generally afterwards received a late Learned Professor of that Language in Basil named Witstein made an Oration in that University lately Printed to confute it and to revive the old exploded Sounds And as he was thus useful to Learning in the University so he was also to Religion He was bred up in the Protestant Doctrine a pretty rare matter in those Times and he never flinched from it All his Kindred of his Father's side were neither Neutrals nor Papists as he wrote somewhere of himself all enclining to the Truth and Gospel Old and Young and so known and noted This he wrote to some because certain Backbiters in King Edward's Days had charged him to have been a Neutral The Reason whereof seemed to be because he did not run so fast in the Reformation under that King as some Hot-spurs would have him who knew not what the matter meant For he was publickly known to be a Protestant in the time of King Hâ—nry VIII living then in Cambridge and being there in place of Eminence when the Bishop of Winchester the Chancellor of that University was severe towards those that professed the Gospel and threatned Fire and Faggot-bearing Smith publickly defended them and opposed those rigorous Methods and staved off many And this he did before all Cambridge and all the Justices of Peace in the Shire and saved many and so continued He stood up and pleaded for the Professors and Profession of the Gospel publickly both in the University before all the Learned Men and not only so but in the Convocation before all the Bishops and in the Parliament-House before the Lords and Commons as he writ in Vindication of himself And being a Man of Reputation among them the University made use of him once as their Messenger and Advocate to the Court to address to Queen Katharine Par to whom he brought their Letters beseeching her Intercession to the King on their behalf being now as they apprehended in imminent Jeopardy For the Parliament in the 37th that is that last Year of that King's Reign had given him all the Colleges in the Kingdom whereat the University was sore afraid Dr. Smith repaired to that good Queen entreating her to prevail with his Majesty that not withstanding the late Act they might enjoy their Possessions as before And she did as she was a true Lover and Patroness of Learning and Religion effectually apply to the King and had her Request in that behalf granted and to that purport she wrote her Letters to the University of which Smith was also the Bringer wherein she called him their Discreet and Learned Advocate and having admonish them that she would have their University to be an University of Divine Philosophy as well as of Natural or Moral she let them understand that she had according to their Desire attempted her Lord the King's Majesty for the stay of their Possessions And That notwithstanding his Majesty's Property and Interest through the Consent of the High Court of Parliament his Highness was such a Patron of good Learning that he would rather add and erect new occasion therefore than confound those their Colleges So that Learning might hereafter ascribe her very Original whole Conservation and sure Stay to our Sovereign Lord as she expressed her self In his publick Academical Performances he acquitted himself with wonderful Applause and Admiration of all the Hearers And at a Commencement which happened as near as I can guess this Year being now the King's Professor both his Disputations and his Determinations were such that Haddon as good Judge in a Letter to Dr. Cox giving him some Account of that Commencement told him That had he been there he would have heard another Socrates and that he caught the forward Disputants as it were in a Net with his Questions and that he concluded the profound Causes of Philosophy with great Gravity and deep Knowledge Dr. Smith's Places and Preserments in Cambridge and elsewhere as they brought him in tolerably fair Incomes so they together with his Eminent Vertue and Learning reconciled him great Respect For he had the Lecture in the Civil Law bâ—ing the King's Professor in that Science for which he received 40 l. per Annum He was Chancellor to the Bishop of Ely which was worth to him 50 l. per Annum Besides he had a Benefice viz. of Leverington in Cambridgeshire which came to the Value of 36 l. per Annum So that his Preferments amounted to 120 l. a Year and upwards And such a good Husband he was that he made some Purchases before and some soon after his leaving the University as we shall hear by and by And this was the Port he lived in before his leaving of Cambridge He kept Three Servants and Three Guns and Three Winter Geldings And this stood him in 30 l. per Annum together with his own Board CHAP. IV. Smith is removed into the Protector 's Family His Preferments under King Edward Made Secretary Goes an Embassie Doctor Smith was often at King Henry's Court and taken notice of by that King and was growing so dear to him as to be received in Place and Office under him had he lived a little longer But soon after K. Henry's Death he was removed from Cambridge into the Duke of Somerset's Family where he was employed in Matters of State by that Great Man the Uncle and Governour of the King and Protector of his Realms Into whose Family were received many other very Learned and Pious Men. Long he had not been here but the University earnestly address'd to him to stand their Friend in some certain weighty Matter wherein not any single Cause of theirs was in hazard but themselves and their All. Which without Question was the Danger the University was in upon the Bill in Agitation in the Parliament-House for giving the King the Chauntries Hospitals Fraternities and Colleges which last Word took in the Societies of the Universities At which they look'd about them and made all the Friends they could at Court to save themselves And as they applied now to Cheke so to Smith also in this elegant Latin Epistle which was drawn up by the exquisite Pen of Ascham their Orator wherein may be observed what a general Opinion there went of his compleat Learning Si tu is es Clarissime SMITHE in quem Academia haec Cantabrigiensis universas vires suas universa Victatis jura enercuecrit si tiki uni omnia Doctrinae sâ—ae genera omnia Reipub. Ornamenta licentissimè contulerit si fructura gloriae suae in te uno jactaverit si spem Salutis suae in â—â—â—otissimùm reposuèrit Age ergo mente-ic cogitatione tua complectere quid tu vicisson illi debes quid illa quid Literae quid Respublica quid Deus ipse pro tantis Vietatis officiis quibus sic Dignitas tua efflorescit justissime requirit Academia nil debet tibi imo omnia sua
to bed not so nicely as the Ladies and Gentlewomen be here but either in a Tent or a wide Barn after the maner of her Country Ireland And I'tell you said she I felt in a maner no pain at al these Births Nor I se no Cause why I should make so nice of the Matter as you do here in England We do not so in our Country Whereat an old Lady was wonderfully offended and said they were Beasts and she was but a Beast to say so Then she as a witty Lady turned the Matter and said It was a Gift which St. Patrick begged for her Country-folk the Irish Women of our Lady But the Truth is al Women that stir about to travail and to labour as they do there and do not use themselves to Rest and Ease as they can better away with Travail because of use so they bear that Travail of Childbirth with much more Ease and in maner with no pain Which we do se also in these idle Runnagates Egyptians whose Women be always trudging from place to place as they be and be brought to bed in the Straw in some Barn or Out-house without any great Curiosity And within three or four days after yea sometimes the second day they ride away with the rest of that beggarly Train I remember I read when I was a Boy in Aristotle and I trow it be in his Politicks he would that those that should make Laws for a Common-wealth should have regard also to Women that were great with Child that they should not use themselves to over-fine ' Diet nor to over-much Rest. Which saith he may be don if they do appoint them certain Pilgrimages to be don to such Gods as have the Honor of such Matters Meaning such Gods as the Gentils did Sacrifice unto for such things as Gemini Lucina Parcae Iuno c. His purpose is that when the Time of Birth draweth nigh they should by gentle means be brought to a kind of Exercise and Travail either on Horseback or on Foot or both to the intent that they might the easilier bear the Travail of Childbirth And thought that they could by no means so wel be perswaded unto them which then he somewhat heavy because of their Burden as by Colour of Holiness and Religion So that our Pilgrimage also which we had of late years was not much out of the Way for such an Effect as may appear But I tary long about these Matters To bear Children is painful I do not deny It is the Threat of God to Eve and to al her Posterity as wel as to Adam and al Men to get his Living with the Sweat of his Brows And yet some Men sweat but easily And why should not I think also that her Highness should bring forth her Children more easily than a great sort of other Women I se nothing leadeth me to the contrary Many things do encourage me to think so Her Learning Discretion Judgment her store of Physicians and of al things necessary for them to use That where other by their Folly do make that Travail to them more painful and dangerous than naturally it should be her Highness by her Noble Vertues and Wisdom should make it more easie yea than of natural Course it should be For as there be ways to augment so there be ways to diminish Pain or Grief Wherein standeth the Difference of Wisdom or Folly But why do I stand upon this Would not her Majesty be glad think you to take some pain to make a Prince To make one who should be a part of her who should mâ—ke her alive after her Death Reign in her stead when by Course of Nature she can tarry no longer Who shall continue and transplant her Name and Posterity for many an hundred years here Kings in England and leave such a Row of that Race as is the Root of Iesse Was it nor you of whom I heard even now that all fair and laudable things be painful to come by Will you not grant unto me that this which I speak of now to have a Prince born of her own Body who should Reign after her Highness here in England in whom she might se her own Image not painted in a Table but lively expressed every Joint yea both Body and Soul who should cal her Highness Queen Mother and whom al England should cal King and Father Whom it you do not think more to be esteemed than al the Treasure that the wise and rich Prince her Grandfather K. Henry the VII left at his Death or that the Noble and Magnificent Prince her Father K. Henry VIII spent in his Life ye are in a contrary Opinion to all English men Whom when she shall behold kiss and embrace she shall take more Comfort and more Pleasure in than of all the Riches and Jewels which her Highness had or ever was Lady of Do you not think I say such a Jewel worthy to have the pains taken for the getting of it and bringing it to life Are you he that was even now so stout that if the Thing were good laudable and necessary to be had the harder it were to obtain the more you thought it were to be laboured for And so you Counsilled and proved by many Reasons and Authorities Are you I say now again so weak and so womanly hearted that for a little pains in the Birth peradventure of one Hour or two or at the most of one Day for the Extremity of the Pain cannot lightly be longer wil counsil us to cast down our Courage and run away like Cowards and leave al this so rich and so precious a Treasure ungotten and unlaboured for for the Travail of one hour I wis Foloign cost more the getting and Calais the loosing And yet this Treasure were more worth than both those Holds to her Majesty I dare say and unto the Realm of England if it should be esteemed by true value Mary yet ye go neerer me and bring in certain Queens who have dyed in Childbirth And herein you had good Advantage to have two Examples so neer and in so fresh Memory that they must needs make much indeed to the Terror of Mischance And yet this is but another Startbugg that you have gotten to make us afraid It is sineâ— the Conquest five hundred years little under or over In which time our Chronicles have indifferently wel been kept and many Kings and Queens have dyed and al not after one sort I pray you how many more have you read of that have dyed in Child-bed And yet one of those was not the Queen but Dowager as you know well enough And some men would say it was thought that that did distress her then and bring her to her End as much as Travail of the Birth But of that I will not Dispute But if in five hundred years in which space so many Queens have had so many Children and only one or two have dyed in Childbed would you make
those that should succeed him of a long time were like to take to Learning he gave all his Latin and Greek Books to Queens College in Cambridge where he had been brought up and his great Globe of his own making but so that the Master and Fellows having Warning so soon as he was dead or at the least so soon as he was Buried or before the which he willed they should have with a true Inventory carried to them of his said Books sent Carts to fetch them away within Tenor Twelve Days And these he gave also upon Condition that they chained them up in their Library or did distribute them among the Fellows such as would best Occupy them But so that they did it by Indenture and Condition that when they departed from the College they restored them to the College again But in case the Master and Fellows of the said College would not fetch them away sending some careful Man to see them well trussed and packed then he gave them to Peter House upon like Condition If neither of them would do it then he Willed his Executors to Sell or use them at their Discretion But yet of many of his Books he made gifts to his Learned Friends or Scholars at the University As to Mr. Shaw Parson of the Parish wherein he lived Chrysostoms Works in five Volumes Origen in two Volumes Luthers Works Bucer Galatinus Felvus super Psaltcrium Pet. Martyr in lib. Iudicum And as he gave these Divinity Books to a Divine so to one Tho. Crow a Physician whom he called his Servant he gave these Books of Galen de Compositione Medicamentâ—rum de Alimentorum Facultatibus Methodus Melendi Petrus Pena de Herbis Antidotarium speciale Turners Herbal Fallopii Opera Rendelâ—tius And besides these he gave him the Monument of Martyrs in two Volumnes and a Latin Bible in Quarto Gilded Also to Sir Clement Smith so called I suppose because he was in Priests Orders then a Resident of Queens College and the same I conjecture with him that was after Doctor of Divinity a Younger Son of his Brother George he gave or rather lent itus Livius Aristotle in Greek and Plato in Greek and Latin Tullies Works and Ten more of his Books which the said Clement would chuse on Condition that when he went away from the College he should restore them to the College again He gave a standing Massy Cup which had the Seven Planets in the Cover to the Queen as most worthy having all the good Gifts endued by God which he ascribed to the Seven Planets they be the Words of the Will Praying her Majesty to take that simple gift in good worth as coming from her Faithful and Loving Subject And in case of any Ambiguity or Doubt arising in any part of his Will he gave Authority to his Executors to add to it to make it more plain with good Advice so that they kept the true meaning and sense And then himself gave a general Explanation of one chief Part of his Will namely That he would have him that should enjoy the House and Mannor of Theydon at Mount to be able to keep House there to the Relief of the Poor and to set Neighbours at Work But if the Executors could not reconcile some Ambiguity that might happen in his Will that then they should stand to the Decision and Judgment of his Cosen Nicols a Lawyer Mr. Henry Archer a worthy Gentleman of the Parish of Theydon Garnons afterwards Living and Dying at Low Leyton and Parson Shaw aforementioned whom he made Supervisors of his Will Which he did in a great point of Wisdom to avoid Controversies of Law Which oftentimes break Friendship and swallow up an Estate so contended for He made his Youngest Brother George Smith who had several Children and his Nephew by his Sister Iohn Wood his Executors This Will is said to be reviewed and corrected by him after the Death of his Nephew William Smith of Walden the Son as it seems of his second Brother Iohn Smith Febr. 18. 1576. when he Signed with his Hand every Page All his Manors Lands and Tenements he had already given by Indenture made between him on the one part and Francis Walsingham Secretary to the Queen Iames Altham Henry Archer Esquires Humphrey Mitchel and his Nephew Iohn Wood on the other Part bearing date Febr. 4th in the 19th year of the Queen This Will was proved 15. Aug. 1577. before Tho Yale by Iohn Wood that is three days after Sir Thomas's Death And by George Smith not before May 14. 1578. I do not meet with many Bequests of Charity in this Will because those Acts he seemed to have done as the wisest and surest Course in his Life time when himself might see them truly and justly performed CHAP. XVII Observations upon Sir Thomas Smith NOW to make a few Observations upon this Wise and Learned Gentleman And first Of his Learning For he was one of the greatest Scholars of his Age and one of those many brave Shoots that the University of Cambridge then produced As Denny Châ—ke Haddon Ascham Ponet Cecil and some others that for their Merits and Parts were transplanted to the Court His Profession was the Civil Law and he was the first Regius Professor of it in the University placed therein by the Royal Founder King Henry VIII whose Scholar he was But tho' that were his Profession yet he was a Man of General Learning He was a great Platonist Which Noble and Useful Philosophy he and Cheke brought into Study in the University accustomed before to the crabbed barbarous useless Schoolmen Haddon speaking to him of Plato calleth him Plato tuus Your Plato who he told him called upon him to serve his Country and to be ready too to give it all that he had received from it He understood Physic well In his Oration for the Queens Marrying against him that had declaimed for her single Life and among other Reasons for it urged the Diseases and Infirmities that attended Child-bearing he asserted on the contrary how it preserved Women from Diseases and other Inconveniences and cleared their Bodies amended their Colour and prolonged their Health and undertook to bring the Authorities and Reasons of Physic for it And when in March 1574. the Lord Treasurer had a sit of an Ague Smith shewed his skill that Way by the Judgement that he made of it saying That he trusted it was but Diaria coming of a sudden Obstruction in the Pores of his Skin as he told him by Cold That which in a rare Body and tenderly kept must needs be till either by Evaporation or Sweat the same be opened again And so he hoped that now that Lord had but the weariness of that Accident and no formed Ague His Skill herein also appeared in his Discoursing so learnedly of his own Distemper as we heard before And here I will set down a Recipe I find in
doth bring to th one and so much more Hatred and Displeasure the Denying doth bring unto thother As for Example sake it K. Philip desired most earnestly we should make War with the Frenchmen and Q. Mary desired no less to live in Quiet and to have Peace with them the Husband and the Wife in most contrary Appetites the Granting extremely grieved th one the Denyal should as extremely have offended thother Of the Event what followed we know But ye wil say this was when a Foreign Prince did marry the Queen who having War of his own with the Frenchmen must needs desire his Wifes Country for Loves-sake to joyn with him And this Realm having Wounds enough at home had good Cause to mislike War abroad But if her Grace marry one of her own here at home there shall be no such Occasion you wil say but their Minds shall be al one whom th one loveth thother loveth also and whom the one misliketh so wil thother also This is wholly assured if it were always so but seeing never Man was always in one Mind himself continually nor yet Woman but that which at one time we love another time we hate what we like being Children we mislike being Men and Women and much more when we be old How can we think that any Man or Woman may be always of one Opinion Mind Judgment or Desire with another where he is not so with himself Conveniet nulli qui secum dissidet ipse saith the old Verse And what Mischiefs those Break may bring we have too many Examples both amongst the Graecians Romans and â—arbarians And first I will begin with the Goths when they were Lords over Rome and Italy Amula Suinta or as some do write her Amala Suenta the Daughter of K. Theodoricus King of Rome and al Italy and so rightfally Heir of that Kingdom to govern the Realm the better took to her Husband Theodotus a Nobleman of the â—oths who belike afterwards dissenting with her in Opinion of Matters of the State first found the means to exile her into a little Island in a Lake besides Vossinana in Italy and afterwards there caused her to be most cruelly slain Philippe Vicecount of Milain being at a very low Ebb by Marriage of Beatrice wife to Fantino Cane had the Lordships and Seignories of Vercelli Alexandria Navarra Cortana four goodly Cities a great number of Riches Thereby he recover'd again the State of Milain and Lumbardy which was before lost This man to recompence her Kindnes and al these Benefits within a short while after caused her to be convicted of Adultery and cruelly to be put to death Iane the 2d Queen of Naples did otherwise She took to Husband Iaques Countie de la Nardy of the French Kings Blood with whom she indented that he should be contented to be called Prince Tarento and to leave to her not only the Name but also the Government of the Kingdom of Naples This liked not he or els his Counsillors and so removed her from Administration and kept her almost as a Prisoner She like a wise Woman feigned to rejoyce thereat and to bear it well until such time as she had compassed all her Device and shut him clean out of Naples For which Cause altho' he made War yet was he sain at the last willed he nilled he to live as a Man banished out of that Realm I have read of many being Sole Inheritors and Princesses of many Countrys which after took unto them Husbands who had no better success tho' not all so evil Even in our days Q. Mary took K. Philip to her Husband a Noble Prince Wise Discreet and Fortunate Yet many Men think that thereby she lost the Hearts of the most number of her Subjects And it is too manifest that immediately upon it in a very short space an incredible number of her Subjects were by order of such Law and Justice as was used in those Days most cruelly put to Death And God for his part whether offended that she so living Sole and as may be thought a Virgin did so suddenly choose to marry or rather that she finding the Light of the Gospel abroad in her Realm did what she could to Extinguish it and put it out did so punish the Realm with Quartan Agues and other such long and new Sicknesses that in the two last years of her Reign so many of her Subjects were made away what with the Execution of the Sword and Fire and what by Sicknesses that the third Part of the Men in â—ngland was consumed Ye see I do pass oâ—e◠〈◊〉 thinâ—s liâ—htly and do not Amâ—lify thâ—◠〈◊〉 Oratoâ—◠〈◊〉 Bu◠〈◊〉 â—â—ould have evâ—ry Piece rathâ—â—â—o 〈◊〉 â—eighed of you deâ—per than that you 〈◊〉 think that I should with words overlade the â—atter I comâ— to the Third that is what is best for the Realm and her Subjects And surely in this matter methinks for many Reasons it is best as it is now And here I will not over-slip this Advantage I pray you what Fault is there to be found with the Governance now Wherein do we lack or want an Husband for the Queen Compare both Q. Maries Time married and the Q. Highnesses Time that now is unmarryed Then was Burning and Hanging at Home Wars and Losing of Strong Holds Abroad Most Men discontent except a few of her Sect with Subsidies and Loans Sicknesses and Promooters as well th' one as th' other throughly vexed War we saw and felt and other Mischief was feared which whether it was to come or no few know Now for War we have Peace for Fear Security So tho' even the Papists altho ' otherwise they lost for their Stiffness yet they be more sure of their Lives now by the Clemency of the Time than they were then by the importune Favour of the Prince For Scarcity we have reasonable Plenty for Brass-Mony good Silver For Servitude Liberty What can a Common-wealth desire more than Peace Liberty Quietness little taking of base Mony few Parliaments their Coin amended Friendship with their Neighbours War with no Man either to follow the Gospel or Security of Life if they will be Papists Except peradventure we should seem to do as Aesop's Frogs did which not content with the King which Iupiter gave them knowing them to need none were weary of their Liberty and would not rest till they had also the Stork and Hearn for their Kings From whom now with all their Cryes these many Thousand years they cannot be delivered Well yet for the Wars and such Martial Feats it is most convenient to have a Man who should Govern abroad take upon him the Spear and Shield be there in Presence himself which is marvellous Encouragement to the Souldier to Fight in the Sight of the Prince where he thinks his Reward shall be according to his Deserts And as a great Warrior said I had rather have an Army of Harts their General being a Lyon than an Army
thou do stil prolong Doubt and Defer as now thou dost Thus meâ—â—â—nks England might speak wel enough to her Majesty Whose Word I trust her Highneâ— wil both hear and weigh when it shal please God to put it in her Highnes mind But I wil return to your other Argaments Mr. Agamus You were something long in proving that the Queens Majesty may in Peace by her Council in War by her General govern and conduct al things as wel as tho She were there in Person her self Hardly wil I graunt that the one should be as wel as th' other I se in al other things that Oculus Domini non solum pascit Equum optime as he said but also Colit stercorat Agrum The Italians have a Proverb La â—â—ccia d'buomo saccia de Leone The Face of a man is the Face of a Lion Meaning that the Presence of a man himself to whom the thing doth appertain to Terror to Diligence to setting forward of that which is intended doth furmount and pass al other things As when our late Sovereign K. Henry VIII â—ay against Boloign and another Camp with right good Captains before Montrel the Courage of the Soldier the Provision of the Victuals the Effect of the Enterprize ye know was not like For th' one fought under the Princes Ey th' other as it were behind him th' one saw present Reward or Pain th' other had but trust of their Captains Report As touching the Romans where do you se or read in their Histories that the Leaâ—tes which we call Generals or Lieutenants did so wel as the Consuls or Proconsuls in any War Who altho they were but as other of the Senate yet for that Time they had a Kingly and Sovereign Authority especially abroad And yet the Romans thought not that enough but when any danger came they made Dictaâ—â—â—ent Who from the Time of his Dictatorship was a very King or Monarch as ye know well enough So much did they think that Legats and Generals could not do th'enterprize so wel as he that hath the Princely Fasces as they cal them and the Sceptre And who that readeth the Veuctian Histories shal se that altho their Captain or General hath one of their Senate called Proveditore with him By whose Counsil if he do he doth avoid the danger of judgment Yet for because he is not indeed Consul or Dictator ye see their Wars go but coldly forward And this you knowing which Thing I marked in your Tale you praise them for the keeping that which they get wherefore I peradventure could shew some Causes Indeed for good Warriors I never heard Man yet give them the Prize And if I should grant this that the Generals in War do as wel as the Prince in Person which thing you see I am very loth to do and if it had not been strange and a thing to be wondered at in Octavius Augustus Plutarch would not have noted it But if I should grant it yet as the Greeks say One City is before another and there is difference in Generals and Lieutenants not only in knowledge of the Feats of War and in the Hardines of Courage and Wisdom to atchieve them but also in Estimation of the Soldier And who can be more esteemed or go more nâ—er to do as much in the Wars and with Soldiers as the Queen her Self if She were a Warriour or there in Person should do as either he which is the King or the Queens Husband In K. Henry III. his Time I read of Prince Edward who was after called Long Shanks and in the Time of Edward III. of the Black Prince and Henry V. that they did as much as their Fathers and that their Soldiers would under their Banners sight as valiant and go as far as they would govern their Fathers being then Kings of England And no marvail They did not only look shortly to have them their Sovereign Masters but they knew in the mean time how dear those Persons were to their Fathers Which two things did work so much in their Hearts and Minds that there was smal Want of the Royal Presence So much think I it doth excel to the Encouragement of the Soldier to the Hope of the Capitain to the Terror of the Enemy to understand that the Husband of the Queen he whom her Highnes Loveth above al men and whom She trusteth most and who can commend their Doings at al Times to her Highnes to be in the Field over it is of any other Lieutenant or General whosoever he be At one thing I assure you you had almost made me to laugh when that you spoke so husbandly of Husbanding I perceive the Queens Majesty doth not wel that you are not one of the Green-cloth you would husband the Matter so wel and teach them al to save mony And for one thing ye might do wel there because I perceive ye love no Takers But if you were once of them I fear me you would love Takers better and bear with them as wel as al the rest do Oh! merciful God do you look to save mony and do not care to save your Head You do consider how a few Expences may be saved and do not se how your Posterity shal be spent and consumed Cal to remembrance I pray you what was spoken you wot Where and When a little before the Speaker of the Parlament went to move that Petition to her Highnes wherof I spake even now I would to God her Majesty might live ever I would she should not dye but now I know that being born of mortal Parents there is no Remedy She must once run this Race that al her Progenitors have don before and al mortal Men and Women shal follow When that is don what a Damp shal England be in What an Eclipse wil that be if God do not either send a Prince before of her Body or els incredible Aggrement of the Nobility and Commons We hear what the Daulphin did attempt by the Title of his Wife the Scottish Queen after the Death of Q. Mary Happy is the Queens Majesty by the great Consent of her Subjects and happy be her Subjects by the Life and Prosperity of her Highnes But if there come any Dissension for the Trials of Titles If there come Part-takings who should wear the Crown what a more miserable Realm should there be in the whole World than this of England I am afraid to speak and I tremble to think what Murthers and Slaughters what Robbing and Riâ—ling what Spoiling and Burning what Hanging and Heading what Wasting and Destroying Civil War should bring in if ever it should come From the Time that K. Richard II. was deposed in whom al the Issne of the Black Prince was extinct unto the Death of K. Richard III the unkind and cruel Brother of Edward IV. whose Daughter was Maried as ye know to K. Henry VII by reason of Titles this poor Realm had never long Rest. Noble men