deuised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their mindes according to the princes disposition gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease whereby cowardise crepte in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glorie The chiefest affaires of state had bene ordered for a long time according to priuate respects wherby the common-wealth lost both the fatte and the fauour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canuased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted by the Frenchmen and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce the possossion of Callice and of other townes which hee helde in those parts but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and ciuility and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries whereby it yeelded to the kings coffers thirty thousand pounds euery yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the houlding thereof charged the King with the yearely dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had bene sent into these seuerall countries but scatteringly and dropping and neuer so many at once as to furnish the warres fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with greate preparation and charge but beeing once out of credite whatsoeuer fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were inputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility it was by the Kings base hearted parasites to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated or depraued or enuied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies commenders that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to haue the name of a man of priuate estate famous for the same in euery mans mouth Hereupon fewe sought to rise by vertue and valâ—e the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed byâ—men of weakest sufficiency by whose counsell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best harted nobility was many times attempted at the last wrought The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe landlord of this realme and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life Great summes of mony were yearly rather exacted from the subiects then by them voluntarily graunted whereof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes the aduancement of his hatefull fauorites To these he was somewhat aboue his power liberall for which cause he was faine to borrow begge and extort in other places but he purchased not so much loue by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes which were mâ—â—ny times paid double in one yeare diuers newe impositionâ— were by him deuised put in vse sometimes exacting xii d. of euery person throughout the realme sometimes of euery religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of euery secular priest asmuch and of euerie lay person maried or sole xii d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence hee wiped away from the people such heapes of money as were litle answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certaine Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires corporations within the realme to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them as common enemies excepte they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselues to his mercie and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate made their acknowledgment submission in writing vnder their scales afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his fauour as the land being already greatly impouerished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of theÌ„ strange vnaccustomed oathes which were put likewise in writing vnder their seales They were also coÌ„pelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes wherein the King might afterwardes cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure These and such like violences were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second whoe maintaining great warres and obteyning a larger dominion then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes and yet his treasure after his death was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his subiects and they againe a heauie hart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valure sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolued to reuolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ireland which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne exercising all the crueltie in wasting of the country which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augmeÌ„t by report wherupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that
by the commaundement or conâ—iuence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many 〈…〉 suspicions of poisonâ— and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester who beeing a tyrant and vsurper was lawfully slaine in the field and so in his person hauing no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent dealers that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie as reuenge our iniuries and harmes and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment and many times by waye of retaliation euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was King Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all wrighters agree although all agree not vppon the manner of the violence Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie and grace and comlinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abiect spirit but the one by ease the other by flatterie were much abased He deserued many friends but found fewe because hee sought them more by liberalitye then vertuous dealing He 〈◊〉 merueilous 〈◊〉 in all his actions which may verye well bee 〈◊〉 to his negligence and sloath for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will loose whatsoeuer fortune or other mens 〈…〉 hee was driuen is such distresse that 〈…〉 it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie for which other men will not sticke to put theyr goods and liues and soules in hazarde Hee liued three and thirtie yeares and reigned two and twentie His dead body was embaulmed and 〈…〉 couered with Lead all saue his face and carryed 〈…〉 and in all the chiefe places by the waye his face was 〈…〉 that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paulâ— the King beeing present and all the chiefe 〈…〉 Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking ham shire about 〈…〉 myle from London and there obscurely 〈◊〉 by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noble men without coâ—â—â—uence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the 〈…〉 but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken vp and remooued to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters with Queene Anne his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet could not readily finde rest for his bones euen after death It was not amisse in regard of the common wealth that he was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had 〈◊〉 him prisoner and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her dayeâ— this yeere also dyed Thomas Moâ—bray the exiled duke of Norfolke whose death would much haue been lamented if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he ouerliued his honour saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this 〈…〉 Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons Iohn Richard Arthur this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not stayrred his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing he did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten eyther his fame or his fall but by moderation attayned safely that degree of praise and honour which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behinde him two noble sonnes expresse resemblencers of his integritie Edward who succeeded in his dignitie and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantlye kept his fidelitie nor stoutlie maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd by which title and discent his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie as heereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in making preparation to inuade England and to that end had now raysed an armie royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to haue beene transported But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Richard did the more hasten his death vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose gaue ouer the enterprise some being grieued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plentifull a countrie others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabell his daughter who had bin espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours and gaue in answere that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice which should fullye commune and conclude with them both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henrie Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meete sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the Frenchmen especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest Sonne a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres but the French King denyed that
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
Lordes concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure eyther safe quiet or daungerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolue vppon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things First whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henrie be with good iudgement or iustice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a king being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title may vppon imputation eyther of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subiects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which he should deserue so heauie iudgement I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state or in a consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet he hath not supreme power of Maiestie but in the one the people haue the highest empire in the other the Nobilitie and chiefe men of estate in neyther the Prince Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians who after the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their Kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce who were many times arreigned vppon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power ouer the people then the people had ouer them Of the second condition were the Romaine Emperours at the first of whome some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were sodainlie surprised by iudgement and authoritye of the Senate and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not onely restrayne but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state such are also the Kinges of Denmarke and Sweueland who are many times by the nobilitye deiected eyther into pryson or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power neuer pertayned to his dignitie In these and such like gouernmentes the Prince hath not regall rightes but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdomes of Iudea and Israell and is now in the kingdomes of England Fraunce Spaine Scotland Muscouia Turky Tartaria Persia Aethiopia and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he bee vnprofitable to the subiectes yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person nor hazard his power whether by iudgement or els by force for neyther one nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince from whome all authority is deriued and whose onely presence doeth silence and suspend all inferiour iurisdiction and power As for force what subiecte can attempt or assist or counsaile or violence against hys Prince and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeede from punishment of secular lawes except by worde or deed it breake foorth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince without attempt without endeuour haue beene adiudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince haue afterwardes beene executed for the same All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King it hath bin adiudged to deserue death And least any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety are the onely authors of these iudgementes let vs a little consider the patternes and preceptes of holy Scripture Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slue the King burnt the Temple tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty after the glut of this bloudy butchery the people which remayned he led Captiue into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commaunded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fierye furnace What crueltye what iniustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him and of Baltasar hys Sonne that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen and Ezechtel with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer whose homager and tributary he was What snall we say of Saul did he not put all the Priestes to execution because one of them did relieue holy and harmelesse Dauid did he not violently persecute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite he fell twice into the power of Dauid who did not onely spare but also protect the King and reprooued the pretoâ—an souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine who vpon request and for pitty had lent his hand as he said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israell and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle reuelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other perticuler and priuiledged commaundement but in the generall precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obedience vnto Princes whether they be good or euill the law of God ordaineth that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet Dauid forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord rayle vpon the iudges neither speake euill against the ruler of the people And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers And least
vgly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peeces heads and quarter of vnfortunate dismeÌ„bred wretches putrifâ—ing aboue ground not al for desert but many to satisfy either the mallice or want of King Henrieâ— friends insomuch as many graue men openly gaue forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard again as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to liue where nothing then where any thing might be permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head this confederacy began hearing of these aduentures as he was going betweene his monastery and his mansion fell sodainly into a palsie and hardly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprize fortune gaue policy the check and by a strange accedent which wisdome could not foresee ouerturned the deuise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling a long was like to haue turned king Henry out of his seate The bishop of Caerliel was condemned vpon this treason but the extreamity of his feare and griefe closed vp his daies and preuented the violence and shame of publicke execution And now king Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enioy that sweet security which he did vainely expect and first all his goods which hee did giue in satisfaction of the iniuries that hee had done were brought to deuision and share amongst his enemies shortly after he was remooued from the Tower to the Castle of Leedes in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the ende that by often changing hee might eyther more secretly bee dispatched or more vncertainly found heere being kept in streight prison both innocent ignorant of this offence was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiuing that the Lords so far preuailed with their late strategeme that if their stomacke had bin answerable to their strength their bloud beginning had not ended in faintnes and sloath they might haue driuen him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to be put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloake open rebellion vnder the colour of following sides nor countenance his coÌ„spiracy either with the person or name of K. Richard whether hee did expressely commaund his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gaue allowance thereto when it was doone The most current report at that time went that hee was princely serued euery day at the Table with aboundance of costlie meates according to the order prescribed by Parlament but was not suffered to tast or touche any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and vnnaturall crueltie both against a King and a kinseman should not proceed from King Henrie me thinke a man of a moderate and milde disposition not yet from any other minde which is not altogether both sauage in humanitie and in religion prophane One wrighter who would seeme to haue the perfect intelligence of these affayres maketh report that King Henrie sitting at his table sad and pensiue with a deepe sigh brake foorth into these wordes Haue I no faithfull friend that will deliuer me of him whose life will breed destruction to me and disturbance to the realme and whose death will bee a safetie and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my daunger dooth continue and what securitie what hope shall we haue of peace vnlesse the seede of sedition be vtterly rooted out Vppon this speech a certaine Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently departed from the Court accompanyed with eyght tall men and came to Pomfrete and there commaunded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assaye before King Richard should no more vse that manner of seruice and let him quoth he now eate wel for he shall not eate long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was serued without courtesie or assaye whereat he merueyled and demaunded of the Esquire why he did not his dutie the Esquire answered that he was otherwise commaunded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was latelye come from King Henry The King beeing somewhat mooued at this acte and answere tooke the caruing knife in his hand and strucke the Esquire therewith lightly on the head saying the deuill take Henry of Lancaster and thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the chamber with eight men in harneys euery one hauing a byll in his hand Wherevpon King Richard perceiuing their drift and his owne daunger put the table from him and stepping stoutlye to the formost man wrested the bill out of his hand wherewith although vnarmed and alone he manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew sowre of his assailants Sir Pierce lept to the chaire where king Richard was wonte to sit whilest the rest chased him about the chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was he with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and foorthwith he was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is saide that at the pointe of his death hee gathered some spirit and with a fainte and feeble voyce groaned foorth these wordes My great grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my grandfather king Edward the third obteyned possession of the crowne and now is the punishment of that inâ—â—trie powred vpon his next successour Well this is right for mee to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may ioye at my death and enioye his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like iustice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our mindes will not suffer this violence vnreuenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the iudgement of his foresight they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great fauour and rewards for his vngracious seruice was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which he hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices euen where they are profitable Heerevpon hee grew at the first discontented and afterwardes mightely turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclaime that to pleasure one vnthankefull person he had made both himselfe and his posteritie hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henrie with great discontentment and disquiet held the kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henrie the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the Frenchmen the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put to death eyther
haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
at London to whome the King made faith for the safetie of their persons and indemnitie of their goods and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise all this was as rashly belieued as it was craftely giuen out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolued their forces and remained in expectancie what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament began at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Heâ—rie Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credite and authoritie with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite they were proude arrogant and ambitious and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour professed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie to the ende that being lately start vp they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importunate trauaile all the Charters of pardon graunted by the King were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator and departed the house because they might not be present in iudgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundell and the Earle of Warwicke were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had bene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to be hanged drawne and quarterâ—d but the King so moderated the seueritie of this sentence that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed and the Earle of Warwicke committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man The Duke of Gloucester was so greatly fauoured that it was thought a point both of policie and peace notto bring him to his open answere but to put him to death secreately so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoeuer he deserued yet dying as he did not called not heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused for executing the commision against Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in vse as in possession and himselfe was adiudged to exile charged to depart the realme within sixe weekes then next ensuing So hee went into Fraunce where afterwardes he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours and of his counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that he was free from all daungers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceiued more secreate contentment then he would openly bewraye as more able to dissemble his ioy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceiued not that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce On the other side the common people were much dismayed hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their priuate affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishapes hapned vnto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King And to make their deathes the more odious the Earle of Arundell was reputed a martyr and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or grounde that this his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knewe the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp and viewed ten daies after it was interred and finding the cause to be fabulous hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde and all mention of his buriall to be taken away forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed but this restrainte raysed the more and they who if it had beene lawefull woulde haue saide nothing beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare vnto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Herforde at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Notingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Noâ—mans whose chiefest rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subiect to beare the fourme of the common-wealth beeing framed by the victors farre from equallity of all and yet the King excepted without eminencie of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale and made this honour hereditary conferring it vnto many since which time diuerse princes of this lande haue bene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quallity and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Duchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester the Lorde Neuill Earle of Westmerland the Lorde Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friendes for the most parte are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Rauens in Arabia so long as they are ful doe yeeld a pleasant voyce but being empty doe make a horrible crie Now the Duke of Hereford raysed his desires together with his dignities and either vpon disdaine at the vndeserued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the Kingâ— or vpon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps vppon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controwlement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke he brake into complaint how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extreamities vsed to some discouraged the rest from entermedling in any publique affaires how in steade of these hee was
rather then to a fight for the sauage Irish were not vnder one gouernement but were deuided into many partialities and factions and seldome did two or three parts ioyne their common strenth and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little reioyced the common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grieuances to lay them together aggrauate them by construction euery man more abounding in complaints then he did in miseries Also the noblemen the principall obiect of cruelty began to discourse both their priuate dangers the deformities of the state and vpon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not be confined to cast it vpon some other who was most like to repaire that which K. Richard had ruined or if sayde they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will we sell him both our liues lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace we can not enioy The onely man vpon whom all men resolued was Henry duke of Hereford whom since the death of his father they called duke of Lancaster not at his own motion or desire but because he was generally esteemed meet as being of the royall bloud and next by discent froÌ„ males to the succession of the crowne one that had made honorable proofe of his vertues and valure the onely man of note that remained aliue of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause he was deeply touched at that time both in honor and in state This attempt pleased as possible to proue and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England declaring that aswel for the benefit of the realm as for their owne particular safety they were forced to vse force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his vnfortunate gouernment and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not prouide him a base multitude only they themselues helpe in bare wishes aduise but would also adioyne their hands and theiâ— liues so that the peril should be common to all the glory only his if fortune fauored the enterprise These letters were conueyed by men crafty and bolde yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated vnto theÌ„ Thomas Arundell late Archbishop of Canterburie at that time whether deseruedly or without cause an exile in France then they trauailed by seuerall waies and in counterfeit attire to Parris where all met at the house of one Clugney where the Duke theÌ„ soiourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side thankes on the other and ioy of both the Archbishop of Canterburie hauing obtained of the Duke priuacie and silence made vnto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sence following We are sent vnto you right high and noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and states of our land not to seeke reuenge against our King vpon priuate iniury and displeasure nor vpon a desperate discontentment to set the state on fire nor to procure the ambitious aduancement of any perticular person but to open vnto you the deformities and decaies of our broken estate and to desire your aide in staying the ruinous downfall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our countrie hath borne and the noble actes which it hath atchiued doth nothing els but make the basenes more bitter vnto vs wherinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes haue heretofore bene famous and memorable not onely within the bownds of our Ocean sea and in the Ilands adioyning vnto vs but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Affricke against the infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes haue bene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to prouoke vs to hostility But nowe the rude Scots whose spirits we haue so many times broken and brought on their knees doe scornfully insult vppon vs the naked and fugitiue Irish haue shaken of our shackles and glutted themselues vppon vs with massachres spoiles with these we dayly fight not for glory but to liue insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a verie ieast to our most base and contemptible enemies In deed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these countries but in such sort that they haue much wasted the realme with their maintenance but neither reuenged nor relieued it with their armes and no meruaile for all our diligent and discreete leaders the verie sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or els lie buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile conduct of those who can best apply themselues to the Kings youthfull delightes Among these auncient nobility is accompted a vaine ieast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieues me to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which euery man seeth our auncestors liued in the highest pitch and perfection of libertie but we of seruilitie being in the nature not of subiectes but of abiectes and flat slaues not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proude disdainefull fauorites not alwaies the same but euer new no sooner haue we satisfied some but fresh hungrie masters are straight waies set vpon vs who haue more endamaged vs by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What vnusuall kindes of exactioâ—are dayly put in practise without either measure or end and oftentimes with out neede or if any be it proceedeth rather vpon ryotus expenses then any necessary or honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subiects to be throwne away amongst vnprofitable vnthriftes And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capital crimes or by smal matters aggrauated or else by open crueltie and force his life or libertie is forthwith hazarded I were too tedious too odious too friuolus to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate the lamentable losse of your vncle other noble friends could be forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of qualitie within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neere friends doeth not plainly perceiue that no man enioyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one great
he neuer forced to preuent his only remedy was pacience a cold comfort his only reuenge was complaint a weake weapon betweene which two his bitternesse did in this manner breake from him And doe these also said he forsake me doth their faith my fortune end together wel if I had forsaken them in time I had not beene forsaken of others who once loued me better and now are able to harme me more But now I see the blindnesse of my iudgement I plainely see that there is no friendship in flatterie nor treacherie in plaine truth and I would I had as much time to reforme this errour as I am like to haue to repent it but they would not suffer me to be wise when I might and now they haue made me wretched they runne from me they could bee the causes but they will not be companions of my miseries such attendants are Crowes to a carcasse which flocke together not to defend but to deuour it and no sooner haue they layd the bones bare but straight-wayes they are gone Thus the King hauing lost both the feare and loue of his subiects disturbed and distracted in thoughts without comfort councell or courage remained still in Wales as a stranger at home as an exile in his owne kingdome not daring to goe to London nor any man desirous to come to him shifting still from place to place and as it fals out at men distressed amazed fearing all things but most disliking the present The Duke continually pursued him with a mightie armie but the Kings companie was too small to doe any thing by force yet too great to remaine in secrete neither were they in any sort assured vnto him but such as shame and reuerence retained a while bands of small countenance with men fearefull of danger carelesse of credite At the length he came to the Castle of Conweye and there being vtterly destitute both of helpe and hope he stoode deuided in mind what way to bend his course all his followers weare more ready to impugne the opinions of other thē to giue direction themselues as seeing better what to shunne then what to follow and as it alwaies chanceth in desperate causes that way was commonly preferred wherof the opportunitie was already past Some aduised him that it was thē time to think rather of sauing his life then recouering his estate You see said they how greatly how wholly your subiects are set against you it is but in vaine to looke for a suddaine change or without a chaunge to hope that your purposes may preuaile giue place for a time to the currant of this furie let it haue the full sway and when it is at the highest pitch it will turne againe and then you shall haue the tide as strong on your side as it is now against you This motiō or rather commotion of the people is violent and against nature therefore as a stone forced vpward is most stronge at the beginning and the further it passeth the more it weakneth vntil at last it returne to the naturall course againe Therefore giue a little space for the bad to draw backe for the good to put forward treasons preuaile on the suddaine but good counsailes gather forces by leasure You haue example in your noble progenitor King Henry the third against whome the Lords set vp Lewes the French kings sonne conditions were concluded and faith was made that he should be their King but this purpose lasted not the pulling on for before they had possessed him of the kingdom they ioyned togither in armes against him were as fierce to driue him out of the realme as they had beene found to draw him in The like alteration may you likewise not onely hope but assuredly expect for the mindes of men are constant in nothing but inconstancie and perseuer onely in chaunge in dislike of things present they desire new wherwith they rest not long contented but are many times glutted euen with the first sight And indeed how can they long endure the raigne of him who attaining the kingdome onely by their fauour and might shall holde the same in a manner at their courtesie and will for euerie vnpleasant commaund shall be deemed ingratitude euerie suit reiected shal charge him with vnkindnesse Yea if honor be not offered they will be discontented and vppon any occasion of displeasure thinke thēselues as able to displace him as they were to set him vp therefore you may for a time returne againe into Ireland or else passe the seas to your Father in lawe the king of Fraunce you may assure your selfe of his assistance to set vpon your side and recouer your losses Times haue their turnes and fortune her course too and fro like the sea magnanimitie is shewen by enduring not relinquishing when she doth crosse onely loose no point of courage and keepe your person at large reseruing your selfe to that good hope which neuer dieth whilst life endure Others who were enemies to all counsaile whereof themselues were not authors perswaded the King that the nobilitie and commons of the realme had attempted so farre that they would rather dye then desist not so much for hatred to you as for feare to themselues hauing so deadly increased your displeasure against them For it is a hard matter to forgiue and impossible to forget those iniuries and indignities which they haue offered And to omit what some princes haue done what all will promise to doe they will soone find fresh and bleeding examples what you are like to doe The Duke of Gloucester and the Earles of Arundell and of Warwicke did rise in armes against you not to remoue you from your crowne but to remoue certaine persons frō your companie an action more displeasing then preiudiciall vnto you at the last a friendship was made and charters of free pardon graunted vnto them but what followed was euer the breach perfectly made vp did displeasure dye or was it only dissembled ah it grieueth vs to thinke how the present want of their liues hath fully reuenged their deathes for if they had liued their countenance and authority woulde easily haue staied these stirs and the manner of their deaths doth strike an obstinate persistance into all your enemies As for refuge to forren Princes you shall surely receiue of them entertainment and allowance and yet may growe burdensome and at last perhaps faile but it is very hard to draw any Prince into so dangerous a quarrell and more harde by that meanes to preuaile or if you should it is to bee feared that the victorers will hold to themselues the benefit of their conquest and not yeeld it ouer vnto you Few countries but haue bin vnder pretence of ayde by forrenners subdued and this was the only cause which first drew the Saxons into this land who so assisted the Britaines against their enemies that themselues could not be resisted from possessing they◠kingdome Yet we doe not altogither