riuer at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands full of faire and goodly trees we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the riuer our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be set vp and commanded the boates to be made readie that with the neâ—t tide he might goe vp the saide riuer and consider the qualitie of it which wee did and that day went vp as farre as we could but because we found it to be of no importance and very shallow we returned and sayled downe the riuer How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse and in what state we found our ships and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our Captaine and our Captaine him and of certaine particular customes of the people Chap. 9. VPon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Hoâ—y Crosse where our ships were and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there had made and reared a trench before the ships altogither closed with great â—eeres of timber set vpright and very well fastened togither then had they beset the said trenâ—h about with peeces of Artilletiâ—â—nd other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues from the power of all the countrey So soone as the Lord of the countrey heard of our comming the next day being the twelfth of October he came to visite vs accompanied with Taignoagny Domagala and many others fayning to be very glad of our comming making much of our Captaine who as friendly as he could entertained them albeit they had not deserued it Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada which he promised to doe for the next day bâ—ing the 13 of the moneth he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed went to visite Donnacona and his people about a league from our ships The place where they make their abode is called Stadacona When we were about a stones cast from their houses many of the inhabitants came to meete vs being all set in a ranke and as their custome is the men all on one side the women on the other still dancing and singing without any ceasing and after we had salutâ—d and receiued one another our Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things then he caused all the women and children to passe along before him giuing ech one a ring of Tin for which they gaue him hearty thankes that done our Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny brought to see their houses which the qualitie considered were very well prouided and stored with such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth to passe away the winter withall Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boords as we doe vse parchment Donnacona told vs that they were skins of Toudamani a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe warre against them Moreouer they told vs that it was two yeeres past that those Toudamans came to assault them yea euen into the said riuer in an Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay where they had bin the night before as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo with 200 persons men women and children who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made they were assaulted by the said Toudamans who put fire round about the Fort and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues they were all slaine only fiue excepted who escaped For which losse they yet sorrowed shewing with signes that one day they would be reuenged that done we came to our ships againe The manner how the people of that Countrey liue and of certaine conditions of their faith maners and customes Chap. 10. THis people beleeue no whit in God but in one whom they calâ— Cudâ—uaigni they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shal follow whether good or bad Moreouer they say that when he is angry with them he casteth dust into then eyes they beleeue that when they die they go into the stars thence â—â— little little descend downe into the Horizonâ— euen as the stars doe that then they go into certaine greene fiâ—lds full of goodly faire precious trees floures fruits After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand we shewed them their error and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them for he is but a Diuell an euill spirit affirming vnto them that there is but one onely God who is in heauen and who giueth vs all necessaries being the Creatour of all himselfe and that onely we must beleeue in him moreouer that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised otherwise wee are damned into hell These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we shewed them all which they did easily beleeue calling their Cudruaigni Agouiada that is to say nought so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be baptised and their Lorde and Taignoagny Domagaia and all the people of the towne came vnto vs hoping to be baptised but because we did not throughly know their minde and that there was no bodie could teach them our beliefe religion we excused our selues desiring Taignoagny Domagaia to tell the rest of their countreymen that he would come againe another time bring Priests chrâ—some with vs for without them they could not be baptised which they did easily beleeue for Domagaia Tâ—ignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they were there Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad They liue in common togither and of such commodities as their countrey yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored the inhabitants of the countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts but very miserably In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts skins and in Sommer they goe barefooted They keepe and obserue the rites of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or â— vâ—â—tes which their husbands being dead do neuer marrie agaiâ—e but for the death of their husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life be sâ—earing al their faces with coleâ—â—uâ—â—â—â—â—ease mingled togither as thicke as the backe of a knife and by that they are knowen to be wâ—â—â—owes They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their maidens and that is this they put them all after they are of lawfull age to marry in a common place as harlots free for euery man that will haue to doe with them vntill such time as they find a match This I say because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those
better will vsed greater diligence to learne that which I said Afterward as I passed farther vp the riuer I found another people whom mine interpreter vnderstood not a whit wherefore I shewed them by signes the selfesame ceremonies of worshipping the crosse which I had taught the rest And that principal old man which I tooke with me told me that farther vp the riuer I should find people which would vnderstand mine interpreter and being now late some of those men called me to giue me victuals and did in all poynts as the others had done dauncing and playing to shew me pleasure I desired to know what people liued on the banks of this riuer and I vnderstood by this man that it was inhabited by 23 languages and these were bordering vpon the riuer besides others not farre off and that there were besides these 23. languages other people also which hee knewe not aboue the riuer I asked him whether euery people were liuing in one towne together and he answered me No but that they had many houses standing scattered in the fieldes and that euery people had their Countrey seuerall and distinguished and that in euery habitation there were great store of people He shewed me a towne which was in a mountaine and told me that there was there great store of people of â—ad conditions which made continual warre vpon them which being without a gouernour and dwelling in that desert place where small store of Maiz groweth came downe into the playne to buy it in trucke of Deeres skinnes wherewith they were apparelled with long garments which they did cutte with rasors and sewed with needles made of Deeres bones and that they had great houses of stone I asked them whether there were any there of that Countrey and I found one woman which ware a garment like a little Mantle which clad her from the waste downe to the ground of a Deeres skin well dressed Then I asked him whether the people which dwelt on the riuers side dwelt alwayes there or els sometime went to dwell in some other place he answered mee that in the summer season they aboade there and sowed there and after they had gathered in their croppe they went their way and dwelt in other houses which they had at the foote of the mountaine farre from the riuer And hee shewed me by signes that the houses were of wood compassed with earth without and I vnderstood that they made a round house wherein the men and women liued all together I asked him whether their women were common or noâ— he tolde me no and that hee which was married was to haue but one wife only I desired to know what order they kept in marying and he told me that if any man had a daughter to marry he went where the people kept and said I haue a daughter to marry is there any man here that wil haue her And if there were any that would haue her he answered that he would haue her and so the mariage was made And that the father of him which would haue her brought some thing to giue the yong woman and from that houre forward the mariage was taken to be finished and that they sang danced and that when night came the parents tooke them and left them together in a place where no body might see them And I learned that brethren and sisters and kiâ—sfolks married not together and that maydes before they were married â—onuersed not with men nor talked not with them but kept at home at their houses and in their possessions and wrought and that if by chance any one had company with men before she were maried her husband forsooke her and went away into other Countreyes and that those women which fell into this fault were accompted naughty packs And that if after they were maried any man were taken in adultery with another woman they put him to death and that no man might haue more then one wife but very secretly They tolde mee that they burned those which dyedâ— and such as remayned widowes stayed halfe a yeere or a whole yeere before they married I desired to know what they thought of such as were dead Hee told me that they went to another world but that they had neither punishment nor glory The greatest sicknesse that this people dye of is vomiting of blood by the mouth and they haue Physicions which cure them with tharmes and blowing which they make The apparell of these people were like the former they carried their pipes with them to perfume themselues like as the people of New Spaine vse Tabacco I inquired whether they had any gouernour and found that they had none but that euery family had their seuerall gouernour These people haue besides their Maiz certaine gourds and another corne like vnto Mill they haue grindstones earthen pots wherein they boyle those gourds and fish of the riuer which are very good My interpreter could goe no farther then this place for he said that those which we should find â—arther on our way were their enemies and therefore I sent him backe very well contented Not long after I espied many Indians to come crying with a loude voice and running after me I stayed to know what they would haue and they told me that they had set vp the crosse which I had giuen them in the midst of their dwellings as I had appointed but that I was to wit that when the riuer did ouerflow it was wont to reach to that place therefore they prayed mee to giue them leaue to remoue it and to set it in another place where the riuer could not come at it nor carry it away which I granted them Chap. 5. Of an Indian of that countrey they haue relation of the state of Ceuola and of the conditions and customes of these people and of their gouernour and likewise of the countreys not farre distant from thence whereof one was called Quicoma and the other Coama of the people of Quicoma and of the other Indians not farre distant they reteiâ—e courtesie THus sayling I came where were many Indians and another interpreter which I caused to come with me in my boat And because it was cold my people were wet I leapt on shore and commanded a fire to be made and as we stood thus warming our selues an Indian came and strooke men on the arme pointing with his finger to a wood out of which I saw two companies of men come w t their weapons he told me that they came to set vpon vs because I meant not to fall out with any of them I retired my company into our boats the Indians which were with me swam into the water and saued themselues on the other side of the riuer In the meane season I inquired of that Indian which I had with me what people they were that came out of y e wood and he
hangeâ— for his trecherie The maner â—â— the people of Capul A stranâ—â— thing Circumcisâ—â— The inhabitants of Capâ—â— with all the islands adioyning promiâ—e to ayde the English against the Spaniardâ— Our departurâ— from the islanâ— of Capul The isle of Maâ—baâ— The island â—â— Panamaâ— Markes of shallow water A Baâ—sa is a great canoa A Spaniard of Manilla taken 50 or 60 Spaniards shâ—w themâ—elues A newe shippe of the kings in building They manned out a Frigate after vâ— An hospitall in Manilla Mâ—nes of very fine gold in the Island of Panama The island of Negros in 9 dâ—grees Their departure from the Philippinas Batochina 11 or 12. small ylands in 3. degrees 10 min. to the Southward Islands in 4 degrees southward oâ— the line The death of captaine Haâ—ers March 158â— Our arriual â—â— Iaua maior The Morisâ—â— or Arabian tongue common in Iauâ— A King of Iaua his Secretary Nipeâ— wiâ—â— Cloues pepper sugar and many other commodities in Iaua maiorâ— Nine or 10. of the Kings canoas Two Porâ—ugales in Iaua â—nquiriâ— of Don Antoniâ— The state oâ— Iauâ— Raia Balamboam The wiues kill themselues after their husbands deaths A strange order Faire women â—n Iaua Don Antonio might be receiued as King in the â—ast Indiâ—â— They depart from Iaua the 16 of March 1588. Cabo 〈◊〉 They doâ—oâ— the Cape de Bona Speranzâ— From Iaua tâ— the Cape of Bona Speranâ—â— is but 1850. leagues Iune 158â— They anker â—â— the yland of Sâ— Helena the â— â—â— Iune S. Helena is â—â— the latitude oâ— 15. degrees â—â— min. to the Southward The greaâ— store of diuers excellent fruiâ—â— in S. Heleâ—â— Abundance of partridges in S. Helenaâ— Great store of fesants Turkies in great quantitie Exceeding numbers of goats Plentie of swine Our departure from S. Helena Iuly 1588. Coruo anâ— flâ—res two ylanâ— of the 〈◊〉 * * Or â—uatulco * * Or Panama * To the Southwards of the â— me The enâ—raâ—â— of the streighâ— The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 streighâ— Th◠〈…〉 33 deg 〈◊〉 In whicâ—â—â—â—â—ht staâ—â—â—th Quinâ—eâ—â— 27 dâ—g 40 mâ— In which height standeth Coâ—â—â—â—o 23 deg 30 mâ—â— In which height standeth Moriâ— motenâ— 18 deg 30. mi. In which height standeth Arica 13 deg 30 mâ—â— In which height stand Paraca Pisâ—â— 11 deg 50 â—â— In which hâ—igh stand the ilands of Lobos 5. degrees In which height â—tandâ—th Paâ—â—a 2 deg 50 min. In which height standâ—th the iland of Punâ— Leagues 25. Leagues 1â— â—â—aguâ—s 80. Leaguâ—â— 7. â—â—agues 7â— Leagues 55. Leagues 70. Leagues 90. Leagues 120. Leagues 35. Leagues 90. Leagues 45. Leagues 25. Leagues 25. Leagues in all are 751. Leagues 60. Leagues 40. Leagues 160. Leagues 8. Leagues 17. Leagues 40 Leagues 14 Leagues 60 Leagues 160 Leagues 2 Leagues 12 Leagues 78 Leagues 80 Leagues 7 Leagues 10 Leaguâ—â— 30 Leagues 18 Leagues 30 Leagues 20 Leagues 108 Leagues 1850 Oâ— Guâ—nâ— Leagues 320 Leagueâ— 15 Leagues 6 Leagues 15 Leagues 15 Leagues in all 2414 Leagues 22. Leagues 18. Leagues 6. Leagues 10. Leagues 30. Leagues 26. Leagues 1â— Leagues 100. Leagues 220. Leagues 18. * This is â—he isle oâ— Baly Leagues 1800 Leagues 30. Leagues in all are 2292. Leagues 600. Leagues 1200 Of our abode tenne dayes where we watered Of our abode foure twenty dayes where we watered Of our abode eleuen dayes where we graâ—ed our ships Of our abode two fiftie dayes where we watered Of our abode foure dayes Of our abode 6 dayes where we watered Of our abode three dayes Of our abode two dayes Of our abode sixe dayes Of our abode one day Of our abode 9 daies where we watered Of our abode 8 dayes where we watered Of our abode 7 daies where we watered Of our abode one day Of our abode three dayes Of our abode fiue dayes Of our abode 2 dayâ—s where we watered Of our abode twelue dayes where we watered Of our abode 14 dayes where we waâ—ered * Ouaâ—â— Of our abode nine dayes Spaniards building of a new ship in the Philippinas Dayes 30. Of our abode elâ—â—en dayes where we watered Iaua mâ—â—or Dayeâ— 56. The cape of Buena Espeâ—anza Of our abode twelue dayes where we watered Dayes 14. The space of our â—auigation betweene those ilands was threescore fiue dayes Fadoms 10. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 10. Fadoms 5. Fadoms 7 Fadoms 25. Fadoms 16. Fadoms 7 Fadoms 6. Fadoms 12. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 7. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 5. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 7. Fadoms 4. Fadoms 10. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 17. Fadoms 4. Fadoms 12. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 10 Fadoms 16 Fadoms 12 * To y e South side of the Equinoctiall 1587. It is as colds at Paquin as in Flanders * Or Quiebeâ— Garisons against the Iapons M. Chidleys voyage intended partly for Arauco in Chili Cape Blanco The Delight looseth the company of the rest of the Fleet. Port desire Two springs of fresh water found at Port desire They enter me to the Streight of Magelan They loose 15. of their men by tempest A Spaniard taken at Port famine Seuen of our men killed by the treason of the Sauages on the North shore They passed 7 or 8 times ten leagues Westward of Cape Froward They returne homeward The yle of S. Sebastian in 24 degr of southerly latitude on the coast of Brasil They land at Monuille de Hage 8. miles West of Cheâ—bourg The wracke of the ship 〈◊〉 the malice of the Normans Theâ— arriue in Bogland The Spaniard taken in at Port Famine Bâ—ya de Saluador A barke taken Cabo Frio Lila de Placencia Isle de S. Sebastian The towne of Santos taken The towne of S. Vincent burnt They artiue at Port Desire M. Adrian Gilberts barke returneth for England A pinnesse built at Santos They fall with the Streights of Magellan They returne from the Streights of Magellan The occasion of losing the Generall Then come againe to Port Desire the 26. of May. A quiâ—e road A poole of fresh water on the South side of Port Desire Abundance of muskles and smelts A dangerous 〈◊〉 The maner how they lost their Generall An Isle neere Port Desire bounding with seales and penguins They depart the second 〈◊〉 from Port Desire 〈◊〉 The Streights of Magellan Certaine Isles neuer before discouered fifty leagues northeast off The Streights The first and secoÌ„d Streight Cape Froward Saluage cooue The northwest or last reach of the streights Their first enterance into â— South sea They enter the South sea the second time This Santoâ— standeth vpon the coast of Peru in 9 deg of Southerly latitude They enter the South sea the third time The blacke pinnesse lost in the South sea The Cape Deseado most dangerously doubled after they had been nine dayes in the South sea An excellent plat of the Streights of Magellan Penguin isle within three leagâ—es of Port Desire They enâ—er Port Desire the â—â—â—rd time Penâ—uin Isle scarâ—e a mile frâ— the maine â—ine men lost A great multitude of Saluaâ—es with vizards or faces like vnto dogs â—aceâ— The riâ—er of Port Desire but 20 miles passable by boate The great benefit of the herbe called Scuruy grasse They stayed 7 weekes in Port Desire A prety deuise 〈◊〉 make salt A pooâ—e allowance of victualâ— The I le of Plâ—cencia in Brasilâ— Ommens and forewarning dreames Thirteene men lost at the I le of Placencia by their owne â—â—treme negligâ—nce Cabo Frio 30 leagues easâ— oâ— the I le of Plâ—â—cenciâ— A most strange and noâ—some kind of worme bâ—ed of vnsalted Penguins They arriue at Bear-hauen in Iâ—eland the 11 of Iune 1593. Ximo Coray contineÌ„t land with Paqui From Coray an armie may passe by land in few dayeâ— to Paqui the chiefe citiâ— of China A description of Coray A meane to keepe head birds sweete in their feathers a long time A Fleete of 800. ships Short gunnes charged with forked arrowes The signification oâ— Miacó The length and bredth of Coray The people of Coray and China stronger in shipping then they of Iapan The king of Coray freth out of his principall citie Iâ—â—nds neerâ—â—â—â—o Coray A mighty riâ—er of 3. â—â—ags broad The warre of Iâ—â—an against 〈◊〉 and China The Isle of Mateumai Ieâ—â— a nation of Tartars dwelliâ—g on the 〈…〉 to the North of Chinâ— vsing cloth The Piloâ— The Master The Purser A Romagâ—r The Masters mate The chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house 〈◊〉 bâ—ing skilfull mariners The names and markes of men taken The Pragmatica oâ— orders of the Contractation house Prouision of vicâ—uals vpon othe The Register of euery ship The two ships of warâ—â—â— to draft â—he fleet 〈◊〉 of peace Note A Caâ—taine in euery ship Sixe Iudges Foure visitours The â—eader of tâ—â— arte of Nauigation The booke of â—â—â—rs â—â—â—ed iâ— Sâ—aâ—iâ—h Pâ—agâ—matiâ—a 〈◊〉 wrâ—ting amoâ—g the masters â—alking with tâ—inne plates of â—eaâ— The Calker or Carenero Alonso de Chiâ—uez Piloto mayor Rodrigo Zamorano Cathedratico La Sala del exameâ— La manâ—â—a de â—lecion de los maestrâ—s y pilotos Carta del examen Sueldo de loâ— pilotos Maestros y suâ— oâ—ficios Loâ— quatro visitadores y su officio Prematicâ— Escâ—iâ—â—â—o y 〈◊〉 officio Primero nauâ—o de acilo Legando nauio de â—uâ—lo D. sâ—aoâ— de guâ—â—ia The witnesse of fiue or sixe pilots The pilots admission to the leâ—turâ—â— of the kings reader They heare the kings readers lectures two houres a day â—oâ— two moneths Their disputations of the art of nauigation before the kings reader who is their moderatour The hall of examination The maner of the yong pilotâ— examination The maner of their election Letters testimoniall of euery new pilots examination and appâ—obation vnder the hands of the Pilot maior the kings reader and the secretary and seale of the Contractation house Foure visitoure The orders of the Contractation house The first barke of Auiso The second barke of Auiso A table of rates c. set by in the Contractation house