1700000 men Their Lodgings are appointed by the Harbingers according to every mans office and usually the richest men quarter the greatest Courtiers and that neither the Lodger nor Landlord may have reason to complain the Court has appointed a rate or rule to be observed generally for all people and that is a sous or penny a day for their Chamber in which there is to be bed and chairs and stools and all things that are necessary There is an allowance likewise of two pence a day to every man for linen as towels and napkins and for vinegar and verjuice their linen is to be changed at least twice every week but there being great plenty in that Country they change oftner as Lodgers desire it besides which they are obliged to keep their beds made and their chambers swept and clean There is allowance likewise of two pence a day for the standing of every man's horse they are not bound to provide any thing for them only to keep their stalls clean and carry out the dung Some there are who pay less as their Landlords are good natured or they can make any shift but this is the ordinary rule of the Court. The English Title to the Crown of France upon my best inquiry I find to be thus Charles the sixth of France married his lawful Daughter Katharine to Henry the fifth Son and Heir to Henry the fourth King of England In the articles of Marriage no notice being taken of Charles the seventh who was afterwards King of France besides the Dower that was given with Katharine Charles the sixth Father to the said Katharine instituted Henry the fifth of England his Son in Law and to be married to the said Katharine Heir to that Kingdom of France and in case the said Henry should die before the said Charles and the said Henry leave Sons that were legitimate behind him that then the Sons of the said King Henry should succeed to the said Kingdom of France upon the death of the said Charles the sixth which was contrary to Law because Charles the seventh was prejudiced thereby and was afterwards of no validity or effect against which the English pretend that Charles the seventh was illegitimate The Arch-Bishopricks in England are two The Bishopwricks two and twenty and The Parishes 52000. THE STATE OF GERMANY IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE OF the power of Germany no body can doubt because it a bounds so exceedingly in Men and Money and Arms. As to its wealth there is not a Free Town in the whole Country but has a publick stock aforehand of its own and some say Argentina Strasburg alone has a Million of Florens constantly in bank The reason of their opulence is because they have nothing to exhaust them but their Fortifications and furnishing their Magazines for reparations and recruits cost them but little In the latter they have a very good way for they have always in their publick Stores Meat and Drink and Firing for a Twelve-month Besides to entertain the industry of their people they have wherewithal to set the poor on work in case of any Siege a compleat year together so as they may subsist upon their own labour without being burthensom to the Town Their Souldiers are but little expence to them for they are always well arm'd and well exercised and on their Festival days instead of the Common recreations one takes his Musket another his Pike one one sort of Arms another another and practising among themselves they grow very ready and dexterous and after they are arrived at some degree of perfection they have certain Honours and Salaries conferred upon them which is the greatest part of their charge So that in every free Town the publick Treasury is rich The reason likewise why the private persons are rich is this because they live with great parsimony and indeed little better than if they were poor for they are at no expence in their Clothes their Buildings nor the furnishing of their Houses If they have bread and flesh and any thing to keep them from the cold they are well enough and he that wants them is contented and makes some shift or other without them Two Florens will serve them in Clothes ten years and according to his degree every man lives at this rate they do not trouble themselves for every thing they want but only for those things that are absolutely necessary and by that means their necessities are much fewer than ours The result of which Custom is this their Mony goes not out of their County they contenting themselves with their own Native productions whil'st in the mean time every man is permitted to bring in what Treasure he pleases into Germany to purchase their Commodities and Manufactures which in a manner supplies all Italy and their gain is so much the more by how much a small part of the profit of their labours recruits them with Materials for new Thus do they live at liberty and enjoy their own humors for which reason they will not be got to the Wars but upon extraordinary pay and that will not do it neither unless they be commanded by their own Magistrates Wherefore an Emperor has need of more Mony than another Prince because if men be in a good condition already they are not easily allured to the Wars As things stand now the free States must unite with the Princes before any great exploit can be undertaken by the Emperor or else they must enterprize it themselves which they would be able to do But neither the one nor the other desires the greatness of the Emperor for if ever he should get those Free States into his hands he should be strong enough to overpower the Princes and reduce them to such a degree of subjection that he would manage them as he pleased himself as the Kings of France have done formerly in that Country and particularly King Lewis who by force of Arms and the cutting off some few Persons brought them to their present obedience The same thing would happen to the States if the Princes should be cajoled they would lose their freedoms be wholly at the disposition of the Emperor and be forced to be satisfied with what he would vouchsafe to afford them The distance and division betwixt the free States and the Princes is supposed to proceed from the different humors in that Country which in general are two The Swissers are become Enemies to all Germany and the Princes to the Emperor It may seem strange perhaps that the Swissers and free States should be at variance and enmity seeing the preservation of their liberty and securing themselves against the Princes is the common interest of both But their discord is from this that the Swissers are not only Enemies to the Princes but to all Gentlemen whatever and in their Country they have neither the one nor the other but live without distinction of persons unless in their Magistrates in
who having possest themselves of that part of Spain call'd Betica being press'd hard by the Visigoti and distressed beyond all remedy they were call'd over by Boniface who at that time Govern'd Africk for the Emperours to come and plant there for those Provinces being then in rebellion he was afraid his ill Administration might be discovered This invitation and their own Exigence concurring the Vandals embrac'd that Enterprize and performed many memorable and brave things in Africk under Gensericus their King In the mean time Theodosius the Son of Arcadius succeeded to the Empire who regarding but litle the Affairs of the West gave those Nations the first thoughts of fixing in their New Conquests Accordingly the Vandali in Africk the Alani and Visigoti in Spain began to set up for themselves and Lord it over the Natives The Franchi and the Burgundi not only over-run and possess'd themselves of France but according to the parts they possest they gave it their Names one of them being call'd Francia and the other Burgundia The success of their Camrades inviting new multitudes to the subversion of the Empire the Hunni fell upon Pannonia which is a Province upon the banks of the Danube and giving it their Name have denominated it Hungaria to this very day Then as an addition to the disorders the Emperour finding himself attacked in so many places to contract the number of his Enemies he began first to treat and capitulate with the Vandals then with the Franks which Treaty increas'd the Authority of the Barbarians and diminish'd his own Nor was the Island of great Britain call'd England at this day exempt from its troubles For the Britains grown apprehensive of the people which had Conquered France and not discerning which way the Emperour would be able to defend them call'd in the Angli a Nation in Germany to their assistance The Angli under the Conduct of Vortiger their King undertook their defence and at first behav'd themselves faithfully afterwards their Opportunity increasing with their Power they drove the Natives out of the Island possess'd themselves of it and gave it their Name in commutation for its liberty Being robb'd of their Countrey and made Valiant by Necessity though they were not able to recover their own the Britains began to think of invading some other and planting themselves there In this Resolution they cross'd the Seas with their whole Families and possess'd themselves of those parts which lie upon the Coasts of France and are call'd Britain to this day The Hunns who as was said before had over-run Pannonia being streightned and disturb'd in their Quarters by other Nations viz. the Zepidi Eruli Turingi and Ostrogoti or Eastern Goths they rose again and put themselves once more in motion for New Habitations Not being able to force their way into France which was at that time defended by the Barbarians they fell into Italy under Attila their King who not long before to rid himself of a Partner in the Government had slain Bleda his own Brother and by that means made himself absolute Andaricus King of the Zepidi and Velamir King of the Ostrogoti remained as his Subjects Attila having in this manner made his inroad into Italy he besieg'd Aquilegia lay without interruption two years before it wasted the Countrey round about it and dispersed the Inhabitants which as we shall afterwards declare was the occasion of building the City of Venice After he had taken sack'd and demolish'd Aquilegia and several other Towns he advanc'd towards Rome but forbore the destruction of it upon the intercession of the Pope for whom Attila had so great a Reverence and Veneration that upon his single persuasion he withdrew out of Italy into Austria where he died After Attila's death Velamir King of the Ostrogoti with the Commanders of other Nations took up Arms against Tenricus and Eurius Attila's Sons One of them they kill'd and forc'd the other with the Hunni back again over the Danube into their own Countrey Upon which the Ostrogoti and Zepidi plac'd themselves in Pannonia and the Eruli and Turingi remain'd upon the Bank of the Danube Attila being departed out of Italy Valentinianus at that time Emperour of the West had a design to repair that Empire and for his Capacity of defending it with more Ease and Convenience against the irruptions of the Barbarians he quitted Rome and setled his Residence at Ravenna The Calamities wherewith the Western Empire had been oppressed were the occasion that the Emperour residing at Constantinople had many times transfer'd the possession of it to other people as a thing of great danger and expence many times without the Emperour's permission the Romans seeing themselves deserted had created new Emperours in order to their defence and sometimes other persons taking advantage of their own Interest and Authority Usurp'd as it happen'd when Maximus a Citizen of Rome got possession of it after the death of Valentinianus and forc'd his Widow Eudoxa to take him for her Husband who desirous of revenge and disdaining being of Imperial extraction the Embraces of so inferiour a person she invited privately Gensericus King of the Vandals into Italy remonstrating the Easiness and Utility of the Conquest who allured by the Prize was without much difficulty perswaded He entred Italy with his Army march'd up to Rome found it abandon'd sack'd it and continued in it fourteen days after which he took and plundr'd several other Towns and having laden both himself and his Army with the Spoyl he return'd into Africk The Romans returning upon his departure Maximus being dead they made Avicus a Roman Emperour After many occurrences both within Italy and without and the death of several Emperours the Empire of Constantinople fell into the hands of Zeno and the Empire of Româ— by Stratagem and Artifice to Orestes and Augustulus his Son who preparing to defend it by force were invaded by the Eruli and Turingi plac'd as we said before upon the Banks of the Danube Confederate for that Expedition under the Command of Odoacres their General Of such places as they had thought good to baulk and leave empty the Lombards possessed themselves a Northen Nation like the rest and Commanded by Godoglio their King which were the last People that plagued Italy as shall be shown in its place Odoacres having made his way into Italy he encountred vanquish'd and slew Orestes near Pavia but Augustulus got off After this Victory that the Title might change with the Government Odoacres caus'd himself to be call'd King of Rome and was the first Chieftain of those Nations which at that time over-ran the whole World that thought of fixing in Italy for either suspecting their abilities to keep it by reason of the easiness and facility wherewith it might be reliev'd by the Emperour of the East or for some other secret cause the rest had ravag'd and plunder'd it but they always
neighbouring places which had been anciently their Subjects And because the Tuscans refus'd to submit they march'd confusedly against them but they being re-inforced by Frederick gave the Roman Army such a blow that since that time Rome could never recover its old Condition either for Populousness or Wealth Upon these Events Pope Alexander was return'd to Rome presuming he might be safe there by reason of the Animosity the Romans retain'd against the Emperour and the Employment his Enemies gave him in Lombardy But Frederick postponing all other respects march'd with his Army to besiege Rome Alexander thought it not convenient to attend him but withdrew into Puglia to William who upon the death of Roger being next Heir was made King Frederick being much molested and weaken'd by a Contagion in his Army rais'd his Siege and went back into Germany The Lombards which were in League against him to restrain their Excursions and streighten the Towns of Pavia and Tortona caus'd a City to be built which they intended for the Seat of the War and call'd it Alexandria in honour to Pope Alexander and defiance to the Emperour Guido the new Anti-Pope died likewise and Iohn of Fermo was chosen in his room who by the favour of the Imperial party was permitted to keep his Residence in Monte Fiascone whilst Alexander was gone into Tuscany invited by that people that by his Authority they might be the better defended against the Romans Being there Embassadors came to him from Henry King of England to clear their Masters innocence in the death of Thomas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with which he was publickly and most infamously aspersed To inquire into the truth the Pope sent two Cardinals into England who notwithstanding they found not his Majesty in any manifest guilt yet for the scandal of the Fact and that he had not honour'd the said Arch-Bishop with the respect he deserved they prescribed as a Penance That he should call all the Barons of his Kingdom together swear his Innocence before them send 200 Soldiers to Ierusalem to be paid by him for a twelve-month and himself follow in person with as great a Power as he could raise before three years were expir'd that he should disanul all things pass'd in his Kingdom in prejudice to the Ecclesiastick liberty and consent that any of his Subjects whatever should appeal to Rome when and as often as they thought it convenient all which Conditions were readily accepted and that great Prince submitted to a Sentence there is scarce a private person but would scorn at this day But though his Holiness was so formidable to the Princes abroad he was not so terrible in Rome the people in that City would not be â—oaksed nor persuaded to let him live there though he protested he would meddle no farther than Ecclesiastical matters by which it appears things at a distance are more dreadful than near at hand In the mean time Frederick was return'd into Italy with resolution to make a new War upon the Pope but whilst he was busie about his preparations his Barons and Clergy gave him advertisement that they would all forsake him unless he reconcil'd himself to the Church so that changing his design he was forc'd to go and make his submission at Venice and pacification being made the Pope in the Agreement devested the Emperor of all the Authority he pretended over Rome and named William King of Sicily and Puglia his Confederate Frederick being an active Prince and unable to lie still embarqu'd himself in the Enterprize into Asia to spend his Ambition against the Turk which he could not do so effectually against the Pope But being got as far as the River Cidvo allur'd by the clearness and excellence of the Waters he would needs wash himself in it and that washing gave him his death Those Waters being more beneficial to the Turks than all Excommunications to the Christians for whereas these only cool'd and asswag'd his Ambition they wash'd it away and extinguish'd it quite Frederick being dead nothing remain'd now to be suppres'd but the contumacy of the Romans After much argument and dispute about their Creation of Consuls it was concluded the Romans according to ancient Custom should have liberty to choose them but they should not execute their Office till they had sworn fealty to the Church Upon this accord Iohn the Anti-Pope fled to Monte Albano and died presently after In the mean time William King of Naples died also and having left no Sons but Tanacred a Bastard the Pope design'd to have possess'd himself of his Kingdom but by the opposition of the Barons Tanacred was made King Afterwards Celestin III. coming to the Papacy and being desirous to wrest that Kingdom from Tanacred he contriv'd to make Enrico Fredericks Son King promising him the Kingdom of Naples upon Condition he would restore such Lands as belong'd to the Church and to facilitate the business he took Costanza an ancient Maid daughter to King William out of a Monastery and gave her him for his Wife by which means the Kingdom of Naples pass'd from the Normans who had founded it and fell under the dominion of the Germans Henricus the Emperor having first setled his affairs in Germany came into Italy with his Wife Costanza and one of his Sons call'd Frederick about four years of age and without much difficulty possess'd himself of that Kingdom Tanacred being dead and only one Child remaining of his Issue call'd Roger Not long after Enricus died in Sicily he was succeeded in that Kingdom by Frederick and Otto Duke of Saxony chosen Emperour by the assistance of Pope Innocent III. But no sooner had he got the Crown upon his Head but contrary to the opinion of all men he became Enemy to the Pope seiz'd upon Romania and gave out Orders for the assaulting that Kingdom Upon which being Excommunicated by the Pope and deserted by his Friends Frederick King of Naples was chosen Emperour in his place The said Frederick coming to Rome to be Crown'd the Pope scrupl'd it being jealous of his power and endeavoured to persuade him out of Italy as he had done Otto before which Frederick disdaining retir'd into Germany and making War upon Otto overcame him at last In the mean time Innocent died who besides other magnificent Works built the Hospital di Santo Spirito at Rome Honorius III. succeeded him in whose Papacy were instituted the Orders of S. Dominick and S. Francis in the year MCCXVIII Honorius Crown'd Frederick to whom Iohn descended from Baldwin King of Ierusalem who commanded the remainder of the Christians in Asia and retain'd that Title gave one of his Daughters in marriage and the Title of that Kingdom in Dower with her and from that time whoever is King of Naples has that Title annex'd In Italy at that time they liv'd in this manner The Romans had no more the Creation of Consuls but in lieu of it they invested sometimes one
as the readiest way to suppress him was glad to discharge Nicholas of his imprisonment and sent him to Rome to resume his old Office whereupon Nicholas undertook the Government once more and caus'd Francesco to be executed But the Colonnesi becoming his Enemies by degrees he himself was put to death by them and the Senate restor'd to the Exercise of its former Authority In the mean time of the King of Hungary having depos'd Queen Giovanna return'd to his own Kingdom But the Pope desir'd to have the Queen his Neighbour rather than that King and order'd things so that the Kingdom was restor'd upon Condition her Husband Lewis renouncing the Title of King should content himself with that of Taranto The Year MCCCL. being come his Holiness thought fit that the Jubilee appointed by Pope Boniface VIII to be kept every hundred years should be reduc'd to fifty and having pass'd a Decree to that purpose in gratitude for so great a Benefit the Romans were contented he should send four Cardinals to Rome to reform their City and create what Senators he pleas'd After which the Pope declar'd Lodovic of Taranto King of Naples again and Giovanna highly oblig'd by that favour gave the Church Avignon which was part of her Patrimony By this time Luchïno Visconti being dead Iohn Arch-Bishop of Milan remain'd sole Lord and making several Wars upon Tuscany and his Neighbours became very considerable After his death the Government fell to his two Nephews Bernardo and Galeazzo but Galeazzo dying a while after he left his Son Iohn Galeazzo to share with his Unkle in the State In these dayes Charles King of Bohemia was created Emperour and Innocent VI. Pope who having sent Cardinal Giles a Spaniard into Italy by his Virtue and the excellence of his Conduct he recover'd the reputation of the Church not only in Rome and Romagna but all Italy over He recover'd Bologna that had been usurp'd by the Arch-Bishop of Milan He constrain'd the Romans to admit a forreign Senator every year of the Popes nomination He made an honourable Agreement with the Visconti He fought and took Prisoner Iohn Aguto an English-man who with four thousand English was entertain'd in Tuscany upon the Ghibilin accompt After these Successes Urban V. being Pope he resolv'd to visit both Italy and Rome where Charles the Emperour came to meet him and having continued together several Months Charles return'd into his Kingdom and the Pope to Avignon Urban died and Gregory XII suceeded and because Cardinal Egidio was dead Italy relaps'd into its former distractions occasion'd by the Caballing of the people against the Visconti Whereupon the Pope at first sent a Legat into Italy with six thousand Britans after whom he follow'd in Person and re-establish'd his Residence at Rome in the year MCCCLXXVI after it had been kept in France LXXI years After the death of this Pope Urban VI. was created Not long after at Fondi ten Cardinals quarrelling with his Election and pretending it was not fair created Clement VII The Genoveses in the mean time who for several years had lived quietly under the Government of the Visconti rebell'd Betwixt them and the Venetian there happen'd great Wars about the Island of Tenedos in which War by Degrees all Italy became concern'd and there it was that great Guns were first us'd they being a German Invention Though for a while the Genoveses were predominant and held Venice blockt up for several Months together yet in the conclusion the Venetian had the better and made an advantagious Peace by the assistance of the Pope In the year 1381 as we have said before there was a Schism in the Church and Giovanna the Queen favour'd the Anti-Pope Whereupon Pope Urban practis'd against her and sent Carlo Durazzo who was of the Royal House of Naples with an Army into her Kingdom who possest himself of her Countrey and drove her away into France The King of France undertaking her quarrel sent Lodovic d' Angio to repossess the Queen and force Urban out of Rome and set up the Anti-Pope But Lodovic dying in the middle of the Enterprize his Army broke up and return'd into France Urban thereupon goes over to Naples and claps nine Cardinals in Prison for having sided with France and the Anti-Pope After that he took it ill of the King that he refus'd to make one of his Nephews Prince of Capua but concealing his disgust he desir'd Nocera of him for his Habitation which as soon as he was possess'd of he fortified and began to cast about which way to deprive him of his Kingdom The King taking the Alarm advanc'd against Nocera and besieg'd it but the Pope escap'd to Genoua where he put the Cardinals which were his Prisoners to death From thence he went to Rome and created 28 new Cardinals In the mean time Charles King of Naples went into Hungary was proclaim'd King there and not long after kill'd He left the Kingdom of Naples to his Wife and two Children he had by her one call'd Ladislao and the other Giovanna Iohn Galeazzo Visconti in the mean time had kill'd his Unkle Bernardo and possess'd himself of Milan and not content to have made himself Duke of Milan he attempted upon Tuscany but when he was in a fair way to have conquer'd it and to have made himself King of all Italy he died Urban VI. died also and was succeeded by Boniface IX Clâ—ment VII the Anti-Pope died likewise at Avignon and Benedict XIII was created in his room Italy all this while was full of Soldiers of Fortune English Dutch and Britans some of them Commanded by Princes which upon several occasions had been invited thither and some of them which had been sent by the Popes when their residence was at Avignon With this medly of Nations the Princes of Italy maintain'd their Wars many times till at length Lodovico da Conio Romagnuolo having train'd up a Party of Italians call'd the Soldiers of Saint George by his Valour and Discipline lessen'd the Reputation of the Forreigners and made them afterwards more useful and considerable in the Italian Wars The Pope upon certain differences which arose betwixt him and the Romans remov'd to Scesi where he remain'd till the Jubilee in the year 1400. at which time to invite him back again for the benâ—fit of their City the Romans condescended that he should have the annual nomination of a forreign Senator and be permitted to fortifie the Castle of St. Angelo upon which Conditions being return'd to inrich the Church he ordain'd That in every Vacancy each Benefice should pay an Annat into the Chamber Ecclesiastical After the death of Iohn Galeazzo Duke of Milan though he left two Sons Giovan-Mari-Angelo and Philip the State was divided into many Factions In the troubles which followed Giovan-Mari-Angelo was slain and Philip for some time kept Prisoner in the Castle of Pavia but by the Valour and Allegiance of the Governour
they kept themselves upon the defensive part and expected their enemies at home were always victorious but when they began to make war at a distance and send Armies into Sicily they lost their liberty and everything else They produce also the Fable of Antius King of Lybia who being invaded by Hercules the Egyptian was invincible whilst he kept himself within his own borders but being inveigled out by the subtility of his enemy he lost both his Kingdom and Life upon which occasion that story was raised of Antius that being born of the earth as they pretended so oft as he touch'd it so oft he received new vigour from his Mother which Hercules perceiving got him up in his arms crush'd him to death They produce likewise more modern examples Every body knows that Ferrand King of Naples was esteemed a wise Prince in his time and hearing two years before his death that King Charles viii of France was preparing to invade him he let him alone but falling sick afterwards as he lay upon his death-bed he called his Son Alphonso to him and among other things charged him that he should expect the King of France upon his Frontiers and fight him there but that by no means he should be tempted beyond them and it had been better for Alphonso to have follow'd his Counsel for neglecting it afterwards and sending an Army into Romagna he lost both Army and Kingdom without striking a blow But besides these arguments on both sides it is urged in behalf of the Aggressor that he invades with more confidence and courage than his Adversary receives him which is a great advantage and enhancement to his Army That he brings many inconveniences upon the person whom he invades to which he would not be liable if he expected him at home For when the enemies Country is wasted and their Houses plunder'd his Subjects are not much to be trusted nor can any more Taxes be laid upon them without great difficulty by which means as Hanibal said their Magazines will be spent and their fountain dryed up that was to supply them with all Provisions for War Besides if your Army be in the Enemies Country it will be under a greater necessity of fighting and by consequence will fight more desperately than at home But to this it is answered on the other side That it is more for your advantage to attend your enemy in your own Country than to seek him abroad for thereby you may furnish your self with Victuals and Amunition and all other necessaries without any inconvenience and distress him by driving the Country You may likewise with much more ease incommode and frustrate his designs by your better knowledge of the Country and what places are more proper to attack him in as also you may attack him with your whole force at once or give him battel as you please which out of your own Confines is not to be done Moreover if Fortune should be adverse and it be your chance to be beaten more of your Men will escape where their refuge is so near and you will sooner rally them again In short if you fight at home you venture your whole force and not your whole fortune but if you fight abroad you venture your whole fortune with but part of your force Others there have been who with design to weaken the Enemy and fighting him afterwards with more ease and advantage have suffered him quietly to march several days Journey into their Country and possess himself of several Towns but whether they did well or not I will not determine only I think this distinction is to be considered whether my Country be strong in Fortresses and Men as the Romans were of old and as the Swizzers at this day or whether it be weak and unfortified as the Territory of the Carthaginians formerly and France and Italy now In this case the Enemy is by all means to be kept at a distance because your chief strength lying in your Mony and not in your Men whenever you are interrupted in raising or receiving of that your business is done and nothing interrupts you so fatally as an Enemy in your Country And of this the Carthaginians may be an example who whilst they were free at home were able by their Revenue and Taxes to wage War with the Romans themselves whereas afterwards when they were assaulted they were not able to contend with Agathocles The Florentines when Castruccio of Lucca brought his Arms into their Country could not support against him but were forced to put themselves under the Dominion of the King of Naples to procure his protection but Castruccio was no sooner dead but they were agog again and had the confidence to invade the Duke of Milan and to attempt the beating him out of that Province so couragious were they in their foreign War and so abject at home But when Countries are in a posture of defence and people Martial and well disciplin'd as the Romans of old and the Swizzers at this day 't is better to keep off for the nearer they are to their own Country they are the harder to overcome because they can raise more force to defend themselves than to invade another people Nor does the opinion of Hanibal affect me at all for though he persuaded Antiochus to pass into Italy he did it as a thing that would have been more for his own and the Carthaginian than for Antiochus his advantage for had the Romans received those three great defeats which they received of Hanibal in Italy in the same space of time in France or any where else they had been ruined irrecoverably for they could neither have rallyed nor recruited so soon I do not remember any foreign Expedition by the Romans for the Conquest of any Province in which their Army exceeded the number of 50000. But upon the invasion of the Gauls after the first Punick war they brought 118000 Men into the Field for their defence Nor could they beat them afterwards in Lombardy as they did at first in Tuscany because it was more remote and they could not fight them with so much convenience nor with so many men The Cimbri repulsed the Romans in Germany but following them into Italy they were defeated and driven out again themselves and the reason was because the Romans could bring more forces against them The Swizzers may without much difficulty be over-powered abroad because they seldom march above 30 or 40000 strong but to attack and beat them at home is much more difficult where they can bring into the field 100000 and more I conclude therefore that that Prince whose people are in a posture and provided for War does wisely if he expects a Potent and dangerous Enemy at home rather than to invade him in his own Country But that Prince whose Country is ill provided and whose Subjects are ill disciplined does better if he keeps the War as far off as he can and by so doing each of
ought rather to have had a care that the end of his intentions might have appeared for the good and benefit of his Country and not out of any particular ambition and to have provided that whoever succeeded him afterwards in his dignity should not be able to employ that authority to the ruine of the State which he was forc'd to take upon him to preserve it But the good man was mistaken in his first opinion as not understanding that the malice of mankind is not to be extinguished with time nor appeased with presents for could he have imitated the severity of Brutus he had preserved his own dignity and the liberty of the State But as it is a difficult thing to preserve the liberty of a State so it is no less difficult to preserve the authority of a King as shall be shewn in the next Chapter CHAP. IV. A Prince is never safe in his new Conquests whilst they are in being whom he dispossessed THe death of Tarquinius Priscus by the Sons of Ancus and the death of Servins Tullius by Tarquinius Superbus shews how dangerous it is to disposses any man of a Kingdom and suffer him to live though you endeavour by all means possible to cares him Tarquinius Priscus thought his Title unquestionable being made King by the People and confirmed by the Senate nor could it enter into his thoughts that the malice and indignation of the Sons of Ancus should be so great as to keep them from submitting to that wherewith the whole City of Rome was contented Servius Tullius was mistaken in the same manner in thinking with new favours and obligations to have pacified the Sons of Tarquin So that from the first example a Prince may take warning and not delude himself with an opinion he is safe whilst any of them are living whom he dispossessed and from the second he may inform himself that old injuries are never cancelled by new favours especially if the favours be not equivalent to the injury And without doubt Servius Tullius was ill advised to believe that the Sons of Tarquin would be content to be his Sons-in-Law when it was their due to be his King And this ambition and impatience to govern is so great and insatiable in mankind that it not only affects those persons who have some right and expectation to govern but those likewise who in reason can have no such expectancy as in the example of Tullia the Daughter of Servius but married to one of the Tarquins which Tullia was so enflamed with a desire of governing that not contented with being a King's Daughter transported with rage contrary to all silial duty and affection she incited her Husband against her Father and forc'd him into a conspiracy not only against his Kingdom but Life Whereas if Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius had known how to have secured themselves against those they had supplanted they had neither lost their Kingdoms nor Lives But Tarquinius Superbus was expell'd for not observing the Laws and Practices of the ancient Kings his Predecessors as shall appear in the next Chapter CHAP. V. How a King may lose his Kingdom though he comes to it by inheritance TArquinius Superbus seemed to have secure possession of the Kingdom upon the death of Servius Tullius who dying without heirs left him nothing of that trouble and vexation which his Predecessors encountred For although the way by which he came to the Government was irregular and abominable nevertheless had he followed the steps of his Predecessors and observed their old rules he would not have run himself so fatally in to the displeasure of the Senate and People nor have provoked them to have been so diligent in his expulsion Nor is it to be believed that his Son Sextus his deflowring of Lucretia was the chief cause that he lost his Kingdom but his infraction of the Laws his tyranny his usurpation upon the Senate and his ingrossing all authority to himself for he had brought things to that pass that those affairs which were formerly debated publickly by the Senate and according to their sentiment and order were put in execution were now transacted and determined privately in his own Palace with great dissatisfaction and offence so that in a short time Rome was deprived of the liberty which it injoyed under other Kings nor was it enough for him to disoblige the Senate but he run himself into the odium of the people harassing them out by mechanick and servile imployments to which they had never been used in the days of his Predecessors by which cruel and insolent actions he had so incensed and inflamed the minds of the Romans against him that they were ready for rebellion the first opportunity that offered it self and if that accident had not hapned to Lucretia as soon as any other had fallen out it would have had the same effect And if Tarquin had governed and lived according to the example of his Ancestors and his Son Sextus had committed that error Brutus and Collatinus would have addressed themselves to Tarquin and not to the people of Rome for justice against his Son Let Princes therefore observe that they begin to ruine their own dignity and power when they first go about to transgress and violate the old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors and if after they are removed and dispossessed of their authority they should grow so wise as to understand the felicity of governing a Kingdom with good Counsel their loss would be more insupportable and they would condemn themselves to a greater punishment than any body else would condemn them for 't is easier to be beloved by good people than bad and to obey Laws than to command them and to understand the way by which this is to be done they have no more to do but to observe the lives of good Princes as Timoleon the Corinthian Aratus Sicionius and others in which they will find so much ease and security to him that governs and them that are governed that they will be tempted to imitate them if for nothing but the easiness of it For when men are governed well they desire no other liberty as it hapned to the people who were governed by the two persons above named whom they compelled to continue their Princes whilst they lived though they endeavoured several times to have laid down and betaken themselves to a private condition And because in this and the two precedent Chapters we have discoursed of the hatred contracted against Princes and the Conspiracy of the Sons of Brutus against the State and others against Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius I think it not amiss to speak of Conspiracies more largely in my next Chapter as being a subject well worth the observation both of Princes and private Persons CHAP. VI. Of Conspiracies I Did not think it inconvenient in this place to discourse something of Conspiracies seeing they are things of such consequence and danger both to Princes private Persons for
time Iohn XXII was created Pope in whose Papacy the Emperour ceased not to persecute the Guelfs and the Church but King Robert and the Florentines interposing in their defence great Wars ensued in Lombardy under the Conduct of the Visconti against the Guelfs and against the Florâ—ntines in Tuscany by Castruccio di Lucca And because the Family of the Visconti were the Original of the Dukedom of Milan one of the five Principalities that govern'd all Italy afterwards I think it not amiss to deduce it a little higher After the League amaong the Cities in Lombardy which I have mentioned before for their mutual defence against Frederick Barbarossa Milan being rescued from the ruine that impended to revenge it self of the injuries it had receiv'd enter'd into that Confederacy which put a stop to the Emperours career and preserv'd the Churches interest in Lombardy for a while In the process of those Wars the Family of the Torri grew very powerful increasing daily more and more while the Emperour's Authority was small in those parts But Frederick II. arriving in Italy and the Ghibilin Faction by the assistance of Ezelino prevailing it began to dilate and spread it self in all the Cities and particularly in Milan the Family of the Visconti â—iding with that party drove the Family of the Torri out of that Town But long they were not banish'd for by an accord made betwixt the Emperour and Pope they were restor'd Afterwards when the Pope remov'd with his Court into France and Arrigo of Luxemburg came to Rome to be Crown'd he was receiv'd into Milan by Maffeo Visconti the Head of that House and Guido della Torre the Chief of the other Yet how kindly soever they carry'd it outwardly Masseo had a secret design by the Emperour 's being there to drive out the Torri believing the Enterprize the more practicable because Guido was of the Enemies Faction He took the advantage of the peoples complaints against the behaviour of the Germans incouraging them slily to take Arms and rescue themselves from their barbarous servitude Having dispos'd things as he desired he caused a tumult to be raised by one of his Confidents upon which the whole Town was to be in Arms and pretendedly against the Germans The Tumult was no sooner begun but Maffeo his Sons Servants and Partizans were immediately in Arms and ran to Arrigo assuring him that Tumult was raised by the Torri who not content with their private Condition took that occasion to ruine him as an Enemy to the Guelfs and make themselves Princes of that City But he desired him to be secure for they and their party would not fail to defend him when ever he requir'd it Arrigo believed all to be true that Maffeo had told him joyned his Forces with the Visconti fell upon the Torri who were dispersed up and down the City to suppress the Tumult killed those of them which they met banished the rest and seized their Estates So that Maffeo Visconti made himself Prince After him there succeeded Galeazo and Aza and after them Luchino and Iohn who was afterwards Arch-Bishop of that City Luchino died before him and left two Sons Barnardo and Galeazo Galeazo dying not long after left one Son called Giovan Galeazo Conti di Vertu who after the death of the Arch-Bishop killed his Unkle Barnardo made himself Prince and was the first that took upon him the Title of Duke of Milan He left two Sons only Philip and Giovan Maria Angelo who being slain by the people of Milan the Government remain'd wholly to Philip. He dying without issue Male the Dukedom was translated from the House of the Visconti to the Sforza's but of the manner and occasions of that hereafter To return therefore where I left Lewis the Emperour to give reputation to his party and to be formally Crown'd came into Italy and being at Milan to drain the City of its Money he pretended to set them at Liberty and clap'd the Visconti in Prison Afterwards by the Mediation of Castruccio da Luca he releas'd them march'd to Rome and that he might more easily disturb the tranquillity of Italy he made Piero della Carvaro Anti-Pope by whose reputation and the interest of the Visconti he presum'd he should be able to keep under both the Tuscans and Lombards But Castruccio died in the nick and his death was the Emperours ruine for Pisa and Lucca rebelled out of hand The Pisans took the Anti-pope and sent him Prisoner to the Pope into France so that the Emperour despairing of his Affairs in Italy he left them all as they were and retired into Germany He was scarce gone before Iohn King of Bohemia came into Italy with an Army being invited by the Ghibilins in Brescia and possest himself both of that City and Bergamo The Pope however he dissembled it was not averse to his coming and therefore his Legat at Bologna favoured him privately looking upon him as a good Antidote against the Emperours return These under-hand practices chang'd the Condition of Italy for the Florentines and King Robert perceiving the Legat a favourer of the Ghibilin Faction turn'd Enemies to all people that profess'd themselves their Friends In so much as without respect to either Ghibilins or Guelfs many Princes associated with them among the rest were the Families of the Visconti Scala Philippo di Gonsaga of the House of Mantua the Families of Carara and Este whereupon the Pope Excommunicated them all The King apprehensive of their League return'd home to reinforce himself and coming back with more Force into Italy found his Enterprize very difficult notwithstanding so that growing weary of the business though much to the dissatisfaction of the Legat he return'd into Bohemia leaving Garrisons only in Modena and Reggio recommending Parma to the Care of Marsilio and Piero de Rossi who were eminent men in that City As soon as he was departed Bologna enter'd into the Confederacy and the Colleagues divided the four Towns that were remaining to the Church among themselves Parma to the Scali Reggio to the Gonzagi Modena to the Esti and Luca to the Florentines But many differences follow'd upon that division which for the greatest part were compos'd afterwards by the Venetians And now I speak of the Venetians it may appear indecorous to some people that among all the occurrences and revolutions in Italy I have deferr'd speaking of them notwithstanding their Government and Power places them above any other Republick or Principality in that Countrey That that Exception may be remov'd and the occasion appear it will be necessary to look back for some time to make their Original conspicuous and the reasons for which they reserv'd themselves so long from interposing in the Affairs of Italy Attila King of the Hunni having besieg'd Aquilegia the Inhabitants after a generous defence being reduc'd to distress and despairing of Relief conveighing their Goods as well as they could to certain Rocks in that point of
he escap'd Among the rest who had seiz'd the Cities which belong'd formerly to Iohn Galeazzo William della Scala was one who having been banish'd and retiring to Francesco de Carrara Lord of Padua by his means he recover'd the State of Verona but he enjoy'd it a short time for Francesco caus'd him to be poison'd and assum'd the Government himself The Vicentini hereupon having till then liv'd quietly under the protection of the Visconti growing jealous of the greatness of the Lord of Padua submitted themselves to the Venetians who at their instigation made War upon him and beat him first out of Verona and at length out of Padua By this time Pope Boniface died and Innocent VII was elected in his place The people of Rome made a solemn Address to him for the Restitution of their Liberty and Forts and being deny'd they call'd in Ladislans King of Naples to their Assistance but their differences being afterwards compos'd the Pope return'd to Rome from whence for fear of the people he fled to Viterbo where he had made his Nephew Lodovic Conte della Marca after which he died and Gregory XII succeeded upon Condition he should resign when ever the Anti-Pope should be persuaded to do the same At the intercession of the Cardinals to try whether it was possible to accommodate their differences and reunite the Church Benedict the Anti-Pope came to Porto Veneri and Gregory to Lucca where many Expedients were propos'd but nothing concluded whereupon the Cardinals forsook them both of one side and the other Benedict retired into Spain and Gregory to Rimini The Cardinals by the favour of Baldassare Cossa Cardinal and Legat of Bologna call'd a Counsel at Pisa in which they created Alexander V. who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus invested Luigid ' Augio with his Kingdom and by the assistance of the Florentines Genoueses Venetians and Baldassare Cossa the Legat they assaulted Ladislaus and drove him out of Rome But in the heat of the War Alexander died and Baldassare Cossa was created Pope with the name of Iohn XXIII Iohn was created at Bologna but remov'd to Rome where he found Luigi d' Angio with the Forces of Provence having joyn'd himself with him they march'd out against King Ladislaus fought with him and routed his Army but for want of good Conduct not persuing their Victory King Ladislaus rally'd recover'd Rome and forc'd the Pope away to Bologna and Luigi to Provence The Pope casting about with himself which way he might restrain and lessen the power of King Ladislaus caus'd Sigismund King of Hungary to be chosen Emperour invited him into Italy to which purpose they had a Conference at Mantua where it was concluded a General Council should be call'd for uniting the Church upon the accomplishment of which it was presum'd they should be better able to defend themselves against the incroachments of their Enemies At this time there were three Popes in being at once Gregory Benedict and Iohn which kept the Church very low both in force and reputation The place appointed for their Convention was Constance a City in Germany contrary to the intention of Pope Iohn and though by the death of King Ladislaus the great Reason was taken away that mov'd the Pope to that proposition nevertheless things being gone so far and he under an obligation he could not handsomly come off but was forc'd to go to it Being arriv'd at Constance it was not many months before he found his Error and endeavoured to have escap'd but being discovered and taken he was put in Prison and compell'd to renounce Gregory one of the Anti-Popes renounced by Proxy but Benedict the other Anti-Pope refus'd and was condemned for a Heretick at last finding himself abandon'd by all the Cardinals he renounc'd likewise and the Counsel created a new Pope Viz. Oddo of the House of Coloâ—ma who took the name of Martin V. upon which the Schisms were compos'd and the Church united after it had been divided fourty years and several Popes living at one and the same time As we said before Philip Visconti was at this time in the Castle of Pavâ—a But upon the death of Fantino Care who in the troubles of Lombardy had made himself Lord of Vercelli Alexandria Novara and Tortona and contracted great wealth having no Sons he bequeath'd his Dominions to his Wife Beatrix injoyning his Friends to use their utmost endeavour to Marry her to Philip by which Marriage Philip being much strengthen'd he recover'd Milan and all the whole Province of Lombardy after which to recompense her great Benefits according to the example of other Princes he accus'd his Wife Beatrix of Adultery and put her to death Being arriv'd at that height both of Power and Grandeur he began to contrive against Toscany and pursue the designs of his Father Iohn Galeazzo Ladislaus King of Naples at his death had left to his Sister Giovanna besides his Kingdom a formidable Army Commanded by the chief Captains in Italy and among the rest by Sforza da Contignuolo a person of particular repute for his Valour in those Wars The Queen to clear her self of an aspersion of too much intimacy with one Panâ—olfello which she advanc'd took to her Husband Giacopa della Marcia a Frenchman of Royal Extraction but upon condition he should content himself to be call'd Prince of Taranâ—o and leave the Title and Government of the Kingdom to her But the Soldiers as soon as he was arrived in Naples called him King which occasioned great differences betwixt him and the Queen sometimes one prevailing and sometimes the other But at length the Government rested in the Queen and she became a severe Enemy to the Pope Whereupon Sforza to drive her into a necessity and force her to his own terms laid down his Commission and refused to serve her against him by which means being as it were disarmed in a moment having no other remedy she applyed her self to Alphonso King of Arragon and Sicily adopted him her Son and to Command her Army she entertained Braccio da Montone as Eminent a Soldier as Sforza and an Adversary of the Popes upon accompt of certain Towns as Perugia and others which he had usurped from the Church After this a Peace was concluded betwixt her and the Pope but Alphonso suspecting least she should serve him as she had done her Husband began privately to contrive how he might possess himself of the Forts But the Queen was cunning and prevented him by fortifying her self in the Castle of Naples Jealousies increasing in this manner and no-body interposing they came to an Ingagement and the Queen by the help of Sforza who was returned to her Service overcame Alphonso drove him out of Naples abdicated him and adopted Lodovic d' Angio in his place Hereupon new Wars ensued betwixt Braccio who was of Alphonso's party and Sforza who was for the Queen In the process of the War Sforza passing the River Pescara was by
Garrisons of his friends that though the people were very numerous and press'd hard to have enter'd them they could not prevail The Conflict was smart many kill'd and wounded on both sides and the people finding there was no entrance that way by force got into the houses of his Neighbours and through them they brake unexpectedly into his Corso finding himself inviron'd by his Enemies and no hopes of relief from Ugnccione dispairing of Victory he resolv'd to try what was possible for his Escape advancing therefore with Gherardo Bondini and several other his most faithful and valiant friends he charg'd so furiously upon his Enemies that he brake them and made his way thorow them fighting out of the Pâ—â—ta della Croce Nevertheless being pursu'd Gherardo was slain by Boccaccio Cavicciulli upon the Africa and Corso was taken Prisoner at Rouezano by certain Spanish horsmen belonging to the Signoria But disdaining the sight of his Victorious Enemies and to prevent the torments which they would probably inflict as they were bringing him back towards Florence he threw himself off his horse and was cut to pieces by one of the Company his body was gather'd together by the Monks of S. Salvi and bury'd but without any solemnity This was the sad end of that Magnanimous Person to whom his Country and the Neri ow'd much both of their good fortune and ill and doubtless had his mind been more Moderate his memory would have been more honourable however he deserves a place among the best Citizens this City did ever produce though indeed the turbulency of his Spirit caus'd his Country and party both to forget their obligations to him and at length procur'd his death and many mischiefs to them Uguccione coming to the relief of his Son in Law as far as Remoli and hearing he was taken by the people presuming he could do him no good to save his own stake he return'd back as he came Corso being dead in the year 1308. all tumults ceas'd and every body liv'd quietly till news was brought that Arrigo the Emperor was come into Italy with all the Florentinâ— Exiles in his Company whom he had promis'd to reinstate on their own Country To obviate this and lessen the number of their Enemies the Magistrates thought fit of themselves to reinvite all those who had been rebels but some few which were particularly excepted Those which were excepted were the greatest part of the Ghibilines and some of the faction of the Bianchi among which were Dante Aleghieri the Sons of Veri de Cerchi and Giano della Bella. They sent likewise to desire the assistance of Robert King of Naples but not prevailing in an amicable way without terms they gave him the Government of their City for five years upon condition he would defend them as his subjects The Emperour in his passage came to Pisa and from thence coasting along the shore he went to Rome where he was Crown'd in the year 1312 after which addressing himself to the subduction of the Florentines he marcht by the way of Perugia and Arezzo to Florence and posted himself with his Army at the Monastery of St. Salvi where he continued fifty days without any considerable exploit Despairing of success against that City he remov'd to Pisa confederated with the King of Sicily to make an Enterprize upon Naples and marched forward with his Army but whilst he thought himself sure of Victory and Robert gave himself for lost the Emperour died at Buonconvento and that Expedition miscarri'd Not long after it fell out that Uguccione became Lord of Pisa and by degrees of Lucca where he joyn'd himself with the Ghibilines and by the assistance of that faction committed great depredations upon the Neighbours The Florentines to free themselves from his Excursions desir'd King Robert that his Brother Piero might have the Command of their Army In the mean time Uguccione was not idle To increase his numbers and extend his dominion partly by force and partly by stratagem he had possess'd himself of many strong Castles in the Vallies of Arno and Nievole and having advanc'd so far as to besiege Monte Catini the Florentines thought it necessary to Relieve it left otherwise that Conflagration should consume their whole Country Having drawn together a great Army they March'd into the Val di Nievole gave battel to Uguccione and after a sharp sight were defeated In the battel they lost 2000. men besides Piero the Kings Brother whose body could never be found Nor was the Victory on Uguccione's side without some qualification he having lost one of his Sons and several Officers of Note After this disaster the Florentines fortifi'd at home as much as they could and King Robert sent them a new General call'd the Conte di Andrea with the title of Conte Novello By his deportment or rather by the Genius of the Florentines whose property it is to increase upon every settlement and to fall afterwards into factions upon every accident notwithstanding their present War with Uguccione they divided again and some were for King Robert and others against him The chief of his Adversaries were Simon della Tosa the Magalotti and other popular familes who had greatest interest in the Government These persons sent first to France and then into Germany to raise men and invite Officers that by their assistance they might be able to rid themselves of their new Governour the Conte But their fortune was adverse and neither could be procur'd Nevertheless they gave not their Enterprize over though they had been disappointed both in Germany and France they found out an Officer in Agobbio having driven out King Roberts Governour they sent for Lando from Agobbio and made him Essecutore or indeed Executioner giving him absolute power over their whole City Laudo being naturally cruel and avaritious march'd with arm'd men up and down the City plundering this place and killing in that as those who sent for him gave him directions and not content with this insolence he Coyn'd false money with the Florentine stamp and no man had the power to oppose it to such grandeur was he arriv'd by the dissention of the Citizens Miserable certainly and much to be lamented was the Condition of this City which neither the Consequences of their former divisions their apprehension of Uguccione nor the Authority of a King was sufficient to unite Abroad they were infested by Uguccione at home they were pillag'd by Laudo and yet no reconciliation The Kings friends many of the Nobility several great men of the Populace and all the Guelfs were Enemies to Laudo and his party Nevertheless the Adversary having the Authority in his hand they could not without manifest danger discover themselves however that they might not be deficient in what they were able to do towards the freeing themselves of so dishonourable a Tyranny they writ privately to King Robert to intreat that he would make Conte Guido da Buttifolle his
forced his passage into the Town the Florentines drew off to Librafatta and the Conte march'd out and sat down before Pescia where Pagolo da Diaccetto was Governor and in great fear ran away to Pistoia Had not the Town been better defended by Giovanni Malavolti than by him it had been most dishonourably lost The Conte not able to carry it at the first assault drew off to Buggiano took that and Stilano a Castle not far off and burn'd both of them to the ground The Florentines displeas'd with this devastation apply'd themselves to a remedy which had often preserv'd them and knowing that Souldiers of Fortune are easier corrupted than beaten they caus'd a considerable sum to be proffer'd to the Conte not only to depart but to deliver them the Town The Conte perceiving no Man was to be squeez'd out of that City accepted the proposition in part but not thinking it convenient in point of honor to put them in possession of the Town he articled to draw away his Army upon the payment of 50000 Ducats This agreement being made that the people of Lucca might excuse him to the Duke he seiz'd upon their Governor which they had promis'd to depose Antonio dell Rosso the Siena Embassador was at that time in Lucca as we said before This Antonio by the Authority of the Conte meditated the destruction of Pagolo The heads of the Conspiracy were Pietro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizano The Conte was quartered out of the Town upon the Banks of the Serchio and with him the Governor's Son The Conspirators about 40 in number went in the night to find out Pagolo who hearing of their intention came forth in great fear to meet them and inquire the occasion To whom Cennami made answer That they had been too long Govern'd by him that the Enemy was now about their walls and they brought into a necessity of dying either by Famine or the Sword That for the future they were resolv'd to take the Government into their own hands and therefore they demanded that the Treasure and the Keys of the City might be delivered to them Pagolo repli'd that the Treasure was consum'd but both the Keys and himself were at their service only he had no request to make to them that as his Government had begun and continued without blood so there might be none spilt at its conclusion Hereupon Pagolo and his Son were deliver'd up to the Conte Francesco who presented them to the Duke and both of them dyed afterwards in prison This departure of the Conte having freed the Lucchesi from the Tyranny of their Governor and the Florentine from the fear of his Army both sides fell again to their preparations the one to beleaguer and the other to defend The Florentines made the Conte Orbino their General who begirt the Town so close the Lucchesi were constrain'd once more to desire the assistance of the Duke who under the same pretence as he had formerly sent the Conte sent Nicolo Piccinino to relieve them Piccinino advancing with his Troops to enter the Town the Florentines opposing his passage over the River the Florentines were defeated after a sharp ingagement and the General with very few of his Forces preserv'd themselves at Pisa. This disaster put the whole City in great consternation and because the enterprize had been undertaken upon the peoples account not knowing where else to direct their complaints they laid the fault upon the Officers and managers seeing they could not fix it upon the contrivers of the war and reviv'd their old articles against Rinaldo But the greatest part of their indignation fell upon Giovanni Guiccardini charging him that it was in his power to have put an end to the war after Conte Francesco was departed but that he had been corrupted by their mony part of which had been remitted to his own house by bills of exchange and part he had received himself and carryed it with him These reports and rumors went so high that the Captain of the people moved by them and the importunity of the contrary party summon'd him before him Giovanni appear'd but full of indignation whereupon his relations interpos'd and to their great honor prevail'd so far with the Captain that the process was laid aside The Lucchesi upon this Victory not only recover'd their own Towns but over-ran and possess'd themselves of the whole Territory of Pisa except Biantina Calcinaia Liccorno and Librafatta and had not a conspiracy been accidently discover'd in Pisa that City had been lost among the rest The Florentines however recruited their Army and sent it out under the command of Micheletto who had been bred up a Soldier under Sforza The Duke having obtain'd the Victory to overlay the Florentines with multitude of Enemies procured a League betwixt the Genouesi Sanisi and the Lord of Piombino for the defence of Lucca and that Piccinino should be their General which thing alone was the discovery of the plot Hereupon the Venetians and Florentines renew there League Open Hostilities are committed both in Lombardy and Tuscany and many Skirmishes and Rencounters happen with various fortune on both sides till at length every Body being tyr'd a General Peace was concluded betwixt all parties in the month of May 1433. by which it was agreed that the Florentines Siennesi Lucchesi and who ever else during that war had taken any Towns or Castles from their Enemies should restore them and all things return to the possession of the owners During the time of this war abroad the malignant and factious humors began to work again and ferment at home and Cosimo de Medici after the Death of his Father began to manage the publick business with greater intention and magnanimity and converse with his Friends with greater freedom than his Father had done Insomuch that those who before were glad at the death of Giovanni were much surpriz'd and confounded to see him so far out-done by his Son Cosimo was a wise and sagacious Gentleman grave but grateful in his presence liberal and courteous to the highest never attempted any thing against any party nor the State but watch'd all opportunities of doing good to every Body and obliging all people with his continual beneficence So that indeed the excellency of his conversation was no little distraction and disadvantage to those who were at the helm However by that way he presum'd he should be lyable to live as freely and with as much Authority in Florence as other people or else being driven to any strait by the malice of his Adversaries it would be in his power to deal with them by the assistance of his friends The great instruments for the propagation of his interest were Averardo de Medici and Puccio Pucci Averardo with his prudence procuring him much favour and reputation This Puccio was a Person so eminent for his judgment and so well known to the people that he denominated the faction which was not call'd
by the meditation of the Florentines by which the Pope was to have in la Marca Osimo Fabriano and Ricanato restored and all the rest were to remain to the Count. After this accommodation in la Marca all Italy had been quiet had not the Bolognesi disturbed it there were two super-eminent families in Bologna the Canneschi and the Bentivogli Hannibal was the head of the latter and Battista of the first To beget the greater confidence betwixt them many matches had been made but among Men that aspire to the same degree of greatness an Allyance is sooner made than a friendship Bologna was in League with the Venetians and Florentines which League was made by Hannibal Bentivogli's means after Francesco Piccinino was expelled Battista understanding how earnestly the Duke desired the friendship of that City contrived how he might kill Hannibal and deliver that City to the Duke and having concluded the circumstances on the 24th of Iune 1445 Battista and his accomplices set upon Hannibal and slew him and when they had done declared themselves for the Duke The Venetians and Florentine commissaries were at the same time in the Town and at the first report of the tumult returned privatly to their houses but finding the people thronging in great numbers in the Market place complaining and exclaiming against the Murderers of Hannibal they took courage joyned themselves with them and putting them into a posture they fell upon the Canneschi and in half an hours time routed them killed part of them and and drove the rest out of the City Battista not having opportunity to get away nor his Enemies to kill him betook himself to his house where hiding himself in a chest or Bing to keep Corn in they searched for him a whole day and could not discover him being assured he was not gone out of Town they came back again and threatened his Servants so that one of his Lacqueys betrayed him and carried them to him then drawing him out of his hole in armour as he was they killed him and dragged him about the Sreets and burned him so that the Victory of the Duke was sufficient to encourage that enterprize but his expedition in relieving it was not great enough to make it good By the death of Battista and the expulsion of the Canneschi their tumults were composed but the Bolognesi remained in no little confusion there being none of the family of the Bentivoglio's left to govern them for Hannibal had only one Son of about six years old called Giovanni and it was feared lest some difference and division might arise betwixt the friends of Bentivoglio in whose power it was to restore the Canneschi to the destruction of their party and Country Whilst they were in this suspence the Conte di Poppi being by accident in Bologna sent word to the principal of the City that if they would be governed by one of Hannibals blood he could direct them where they might have one for about twenty years since Hercules a Cousin-German of Hannibals being at Poppi had the enjoyment of a young Maid in that Town who was brought to bed afterwards of a Son called Santi which Hercules affirmed to him many times was his nor was it to be denied for who ever knew them both must needs ownea more than ordinary resemblance The Citizens giving credit to what he said dispatched some of their Citizens to Florence immediately to see the Youth and to desire Neri and Cosimo that he might be delivered to them the reputed father of Santi was dead and the Son lived with an Uncle called Antonioda Cascese a rich Man without Children of his own and a great friend of Neri's Neri out of respect to his Uncle thinking the business not to be despised nor on the other side rashly accepted proposed that Santi might be sent for and that in the presence af Cosimo and the Bolognian Embassadors they might hear what he could say for himself he was sent for accordingly and behaved himself so well the Bolognesi were ready to worship him so strangely prevalent sometimes is the love of a faction yet there was nothing concluded at this meeting only Cosimo took Santi aside and told him No Body can counsel you better in this case than your self because you may follow your own inclination If you be the Son of Hercules Bentivogli you will apply your self to such things as are worthy and sutable to the honor of that house But if you be the Son of Agnolo da Cascese you will continue in Florence and spend the rest of your days basely in the ordering of Wool This Speech netled the young Man and whereas before he seemed to be irresolute he now declared he would refer himself wholly to Cosimo and Neri and do as they directed him and it being agreed with the Embassadors Clothes and Horses were bought and equipage provided and a while after being honourably conducted to Bolonia he was made Governor both of Hannibals Son and the City which office he executed so well that whereas all his predecessors were killed by their Enemies he lived quietly all his time and died lamented at last After the death of Nicolo and the peace concluded in La Marca Philip wanting a new General to command his Army made private overtures to Ciarpellone one of the most experienced officers in the Counts Army and at last coming to an agreement Ciarpellone desired leave of the Count to go to Milan and take possession of certain Castles which Philip had given him in the late Wars The Count suspecting the business to disappoint the Duke and prevent his serving against him he caused him first to be stopped and afterwards to be killed pretending to have found him engaged in Conspiracy against him at which manner of proceeding the Duke was highly incensed but the Venetians and the Florentines were pleased well enough as apprehending the least amity betwixt the Count and the Duke however this indignity set all La Marca in an uproar and was the occasion of new War there Gismondo Malatesti was Lord of Rimino and being Son-in-Law to the Count he expected to have had the Government of Pesaro but the Count having reduced it gave the Command of it to his Brother which Gismondo took very ill and to make it the worse his mortal Enemy Federico di Monte Feltro by the Counts means had usurped the Dominion of Urbino upon these provocations Gismondo joyned himself with the Duke and solicited the Pope and the King of Naples to make War upon the Count who to give his Son-in-Law a relish of the War to which he had such a mind he resolved to begin and to fall first upon him whereupon the Countries of Romagna and La Marca were in a tumult immediately for Philip the King of Naples and the Pope sent all of them assistance to Gismondo and the Venetians and Florentines though they sent him no Men supplied the Count with what monies he wanted Philip
of his Towns But whilst the War was carried on in that Kingdom with such variety an accident happen'd which rob'd Giovanni of his opportunity of compleating that enterprize The Genoesi were extreamly dissatified with the insolent Government of the French had taken Arms against the Governor and forc'd him into the Castle in this action the Fregosi and Adorni concur'd and the Duke of Milan supplyed them both with mony and men King Rinato passed that way with a fleet towards the relief of his Son imagining by the help of the Castle he might recover the Town and landing his men in order thereunto he was beaten in such sort that he was forc'd back into Provence This news dismaid Giovanni not a little however he gave not his enterprize over but continued the War by the help of such Barons whose revolt from Ferrando had render'd them desperate of pardon at length after many occurencies both Armies came to a Battle near Troia in which Giovanni was routed but his defeat troubled him not so much as the loss of Piccinino who left his side and went back again to Ferrando His Army being broke he got off into Histria and from thence into France This War continued 4 years and miscarried by the negligence of the General when the Souldiers had many times overcome In this War however the Florentines were not publickly concern'd The truth is upon the death of Alfonso his Son Iohn of Aragon being come to that Crown sent his Embassadors to desire their assistance for his Nephew Ferrando according to their obligation by their late League with Alfonso but the Florentines returned that they did not think themselves oblig'd to assist the Son in a quarrel commenced by the Father and as it was begun without their consent or knowledg so without any assistance from them it might be continued or ended Whereupon in behalf of their King the Embassadors protested them guilty of the breach of the League and responsible for all the losses which should follow and having done that in a great huff they departed During the revolutions in this War the Florentines were at quiet abroad but at home it was otherwise as shall be shown more particularly in the following Book THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE BOOK VII IN the reading of the last Book it may appear possibly impertinent and a digression for a Writer of the Florentine History to have broke out and expatiated upon the affairs of Lombardy and Naples Yet I have done it and shall do it for the future for though I never profess'd to write the transactions of Italy yet I never bound my self up from giving a relation of such important and memorable passages as would make our History more grateful and intelligible especially seeing from the actions of other Princes and States wars and troubles did many times arise in which the Florentines were of necessity involved for example the War betwixt Giovanni d' Angio and King Ferrando proclaimed in them so great a hatred and animosity one towards the other that it was continued afterwards betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines and more particularly the House of Medici For King Ferrando complaining not only that they had refus'd him their assistance but given it to his Enemies that resentment of his was the occasion of much mischief as will be shown in our narration And because in my description of our Foreign affairs I am advanc'd to the year 1463. being return'd to our domestick it will be necessary to look back for several years But first by way of introduction as my custom I shall say that they who imagine a Commonwealth may be continued united are egregiously mistaken True it is dissention does many times hurt but sometimes it advantages a State It hurts when it is accompanied with parties and factions it helps when it has none Seeing therefore it is impossible for any Legislator or founder of a republick to provide there should be no piques nor unkindnesses betwixt Men it is his business what he can to secure them against growing into parties and Clans It is then to be consider'd that there are two ways for Citizens to advance themselves to reputation among their Neighbours and they are either publickly or privatly The Publick way is by gaining some battle surprizing and distressing some Town performing some Embassy carefully and prudently or counselling their State wisely and with success the private way is by being kind to their fellow Citizens by defending them from the Magistrats supplying them with mony promoting them to honors and with plays and publick exhibitions to ingratiate with the People This last way produces parties and factions and as the reputation acquir'd that way is dangerous and fatal so the other way it is beneficial if it sides with no party as extending to the publick And although among Citizens of such qualification there must needs be emulations and jealousies yet wanting partisans and People which for their advantage will follow them they are rather a convenience than otherwise to a Government for to make themselves more eminent and conspicuous than their Competitors they imploy all their faculties for its advancement prying and observing one anothers actions so strictly that neither dares venture to transgress The emulations in Florence were always with faction and for that reason always were dangerous nor was any party unanimous any longer than it had an adverse party in being for that being overcome and the predominant party having no fear nor order to restrain it subdivided on course Cosimo de Medici's party prevail'd in the year 1434 but the depress'd party being great and many powerful Men amongst them for a while they continued unanimous and supportable committing no exorbitance among themselves nor injustice to the People which might beget them their hatred Insomuch as when ever they had use of the People for their readvancement to any place of authority they found them always ready to confer it upon the chief of that party whether it was the Balia or any other power which they desir'd and so from the year 1434 to 55 which was 21 years they were six times created of the Balia by the Counsels of the People There were in Florence as we have many times hinted two principal Citizens Cosimo de Medici and Neri Capponi Neri had gain'd his reputation in the publick way and had many friends but few partisans Cosimo on the other side had advanc'd himself both ways and had friends and partisans both and these two continuing friends whilst they lived together they could ask nothing of the People but it was readily granted because unanimity went along with the Power But Neri dying in the year 1455 and the adverse party being extinct the Government found great difficulty to recover its authority and Cosimo's great friends were the cause of it who were willing to detract from his authority now his adversaries were suppress'd This was the beginning of the divisions in 1466 in which year in
enterprize against the Turks the time of Pius his whole Papacy was consum'd But Florence fell again into its old factions and dissentions The divisions in Cosimo's party began in 55 upon the occasions aforesaid and by his wisdom as is said before they were restrained But in 64 Cosimo fell sick and dyed generally lamented both by his friends and his Enemies for they who lov'd him not whilst at the Helm seeing their fellow Citizens so rapacious whilst he was living the reverence they bore to his Person making them less insupportable than otherwise they would be could not but fear now he was dead and his influence lost they should be utterly ruined and in his Son Piero they could repose little confidence for though he was of himself a good Man yet being infirm and but young in the State they supposed he would be constrained to comply with them and they become more head-strong and incontrolable in their wickedness so that Cosimo died universally lamented and certainly he deserved it for he was the most famous and memorable Citizen of a Person that was no Souldier that ever Florence or any other City produc'd he exceeded all his contemporaries not only in Authority and Estate but in liberality and prudence which qualities made him a Prince in his Country and beloved by all People his munificence was more eminent after his death than before for when his Son Piero came to look over his writing and to enquire into the particulars of his Estate he found there was scarce a Man of any quality in the City to whom Cosimo had not lent a considerable sum and many times when he heard of the exigencies of any Person of quality he supply'd them unasked His magnificence appear'd in the multitude of his buildings for in Florence he built the Convents of S. Marco and S. Lorenzo and the Monastery of S. Verdiano in the Monti di Fiesoli S. Giralomo and the Abbey in Mugello he not only repaired a Church of the Minor's but he took it down and rebuilt it from the ground besides this in S. Croce in Servi in Agnoli in S. Mineato he erected altars and most sumptuous Chappels all which besides the building he adorn'd with all the utensels and decorations required in so sacred a place Besides his religious houses he built several private houses for himself one in the City sutable to his quality four without at Careggio Fiesole Cafaggivolo and Trebi all of them fitter for Princes than private Men and as if his buildings in Italy were too few to make him famous he built an Hospital in Ierusalem for the reception and relief of poor and infirm pilgrims brought thither by their devotion in which fabrick he laid out a vast sum of Money and albeit in his actions and buildings he behaved himself like a King and was the only Prince in Florence yet he was so moderate and untransported in all things that in his conversation his Parades his allyances and his whole manner of life he retained the modesty of a Citizen for he was sensible that ostentation and Pomp in that which is every day to be seen contracts more envy than moderation and gravity Being to seek for matches for his Sons he did not endeavour for the alliance of Princes but married his Son Giovanni to Cornelia Alessandri and Piero to Lucretia Tornabuoni and contracted his Grand-children by Piero Bianca to Gulielmo di Pazzi and Nannina to Bernardo Rucellai Among all the States Princes and civil Governments of his time no person came near him for sagacity and intelligence Hence it was that in all the variety of his fortunes when the City was so uncertain and the people so voluble He kept his Authority 31 years for being a wise man and of great prospect he foresaw any mischief at a distance and was ready to prevent it before it proceeded too far or to frustrate the effects of it if it did Whereby he did not only subdue all domestick and private ambition at home but restrained it so happily in several Princes that whoever confederated with him and his Country came off upon equal terms if not worsted their enemies and whoever oppos'd him either lost their money their time or their State and of this the Venetians can give ample testimony who whilst in League with him against Duke Philip were always victorious but that League was no sooner broken but they were beaten both by Philip and Francesco and when they joyned with Alfonso against the Republick of Florence Cosimo with his own credit drained Naples and Venice so dry that they were glad to except what terms of peace he would allow Of all the difficulties therefore which Cosimo encountred both within the City and without the conclusion was still honorable for him and destructive for his enemies so that the civil discords gain'd him authority at home and his foreign Wars power and reputation abroad insomuch that to the territory and Dominion of his Country he added the City of Borgo a Sepulcro Montedoglio Casentino and Valdi Bagno and by his virtue and fortune snppress'd his Enemies and exalted his friends He was born 1389. on S. Cosimo and Damiano's day The first part of his life was full of troubles witness his banishment his imprisonment and his dangers in being killed From the Counsel of Constance after Pope Iohn was ruin'd whom he had attended thither he was forced to fly in disguise or otherwise he had been slain but after the fortieth year of his age it was more pleasant and happy not only such as were employ'd with him in publick affairs but the managers also of his private treasure in foreign parts participating of his felicity From him many Families in Florence may derive their great estates particularly the Fornabuoni the Benci the Portinari the Sapetti and in short all that had dependance either upon his counsel or fortune Though his disbursements were vast in building his Houses and Temples and in his distributions to the poor yet he would complain sometimes among his friends that he had not laid out so much to the honour of God as he was oblig'd and that if he had done much more he must confess himself his debtor His stature was ordinary his complexion worthy his presence venerable his learning was not great but his eloquence admirable he was naturally prudent courteous to his friends merciful to the poor profitable in his converse cautious in his counsels speedy in his executions and in his sayings and replies both solid and facetious When he went first into Banishment Rinaldo de gli Albizi drolling upon his exilement sent him word The hen was hatching to which Cosimo returned that she would have but ill hatching so far from her nest To some of his Rebels who in a threatning way sent him word They were not asleep he reply'd he believ'd it for he had spoil'd their sleeping When Pope Pius was encouraging and pressing all Christian Princes against the Turk
Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy To the Venetian Embassadors who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Alfonso to complain of that Commonwealth putting his hat off to them he demanded the colour of his hair they told him it was gray he replyed in time your Senators will be of the same colour Not many hours before his death his Wife seing him shut his eyes enquired why he did so and he told her to use them Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated and God Almighty offended if he banished so many wealthy and Religious Men he told them the City had better be depopulated than destroyed That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand These last expressions gave his Enemies occasion to calumniate him as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country and one that took more care of this World than the next Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted but being unnecessary they are omitted Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian as learned as any in his time that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue and in several of his Tenets He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy whom he loved so entirely and that he might follow his studies with more convenience he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi So that his prudence his beneficence his success and his way of living made him be belov'd and feared among the Citizens and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity that by their virtue they might equal him by their fortune transcend him and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days he had several afflictions he had but two Sons Piero and Giovanni of which Giovanni the most hopeful dyed and Piero who survived was infirm and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business so that after the death of his Son causing himself to be carried about his house he sighed and said this house is too big for so small a Family It troubled him also that he had not in his judgment enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state nor added to it empire any considerable acquest and it s troubled him the more for that he found himself cheated by Francesco who when he was but Count had promis'd him as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines but his mind chang'd with his fortune and having got to be the Duke of Milan had a desire to enjoy in peace what he had obtained by War so that after his elevation he never medled in foreign concerns nor made any more Wars than were necessary for his own defence which was a great disturbance to Cosimo who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful He perceived likewise that in respect of his age and the infirmities of his body he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont and he saw both the one and the other decline the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citizens and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end yet he died full of Glory and renown all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero the whole City attended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria If in my description and character of Cosimo I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes than of an Historian it is not to be admir'd He was a person extraordinary in our City and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition aforesaid Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War which his Barons at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan and Charles Duke of Burgundy had rais'd This War lay so heavy upon him he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Naples but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get he call'd back his forces and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French he ordered it to be delivered to the Count and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King and the assistance given him by the Adorni he possess'd himself of Genoa and in gratitude to the French King sent him a supply of 1500 Horse into France under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo by this means Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet the one Duke of Lombardy and Lord of Genoa the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples and having contracted alliances together and married their Children the one to the other they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived and to their heirs when they were dead In order to this it was thought necessary the King should make sure of such of his Barons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio and the Duke should endeavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke and at that time in great reputation under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy and having no Soveraignty of his own it concerned all who had any to have an eye over him and more especially the Duke who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself nor leave it to his Sons whilst Giacopo was living Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Barons used all possible art to reconcile himself to them and he succeeded with much difficulty for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King they must certainly be ruined but by accommodation of their differences and trusting themselves to him there was only a hazard and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness which are most certain Princes do easily deceive such as are not able to contend The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction if they continued the
War accepted his conditions and threw themselves into his Arms but not long after sundry pretences were taken against them and they were all of them extinguished Which news was so terrible to Giacopo Piccinino who was then with his forces at Solmona that by the mediation of his friends he immediatly practised his reconciliation with the Duke and the Duke having offered him honorable terms Giacopo resolv'd to accept them and come in and accordingly he went to Milan to present himself to him attended by 100 Horse Giacopo had served under his Father and with his Brother a long time first for Duke Philip and then for the People of Milan so that by long conversation in those parts he had got a good interest and was generally belov'd and the present condition of affairs had much increas'd it for the prosperity and Grandeur of the Sforzeschi had created them envy and Giacopo's adversity and long absence had gain'd him compassion among the People and a great desire to see him advanced all which kindness discovered it self at his arrival there being scarce any of the Nobility but went out to meet him the streets were full of People to behold him and no talk in the whole City but of him and his family But their extravagant acclamations were his ruine for as they increas'd the Dukes jealousie so they confirm'd his resolution to remove him and that it might be done the more plausibly and with less danger of detection he ordered that his marriage with Drusiano his natural daughter to whom he had been contracted long before should be consummate After which he practis'd with Ferrando to entertain him as General of his Army and to give him 100000 Florens by way of advance upon conclusion of these Articles Giacopo and his wife accompanied an Ambassador from the Duke to Naples where they were all very well received and for several days entertained with all imaginable affluence and diversion but desiring leave to pass to his Army at Solmona he was invited by the King into the Castle and after supper both he and his Son Francesco were apprehended and clapped up into Prison where not long after they were murdered Thus were the Princes of Italy jealous of that virtue which they had not in themselves and not enduring it in other People they exposed that Country to calamities which not long after afflicted and destroyed it Pope Pius having in the mean time accommodated the differences in Romagna and finding an universal peace all over Europe thought it a convenient time to solicite the Christians against the Turks and reassumed the whole methods which his predecessors had taken by which all the Princes of Christendom were prevailed withal to assist either with mony or Men Matheo King of Hungary and Charles Duke of Burgundy engaged to go in Person were made Generals of that enterprize by the Pope who was so well pleas'd with what he had done that he went from Rome to Ancona to be at the Rendezvous of the Army which was to meet there and by Ships which the Venetians had promis'd to furnish be transported into Sclavonia After the arrival of his Holiness there was so great a throng and confluence of People that in a few days all their provision was devoured and the neighbouring Towns not being able to supply every Body was ready to starve for hunger besides which they neither had mony to pay the Souldier nor weapons to Arm them there was neither Duke of Burgundy nor King of Hungary there the Venetians indeed had sent a few Gallies under one of their Captains but it was rather to show their Pomp than to perform their promise so far were they unfit for the transportation of an Army So that in the midst of these disasters by reason of his great age and infirmities the Pope died the whole Aâ—â—â— disbanded and returned to their own homes Pope Pius dying in the year 1465 〈◊〉 by birth a Venetian was elected in his place And as most of the Principalities in Italy had changed their Governors about that time so Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan died after he had enjoyed that Dukedom sixteen years and Galeazzo his Son was declared his successor The Death of this Prince was the occasion that the divisions in Florence encreased broke out much sooner than otherwise they would have done Cosimo being dead Piero his Son succeeded both to his authority and Estate and having call'd to him Diotisalvi Neroni as honorable and great a Man as most in the City by whom Cosimo upon his death bed had commanded his Son Piero to be governed in all his affairs he let him know the great confidence his Father had repos'd in him and that being desirous to obey him after his Death as he had done whilst he was living he did intreat his advice not only in his private and domestick affairs but in his publick administration of the Government that he might begin first with his own particular business he would show him the accounts and Books of his Estate that he might understand how things stood and direct him afterwards as he pleas'd Diotisalvi promised to be ready and faithful but the accounts being produced and examined were found very disorderly and imperfect Diotisalvi as a Person which respected his own interest more than his professions to Piero or his obligations to his Father supposing it easie to rob him of his reputation and divest him of the Authority which Cosimo had left him as hereditary came to him therefore with Counsel very fair and reasonable in appearance but inwardly destructive and pernitious He represented to him the disorder of his accounts and what sums of mony would be necessary to have by him if he meant to keep up his credit or preserve his preferment in the State he told him that those disorders were not any way so readily to be redress'd nor his Coffers so naturally supplied as by calling in such sums as were owing to his Father both abroad and at home For Cosimo to gain himself an interest had been very ready to accommodate any body that wanted and the monies he had lent amounted to an incredible sum Piero was well satisfied with his advice and thinking it but just he called in his mony But no sooner had he done it but the Citizens cryed out upon him declaimed against him as ingrateful and covetous and used him as opprobriously as if he had robbed them and not demanded his own Diotisalvi finding his design succeed and that Piero was fallen into disgrace with the People he consulted with Luca Pitti Agnolo Acciaivoli and Nicolo Soderini how they might depose him they were all of them ready to embrace the design but upon several grounds and provocations Luca desired to succeed Piero in his command for he was grown so great he disdained to obey him Diotisalvi knew Luca was not fit to be chief in the Government and therefore he thought if Piero was removed in
Princes but Republicks the latter prferring them as virtuous the other destroying them as dangerous The Gentlemen with whom he had entred into more particular familiarity were Giovanandrea Lampognano Carlo Visconti and Girolamo Olgiatto and to these he had may times inculcated the excellence of the one Government and the periciousness of the other and by degrees he became so confident both of their courage and inclination that he persuaded them to a solemn oath that as soon as their age would give them leave they should employ all their faculties to redeem their Country from the Tyranny of their Prince The young Gentlemen full of his documents and a desire of observing their oaths detesting the courses of the Duke and resenting some particular injuries of their own were impatient to put his directions in execution Galeazzo was in his carriage both cruel and lascivious each of which good qualities were sufficient to make him odious it was not enough for him to debauch and vitiate the noblest Ladies of the City but he took delight to publish it no man in his judgment was handsomly punished who was not executed with some unusual circumstance of cruelty He was suspected likewise to have murdered his Mother for not fancying himself Prince enough whilst she was in the way he behaved himself so towards her that she desired to retire to Cremona which was the place of her dower in which journey she was surprized with a sudden sit of sickness and died and her death by many People imputed to her Son By tampering with or reflecting upon some Ladies of their relations Galeazzo had highly disobliged both Carlo and Girolamo and to Giovanandrea he had refused to give the possession of the Abbey of Miramando which was granted to his predecessors by the Pope these private injuries egg'd on the young Gentlemen to revenge themselves and deliver their Country presuming if they could kill him not only the Nobility but the whole body of the People would follow them resolved therefore upon the fact they met many times to consult of the way and their old familiarity rendered them unsuspected Whilst they were contriving their business to make themselves more dexterous and couragious when they came to it their way was to strike and stab one another with the sheaths of those daggers which they had prepared to do the work sometimes upon the arms and sometimes upon the breasts of one another At length they came to consider of the time and the place in the Castle it was thought unsafe a hunting dangerous and uncertain a walking difficult and unpracticable in the conventions impossible at length it was concluded he should be assassinated at some show or publick festivity to which he would certainly come at which time upon sundry pretences they might have opportunity to assemble their friends They concluded likewise that if any of them upon any occasion whatever should be absent or apprehended the rest should proceed and kill him upon the place In the year 1476 Christmas coming on and the Duke accustom'd on S. Stephens day with great solemnity to visit the Church of that Martyr they pitched upon that for the time and the place The morning arriving they caused some of their principal friends and servants to arm pretending they were to assist Giovanandrea who contrary to the inclinations of some of his Enemies was to bring certain pipes of Water into his grounds for his greater convenience being armed according to directions they conducted them to the Church alledging that they would get leave of the Prince to justifie what might happen they caused several others likewise of their friends and allies to meet there upon several pretences presuming when the stroke was struck and the business done to their hand they would hall in then without any difficulty or scruple Their resolution was â—as soon as the Duke was killed to get all those armed Men at their heels and to march into that part of the Town where they thought they could raise the People with most ease and persuade them to arm against the Dutchess and the Ministers of the State not doubting but the People would readily follow them being much distressed for want of provisions and promised as they intended the houses of Cecco Simonetta Giovanni Botti Francesco Lucani and all the rest of the Governors to plunder Having laid their design thus and encouraged one another toxecute it bravely Giovanandrea with his accomplices went to Church betimes and heard Mass together after which Giavanadrea turning towards the image of San. Ambrogio he said Most venerable Patron of our City thou knowest our intention and for what end we expose our selves to so many dangers be I beseech you kind and propitious to our enterprize and by favouring of justice let the World see how much injustice displeases you To the Duke on the other side before side before he came to Church many things happened which seemed to presage his Death When he dressed himself that morning he put on a Coat of mail which he usually wore but on a sudden thinking it unhandsome or troublesom he caused it to be pulled off and laid by He had a mind to hear Mass in his own Chappel but his Chaplain was gone to Saint Stephens Church and carried all the implements along with him having news of that he ordered the Bishop of Como should officiate for him but he excused himself upon very reasonable impediments so that he was necessitated as it were to go to Church before he went he caused Giovan Galeazzo and Hermes his Sons to be brought to him and when they came he kissed and embraced them as if he was never to see them again at length and very loath being parted from them he resolved to go to Church and marching out of the Castle betwixt the Embassadors of Ferrara and Mantoua he went towards S. Stephens The conspirators in the mean time to give the less suspicion and avoid the cold which at that time was very great were go up into a Chamber belonging to the Arch-priest who was of their acquaintance but hearing the Duke was coming they went down and placed themselves in the Porch Giovanandrea and Girolamo on the right hand and Charles on the left Those who marched before the Duke were already entred then came the Duke himself encompassed with a great multitude of People As is usual in such pompous solemnities The first which addressed themselves to their work was Giovanandrea and Girolamo who pretending to make room pressed up to the Duke and with short daggers which they had ready drawn in their sleeves they stab'd him Giovanandrea gave him two wounds one in the belly the other in the throat Girolamo struck him in the throat likewise and in the belly Carlo Visconti being placed nearer the door the Duke was past him before he was assaulted and therefore he could not strike him before he was dead however he must do his share and with a schine
they thought it probable he might succeed Lorenzo embracing the motion and having prepared for his journey committed the City and Government to Tomaso Soderini at that time Gonfaloniere di Gustitia and left Florence in the beginning of December Being arrived at Pisa in his way he writ to the Senate and gave them an account of his design and the Senate in honor to him and that he might treat with more reputation made him Embassador for the People of Florence and gave him authority to conclude with him according to his own judgment and discretion About this time Signore Roberto da Santo Severino joyning with Lodovico and Ascanio for their brother Sforza was dead they invaded the State of Milan in hopes to have re-invested themselves having possess'd themselves of Tortona and Milan and the whole State being in Arms the Dutchess was advised to compose her civil dissentions to restore the Sforzi and receive them into the Government again Her great Councellor in this was Antonio Tassino a Ferrarese who though meanly extracted being come to Milan was preferred to be Chamberlain both to the Duke and the Dutchess this Antonio for the comliness of his person or some other secret excellence after the Dukes death grew into great favour with the Dutchess and in a manner governed the whole State which was very unpleasing to Cecco a Man of great prudence and long experience in publick affairs insomuch that he used all his interest both with the Dutchess and the rest of the Governors to clip the wings of his authority remove him Antonio having notice of his design to countermine him and have some body near which might be able to defend him he advis'd the Dutchess to restore the Sforzi and the Dutchess following his persuasion invited them back again without communicating with Cecco upon which he is reported to have told her that she had done a thing which would cost him his life and deprive her of the Government And so afterwards it fell out for Cecco was put to death by Lorenzo and Tassino turned out of Milan which the Dutchess took in such dudgeon that she forsook the Town and left the Government of her Son to his unckle Lodovico which act of her's in leaving that whole Dutchy to the Government of Lodovico was the ruine of Italy as shall be shown in its place Lorenzo de Medici was in his journey towards Naples and the truce betwixt the parties in a very fair way when on a sudden beyond all expectation Lodovico Fregoso having intelligence in Serezana surprized the Town and made all prisoners whom he found any ways affected to the Florentines This accident was highly resented by the Governors of Florence for they imagined it done by the order of Ferrando and therefore complained heavily to the Duke of Calabria who was with his Army at Sienna that whilst they were in Treaty they should be assaulted so treacherously but the Duke assured them by Letters and an Embassy on purpose that what had passed was done without either his consent or his Fathers However the affairs of the Florentines were judged in a very ill condition their treasure being exhausted their Prince in the hands of the King an old War on Foot with the Pope and the King a new War commenced with the Genoeesi and no friends to support them for they had no hopes of the Venetian and of the State of Milan they had more reason to be afraid it was so various and unstable the only hope remaining to the Florentines was in Lorenzo's address to the King Lorenzo arrived at Naples by Sea was honorably received both by the King and the whole City and though the War was begun for no other end but to ruine him yet the greatness of his Enemies did but add to his Grandeur for being brought to his audience he delivered himself so handsomly and discoursed so well of the condition of Italy of the humors of all the Princes and People therein and gave so good account of what was to be dreaded by War and what was to be hoped for by peace that the King admired the greatness of his mind the dexterity of his wit the solidity of his judgment more now than he had wondered before how he could alone sustain so great an invasion insomuch that he doubled his respects towards him and began to think it his interest much more to make him his friend than to continue him his Enemy Nevertheless upon sundry pretences and fetches he kept him in dispence from December to March not only to satisfie himself in a farther experience of Lorenzo but to inform himself of the infidelity of Florence for that City was not without those who would have been glad the King would have kept him and handled him as Giacopo Piccinino was handled These People began to complain and spake ill of him all over the Town to oppose themselves publickly in the Councils against any thing that was moved in favour to Lorenzo and gave out generally where ever they came that if the King kept him much longer at Naples they would alter the Government so that the King forbore to dispatch him for some time in expectation of a tumult But finding all quiet and no likelyhood of any such thing on the 6 of March 1479 he dismissed him having first presented him so nobly and treated him so honorably that they had made a perpetual League and obliged themselves mutually for the preservation of one anothers Dominions If therefore Lorenzo was great when he went from Florence he was much greater when he returned and was received with a joy and acclamation in the City sutable to his quality and the recency of his deserts who had ventred his own life so frankly to procure peace to his Country Two days after his arrival the Articles of Peace were published by which both the State of Florence and King had particularly obliged themselves to a common defence that such Towns as were taken from the Florentines during the War if in the King's power should be restored that the Pazzi which were prisoners at Volterra should be discharged and a certain sum of mony payed to the Duke of Calabria for a prefixed time This Peace was no sooner published but the Pope and the Venetians were infinitly offended the Pope thinking himself neglected by the King and the Venetians by the Florentines for both one and the other having been partners in the War they took it unkindly to be left out of the Peace Their displeasure being reported and believed at Florence it was presently apprehended that the effect of this peace would be a greater War Hereupon the Governors of the State began to think of contracting the government and reducing it into a lesser number of Ministers appointing a Council of 70 Citizens to transact such affairs as were of principal importance This new Constitution settled the minds of those who were desirous of innovation and to give
The one was in Asia where Niger General of the Asiatick Army had proclaimed himself Emperor The other in the west where Albinus the General aspired to the same and thinking it hazardous to declare against both he resolved to oppose himself against Niger and cajole and wheedle Albinus to whom he writ word That being chosen Emperor by the Senate he was willing to receive him to a participation of that dignity gave him the title of Caesar and by consent of the Senate admitted him his Collegue which Albinus embraced very willingly and thought him in earnest but when Severus had overcome Niger put him to death and setled the affairs of the East being returned to Rome he complained in the Senate against Albinus as a person who contrary to his obligations for the benefits received from him had endeavoured treacherously to murther him told them that he was obliged to march against him to punish his ingratitude and afterwards following him into France he executed his design deprived him of his Command and put him to death He then who strictly examines the Actions of this Prince will find him fierce as a Lyon subtile as a Fox feared and reverenced by every body and no way odious to his Army Nor will it seem strange that he though newly advanced to the Empire was able to defend it seeing his great reputation protected him against the hatred which his people might have conceived against him by reason of his Rapine But his Son Antoninus was an excellent person likewise endued with transcendant parts which rendered him admirable to the people and grateful to the Soldiers for he was Martial in his Nature patient of labour and hardship and a great despiser of all sensuality and softness which recommended him highly to his Armies Nevertheless his fury and cruelty was so immoderately great having upon several private and particular occasions put a great part of the people of Rome and all the inhabitants of Alexandria to death that he fell into the hatred of the whole world and began to be feared by his Confidents that were about him so that he was killed by one of his Captains in the middle of his Camp From whence it may be observed That these kind of Assassinations which follow upon a deliberate and obstinate resolution cannot be prevented by a Prince for he who values not his own life can commit them when he pleases but they are to be feared the less because they happen but seldom he is only to have a care of doing any great injury to those that are about him of which error Antoninus was too guilty having put the Brother of the said Captain to an ignominious death threatned the Captain daily and yet continued him in his Guards which was a rash and pernicious act and prov'd so in the end But to come to Commodus who had no hard task to preserve his Empire succeeding to it by way of inheritance as Son to Marcus for that to satisfie the people and oblige the Soldiers he had no more to do but to follow the footsteps of his Father But being of a brutish and cruel disposition to exercise his rapacity upon the people he indulged his Army and allowed them in all manner of licentiousness Besides prostituting his Dignity by descending many times upon the Theater to fight with the Gladiators and committing many other acts which were vile and unworthy the Majesty of an Emperor he became contemptible to the Souldiers and growing odious to one party and despicable to the other they conspired and murthered him Maximinus was likewise a Martial Prince and addicted to the Wars and the Army being weary of the Effeminacy of Alexander whom I have mentioned before having slain him they made Maximinus Emperor but he possessed it not long for two things contributed to make him odious and despised One was the meanness of his extraction having kept sheep formerly in Thrace which was known to all the world and made him universally contemptable The other was that at his first coming to the Empire by not repairing immediately to Rome and putting himself into possession of his Imperial seat he had contracted the imputation of being cruel having exercised more than ordinary severity by his Prefects in Rome and his Lieutenants in all the rest of the Empire so that the whole world being provoked by the vileness of his birth and detestation of his cruelty in apprehension of his fury Africa the Senate and all the people both in Italy and Rome conspired against him and his own Army joyning themselves with them in their Leaguer before Aquileia finding it difficult to be taken weary of his cruelties and encouraged by the multitude of his Enemies they set upon him and slew him I will not trouble my self with Heliogabalus Macrinus nor Iulian who being all effeminate and contemptible were quickly extinguished But I shall conclude this discourse and say that the Princes of our times are not obliged to satisfie the Soldiers in their respective Governments by such extraordinary ways for though they are not altogether to be neglected yet the remedy and resolution is easie because none of these Princes have entire Armies brought up and inveterated in their several Governments and Provinces as the Armies under the Roman Empire were If therefore at that time it was necessary to satisfie the Soldiers rather than the people it was because the Soldiers were more potent At present it is more the interest of all Princes except the great Turk and the Soldan to comply with the people because they are more considerable than the Soldiers I except the Turk because he has in his Guards 12000 Foot and 15000 Horse constantly about him upon whom the strength and security of his Empire depends and it is necessary postponing all other respect to the people they be continued his freinds It is the same case with the Soldan who being wholly in the power of the Soldiers it is convenient that he also wave the people and insinuate with the Army And here it is to be noted that this Government of the Soldans is different from all other Monarchies for it is not unlike the Papacy in Christendom which can neither be called a new nor an hereditary Principality because the Children of the deceased Prince are neither Heirs to his Estate nor Lords of his Empire but he who is chosen to succeed by those who have the faculty of Election which Custom being of old the Government cannot be called new and by consequence is not subject to any of the difficulties wherewith a new one is infested because though the person of the Prince be new and perhaps the Title yet the Laws and Orders of State are old and disposed to receive him as if he were hereditary Lord. But to return to our business I say That whoever considers the aforesaid discourse shall find either hatred or contempt the perpetual cause of the ruine of those Emperors and be able to judge how it
virtues and revive its ancient Worship Religion and Justice which were superannuated and decayed as appears very plain by the description of their preparation against the French in which it is declared by Titus Livius that upon the marching out of their Army and investing their Tribunes with Consular power they observed no religious ceremony at the same time they not only refused to correct the three Fabii who contra jus gentium had fought against the French but created them Tribunes And it is easily to be presum'd that they made less account of the good Laws and Constitutions ordained by Romulus and other wise Princes than was reasonable and perhaps necessary to preserve the liberty of their State This foreign invasion hapned to them therefore that all the obsolete Laws of that City might be revived and that the people might be taught that it was necessary not only to maintain Religion and Justice but to respect their good Citizens and esteem their vertue above the advantages which they seemed to want for want of their assistance And it fell out exactly for Rome was no sooner taken but they began to renew the Orders of their old Religion they punished the Fabii who had fought against the Law of Nations and conceived so great a value for Camillus that the Senate and People both laid aside their old animosity and plac'd the whole burden of the Commonwealth upon his single shoulders 'T is necessary therefore as was said before that men which live together under a Government be often reminded by these exterior or interior accidents The interior way is when there is a Law which takes an account of all people in that Corporation or else when there is some excellent person among them who by his virtuous example does the same thing so that this happiness results to a Commonwealth either by the virtue of some great person or the authority of some Law And as to this last the Orders which reduc'd the Commonwealth towards its first principles were the Tribunes of the people the Censors and all the other Laws against the ambition and insolence of man which Laws have need to be revived and quickned by the virtue of some Citizen who with great courage and generosity shall put them in execution in despight of all the power of the delinquents The most remarkable executions before the taking of Rome by the French were the death of Brutus his Sons the punishment of the Decem-viri the execution of Sp. Melius after the City was sack'd by the French the most considerable were the death of Manlius Captolinus the death of the Son of Manlius Torquatus the prosecution of Papirius Cursor against Fabius the Master of his Horse and the accusation against Scipio which things being extraordinary were the more remarkable and when ever any of them hapned they reminded the people of their beginning and that they were to live according to Law But when these examples began to be more rare men took occasion to grow worse and their exorbitancies were with more danger and tumult for if in ten years space no examples be made nor no execution done people begin to forget and despise the Laws and unless something happens that may remember them of the punishments and infuse something of fear into them the Delinquents will grow so numerous that it will be dangerous to punish them To this purpose they who governed the State of Florence from the year 1434 to the year 1494 were wont to say that it was necessary every five years to review the State for otherwise it would be very hard to maintain it They call'd reviewing the State reducing the people to the same terror and awe as they had upon them of old when every man was punished according to his crime let his quality be what it would But when the memory of these punishments are lost and suffered to go to decay men take the confidence to attempt any thing and speak ill of whom they please against which no remedy is so proper as reducing them towards their first principles which is to be done by the example of some excellent person inciting you to such executions without dependance upon any Law and they are many times of so great reputation that good men desire to imitate them and bad men are ashamed to live contrary to them Those who in Rome liv'd after this manner were Horatius Cocles Scaevola Fabritius the two Decii Regulus Attilius and some others whose rare and virtuous example had the same effect in Rome that good Laws and good Customs would have had and if every ten years some of those examples or executions aforesaid had hapned in that City the minds and manners of the people could never have been so corrupted but as those virtuous examples and heroick punishments grew seldom and scarce so corruption began to multiply for after Regulus his time there was not any such example to be seen and though the two Cato's succeeded yet there was such great distance betwixt them that their examples could do but little good especially the last of the Cato's who finding the greatest part of the City debauched could not work any considerable reformation upon them And so much for Civil Governments as to the conservation of Sects the same renovation is necessary as may appear by the example of the Roman Religion which would doubtless have been lost before this had it not been reduced towards its first principle by St. Francis and St. Dominick who by their poverty and Christian-like examples revived it in the minds of men where it was almost effaced and prevailed that the loosness and depravity of the Prelates and Cardinals did not ruine it for men seeing them live in that indigence and poverty by confessing their sins to them and hearing them preach they began to learn meekness and charity and obedience not to upbraid people by their vices but to leave them to God whereas their lives must necessarily be bad who neither see nor feel what punishment is So then it is this renovation and reduction to its first principles that has and does still maintain our Religion And as to Kingdoms they as well as Commonwealths have occasion to reform and reduce as the other which course has been of no small advantage to the Kingdom of France for that Kingdom living under Laws and Customs more than any other the said Laws and Customs are preserved and executed by Parliaments and especially by that of Paris which revives them every time it makes out process against any great Person or opposes the King in its arrests and hitherto it has preserv'd it self by its severity against Delinquents without regard to the greatness of their quality whereas should they pass unpunished they would multiply so fast that they would become incorrigible in a short time and not to be reform'd but with the disorder if not the dissolution of the whole Government We may conclude therefore that there is no safer
accomplices together into his house with intention to assault him as he went by to which purpose he armed them all and disposed them into the Porch that they might be ready upon a signal to be given from a Window above It hapned that Pandolfus being just by the person at the Window gave the signal when by accident in the very nick of time Pandolfus met a friend and stopt to salute him Some of his Attendants passing on heard a noise of Arms took the Alarm and discovered the Ambuscade so that Pandolfus was miraculously preserved Iulio and his Companions forced to fly from Siena and all by the accident of this rencounter which not only hindred the execution at that time but defeated the whole enterprize But against these accidents no remedy can be prescribed because they happen so rarely however it is necessary to think of us many and provide against them as well as we can It remains now that we say something of those dangers which we incur after execution is done of which sort there is but one and that is when somebody is left alive that may revenge it as his children brothers kinsmen and such others to whom the sovereignty may descend by right of inheritance and these may be left to revenge the death of their Predecessor either by your negligence or by some of the accidents aforesaid as it hapned to Giovan-Andrea da Lampognano who conspiring with other persons killed the Duke of Milan but they left two of his Brothers and one of his Sons behind who revenged it in due time But in these cases the Conspirators are to be excused because there is no remedy to be provided but where by their own imprudence or negligence they suffer any such to escape there it is otherwise and they are highly to be condemned At Forum Livii some there were who conspired against Count Girolamo â—lew him seized upon his wife and children which were very young and clap'd them in Prison a great mind they had to the Castle but the Governour was refractory and would not admit them the Counsels called Madonna Caterinâ— made them a proposition that if they would suffer her to go into him she would prevail with the Governor to surrender and that in the mean time her children should be left as hostages in their hands The Conspirators believed her and let her go in but she was no sooner in the Castle but she began to upbraid them by the death of her Husband and threaten them with all possible revenge and to convince them that her care and compassion for her children should not restrain her she shew'd them her genitals thorow the windows to let them know that if they killed those she had wherewithal to have more so that perceiving their error too late and being destitute of all counsel their indiscretion was punished with their perpetual banishment But of all dangers after the fact is committed none is so fatal as the affection of the people to their Prince whom you have slain For their revenge is not possible to be prevented Of this the murder of Caesar may be an example for the people of Rome being his friends his death was thorowly revenged upon the Conspirators who afterwards though in several times and places were all of them slain Conjurations against ones Country are not so dangerous as Conjurations against ones Prince for in the contrivance and management the dangers are not so many in the execution they are but the same and after the fact is committed they are nothing at all In the management and preparation the dangers are not so many because a Citizen may make his party and put his affairs in a posture without discover◠〈…〉 â—is orders be not interrupted bring his designs to a very good end or if they be inâ—errupted by some Law it is in his power to adjourn the execution or find out some other way that may be more commodious but all these it is to be understood are to be done only in Commonwealths where the manners of the people are beginning to be corrupted because where the City is incorrupt such designs will never come into any of their thoughts but in a corrupt Republick where the dangers are not so great there are many ways for private Citizens to make themselves Princes because a Commonwealth is not so quick and dexterous as a Prince their suspicion is less and by consequence their caution besides they are commonly in more awe of their Grandees and therefore the Grandees are more bold and couragious against them Every body has read Catilins's Conspiracy written by Salust and can tell how Catiline after it was detected not only continued in Rome but came audaciously into the Senate and had the confidence to talk insolently both to the Senate and Consul so great reverence had that City for its Citizens And when things were gone so far that he had left the City and was got to the head of an Army Lentulus and the rest of the Conspirators had never been seized had not there been Letters produced against them under their own hands Hanno a great Citizen in Carthage had a mind to usurp and in order thereto he had contrived at the Wedding of one of his Daughters to poison the whole Senate and then make himself Prince when his plot was discovered the Senate troubled themselves with no farther provision against it than by making a Law against exorbitant feasting upon such kind of occasions so great was their respect to a Citizen of his quality But in a Conspiracy against ones Country the greatest danger lies in the execution for it seldom happens that a particular Citizen is strong enough to subdue a whole Country and every man is not General of an Army as Caesar Agathocles Cleomenes and others were who had their Armies ready to back their designs To such the way is easie and secure but they who want those advantages must manage their business with more cunning or employ foreign assistance this cunning and artifice was used by Pisistrates the Athenian for having overcome the Megarenses and thereby got himself great reputation among the people he came forth of his house one morning and shew'd himself wounded to them complaining that the Nobility had abused him and desiring that he might be permitted to have a guard for the security of his person which being granted inconsiderately gave him opportunity by degrees to make himself absolute Pandolfus Petrucci with other Exiles returned to Siena and by way of contempt was made Keeper of the Palace which was a mechanick employment that others had refused Yet those few arm'd men who were under his Command by virtue of that place by degres gave him such reputation that at length he made himself Prince Others have taken other ways and by time and their industry arrived at the same dignity without any danger but those who have endeavoured to make themselves Masters of their Country by their own force