common Catholicke Church nor in that vnitie without good life especially if he should die in any of these sinns mentioned before by S. Paul that goe bâ—fore or follow him to Iudgement The minor proposition is that Q. Elizabeth is noted most grieuously in both these kinds Ergo there may be a iust feare of her euerlasting damnation Neyther doth this preiudice Almightie God his extraordinarie mercies to whome he listeth we speake here of the ordinarie way of saluation reuealed vnto the Church and in that sense onely shal be sayd somewhat to the Minor proposition wherin standeth the cheife moment of this our question That Queene Elizabeth was excommunicated by name by two or three Bishops of Rome whome we hould for supreme heades on earth of the knowne Catholike Church no man can deny that she was likewise excommunicated by conâ—equence though not by name by the General Councel of Trent in all tâ—ose Canons anathematizations which were made against Protestants for their doctrine which she also held no maÌ„ can doubt of as neither but that she was coÌ„prehended in all the cases that touched her faith or actions in Bulla Coenae euery yeare repeated and pronouÌ„ced against Heretikes Schismatikes Vsurpers of Ecclesiasticall power and authority whereof she auouched herselfe to be Head in her owne kingdomes And now that this externall visible Church called Catholike and knowne by that name throughout the world aswell by friends as enemies which S. Augustine sayth is an argument that it is the true Church indeed is the selfe same visible Church that was in the foresaid Fathers times and visibly deduced by succâ—ssion from their dayes to ours is so manifestly to be proued as no man can with reason deny the same and consequently if it were so certaine a damnation to be excommunicated or put out of that Church as now you haue heard the said Fathers to affirme then is it soe now aâ—â—o and then goâ—th hard the case of Queene Elizabeth as you see for that it is not knowne that she was euer reconciled or taken into the sayd Church againe And as for the other point concerning other sinnes meant or mentioned by the Apostle as on the one side I will not take vpon me to determine what or how many or how great she committed so on the other considering the frailty of mankind the temptations of the triple enemie the world the flesh and the diuell the many occasions she had in her free state of life to fall into sinne and that in the space of foure and fourty yeares at least after the entrance to her Crowne she neuer vsed the ordinary help of ancient ChristiaÌ„s for purging her soule which the foresaid Fathers doe teach vs to be not onely contrition but also Sacramental Confession absolution of the Church her state I say being this it must needs follow that so many as belieue and acknowledg this Sacrament of the Church to be necessary to saluation when it may be had yea is câ—mmaunded by the sayd Church vnder paine of Censures to be reiterated euery yeare once at least if not oftener that this woman neuer making the same and dying in that state cannot be saued according to the iudgment of all those that belieue follow that Church that condemneth her which Church being spread throughout the whole world as it was in S. Augustines time and hauing obtayned the same priuiledge which he tooke to be sufficient to demonstrate the true Church to wit that she is knowne by the name of Catholicke both to friends enemies true Christians and Heretickes according to the common sense of men for he proueth that neuer heretical Congregation could obtayne to be so much as called Catholike throughout Christendome or to be knowne by that name this thing I say being soe we see what a dreadful preiudice this may appeare to be against the euerlasting saluation of Queene Elizabeth For if there were so great mayne a difference betwene bodily Phisitianâ—â— both for number skil experience antiquity and authority about the temporall death of any Prince as there is here in all these qualities betweene the spirituall Phisitians of Christendome Catholike and English Protestants concerning the eternall death of Queene Elizabeths soule to wit that so many more temporall Phisitians in number without comparison so much more learned so much more experienced in corporall Phisicke as the other exceed them in spirituall yea further and that they had so many deadly Symtomes Chryâ—es and Prognosticons conâ—â—med out of the authority of Hipocrates Galâ—â— and other ancienâ— Phisitians all tending to mortality as the other haue out of the doctrine iudgment and perpetuall practice both of the said Church and holy Ghostly Fathers of the same foâ— Queene Elizabeths euerlasting death I doubt nothing but that the sayd Princes temporall life would be held for very dangerous or rather his death were very probable Neither did I say any more of the spirituall death of Queene Elizabeth most likely to accompany her corporall I beseech the mercie of Almighty God that it be not soe And here I might adde also another plaine familiar proofe out of the said ancient Fathers and namely out of S. Augustine to the end we may see how his Church did agree with ours or rather the vniuersall known Catholicke Church in his dayes with that Church that hath the same name notes in ours For besides that number of authorities which I cited out of him before as agreeing with other Fathers that it is impossible for an Heretick Schismatick or an ExcoÌ„municated person dying in that state to be saued he goeth further in an other place into more particulers for being required by his freind Quod-Vult-Deus to set downe vnto him a briefe Catalogue or enumeration of all the particuler heresies that the Catholicke Church had condemned from the beginning of Christianitie vnto their time or did hould for heresies in those dayes he set downe aboue fourescore and added in the end that if any man should professe or belieue any of those heresies or any other that had or sâ—ould spring vp he could not be a Christian Catholicke and consequently neyther be saued but euerlastingly damned Now in this Catalogue or booke of heresies which was also gathered vnto their dayes by Philastrius and S. Epiphanius before him S. Augustine setteth downe for damned heresies some that Queene Elizabeth did manifestly â—ould and so was thought to hould and for any thing that we know died in the same as namely those heresies of the Hereticke Aërius that solemne fasts appoynted by the Church were not to be obserued but euery man or woman to fast when they would least they should seeme to be vnder the law So sayth that hereticke And then which maketh most to our present purpose that prayer and sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead nor did profiâ— them any thing at all vpon which later poynt I am induced to make
leaues after as though he were in deuotionis templo at his praiers or amongst the Lindians or Coribantes at their Sacrifices he saith that F. Persons is bill'd by the deuill and enrolled in 〈◊〉 Catalogue of the damned that he hath all the markes of 〈◊〉 râ—probate his braine the forge of mischiefe his face the â—â—uile of impudency his hart the minthouse of treasons to 〈◊〉 Country a libelling hand restles truthles a rayling tongâ—â— without measure or discretion his throat an open sepulcherâ— his feet swife for bloudshed interiora impietas his very entralls the inwards of impiety in briefe the engarbled anâ—tomy of a damned wretch beyng branded with Caiâ— marke that no man may attach to punish â—ym heere c. These are the Episcopall tearmes of M. Barlow anâ— you may imagine what forceth him to this fury Were the truth on their syde they needed not defile their penâ—s with this filth but leesers must haue leaue to talke and the ignorant to raue when they are not able to frame better answers 105. Many more of these flowers of M. Bâ—â—â—lowes folly or rather frenzy I might produce if the Reader were delighted with their noysome sauour whose most common title of the Father is Curr or Doâ—â— for so you haue now heard him call him a dogg to snaâ—â—â— a dead dog a rotten carcase of a poysâ—ned curr a mychâ—â— curr a carionly curr Carons mastiffe Plutoes Cerbâ—rus afterwards a Curr that snarles a currish bloudhound an opproâ—rious curr base bone-gnawer And whereas F. Pâ—rsons made this demaund of the Author of the Apology whome he tooke to be Thomas Mountagne Aâ—â— needeth no more Syr but this to condemne both â—onfessoâ—â— and Popes of conspiring the last Queenes death M. Barlow answereth hereunto There needs no more CVRR then that writing the word CVRR in great capitall letters for else the Reader should not haue discouered him so well to be a great capitall foole Moreouer he calleth him turpissima bestia a practised Equiuocatour an equiuocating Malepardus From beasts and doggs he cometh to the Diuell and compareth the Father to him as he is Diabolus as he is Satan as he is Lucifer in respect of which and the precedent tearmes these which follow that he is an impostume of all corruptions a Sycophant the Popes Scauinger a misbegotten Catechristicall companion cogging shamles companion perfidious Hypocrite and the like may seeme very mild and moderate though yet most repugnant to the modesty of any honest or well-minded man 106. And albeit this tempestuous storme of M. Barlowes immodest and vnchristianlike railing do fall specially vpon F. Persons yet he forbeareth not also others of higher calling and more eminent degree who euen by his owne rule are further from enuy which as he telleth his Maiestie in the beginning of his Epistle stretcheth herselfe no higher then these which are a mans equalls or somwhat his Superiours and in that respect and euen by the rules of coÌ„mon ciuility should haue bene spared had not this Minister after that once he had broken the limits of modesty earnestly endeauoured to be egregiously impudent and therefore he forbeareth none but euen this present Pope for his mildnes vertue wisdome and learning most laudable he calleth out of M. Bluetts relation if you will beleiue him a rash speaker a heady vndertaket of a most violent spirit impatient of contradiction in other places a busy polypragmon a man wedded to his owne will and newly possessed of Pope Ioanes Chaire the Grandfather of the Romish â—rats an only Breue-compounder And as the man is witty so he interpreteth the words of the Apocalyps sciens quod breue tempus habet thusâ— The Pope knowing that his tyme is but a Breue Cardinal Bellarmyne he abuseth more grosly for he calleth him a Cardinall parasite the lenocinating pander of the whore of Babylon the whit-lyuerd red-cap his roguing trycks and the lyke 107. Besyds these personall reproaches he hath many also more generall of the whole order of Iesuits in which liue so many men of great nobility of bloud exquisite learning rare vertue for which amongst all good men they are renowned and hated specially of hereticks Infidels and bad Christians this man measuring and describing them all by himselfe his fellow Ministers of England saith that they are a Society which like Anniballs army is gathered ex colluâ—â—â— omnium gentium of the resuse male-contents of all nations cemented into a fraternity as the walls of Babylon buylt with the demolished rubbish of Babells tower nourished by the Pope as the Ianizaries by the Turke to be the valiantest cut-throates of true christians their owne natiue Coutrymen So in one passage without interruption and in another he saith that Iesuits are the principall Boutefeaux and incendiary make-bates through all Christendome who laying fuell to fire with their doctrine kindle with their counsayle enflame the mynds of Princes in iealouzies ech of other the naturall subiects with disloyall coÌ„â— spiracyes against their lawfull Soueraignes So he But this ranke blast with them shaketh no corne all Princes people with whom they liue seeing with their eyes and knowing by their experience the quite contrary But rayling and lying with this Minister to vse his owne phrase seeme to be his very kindly essentiall partes 108. Neyther is he content with this immodesty against Christs Vicar and other vertuous men but loosing the raynes of his vnbridled tongue as a ship without a sterne is carried where the fury of his passion like a strong winde doth transport him and opens his mouth against heauen it selfe and the Saints therein by storming or blasphemously speaking of three of them to wit S. Gregory and S. Leo both which are for their rare examples of life admirable knowledge renowned labours surnamed the Great S. Martyn no lesse eminent in all maÌ„ner of sanctity for which all the learned Fathers since his tyme haue neuer spoken of him but with singular reuerence and very speciall commeÌ„dation Of S. Gregory with a solemnelye he telleth the Reader that Bâ—llarmyne maketh their great Sainted Pope eyther an hypocryte to giue the Emperour a hayle Maister whom in hart he contemned yea accounted a persecutour saith Persons or else a temporizing luke-warme Laodicaean that for feare or constraint would yield to any thing against his conscieÌ„ce that the Emperour would commaund And can there be any thing more contumeliously and Lucian-like spoken then this Neyther hath the Cardinall any word or clause that can be drawne hereunto without manifold iniurious wresting and peruerting of his whole scope drift meaning as the Reader if he list â—o peruse the place will soone confesse 109. Towards S. Leo he is much more exorbitant calling him the eloquent proud Pope and saying that he hath certayne hyperbolycall phrases wherwith he
when it was vsed to any person to wâ—om the title oâ— higher dignity by common intendment was due as iâ— a man should say Maistâ—r Chancellour M. Treasurer M. Earle M Archbishop and the like But lâ—t vs sâ—e the wily winding of M. Barlow here for that â—â—â—ding himsâ—lfe much pâ—â—ssed with these examples he â—ound this deuiâ—e to shiâ—t them of Sâ—ch a digniâ—y quoth he it may be that Maâ—sâ—â—r prefixed beâ—ore it may prâ—â—e a diminishing terme but if you put it to the Syrname of any man it is an addition of â—orsâ—ip aâ—candalum â—candalum Magnatum Wâ—eâ—â—tâ— I answer that this shiâ—t is more fond then the former But let vs come to the practice of this deuise let a Sutâ—r at the Court or Counâ—ell â—or gayning the good â—ill and fauour of the Counâ—ellours bâ—gin with this additioÌ„ oâ— worship to their Sâ—rnames saying inâ—teed oâ— Lord Chauncellour M. Fgerton I haue this or that â—ute wherein I craue fauour so also Maisâ—er â—ecill inâ—â—eâ—d of Lord â—reasurer M. Howard M. â—albot others in 〈◊〉 of Honours and Lordshippes would Maister Bâ—â—low thinke to obtayne more â—auour by this addition of worâ—hip to theyr Syrnames or did he vse perhaps this manner of speach when he crouched to them and his Maâ—esty â—or gaining the Bishoprick which he now posâ—esâ—â—th or will he teach this magisteriall doctrine o courtesy to be practised in the Court at this day How many scholleâ—s and disciples were he like to haue thâ—rin but among other examples one there is wherin glâ—dly I wâ—uld haue his answer He profesâ—eth himselfe a great and singulâ—r seruitour of the Queene past and if this doctrine oâ— Maâ—ster do hold in men of neuer so great honour for addition of worship if it be giuen to the Sâ—rnâ—me then bâ— like proportion also it must hould in the word Mistâ—â—sse giuâ—n to the Sâ—rname of women tâ—â—ugh neuâ—r so grâ—at or Honorable Yf then Maister Barlow had gone vnto the sâ—yd Queene in neuer so good â— disposition yea when he had betrayed his Maister the â—arle of Essex for her sake and had preached againâ—t him that horrible Sermon which he did aâ—ter his death and should haue sayd vnto her Good Mistresâ—e Tydder this and this haue I done for your cause I hope you wil reward me what reward would you thinke that she would haue bestowed vpon him for so great a courtesy And this shal be sufficient to shew the vanity of this euasion wherein he pleaseth himselfe very much and entertayneth his pen for diuers pages as I haue said pretermitting three or foure other inâ—tances of mine of much more force for prouing my coniecture that his Maiestie himselfe penned not the Apologie promising to answer them after in their due place but this place had bene most due to the matter in hand if the Minister had found himselfe ready and sufficiently fraught with substance to refute them and therfore it is to be presupposed he would not haue pretermitted the occasion for shew at least of some furniture in this beginning for so much as he hunteth so greedily after all occasions to say somewhat though nothing to the purpose at all Well then thus remayneth the argument of this first Paragraph about the true Author of the Apology which now his Maiestie confesseth to be his somewhat discussed as you haue heard the rest remayning for the place that M. Barlow hath promised to say more thereof afterwardes The summe of all hitherto treated being that I and infinit others being strangers to that which was done in secret thinking it not conuenient nor dutifull for any subiect of his Matiâ— to ascribe vnto so great a Prince a thing that might be denyed afterwards or called in controuersy by many I did vpon the reasons alleadged perswade my selfe that it was the doing of some of his Maiesties Chaplaines namely of Maister Thomas Montague as before I haue said by some generall licence or approbation of his Highnes rather then to haue bene penned by his Maiesty himselfe And vpon this ground did I frame my Letter and iudgâ—ment to my friend in England with all modâ—sty râ—uerence and due respect vnto his Maiesties person though sometymes I was forced by the very curreÌ„t of the matter it selfe and by the iniurious dealing as to me it seemed oâ— the supposed Author to be more quick and earnest with him then I would haue bene if I had but imagined his Maiestie to haue bene the writer theroâ— Whereby also appeareth the present iniquity of this other Minister VVilliam Barlow who in all this Answer of his doth peremptorily conioyne himselfe with the person of the Prince whose champion he maketh himselfe to be reapeating all the wordes of the Apologer whom I tooke to be no better then himselâ—e as the wordes of the King and my confutation as a confutation of his Maiestie wherin he doth me open iniury for that Erâ—or Pâ—rsona mut at casum say both Lawyers and Deuines and he ought to haue taken me in the sense meaning that I supposed whether it were true or false For as if in an euening when it waxeth darke a man should meet one whom â—e thinketh to be his enemy to haue greatly abused him should vse sharp speach vnto him according to his supposed deserts and that this party should not be his enemy indeed but rather his great friend or Superiour he could not haue an action against him that vttered these former words out of opinion that he was his enemy had abused him so much lesse here in this mistaking in so great obscurity of darkenes there being so many probabilities and coniâ—ctures to the contrary as now you haue heard Wherfor I must require at M. Barlowes hands to lay down this deuise and to râ—peate my words throughout my whole Letter aâ— spoâ—en to Thomas Montague or some other of his state condition according to my perswasion and supposition at that tâ—me and not to his Maiâ—stie and as often as he dotâ— otherwise he offereth me open iniury as he doth to â—iâ— Maiestie also and maketh himselfe ridiculâ—â—â—â—o others And with this condition shall we end tâ—is â—irâ—t Paragraph and passe to the rest OF THE PRETENDED Cause of the new Oath which is sayd to be the Powder-Treason §. II. NEXT after the coniectures handled about the Author oâ— the Apologie I comming in my Letter to touch the causes pretended of presâ—ure to Catholikes by this new exacted oath I proposed some of the Apologers words in his Preamble concerning the detestatioÌ„ of the Powder-treason in which detestation though I willingly ioyned with him yet complayned I of the iniquity of some that vrged continually the hatred therof against innocent men for them that were culpable contrary to his Maiesties honorable meaning as appeared by the words vttered both in his Proclamation speach in the Parlament To which passage of mine M. Barlow coÌ„ming to answer setteth downe first my words and discourse
say no more in this case then that which all good men haue said and done in the like that the looser must haue his wordes the time will come when the Minister is like to pay for al as other rauenous Persecutors haue done before The straw we made not nor inuented of this can be witnes diuers Noble and principall persons of contrary religion to Father Garnet who saw and examined the same But if God gaue or will giue any such testimony or other in this world that may tend to the defence of any of his seruantes that suffer vniustly by the malignity of wicked tongues what fault haue we therein to be carped at by the incredulity or inâ—idelity of such as belieue nothing but what themselues list which commonly is that by which they may gayne most As for the rotting of his head and flesh vpon London-bridge there is no reason that he should haue a priuiledge aboue other Seruants of God of whom the Prophet sayd in lamenting-wiâ—e to God himselfe They haue cast the dead bodies oâ— thy Seruants â—or birdes oâ— the ayre to feed vpon and the flesh of thy â—aintes to â—e deuoured of beasts If that be sanctity which was wont to be in ancient Diuinity consisting in true Catholik beliefe and vertuous pious and innocent life Father Garnet is knowne to haue lyued a Saynts life indeed and to haue accomplished the same with a happy death in dying for the defence of Iustice and equity that obliged him to silence and secresy in the matter which without sacriledge he could not reueale or vttâ—r though neuer so much detesting the attempt pretented and bewayling the knowledge thereof which sore against his will was imparted vnto him There followeth another notorious vntruth which is the fifth in this ranke concerning Father Persons being priuy consenting to their powder-plot wherof this Minister both in this place and many other maketh no scâ—uple resolutely to accuse him wheras in the whole action â—et forth in print there is no one such accusation against him which is like would not haue bene omitted if â—ny leaâ—t ground had beene found for the same And moreouer he addeth another assertion no lesse temâ—rarious which is That Father Persons came on his iourney a good step towards England that he might haue song a Te Deum in his natyue country for the good successe oâ— that happy exploit So he But for that he saw that this might be checked by the testimony of hundreds of witnesses that knew that he neuer departed from Rome in all that tyme nor long before nor after the Calumniator addeth this defensiue Caueat in a parenthesis as some report and yet would he haue it belieued of all so little conscience hath he to cast out false accusatioÌ„s without ground as though there were no Iudge in heauen or earth â—or false Calumniatours of their brethren Lastly about this matter of the powder-treason he delighteth himselfe so greatly with the often mentioÌ„ repetition therof as he saith he will neuer cease from talking of that matter Nor will wee saith he be silent thereof rumpantur ilia Romae so long as we haue pens to write or tongues to speake or a generation liuing or a posterity succeeding Do you see how earneâ—t the man is If we should imploy our pens tongues in the continual repetition of such attempts by Proteâ—tats against their Princes you see now already we haue three for one in this kind of powder-plots but many more in others And let the last attempt in Scotland of the Gowryes for killing his Maiesty the first in England of Gray Cobham Râ—â—leâ— for imprisoning his person giue testimony in this matter whether they were not all professed ProtestaÌ„ts or no So as in this there is no place for rumpantur ilia Romae brought in by M. Barlow with more gall then discretion as many other thinges are in this place for diminishing of the pressures laid vpon Catholikes for their consciences in religion amongst which he auoucheth resolutely that in fiâ—â—y years of two Protestant Princes scarce threesâ—ore persons haue bene executed and all these as guilty of treasonable practises wheras their owne recordes ours also forth in print do shew aboue an hundred thirty Priests besides lay-men to haue bene put to death within the space by him mentioned whereof not one could be conuicted of any other treason or treasonable practice then the exercise of their Priestly function So as in this both for the number and cause M. Barlow is taken with an open knowne falsity HOW GREAT A PRESSVRE the vrging of the new Oath is to Catholikes that haue a contrary Conscience in Religion §. III. IT followeth by order of M. Barlow his booke and mine that we doe examine a little how grieuous and burdensome the inforcemeÌ„t of the new Oath is to a Catholike conscience that vnderstandeth diuers points of his Religion to be denied therby and so much the more grieuous is it by how much more desirous his Maiesties Catholick people are to giue him contentment and satisfaction in all points of temporall obedience belonging to true and loyall subiects I do say in my Letter that the Apologer supposed by me to be some Minister did speake of the Oath as of a thing of no pressure or preiudice at all for that he hauing spoken of the former asseueration of his Maiesty That none of the Catholick professioÌ„ should be worse vsed for that cause to wit of the powder-tâ—eason he adioyneth presently Only sayth he at the next sitting downe of Parlament a forme of Oath was framed to be taken by all his Maiestiâ—s subiects wherby they should make their profession of their resolution faithfully to persist in his Maiesties obedience c. By which exception of only a man may well perceiue that the Minister maketh little accompt of taking or not taking this Oath for so much as he supposeth Catholick people to haue receyued no hard vsage therby though they be brought therby into such extremities as either they must swâ—are against their owne iudgments consciences in sundry points pâ—rtaining to their religion or els endure his Maiesties heauy displeasuâ—â— with losâ—e of goods and lands c. These were my wordes And now how do you thinke that M. Barlow will shift of this important point appertâ—â—ning to conscience in Religion No doubt but much according to the feeling himselfe hath of swearing or not swearing if the Princes fauour or disfauour come betweene Do you stand attent then you shal heare as egâ—egious trisâ—ing as euer you did perhaps in so graue a matter The new Oath saith he of all other is the Phallaris Bull the moâ—â— gâ—ieuous vexation But â—herin standeth the agrieuance is it in the abstract because there is an Oath commanded The highest iudge alloweth it both by â—is owne example swearing by himselfe to AbrahaÌ„ by precept to vs. Thou shalt seare
Israel Dâ—mâ—tam posteriora tua interficiam de Achab mingentem ad parietem Si mortâ—us fuâ—rit Achab in Ciuitate comedent eum canes si autem in agro comedeÌ„t eum volucres caeli The hinder part of thy life I shall cut oâ— shall kill of thy stocke that shall make water agâ—inst the wall And if that Achab dye in the Citty the dâ—â—gs shall eâ—t him and if he dye in the field the birds of the â—airâ— shall deuoure him And the like to his Queene Iezabell The doggs shall eat â—ezabel in the field of Iezraell And finally to let passe Baltasar Ieroboam Iebu Manasses and many other Kings whome God threatned dared and performed also the same without any such respectiue warinesse as M. Barlow doth fancy his wordes and meaning are plaine and generall in Iob that when Princes are warned and do not amend Si non audierint transibunt per gladium If they obey not they shall passe by the sword And this is Gods plaine speach and plaine dealing for that Princes to him are no more then poore men all flesh and dust albeit whilst they liue vpon earth beare rule in his place he will haue them respected obeyed and honoured as his Deputies in all that they shall command not contrary to his lawes which he will haue obserued both by Prince and people and detesteth all such prophane flattery as heere we haue heard vttered by M. Barlow And so much for this matter Now then to come to my former proposition that the Prouidence of God might seeme to be defectuous if his diuine Maiestie had left no remedy for so great an euill it is founded vpon all those places of Scripture where it is sayd that Gods workes are perfect as Deuter. 32. and that they are made in wisedome Psalme 103. vers 24. that is to say in most high wisedome ordinata sunt saith S. Paul Rom. 13. they are according to order well ordered the like Out of all which is inferred that whatsoeuer the perfection of wisdom good order doth or can prescribe in any worke that is to be presumed to be in Gods works yea with far higher perfection then mans wisedome can reach vnto Whereby it followeth that as when a prudent humane Law giuer instituteth a CommoÌ„-wealth he prouideth for all inconueniences that by humane probability may fall out vnto the same so much more Christ our Sauiour being not only man but also God must be presumed to haue prouided sufficiently and aboundantly for his Kingdome and Common-wealth which is the Christian Church purchased with his owne bloud for preuention of all hurtes and euills imminent to the same which seemeth had not bene done if he had left this greâ—t gâ—ppe vnstopt and this mayne mischeife vnprouided for which might come thereunto by the incorrigibilitie of some deplored Prince impugning the same for so much as all humane Law-giuers and Erectors of Common-wealths doe neuer faâ—â—e coÌ„monly in this particuler for the defensiue part and much lesse may it be thought that Christ our Sauiour would be wanting in so important a point Neyther is this any way blasphemous or disgracefull to our Sauiours infinite wisdome and prouidence as M. Barlow would most impertinently seeme to vrge but highly rather to his honour for somuch as wee professe that he hath prouided for this euill and the Protestants hold that he hath not For as when a man beholdeth a house made by some excellent Architect and considereth all the partes commodities thereof with prouision for all vses and prouidence for all cases that may fall out he admireth the coherence dependance of one thing vpon another prayseth and extolleth the wisedome and foresight of the Author saying If this or that had not bene foreseene and prouided for as excellently it was it had byn a great want and defect but being prouided for it doth infinitly commeÌ„d his sayd care wisedome foresight and prouidence And euen soe in our case when a man considereth the admirable excellency of Christ our Sauiours wisedome in other pointes concerning the gouerment of his Church how carefully and orderly he hath prouided for the same in all necessary points as in part the holy Apostle doth describe both to the Corinthians and Ephesians appointing some Apostles some Prophetes some Euangelists some Doctors some Pastours ad consummationem Sanctorum in opâ—s ministerij in aedificationem Corporis Christi for the consummation of the Sayntes and for the works of the ministery for the building vp the body of Christ which is his Church with exact order prouidence and subordinatioÌ„ of things men and offices one to another with sufficient power and authority for euery party to doe his office these things I say being well considered do inferre that it cannot possibly stand with such high wisedome prouidence of our Sauiour to leaue his sayd body and Church vnprouided of sufficient authority to preuent or remedie so mayne a calamitie as might fall vpon the sayd Church by temporall Christian Princes if there were no restraint or punishment for them Nor do the Protestants themselues pretermit to vse such kind of arguments and consequences for their owne defence when they deale with domesticall Aduersaries to wit with Protestants of other Sects As for example when the Puritan refuseth all Bishops Archbishops and other distinction of subordination in the Clergy what vrgeth in effect the Protestant on the other side but that it belonged to Christ his diuine prouidence to leaue such distinction and subordination and consequently that it might be noted for defectuous if he had left but the Puritan parity in all The like passeth with the Lutheran who denying the temporall Prince to be Head of the Church and confesseth consequently that their Church is headlesse vpon earth but only dependeth on Iesus Christ as head in heauen is refuted by the English Caluinists with the same argument of the defect of Gods prouidence if he had not prouided some Head on earth also And much more holdeth this argument against the Anabaptists who hold that Christ hath left no temporall power or Magistrate in his Church to iudge or condemne and especially to death for any cause whatsoeuer for that he sayth nolite iâ—dicare do not iudge which I doubt not but our English Protestants will reâ—ute by this argument of Gods prouidence which would haue bene iudged insufficient if he had left so many Common-wealthes and Kingdomes as are conteyned within this Christian Church without any temporall Magistrate at all Whereby remayneth confuted the inâ—ulse insultation of M. Barlow against the same for that our inference is noâ— as he fraudulently telleth his Reader except the Popes triple Crowne had power to depose Princes Gods prouidence had bene defectuous but if his diuine Maiesty hauing prouided most sufficiently for all other inconueniences it would haue bene a note of defect in the same not to haue prouided for this case of extreme
hath the ChaÌ„pion M. Barlow any thing to reply for his Lord in this no truly but granting my proofe to be substantiall as taken from the Scripture it selfe he runneth to otheâ— impertinent matter of dissimilitude betweene Q. Elizabeth Nabuchodonosor as that he had no successour but the Queene hath c. which is not the question in hand nor was the comparison made in this and moreouer in it selfe is false For that Nabuchodonosoâ—s sonne called Euilmeroâ—â—th succeeded him and after him againe Baltazar which seemeth to haue bene fortold by the Prophet Ieremy c. 27. saying Seruient ci ones gentesâ— filio eius filio fâ—lâ— eius All nations shall serue Nabuchodonosor and his sonne and his sonnes sonne In which respect Nabuchodonosor was much more happy theÌ„ Q. Elizabeth who left no such issue to succeed her and therefore the place alleadged by M. Barlow oâ—t of Isay Ex quo dormisti c. since thou wert dead none came in thy place to cut vs vp by graue Authors is vnderstood of Baltazar the last King of that race for to the former it cannot wel be applyed whose sonne and nephew after his death kept them wellnigh forty yeares in captiuity and they were not deliuered till after the death of Baltazar by Cyrus who with Darius ouerthrew him and succeded him by which you may see how well M. Barlow pleadeth for Queene Elizabethsâ— happinesâ— And all this was spoken against the infeâ—ence of true felicity supposing that Queene Elizabeths dayes had beene so aboundant and affluent in all kinde of temporall prosperities as the flattery of these Orators would haue it seme that her selfe had such copia of consolations and inopia of tribulations as the Lord Cooke describeth But for proofe that this was not so theâ—e were many parâ—iculer poynts touched which did shew that her temporall consolations were mingled also with desolations her prosperity with aduersities her ioyes many tymes with griefe as for example the circumâ—tances of her natiuity the declaration made against her by her owne Father as well in the putting to death her Mother with note of incontinency togeather with so many adulterers punished with her as also aâ—terward the same declaratioÌ„ made more authentically in publike Parlament her disgraces passed aâ—terward againe in the time of King Edward her contemptible reiection by the setters vp of Queene Iane her peâ—ills in Queene Maries time by the cutting off of her best friendes whereby she was forced to a deepe dissimulation in religion that could not be but afflictiue vnto her her feares and doubâ—s in the beginning of her owne raigne what would follow by change of religion the pretence of the King of Frâ—â—â—â— known to be in hand for his wiues succession immediatly after Queene Mary her frights by the Duke of Norfolke Earles rising iâ— the North a great Counsell of the chiâ—fest Nobility held at London against her and in fauour of the Queene of Scotland which then â—he was not able to resist if it had gone forward her publike excommunication and depriuation by two or three Popes which could noâ— but bring sollicitude with it her doubtfuâ—nes about maâ—iing being preâ—sed on the one side by the sollicitatioÌ„ of her Kingdome for hope of succession and held backe on the other side by certayne desirs of designements of her owne her fauorites her intricate reckonings with her sayd fauorits from time to time as Pickering Dudley Hatton Packiâ—gton Rawley and Essex among whome the two Earles became in the end to be dredfull vnto her her ielousy and feares conceâ—ned not only of forraine Princes whome she had deepely offended with raising their subiects and maintayning them against them but of domesticall inhabitants likewise especially of Priestes Iesuits and Seâ—inâ—ryâ—men who were painted out to her to be such dangerous people togeather with the Catholickes that vsed their helpes in matters for their soules as she neuer ceased to add lawes vnto lawes against them all and against all vse of Catholicke religion wherunto her selfe had sworne and voluntarily protested in Queene Maries dayes And not only this but breaking also into bloud for these imagined terrors shee put to death publickly aboue an hundred and thirty anointed Priests only for hatred of their order and profession togeather with many other afflicted in priâ—ons others sent into banishment by forty fifty yea seauenty at a time She put to death also both the nearest in kinred and dearest in affection that she had on earth as was her Maiestie of Scotlnd and the Earle of Essex the guilt of which proceeding lying vpon her conscience did so trouble her for diuets yeares before her death as was pittifull but her death it selfe more pittifull in dying without sense feeling or mention of God as diuers do report that do pretend to know the same most certainly I should be glad with like or greater certainty to know thâ— contrary for I take compassion of her state with all my hart And this is in effect the summe and substance of that which was spoken before concerning the interruptions and interpellations of Queene Elizabeths temporall ioyes and comfort which Syr Edward Cooke M. Barlow do make to be so singular and absolute And what reply is now made thinke you to all this Truly nothing at all to the purpose in hand for that one of these two poynts should be shewed eyther that these things are not so or that they do nothing at all impeach Queene Elizabethâ— teÌ„porall felicity and store of conâ—olations but neither of these is proued what then You shall heare first he runneth againe into an extreme rage of rayling and reuiling and scolding as it were a tip-toe inforcing his whole answere with the most contumelioâ—s speach that he can deuise but to this is extant his own answere in print out of Seneca which he alleageth in the Preface of his Sermon at Paulâ— Crosse against his Maister the Earle of Essex Vt quisque est â—â—ntemptissimus ita solutiâ—â—ima lingua â—â—t As each man is more contemptible then others so is he more lewd loose in his tongue Then he chafeth intemperatly that any thing should be sayd or writteÌ„ against Queene Elizabeth after her death and herâ— he dilateth himselfe very largely for lacke of better matter vpon that common place that the rulers of the people are not to be spoken euill of specially after their death for which he citeth both Scriptures and prophane authors I follow not his order in this but the conâ—exion rather of the matter and will proue them to be both hoggs aud doggs out of Aristophanes Pliny Sophocles and other Authors that do reuile the dead But to this obiection also I will put his owne answere in his foresaid SermoÌ„ against the Eâ—rle of Essex where hauing made the same obiectioÌ„ againâ—t himselfe for speaking euill of the said Earle after his death as he doth now against me for calling to memory some of Queene
the consequeÌ„ce of this argument Wherunto I answere that I alleadged diuers reasons why our Catholick Priests dyed for religion not for treason First for that no such treason could be proued against them in the sense and iudgement of any indifferent man that was present at their arraignments to wit of the one hundred and thirty that before I mentioned Secondly for that the publike Registers themselues and Histories as Iohn Stâ—w and others in their Chronicles doâ— obiect no other treason to the most of them but only being Priests their taking of holy Orders beyond the seas which in no sense can be treason no more then the confessing of the blessed Trinitie can be made treason by the Trinitarians in Transiluania Thirdly for that they themselues dying did protest vpon their consciences as they should be saued they neuer meant treason in thought word or deed against Queene Elizabeth And then â—ourthly for confirmation of this I alleaged this other reason so much scorned by M. Barlow they hauing life offered them if they would renounce the Pope conforme themselues to the State they refused the same which he saith is a false and faulty inference and I say it is very good and true and that if M. Barlow had any moderate skill of the case according to the rules â—yther of Philosophy or Diuinity he would be ashamed to say as he doth in Philosophy it being a common axiome that omnis actus specificatur ab obiecto fiâ—e euery action is specified that is to say taketh his nature and essence from his obiect and end As if a man should kill one to gayne his goods this act hath both the nature of man-slaughter theft the first from the obiect the second from the end or intention of the doer which Philosophicall principle being applyed to our case doth euidently proue that the choice of death in him that hath life offered vpon conditioÌ„ he will doe some act against his faith as going to the Protestants Church is esteemed by Catholickes though otherwise he were nâ—uer so great a delinquent before is an act of Martyrdome for that it hath both the obiect and the end therof the obiect to wit death the end which is the profession of his faith And so if we passe to consider the same by Theologyâ— which more properly treateth of this vertue of Martyrdome the controuersy will be made much more cleare for that the word Martyrdome being a Greeke wordâ— and signifying a Testimony or bearing of witnesse as the word Martyr signifyeth him that yealdeth testimony or beâ—reth witnesse euery testmony or bearing of witnesse is not meant by the word Martyrdome but only such a testimony as is giuen by dying for God in the defeÌ„ce of some truth belonging to our faith either expressely impugned or implyed in the impugnation of some other vertue that containeth the sayd truth of our faith therin which last clause is added for that a man may be a true Martyr though he dye not for any expresse article of faith or part therof but it is sufficient that he dy for the defence of any one vertue as Chastity Obedience Iustice and the like according to the saying of our Sauiour Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam Blessed are they that suffer persecutioÌ„ for righteousnes And S. Iohn Baptist is acknowledged by all Deuines for a true Martyr although he died for no article of faith but for reprehending the incestuous marriage of King Herod with more libertie of speach and spirit then any such Prince-flatterer base mind as M. Barlow would euer haue done in the like case if we may ghesse at his vertue by his writing But to apply the former ground and vncontrollable principle to our present purpose in hand whether these Priests died for refuâ—ing the Oath of the Feminine Supremacy or for that they were made Priests beyoÌ„d the seas or â—or that they refused to come to your heretical seruiceâ— certaine it is according to the rules of Catholicke Diuinity that they died for deâ—ence of their faith or maintenance of vertue which is sufficieÌ„t to iustify their Martyrdomes hauing so great warrant and store of all manner of witnesses â—or the truth and doctrine they suffered for as might well in conscience assure them of the righteousnesse of their cause and that they died for that Religion in which all the Princes and people of Christendome for so many yeares ages both liued and died And wheras M. Barlow impugneth this by two cases or examples they are but so many arguments of his owne ignorance Let vs speake a word or two of them both The first is of Absolom putting the case that he was an Idolator as well as a traitor and that King Dauid after sentence passed against him â—or his treasons would acquite him froÌ„ death conditionally that he should renounce his Idolatry and that vpon reâ—usall he should be executed Shall we say sayth M. Barlow that he died â—or Religion or for treason We will say good M. Barlow that he died rather for false religion that is to say Idolatry then for treason and was the Diuels Martyr and none I thinke can deny the same vnles he be as ignorant as your selfe as shall further appeare by the answere to the next example which in effect is all one with this to wit that a yonger sonne should aspire his fathers death with hope to haue his riches and that being condemned his father should offer to saue him if he would go to Church and leaue his euil life of following queaneâ— c. Shall â—e say quoth M. Barlow that he is executed for his whore-domes or for this parâ—icide against his father But here I would aske M. Barlow why he leaueth out going to Church which was the first part of the condition and nameth only whore-domes no doubt but the honest man would haue the staying from the Church in Catholicks and whore-domes seeme to be companions But now I answere to his question that if he meane by refusing to go to Church such as is practised by Catholikes for Conscience sake and not to deny thereby the truth of the Catholicke faith which forbiddeth to go to hereticall Churches then dyeth he for the truth of his faith and consequently he is a Martyr But if he choose to dye for loue of wicked life and whoredome it is no cause of Martyrdome and consequently he is the Diuells Martyr as we said before of the Idolator But as for Parâ—icide cleere it is that he cannot be sayd to haue died for it properly as the immediate cause of his death for that it was remitted vnâ—o him and their passed another election on his mind to wit that he would leaue his old life so as â—or this he died propriè proximè properly and immediately and for the parricide only remotè occasiâ—naliter a far of and as from that which gaue the first occasion of his death What
consent Did she make so notable a demonstration of her owne griefes which she had therof What demonstration was this Wherin did it consist Did she shed teares Did she vest her selfe with sâ—ckloth for the same Did she put any man to death any of the doers or counsellours therof And if not what sufficient proofes notable expressing of her griefes doth this Minister meane What mourning garmentes were there seene throughout the whole Court for this fact What signe of sorrow and publick afflâ—ction Of her Mother it is written that when she heard oâ— Queen Dowagers death she mourned in yellow sattin with gould lâ—ce what apparell Queene Elizabeth did mourne in for Queene Maryes death by her selfe commanded I read not but that then as the cause waâ— somewhat like of both theyr ioyes both of Queene Anne and Queene Elizabeth mother and daughter by the faâ—l of their aduersaries it is probable also that their mourning habits were not vnlike But in truth when I doe consider the circumstances of that lamentable and vnheard of bloudy action that a Queene of that Nobility so honourably borne brought vp a Queene of two so great Kingdomes and Heyre apparent to the third comming into the Realme vpon assuraÌ„ce giuen hauing no obligation of subiection nor being lyable to any corporall punishment by the lawes eyther of nature or nations beeing equall and no wayes subiect and if she were guilty in any thing yet can it not be preâ—umed to haue bene more then the seeking of her owne liberty being vniustly deteyned which is permitted both by Diuine and humane lawes yet notwithstanding after soe many yeares of afflictions in restraint and prâ—son to be brought to a blocke and to be forced to lay dâ—wne her necke at her commandement whome shee allwaâ—â—s esteemed vnequall to her selfe and to haue her heâ—d cut of as the poorest woman that liued by the common hangman seemeth to mee to be one of the most pittifull spectacles that hath happened in Chriâ—â—endome since that Christianity beganne especially she hauing so potent and able a Prince regnant at that time in so warlike a Nation and so neere as his Maiestie was But let vs see what M. Barlow sayth to this for it foloweth immediatly vpon his former words And since that â—ime sayth hee our now Soueraigne that had the nerest interest in that errand was long agoe satisfied by her Maiesties owne purgation But I would demand of M. Baâ—low what ingredients there were in that purgation he talketh of Colloquintida a little before but I will not stand with him about Apothecary-druggs but this I say that exept the purgation of Queene Elizabeth concerning his Maiesties Mothers death had for ingredients these three things first Confession of her iniustice in that act then sorrow and contrition for the same and thirdly offer of satisfaction I must needes say as God by the Proâ—het â—eremy sayd to Ierusalem Silaueris te niâ—ro mulâ—iplicaueâ—is tiâ—i herâ—am Borith macuâ—ata es in iniquitate tua coram me dicit Domiâ—us If thou shâ—lt wâ—sh thy selfe with â—alt-peeter and multiply neuer soe much the herbe Borith thou art defiled with thine iniquity before me sayth the Lord God But his Maiestie sayth M. Barlow was long agoe satisfied with that purgation That may bee out of prudence â—oâ— the causes that euery wise man will ghâ—sse the times standing as they did Yt may be also that his Maiestie meaneth to follow the wisedome of King Dauid who left somthing in this kind to be done by his sonne which sure I am that if his Maiestie were but three moneths abroad in the world to heare what is talked in other Princes Courtes and Countreys he would exact perhaps a larger satisfactioÌ„ about this matter Now theÌ„ to speake briefly of Queene Elizabeths death which of purpose for some pages I haue ouerslipt to treat of these premises now handled that went before it I sayd in my letter that after so long a life in such worldly prosperityâ—s pleasures and iollityes as hers had bene it was a pittifull death to depart from this world to eternity with so little preparation or mention of God as she is reported to haue vsed wherof I sayd that I had seene a relation of a person of worth that was present at all her sicknes and death and had written the same not long after her buriall which I sayd then I would passe ouer for breuities sake But now for that I am so much vrged thereunto by M. Barlow I meane to impart with the Reader the greatest part of the sayd narration though not all for sundry respects but without any addition of matter from my selfe as most sincerely I doe protest But first let vs heare what M. Barlow sayth to that which already I haue written before First he sayth That if Queene Elizabeth at the first assault of her sicknes were silent and solitary phisicke will ascribe it vnto the nature of melancholy diseases c. Then â— hat reason would interprete that as â—he in refusing peremptorily her bed did shew her Princely resolution stantem mori to dye standing so Christian charity would inferre her retired silence to be a with-drawing of her mynd from her senses for a more serious meditation or her by-past lyfe and future state Behould heere M. Barlowes spirituall Rhetoricke or Rhetoricall spirituality that can make madnes meditation and silence or rather dumbnes vpon melancholy to be a voluntary withdrawing of the mind from her senses Indeed her by-past life and future state were matters that required deep meditation yea contrition also and teares if wee will belieue Saint Augustine who both wept hartily and repeated often ouer the penitentiall psalmes when he lay on his death-bed and further said as Possidius relateth in his life that no man ought to goe out of this life without pennance if he hath time to procure it but alas it seemeth that Queene Elizabeth was not in that state of mynd or sense to procure it or to accept of it if any man had offered the same vnto her As for the other particulers what she answered to her Doctor of Phisicke that she did meditate that she did lay her hands vpon the head of Doctor VVhitguist Archbishop of Canterburie kneeling by her and saying Amen to his prayers and sayd vnto one of her Ladyes wayting vpon her that her mind was little of from God and so gaue vp the Ghost c. all this I say for that it is much different from the faithfull relation of the aforesayd worthy person which was present and wrote the Story as an eye-witnes which M. Barlow doth not I shall remit my selfe and the Reader to the sayd relation which is this that ensueth Her Maiestie being in good health one day a priuy Counsellour presented her with a peece of gould of the bignes of an Angell dimly marked with some small characters which he sayd an old woman in VVales bequeathed her on her
but one day before his exhumation was commanded then could not that commandment come from the Pope but mâ—st needs come from the Emperour Bishops there present Heere then is found fraud in M. Barlow his allegation and to publish the same more he would needes vse the word BEFORE BVRIED in great letters as though they had well expressed pridie tumulatum buried the day before But heere perhaps some will demaund suppose this narration of Vâ—spergensis were graunted to be true as M. Barlow setteth it downe how doth it proue that the Pope commanded the exhumation Whereunto he answereth heere by a certayne demaund in a parenthesis VVho cast them out to wit those of Liege but the Pope Wherunto I answere that the Bishops and Archbishops that were with the new Emperour had excommunicated them long before and the Emperour himselfe had giuen out against them the Imperiall band which is a ciuill excommunication which besides that it is euident by the testifications of Histories is made cleere also by that they receaued them into communion presently vpon the death of the old Emperour without imparting the matter to the Pope which they would not haue done if the excoÌ„munication had not come from themselues For that no man can take away that which he could not impose And so here is nothing proued against the Pope but a great good will to calumniate him The like fraud is committed in the allegation of the other Authour Naucleâ—us who saith M. Barlow relateth verbatim both the fact and the reason of the fact as Vrspergensis doth VVherunto I answere that it is true that he relateth both but the one and the other are peruerted by M. Barlow for thus writeth Nauclerus Inopinata fama mortis Imâ—eratoris mox subsequitur c. The vnexpected fame of the death of the old Emperour did presently ensue which being diuulged all those that for gayne-sake had stuck vnto him and had sould their soules vnto him did subiect themselues sine mora without delay vnto the obedience of the yong Emperour and to the Catholicke communion But they of Liege were receaued into the said CoÌ„munion with this condition that the dead body of him that was excoÌ„municated and buried the day before in a monastery should be digged vp c. In relating which words we see that M. Barlow left out first the censure of the Author against them that had followed the part of the old excoÌ„municated Emperour And secondly he leaueth out that they were reconcyled to the new Emperour and to the Catholicke communion of the Bishops there present sine mora without any stay which inferreth that they could not send for the Popes consent to Rome Thirdly he leaueth out as he did in his former Author the words per se pridie tumulatum â—ffâ—derent that they of Leige should dig vp againe the body which the day before they had buryed Fourthly he leaneth out these words that ensued comprobaÌ„tibuâ— his qui aderant Archiepiscopis Episcopis the Archbishops and Bishops that were present approuing and giuing their consents To whome To the new Emperour that would needs haue it so which deliuereth the Pope from hauing any part therin And doth not M. Barlow trim vp Authors well that passe through his hands to make them serue his purpose But now you must heare the trymming of another which is Cuspinian the Historiographer whom I denied before to affirme that Pope Paschalis was enraged with the new Emperour Henry the fifth for burying his Father as was said in the Apologie but rather the contrary For that when King Henry the Father said I was dead and buryed in a Monastery at Leige Cuspinian writeth that his Sonne would not make peace with the Bishop of that place called Otbert except the dead corpes were pulled out of the graue againe which words he sayth that I alleadged as Cuspinian his owne words But I deny it but only I alledged his sense as may appeare in that I did not recite them in a different letter as is accustomed by them that deale playnly when the proper words of any Author are alleaged though M. Barlow doth not obserue this with me but alledgeth as my words euery where coÌ„monly in a different letter those which are not my words nor often times my sense but either framed of himself or so interlaced with speaches of his owne as that it is a quite different thing from that which I do say Let the Reader examine but some few places as they come coÌ„ferring his booke and my booke togeather and he shall see that I haue good reason to make this complaint of his perfidious dealing therein But now to the present case M. Barlow affirmeth that the latyn words of Cuspâ—â—â—â—â— are Filio procurante non potuit reconciliari Episcopus Leodiensis nisi exhumaretur cadauer by the Sonnes procurement the Bishop of Leige could not be reconciled except the dead body were taken out of the ground againe Out of which words I did inferre that the Bishop of Leige could not be reconciled to the other Bishops but vpon condition that the body should be taken vp and this at the procurement of the yong Emperour And for so much as his reconciliation with the said Bishops did imply also his reconciliation with the Emperour he that letted the one letted the other which was the yong Emperour himself who though himself would not for respectes the Bishop being a potent man vtterly deny to admyt his submission yet did he procure the stay therof by others to wit by the Archbishops and Bishops vntill he had yielded vnto the condition of taking vp the dead body consequeÌ„tly the thing is true which I alledged out of Cuspinian that the yong Emperour would not make peace with the Bishop of Leige except the body were taken vp for so much as himself was he that had letted that reconciliation as here appeareth and procured also as may be supposed the great reprehension which was giuen to the said Bishop and his coÌ„pany when they were admitted wherof Crantzius speaketh when he sayth ad fidem Regis confugieÌ„tes grauiter increpati recâ—piuntur they making their refuge to the protectioÌ„ of the Emperour they were admitted but with a grieuous reprehensioÌ„ this among other causes no doubt for hauing buryed the dead body of the ExcoÌ„municate Emperour This then being the playne meaning and sense of Cusâ—â—â—ian his alleaged speach let vs see how M. Barlow doth trym vp the same for his turne The â—ords of Cuspinian sayth he are playne Filio procurante non potuit reconciliari â—piscopus Leodiâ—â—sis nisi exhâ—maretur cadauâ—r That is By the SoÌ„nes procuremeÌ„t at whose hands but the Popes for what needed any procurement by himselfe to himselfe the Bishop could not be reconciled to whom but to the Pope who had accursed both Church and Churchmen at Liege for burying the Emperour except the dead body were taken vp againe So M. Barlow
that all the courses held against him both by Popes and Princes may in respect of his outragious demerits seeme to haue bene very myld moderate and gentle And so much for Sigonius The other wordes of Genebrard also are cited with diminution by saying that Genebrard commeth not short of Sigonius who saith that this was done to wit the deposition iussu Paschalis Pontifiâ—is by the commandement of Pasâ—halis the Pope leauing out the next words Principum qui ad generalia Comitia conuenerant and of the Princes of Germany that met in that vniuersall Diet or Parliament at Mentz so as euery thing is heere minced to the purpose scarce any thing set down sincerely simply throughout the whole booke And as for the principall point that M. Barlow would and should proue in this place that Pope Paschalâ—â— did set on the sonne against his Father now you haue seene that those his two authorities alleaged of Sigonius and Genebrard that he concurred with the generall Diet in Germany do proue it nothing at all for that the Election of the Emperour by seauen German Electors hauing bene appointed by the Sea Apostolike not much aboue an hundred yeares before that time to wit by Gregory the 5. that crowned Otho the 3. and annexed the Imperiall dignity to the Germane nation Pope Paschalis hauing by this meanes besides all other so great right to haue a hand in this matter for the good of Christendome cannot be said to haue stirred vp the sonne to rebellion when he concurred with the whole State of Germany for the translation of the Crowne from the Father to the Sonne Nor wheÌ„ the said Sonne took armes against him afterwardes doth any probable author ascribe it to the Pope but expresly vnto others and namely to the three noble men before mentioned out of Cuspinian Vnto which three noble men in like manner Vrspergensis that was present saw what passed doth ascribe the said rebellioÌ„ vpon the yeare 1105. without euer mentioning the Pope against whome notwithstanding the said Vrspergensis as one that followed the part of Henry the fourth vseth no fauour at all in his relations and consequently may be a witnes without exception as also may be Huldericus Mutius a Protestant German â—riter whose wordes are Henricus filius quorumdam consilijs seductus aduersus Patrem moliâ—ur res nouas Henry the Sonne being seduced by the counsailes of certaine men did attempt new thinges against his Father and in all his narration he toucheth not the Pope ascribing any part therin vnto him And this shall be sufficient for this matter And as for the other point that he toucheth out of Cuspinian and Sigebertus that Pope Gregory the 7. did acknowledge at his death that he had molested Henry the 4. vniustly and was sory for the same besides that it maketh nothing to our purpose for stirring vp the soÌ„ne against the father which hapned almost 20. yeares after Gregories death none of thâ— doth alledge it as a thing certaine but as a report which M. Barlow a little before proued out of the Orator to be vncertaine besides that they do not agree in the narration in diuers points finally for the most of them they are plainly contradicted by a multitude of witnesses which you may read layd togeather both by Doctor Sanders in his Monarchie and Cardinall Bellarmine in his 4. booke de Rom. Pontifice And so I shall need to say no more in this matter ABOVT THE DEATH OF HENRY the third King of France whether it may be an example of the Popes allowance of such murtâ—ers As also about the late Queene of England §. II. FOR another example and proofe that Popes are wont to allow murthers of Princes is brought in a certayne Oration which Pope Sixtus Quintus is sayd to haue made in the Consistory with admiration and praise of that fact and that the fryar which committed the murther should haue beene canonized for the fact if some Cardinalls out of their wisdome had not resisted the same whereunto was answered both by me first and afterward by Cardinall Bellarmine that no such oration was euer extant in Rome or els where but onely amongst the Protestants in forrain Countreys that wrote against it in their declamatory Inuectiue intituled Anti Sixtus who in this against the Pope deserues smal credit Onely it is acknowledged that Sixtus in a secret Consistory vpon the first news of the fact did vtter a certayn speach in admiration of the strange prouidence of almighty God said I in chastising by so vnexpected a way so â—oule and impious a murther as that King had committed vpon a Prince Cardinall Archbishop those two also of nearest bloud to his Maiesty of England without any forme of iudgment at all that a spectacle hereby of Gods iustice was proposed vnto Princes to be moderate in their power and passions for that in the midst of his great royal army and corporall guards he was strangely slaine by a simple vnarmed man when he nothing lesse expected or feared then such a disasterous death To this now M. Barlow replies with great excesse of railing against the Pope saying that the Oration was made that the Pope therin was like yong Elihu whose words boyled within him for ioy of the fact like new wine in a bottle with open mouth stretched sydes glorious tearmes he did hyperbolize both the author manner and fact and that this Oration was like to haue recâ—aued in that Consistory an Herods Plaudite in Deifying the Pope canonizing the fryar c. All which as it hath no other proofe but the assertion of M. Barlowes wild and vnruly tongue so is it easily contemned by any man of discretion especially since there be so many graue men Cardinalâ— and Bishops yet aliue that can testify of the matter and Gentlemen that were at Rome also at that tyme and neuer saw or heard that euer any such Oration of Pope Sixtus Quintus was extant or made by him in allowance or approbation of that horrible fact of the fryar though otherwise as I sayd he did highly admire the straÌ„ge prouidence of God in chastising by so vnexpected a way so foule and impiouâ— a murther as that King had committed against all order of law and iustice Secondly then hauing nothing in effect to say to this yet for that he is bound to say something for his fee allready receiued he thought best to carpe at those wordes of mâ—ne that Pope Sixtus did highly admire the strange prouidence of God in his vnexpected Iustice vpoÌ„ the sayd King and so iesting at my words of strange prouidence he saith A fit Epithete doubâ—les and fetched from profound 〈◊〉 for can Gods prouidence be strange which in the vniuersall gouerment of the world and guidance with protection of particuler creatures iâ— daily and continuall Well then here M. Barlow will needs shew the profundity of
disposition the second causes doe worke infallibly though in producing their effects some worke necessarily some casually some freely Hereby then we see first that M. Barlow vnderstood not his Authors in saying that Gods Prouidence is so farre forth called Gods Prouidence only as it remayneth in Gods secret counsaile for as Saint Thomas in the booke by him alleadged saith Gods Prouidence hath two partes the one is ordinatio or â—ispositio rerum the other is ordinâ—â— executio per causas secundas which second is called fatum or destiny but yet is a part of Prouidence as yow see and therby doth M. Barlow erre grossely in contraposing it to Prouidence saying it is called fatum and not prouidence wheras fatum is a part of prouidence as appeareth by that which hath beene said but yet more grosly doth he erre when he sayth that when Gods Prouidence doth shew it selfe in sensible effects it is destiny not prouidence for that this Fatum or destiny consisteth as it hath beene said in the order connexion of the second causes before they worke their effect not in the sensible effects themselues when they are now produced and extra causas And so by this we see in part M. Barlowes profundity in Schoole-diuinity But we haue not yet done for that he goeth forward against the Pope saying If after the murther of the King of France the Pope had seene that some really true not partially supposed good had bene effectuated by the Parricyde that should he truly and only haue ascribed to Gods Prouidence as Ioseph applyed his being in Egypt for the reliefe of his kinred vnto Gods permission but not vnto his brethrens sale c. And heere now we see another profundity not so much of Diuinity as eyther of ignorance or impiety ascribing only vnto Gods Prouidence things that in our eyes seeme good and profitable wherin he impiously abridgeth Gods Prouidence which is ouer all things without exception eyther dispositiuè or permissiuè by ordayning or by permitting as he might haue seene in the Author by him alleadged I meane S. Thomas in his question de Prouidentia not that God is the Author of sinne or of the obliquity therof as Caluin his followers wickedly affirme but that God doth vse euen naughty and sinfull actions oftentimes to his glory and to the vniuersall good of his gouernment and so he vsed the wicked action of Herod Pylate and others to the furthering of Christ his sacred passion for so it is sayd expressly in the Acts of the Apostles vnto God himself that Herod Pilate togeather with the Gentils and Iewes conspired against our Sauiour facere quae manus tua consilium tuum decreuerunt fieri to do those things which thy hand counsaile haue determined to be done To which effect many other places of Scripture might be alleadged wherby it is euident that the admiring of Gods Prouidence in such actions is not an allowaÌ„ce of the thing it selfe as lawfull in the doer for that no man will say that the Apostles did allow the actions of Herod Pilate in putting Christ to death though they do acknowledge it as we haue now seene to haue come by the particuler prouidence of almighty God consequently all that idle speach which is here vsed by M. Barlow against Pope Sixtus Qâ—intus that he did not as King Dauid did in detesting Ioab for his trayterous slaughter of Abner but would haue canonized the Fryar if some Cardinals had not resisted this speach I say is very idle indeed For neuer was there any such cogitation knowne to haue bene in the Pope for canonizing that man nor did the Pope euer prayse or allow the fact as often hath bene sayd nor doth M. Barlow know how he would haue dealt with the sayd Fryar for the same if he had escaped death and had bene in his power to punish him so that all heere is spoken out of passion and will to calumniate much also out of errour and ignorance as hath bene sayd as namely that nothing is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence but that which to vs seemeth really true good and not partially so supposed So as heere a man is made iudge what is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence and what not In which case I doe not see how the actions of Herod Pilate could well be ascribed to Gods prouidence as the Apostles did ascribe them I do not see also how M. Barlow can mantaine his assertion here set downe that the selling of Ioseph into Egypt by his brethren was not by Gods Prouidence but only as he sayth for the reliefe of his kinred which the Patriarch Ioseph doth seeme plainly to contradict when discouering himselfe vnto his brethren he said I am your Brother Ioseph whom you sold into Egypt be not afrayd nor let it seeme vnto you a hard thing that you sold me into these Regions for that God sent me before you into Egypt for your safety And more plainly in the last of Genesis where the Patriarch speaking to his Brethren sayth Vos cogitasâ—is de me malum c. you thought to do me hurt but God turned it to good to exalt me as at this present you see and to saue many people And are not these words playne that the whole action of Ioseph his selling into Egypt was by Gods permissiue prouidence Or will M. Barlowes profound diuinity teach vs that in the selfe same mysterious actions one part is subiect to Gods Prouidence and the other not The last example brought forth to proue the Pops accustomed attempts for murthering Princes is that of Queene â—lizabeth late Queene of England against whose life was obiected many attemptes to haue beene made by priuity and incitation of diuers Popes but I desired some proofes therof whereto was answered in thâ—se words for veryfication of this there needeth no more proofe then that neuer Pope eyther then or since called any Church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracyes To which my words of answer were And needeth there noe more Syr but this quoth I to condemne both Confessors and Popes for that no Pope hath called into question or punished any Clergy-man for such like attempts what if he neuer knew of any such attempt nor beleiued that there were any such really designed What if he neuer heard of any Clergie man accused except such as were put to death by the Queene herselfe and so were sufficiently punished whether they were culpable or innocent To all which demands of myne M. Barlow answereth with great impatience For where I demand And needeth there no more Syr for proofe but this His answere is There needeth no more CVRR but that But this I ascribe to his choller And for that he bringeth no other thing of any moment about this matter that I haue spoken largely els where of Queene Elizabeth her affaires I shall
who liued soone aâ—ter but also of Blondus do make euident who sayth Suanisâ—â—mus erat in Gallys famae odor grauitatis sanctiâ—atis ac rerum gesâ—arum eius Pontificis chaâ—is there was a most sweet odour in France of the grauity sanctity and actes of this Pope Innocâ—nâ—ius And this seemeth to be confirmed by the singular reuerence and dutiful respect which S. Lewis of France did yield him at the Councell of Lions as writeth Paulus Aâ—milius in his history And Ioannetus in the liâ—e of this Pope sayth that the Emperour was nothing glad for his election Norat enim virtutem viri atque animi magnitudinem for he knew well his vertue and great courage The same also is auouched by Ciaconius who with Onuphrius Panuinus a famous historiographer of our daies giues him this â—â—ncomiumâ— Multis egregys factis clarissimus ob vendicatam assertamque libertatem Ecclesiasticam omnibus saculis laudatissimus most famous for his worthy deedes and for recouering the Ecclesiasticall liberty of the Church to all posterity most renowned And therefore his life being so commendable no meruaile though his death were be wailed of all good men â—s testifieth Hicronymus Rubeus in his history of Rauenna saying Innocentius vitam cum morte commutauit quidem ingenti â—onorum omnium dolore Vir enim suerat magnitudine animi virâ—tute praestaÌ„tissimus Iâ—mocentius departed this life and truly with the great griefe of all good men for he was a man both for courage and vertue most excellent But this is more fully expressed by Vbertus Folieta in these words Hic annus non modò Genuensibus sed omni Christiano orbe atque omnibus bonis luctuosus suit morte Innocentij 4. in Vrbe Neapolâ— c. This yeare was dolefull not only to the people of Genua but also to all the Christian world and all good men by the death of Innocentius the 4. in the Citty of Naples who in the eleauenth yeare of his Popedome ended the course of his most renowned gouerment with this noble act of adding the Kingdome of Naples to the State of the Church This man was made memorable famous to all posterity as well for his exquisite learning wherof he left notable monuments as also for his excellent piety his noble deserts towardes the Weale publicke of Christendome and continuall and infatigable labours whose knowne vertue was so admired and beleiued of all men that bewayling his losse they did commonly say talem Virum aut numquam nasci aut numquam mori oportuisse that so worthy a man either should neuer haue bene borne or neuer haue died So he And that this their mourning was not for the present only at his descease Ciaconius testifieth saying Clerus populus eum dudum luxerunt c. The Cleargie and the people mourned for him a long tyme as appeareth in the History of Genua written by Augustinus Iustinianus Bishop of Nebia as also in Ricardonus a Florentine writer So he VVho also yealdeth the cause herof in thâ—se words Relicta apud omnes fama non modò excellenâ—is scientiae exquisitae virtutis sed ettam integritatis vitae admirabilisque prudentiae For that he left behind him the fame not only of excellent learning and exquisite vertue but also of integrity of life and admirable wisdome Which rare encomium of good life long lamentation after his death may be much doubted whether it wil euer be left registred by any Historiographer of M. Barlow vnles he make some great chang of himself from that which at the present he is sayd to be And this may suffice for Innocentius wherby good Reader thou maiest see and iudge with what truth spirit M. Barlow wrote of this Pope that he was forced to defend himselfe for that his actes were discried and could be no longer â—id Now then let vs see what opinion writers haue of Fredericke whom M. Barlow so much coÌ„mendeth defendeth against all Popes and writers Although it be an odious and loath some thing to rake vp the ashes of dead men and to rip vp their vices which shouldly buried with them in silence for which cause I shal be the shorter in their rehearsal yet inforced hereuÌ„to euen against my inclination by M. Barlows importunity or rather impudency who to commend this Emperour blusheth not to condemne so worthy a man as you haue now heard Innocentius to haue bene But I shall deale more vprightly therin then he hath done with the Pope for that I will charge the Emperour no further then with that which I find him in all Historiographers or publicke recordes to be charged withall one only schismaticall Vrspergensis being excepted who in this as I haue shewed deâ—erueth no credit And to beginne with them who seeme to fauour and defend him most I meene Matthew Paris and Cuspinian the former hauing set downe an Epistle of Fredericks to King Henry the third of England written after his excommunication and deposition in the generall Councell of Lions giueth his censure therof in these wordes Haec cùm ad Christianissimos Francorum Anglorum Reges nuntiata peruenissent c. When these things came to the knowledge of the most Christian Kings of France and England it appeared more cleare then the sunne to them and their Nobility that Frederiâ—ke with all his endeauours went about to anihilate the liberty and dignity of the Church which he himselfe neuer aduanced but was established without his liking by his noble predecessors and therfore making himselfe suspected of heresy did impudently and imprudently extinguish worthily blot out that little sparke of good name which hitherto he had amongst the people for wisdome and prudence c. And with Matthew Paris agreeth Matthew of VVestminster saying that by this letter Se volens excusare impudenter accusauit going â— out to excuse the matter he did impudently accuse himselfe And as for Cuspinianâ— although by all meanes he seeketh to excuse and iustiâ—y this Emperour yet were his vices so notorious as he could not conceale them altogeather but hauing set downe those things which he thought commendable in him as there are none so bad commonly but that some good thing or other may be noted in them he concludeth his prayses thus Has praeclaras virtutes contaminaâ—unt obscurarunt etiam quadam vitia saeâ—itia scilicet hominis libido immensa qui praeter gentis morem concubinas multas scorta aluit These noble vertues certaine vices did staine and obscure â— to wit the cruelty of the man and his vnsatiable lust who against the custome of his Countrey did maintaine many Concubines and queanes And this as already hath beene noted he speaketh of himsese without any reference to Petrus de Vineis as M. Barlow would haue vs belieue neither want there store of Authors who tax him for the same And for the first Palmerius saith he was non essrenis
Person So M. Barlow And least any man should misdoubt of the certainty of this thing he saith that I made no answere therunto because in likelihood I saw it vncontrollable But I hope so now to check and controle the same as all indifferent Readers shall cry shame on M. Barlows ignorance and impudency who in so false and forged a matter reposeth so great confidence as to affirme that it pinchetâ— the Pope to the quicke and is incontrollable And to answere first in general to this brutish charge I say that it is full of malice deuoid of truth and wholy founded vpon lyes which I shall by such euident demonstration euince as better proofe in such a matter cannot be required or had But first I must aduertise thee gentle Reader that reason and modesty required on M. Barlows behalfe in so odious and iniurious an accusation that some Author record or proofe should haue bene produced for confirmation of the same especially seeing Iouius who was first cited in the Latin and English Apology was by me denyed to haue any one word therof But insteed of prouing this M. Barlow telleth vs how Saul sought for his fathers Asses and found theÌ„ not in Salila nor Salim But howsoeuer he sought and found them not there here I am sure we haue found one at least if to play the formall foole as M. Barlow doth often may deserue that title But let vs examine the thing it selfe The Pope who is charged in the Apology of the first and second edition as well in the English as Latin copies is Alexander the third much by all Authors as well of that time as of the ensuing ages praised both for a worthy Pastour and excellent man as Baronius in his last Tome through the whole course of his Popedome doth shew and S. Bernard giueth an honourable testimony of his demeanour before he was eyther Pope or Cardinall as also the French Author Robertus de Monte doth after his death And did this man I pray you send these letters and Frederickes picture to the Soldan It is incredible and no otherwise is it here verified then by a bare assertion of M. Barlow by which kind of proof I may as well proue him to be a Souldan or Turke as he doth that there was euer any such letter or picture sent And truly there is as much ground for the one as for the other and as well shall I be able to shew that this matter betweene Frederick and Alexander is a meere counterfait fiction as euer he shal be able to shew that he is not a Souldan for of his being a Turke I will not so much contend seeing him so earnest in defence of Gemin And truly if in any thing the vniforme consent of all historiographers be to be heard it is not to be reiected in this but it were to long and vnnecessary a labour to lay downe what all of them haue written in this affaire It shall suffice me to alleadge that wherein they agree with theÌ„ who then liued as Nubrigensis Houeden Robertus de Monte Nicetas the Grecian or not long after as the two Matthewes to whome I will of ProtestaÌ„t writers ad Huldericus Mutius a Zuinglian Martinus Crusius a Lutheran that M. Barlow may the better perceaue how exorbitant his malice and folly is that wil haue that passe for vncontrollable which by all manner of writers is contradicted First then by both the Matthewes and Houeden it is euident that Frederick at the persuasion and preaching of Henry Cardinal and Bishop of Alban sent by Clâ—mâ—nt the third as Legate vnto him first resolued to weare the Crosse and to vndertake the warre of the Holy-land that in the yeare 1188. as with them testifieth Nubrigensis though the Lutheran in this differ from them in putting this resolution of the Emperour one yeare sooner which maketh little or nothing at all to our purpose although in the next yeare he say that at the instance of Clement the third Pope the Emperour prepared himself to the field So that all agreeing herein that Frederick went at the persuaâ—ion of Clement and further it being cerâ—aine that Clement was not made Pope vntill the yeare 1188. there can be no difficulty touching this controuersie of the time And no lesse cleere and certayne it is by these writers that Frederick set not forward towardes Syria vntill the next yeare after 1189. for so say both the Matthews Nubrigensis Robertus de Monte and Crâ—sius who alâ—o agree that he was drowned the yeare after to wit 1190. And in this I see no difference or variety of opinions amongst these writers And albeit there should be any about the tyme when he resolued to wagâ— this warre or when he was drowned yet in this all ioyntly without any contradiction agree that he went this voiage and died diuers yeares after Pope Alexander the third his death But this computation of time which I haue declared as it is most common amongst Authors so is it conforme vnto truth which none could better know then those who liued in that age amongst whome in this point as I said there is no disagreement for they all say that he seâ— forward for Syria in the yeare 1189. and that in Aprill as both Matthews auouch on S. Georges day from Reinsburg or Ratisbon going all the way with his whole army by land through Hungary Bulgaria Thracia and other Countries as Houeden writeth finding also such vnexpected hindâ—rances in Greece at Isaacius his hands who was then Emperour of the East it must needes follow that it was very late in that yeare before euer he could ariue into the holy Land In so much as Nicetas a Greeke Historiographer then liuing saith that he came not thither vntill the beginning of the next yeare which as it was the first of his arriuall there so was it the last of his life to wit the yeare 1190. as we haue said and all the Authors here cited doe testifie All which if we suppose and who against the authority of such manner of witnesses can make any doubt or exception and withall consider what not only all these English writers with the Protestantes but all other Authors besides extant before these later controuersies in religion were raysed do write of the time of the death of Pope Alexander the third which by the vniforme testimony of them all two only â—xcepted who put it a yeare later fell out in the yeare 1181. he I say who shall consider all this will blush for very shame if he be M. Barlows friend to heare him thus resolutly to affirme That when Frederick was in the Holy-land fighting in Christes quarrell fearing that his returne would be some annoyance to the Romish Sea the Pope betraied him to the Soldan c. For how I pray you could he betray Fredericke being in the Holy-Land who was dead eight yeares and more before euer he came