petition exhibited by Richarde then Earle of Arundale and Surrey in whiche the same Earle claimed the office of chiefe Butler and recognised him self ready to perfourme the same Wherevpon foorthwith one Edmund Staplegate exhibited another petition and likewise made his claime to this effect That whereas he the sayde Edmund helde of the King in chiefe the Manor of Bylsington in Kent by the seruice to be his Butler at the Coronation as plainely appeared in the booke of Fées and Sericancies in the Exchequer And whereas also by reason of that tenure the late King Edwarde the thirde had both seised the landes of that petitioner for so much as he was in his minoritie at the time of the death of Edmund Staplegate his father and had also committed the custodie of his body to one Iefferay Chawsier to whō he payde 104. l. for the same he nowe proffered to doe that seruice and praied to be admitted to the office therof with alowance of the fées that belonged therevnto These claimes and the replies also bothe of the Earle and of Staplegate being hearde and considered It was then order partly for the shortnesse of the time whiche would not permit a full examination of the matter and partly bycause that on the Earles side it was proued that his auncestors had béene in possession of that office after the alienation of the Manor of Bylsington whereas on the other part it appeared not that the auncestors of Staplegate had euer executed the same that for the present Coronation the Earle shoulde be receiued and the right of Staplegate and all others shoulde be neuerthelesse to them saued Thus muche of the Manor of Bylsington whiche lyeth here on the right hande I thought méete to impart with you to occupy vs withall in our way to Rumney for as touching the Pryorie that there was althoughe I suppose it to haue begon by the liberalitie of some of the Earles of Arundale yet can I assure you of nothing touching it saue onely of the yearely value whiche you shall finde in the Particular of this shyre amongst the rest of the suppressed houses Rumney called in Saxon Rumen ea that is to say The large watrie place or Marishe It is written in the Records corruptly Rumenal and Romual THE participation of like Priuilege might wel haue moued me to haue placed the Portes together but the purpose of myne order already taken calleth me another way and byndeth me to prosecute them as they lye in order of my iourney There be in Kent therfore two townes of this name the Olde and the New Rumney as touching the latter whereof I minde not to speake hauing not hitherto founde eyther in Recorde or Hystorie any thing pertaining therevnto but that little whiche I haue to say must be of olde Rumney whiche was long since a principal Port and giueth cause of name to the new towne as it selfe first tooke it of the large leuell and territorie of Marishe grounde that is adioyning This Towne sayth the Recorde of Domesday was of the possession of one Robert Rumney and holden of Odo then Bishop of Borieux Earle of Kent and brother to King William the Conquerour in the which the same Robert had thirteene Burgesses who for their seruice at the Sea were acquitted of all exactions and custome◠of charge excepte fellonie breache of the peace and forstalling It was sometyme a good sure and commodious Hauen where many vessels vsed to lye at Roade For Henrie the Archedeacon of Huntingdon maketh report that at suche time as Godwine Earle of Kent and his Sonnes were exiled the Realme vpon suche cause of displeasure as hathe alreadie appeared in Douer they armed vessels to the Sea and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people to compell the King to their reuocation And therfore among sundry other harmes that they did on the Coast of this Shyre they entred the hauen at Rumney and lead away all suche shippes as they found in the Harborow Thomas Becket the Archebishop hauing by froward disobedience and stuborne pertinacitie prouoked King Henrie the second to indignation against him and fearing to abide the triall of ordinarie Iustice at home determined to appeale to the Popes fauour at Rome for whiche purpose he secretly tooke boate at Rumney minding to haue escaped ouer but he was driuen backe by a contrary wynde and so compelled to land againste his will. The vnderstanding of whiche matter so exasperated the King against him that foorthwith he seased his goods and gaue commaundement by his writte to the Sheriffes of all coastes to make arrest of al such as for any cause prouoked to the Pope He caused also his subiectes from twentie yeares of age vpward through out the whole Realme to renounce by othe all wonted obedience to the Sée of Rome and sollicited earnestly the Emperour Frederic and Lewes the Frenche King to haue ioyned with him in deposing Pope Alexander for that he so commonly receaued runnegates and suche as rebelled against their lawfull Princes But suche was eyther the enimitie of Lewes the Frenche King againste King Henrie the second or his dull sight in discerning the profit of the whole Christian common weale that he refused to assist the other twain by meanes whereof both Frederic the Emperour was afterward compelled to yéelde him to the Pope King Henrie the second glad withall submission to reconcile himselfe to the Archebishops fauour Rumney Marshe is famous throughout the Realme as wel for the fertilitie quantitie of the soile leuell as also for the auncient and holesome ordinances there vsed for the preseruation and maintenance of the bankes and walles against the rage of the Sea. It conteineth as by due computation it may appeare 24000. Acres For the taxation of Rumney Marshe onely not accompting Walland Marshe Guilford Marshe c. amounteth to 50. pounds after the rate of one halfe peny the Acre and it is at this day gouerned by certaine lawes made by one Henrie Bathe a Iustice and Commissioner for that purpose in the time of King Henrie the third Of whiche his statutes experience in time hath begotten suche allowance and liking that it was afterward not onely ordered that all the lowe groundes betwéene Tanet in Kent and Pemsey in Sussex should be guided by the same But they are also nowe become a paterne and exemplar to all the like places of the whole Realme to be gouerned by The place is not muche inhabited bycause it is Hyeme malus Aestate molestus Nunquam bonus Euil in Winter grieuous in Sommer and neuer good As Hesiodus the olde Poet somtime saied of the Countrie where his Father dwelt And therefore very reasonable is their conceite whiche doe imagine that Kent hathe thrée steps or degrées of whiche the first say they offereth Wealth without healthe the second giueth bothe Wealth and healthe and the third afoordeth healthe onely and no Wealthe For if a man minding to passe through
the condition and she not long after waxed great with chylde and as vpon a time they were ryding towarde their Father Kyng Penda she fell into trauayle of chylde byrthe and was deliuered by the waye in a faire medowe at Sutton of a man childe whiche so soone as he was come out of his mothers belly cried with a loude voice thrée seueral times Christianus sum Christianus sum Christianus sum I am a Christian I am a Christian I am a Christian And not ceassing thus made foorthwith plaine profession of his faith desired to be baptised chose his Godfathers named himselfe Rumwald and with his finger directed the standers by to fetche him a great hollowe stone that he would haue to be vsed for the Fonte herevpon sondrie of the Kings seruaunts assayed to haue brought the stone but it was so farre aboue al their strengthes that they could not once moue it when the Childe perceaued that he commaūded the two Priestes his appointed Godfathers to goe and bring it whiche they did foorthwith moste easily This done he was Baptised and within thrée dayes after hauing in the meane while discoursed cunningly sundrie misteries of Popishe religion and bequeathing his bodie to remaine at Sutton one yeare at Brackley two and at Buckingham for euer after his Spirit departed out of his bodie was by the hands of the Aungels conueied into heauen Mylton in Saxon Midetun so called of the situation for it lyeth in the midst betweene two places the termination of whose names be in tun also that is to say Newentun and Marstun EVen at suche time as King Alfred diuided this Shyre into Lathes and hundrethes the Towne of Midleton or Milton as we now call it by our common manner of contraction was in his owne hands therefore set foorth in our auncient Hystories by the name and title of Regia Villa de Midleton In whiche respect of like he gaue to the hundreth the name of the same Towne as of a place more eminent then any other within that precincte Kemsley Towne in the Parishe of this Midleton is the verie place wherein the time and reigne of the same King Alfred Hasten the Dane that so muche annoyed Fraunce arriued and fortified as we haue at ful disclosed in Apledore before This Towne continued of good estimation vntill the Reigne of King Edward the Confessour in whose dayes and during the displeasure betwéene him and Earle Godwine suche as were of the deuotion of the Earle at home burned the Kinges house at Midleton while he and his Sonnes abroad ransacked herried and spoiled the skirts and out sides of the whole shyre besides after whiche time I haue not read neither is it likely that the place was of any price or estimation Sedingbourne in Saxon Saetungburna that is the Hamlet along the Bourne or small Riuer One interpreteth it as if it were Seethingbourne Riuus Feruiens aut Bulliens but howe likely let others see FOr want of pertinent matter touching either the beginning increase or present estate of this place I am driuen to furnishe the roome with an impertinent Sermon that a Mytred Father of Rochester long since bestowed vpon his auditorie there In the time of King Henrie the third and after the death of Richard the Archebishop of Canterbury surnamed the great The Monkes of Christes Churche were determined to haue chosen for their Archebishop Ralfe Nouille the Bishop of Chichester and Chancellour to the King but Gregorie the Pope fearing that Ralfe would haue trauailed earnestly for release of the tribute whiche his innocent predecessour had gained by King Iohns submission for the storie sayeth that Nouille was a good man and true harted in his Countrie bare the Monkes in hand that he was rashe in woorde and presumptious in acte and therefore muche vnworthie of suche a dignitie Neuerthelesse bicause he would not séeme vtterly to infringe the libertie of their election he gaue them frée licence to take any other man besides him Wherevpon the Monkes agréed and chose one Iohn the Pryor of their owne house Now when this man should go to Rome as the manner was for to buie his confirmation Henrie then Bishop of Rochester addressed himselfe to accompanie him to his Ship and when they were come to this Towne the Bishop of Rochester stept into the Pulpit like a pretie man and gaue the Auditorie a clerkly collation and Preachement after many other thinges he braste foorth into great ioye as a man that had béene rapt into the third Heuen and said Reioice in the Lord my brethren all and knowe ye assuredly that now of late in one day there departed out of purgatorie Richard sometime King of England Stephan Langton the Archebishop of Canterbury and a Chaplein of his to goe to to the diuine Maiestie And in that day thereissued no moe but these three out of the place of paines and feare not to giue full and assured faith to these my woordes for this thing hathe beene now the third time reuealed vnto me and to another man that so plainly as from mine owne minde all suspicion of doubt is farre remoued These fewe words I haue in manner translated out of Thomas Rudburne and Mathewe of Westminster to the end that you might sée with what wholesome and comfortable bread the preaching Prelates of that time fedde their Auditories and that you might hereby consider that Si lux sit tenebrae If the Bishops the great torches of that time were thus dimme Ipsae tenebrae quantae What light was to be looked for at the litle candels the soule Priestes and séely Syr Iohns Beléeue me if his Fatherhood had not plainly confessed that he came to the knowledge of this matter by reuelatiō I would easily haue beléeued that he had béene with Anchises in Hell as Aeneas sometime was where he learned what soules should come next to life and where he hard the liuelyest description of Poetical or Popish Purgatorie for all is one that is any where to be found Whiche to the end that you may sée what agréement there is betwéene the olde and the newe Romanes touching this article of religion I will shewe it you in a fewe of Virgils owne verses Quin supremo cum lumine vita reliquit Non tamen omne malum miseris nec funditus omnes Corporeae excedunt pestes penitusque necesse est Multa diu concreta modis inolescere miris Ergo exercentur paenis veterumque malorum Supplicia expendunt Aliae panduntur inanes Suspensae ad ventos alijs sub gurgite vasto Infectum eluitur scelus aut exuritur igni Quisque suos patimur manes Exinde per amplum Mittimur Elysium pauci laeta arua tenemus Donec longa dies perfecto temporis orbe Concretam exemit labem purumque reliquit Aetherium sensum atque aurai simplicis ignem Whiche Thomas Phaer translated after this manner Moreouer when their end of life and light doth them forsake Yet
which was wont to be commonly said Vnicum Arbustum non alit duos Erythacos For in déede one whole Citie nay rather one whole Shyre and Countrie could hardly suffice the pride and ambitious auarice of such two Religious Synagogues The which as in all places they agréeed to enrich them selues by the spoyle of the Laitie So in no place they agréed one with another But eche séeking euerie where and by all wayes to aduaunce them selues they moued continuall and that moste fierâ— and deadly warre for landes priuileges reliques and suche like vaine worldly préeminences In so muche as he that will obserue it shall finde that vniuersally the Chronicles of their owne houses conteine for the moste parte nothing else but suing for exemptions procuring of reliques strugling for offices wrangling for consecrations pleading for landes and possessions For proofe wherof I might iustly alledge inumerable brawles stirred betwéen the Religious houses of this Citie wrastling sometime with the Kings sometime with the Archbishops oftentimes the one with the other â—l which be at large set forth by Thomas Spot the Chroniâ—ler of S. Augustins But for asmuch as I my self delighâ— litle in that kind of rehersal do think that other men for the more part of the wiser sort be sufficiently persuaded of these their follies I wil lightly passe theÌ„ ouer labor more â—argely in some other thing And bycause that the Monasâ—erie or Priorie of Christes Churche was of the more fame I will first begin with it After that Augustine the Monke whiche was sent from Rome had found suche fauour in the sight of King Ethelbert that he might fréely Preache the Gospell in his Countrie he chose for assembly and prayer an olde Churche in the East part of this Citie whiche was long time before builded by the Romanes and he made therof by licence of the King a Churche for himselfe and his successours dedicating the same to the name of our Sauiour Christ whereof it was called afterward Christes Churche After his death Laurence his successor brought Monkes into the house the head whereof was called a Pryor whiche woord howsoeuer it soundethe was in déede but the name of a second officer bicause the Bishop himselfe was accompted the very Abbat For in olde time the Bishops were for the moste part chosen out of suche Monasteries and therefore moste commonly had their Palaces adioyning and gouerned as Abbats there by meanes whereof it came to passe that suche Abbies were not only muche amplified in wealth and possessions but also by fauour of the Bishoppes their good Abbates ouerloked all their neere neighbours as hereafter in further course shall better appeare I finde not that any great coste was done vpâ—n this Churche till Lanfrancs dayes who not only buided it almoste wholy of newe and placed Benedictâ— Monkes therein the number of whiche hee aduaunced from thirtie to one hundreth and fourtie but also erected certaine Hospitals whiche hee endowed with one hundreth and fourtie poundes by yere and repaired the walles of the Citie it selfe And here by the way it is to be noted out of Mathewe Westminster that there were Monkes in this house euer since the time of Laurence the second Archebishop although some reporte that Elfricus was the first that expulsed the Seculer Priestes and brought the Monkes in place Not long after Lanfrancs time succéeded William Corboile during whose gouernment this lately aduaunced building was blasted with flame but he soone after reedified it of his owne purse and dedicated it with great pompe and solemnitie in the presence of the King and his Nobles After him followed Theobaldus whome Pope Innocent the second honoured with the title of Legatus natus and then commeth Thomas Becket the fift in order after Lanfranc by whose life death and burial the estimation of this Church was aduaunced beyond all reason measure and wonder For not withstanding that it had beene before that time honoured with the arme of S. Bartholmew a Relique that King Canutus gaue with the preseÌ„ce of Augustine that brought in Religion with the buriall of eight Kentishe Kings that succéeded Wightred and of a great number of Archebishops after the time of Cuthbert Likewise afterward with the famous asseÌ„bly at the homage done by the Scottishe King William to King Henrie the second and at the Coronation of King Iohn with the seueral Mariages also of King Henrie the third and King Edward the first and finally with the interrements of that Noble Edward called commonly the Blacke Prince of King Henrie the fourth yet the death of this one man not martyred as they feigne for the cause only and not the death maketh a Martyr but murdered in his Churche brought therevnto more accesse of estimation and reuerence then all that euer was done before or since For after his death by reason that the Pope had canonized his soule in Heauen and that Stephan Langton had made a Golden shrine for his body on earth and commaunded the Annuall day of his departure to bee kept solemne not only the Lay Common sort of people but Bishops Noble men and Princes as well of this Realme as of forreigne partes resorted on Pilgrimage to his tumbe flocked to his Iubile for remission In so muche that euery man offering according to his abilitie and thronging to see handle and kisse euen the vilest partes of his Reliques the Churche became so riche in Iewels and ornaments that it might compare with Midas or Craesus and so famous and renowmed euery piller resounding Saint Thomas his miracles praiers and pardons that now the name of Christ was cleane forgotten and the place was commonly called Saint Thomas Churche of Canterbury I passe ouer the stately buildings and monuments I meane Churches Chapels and Oratories raised to his name the lewde bookes of his lyfe and iestes written by foure sundrie persons to his praise The blasphemous Hymnes and collectes deuised by churchemen for his seruice and sundrie suche other thinges whiche as they were at the first inuenâ—â— to strike into the heades of all hearers and beholders more then wonderfull opinion of deuotion and holynes So now the trueth being tried out and the matter well and indifferently weighed they ought to worke with all men an vtter detestation both of his and all their hypocrisie and wickednesse For as touching himself to omitte that which truely might be spoken in dispraise of the former part of his lyfe and to beginne with the very matter it selfe whervpon his death ensued it is euident bothe by the testimonie of Mathewe Paris a very good Chronicler that liued vnder King Henrie the third and by the foure Pseudo Euangelistes themselues that wrote his Iestes that the chiâ—fe cause of the Kings displeasure towardes him grew vpon occasion that he opposed himself against his Prince Gods lawfull and Supreame minister on earth in maintenance of a moste vile and wicked murther The matter stoode thus Within a fewe of
not to pursue ouer fiercely thine enemie that hath already tourned his back towardes thée least thou compell him to make vertue of that necessitie and he turning his face againe put thee in d unger to be ouercome thy selfe which before haddest in thine owne hande assuraunce to ouerthrowe him In which behalfe it was well sayde of one Hosti fugienti pons aureus faciendus If thine enemie will flye make him a bridge of Golde Neuerthelesse for as much as this aduice procéeded not from Eadric of any care that he had to preserue King Edmonds power out of perill but rather of feare least the whole army of Canutus should be ouerrunne and destroyed he is iustly taxed for this and other his treasons by our auncient historians who also make report of the worthy rewarde that in the ende he receiued for all his trecherie For this was hee as William Malmsb writeth though some others ascribe it to his sonne that afterwardes when these two Kings had by composition diuided the Realme betwene them most villanously murthered King Edmonde at Oxford and was therfore done to death by King Canutus who in that one act shewed singular argumeÌ„ts both of rare iustice and of a right noble harte Of iustice for that he would not winke at the faulte of him by whose meanes hee obteyned the Monarchie of the whole Realme of great Nobilitie of minde in that he plainly declared himselfe to estéeme more of his owne honour then of another mans Crowne and Scepter to haue digested quietly that impatiencie of a partener in kingdome which great Alexander thought as intollerable as two sunnes in the world at once and which Romulus could in no wise brooke since he woulde not suffer one kingdome to content him and Remus whom one belly had conteyned before There was sometime at Eilefford a house of Carmelite Friers of the time of the foundation or name of the founder whereof I haue not yet learned any thing Mallinge in Saxon Mealing of Mealuing that is the Lowe place flourishing with meale or Corne for so it is euery where accoÌ„pted THis Towne the name whereof hauing his termination in ing betokeneth plainely that it is situate along the water euen as Yalding Berming Halling and others thereby was first giuen to Burhricus the Bishop of Rochester by King Edmund the Brother of Athelstane vnder the name of thrée Plough landes in Mealinges About one hundreth and fiftie yeares after whiche time Gundulphus a successour in that See as you haue read before hauing amplified the buildings and multiplied that number of the Monkes in his owne Citie raised an Abbay of women here also which being dedicate to the name of the Blessed Virgin during all his life he gouerned himself and lying at the point of death he commended to the charge of one Auice a chosen woman to whome notwithstanding he would not deliuer the Pastorall staffe before she had promised Canonicall Obedience fidelitie and subiection to the Sée of Rochester and protested by othe that there should neither Abbasse nor Nonne be from thenceforthe receaued into the house without the consent and priuitie of him and his successours Now whether this Rus propinquum and politique prouision were made of a blinde zeale that the man had to aduaunce superstition or of a vain glorie to increase authoritie in his succession or els of a foresight that the Monkes whiche were for the moste part called Monachi of Sole liuing by the same rule that Montes haue their name of remouing might haue a conuenient place to resort vnto and where they might Caute at the least quenche the heates kindled of their good cheare and idlenesse God knoweth and I wil not iudge But well I wote that this was a very common practise in Papistrie for as Saint Augustines had Sepulchres Saint Albans Sopewell Shene Sion the Knightes of the Rodes the Nonnes of Clerkenwel all adioyning or subiect to suche obedience so Sempringham and some other of that sort had both Male and Female within one house and wall togeather the world being in the meane while borne in hand that they were no men but Images as Phryne said sometime of Xenocrates This house was valued in the Recordes at two hundreth and eightéene pounds of yerely reuenewe Tunbridge called of Mat. Par. Thâ—â—ebrugge corruptly for tonebrycge that is the Bridge ouer Tone but if it be truly written tunbrycge theÌ„ it signifieth the towne of Bridges as in deed it hath many ALthough I find no mention of Tunbridge in that copie of Domesdaye booke whiche I haue séene concerning the description of this Shyre yet read I in history that there was a castle at Tunbridge sone after the conqueste if not euen at the same time when that booke was compiled For omitting that which Hector Boetius writeth concerning a battell at Tunbridge wherin the Conquerour as he saith should preuaile against Harold bicause it is euidently false and vntrue vnlesse he mean it of the continuance of the chase after the fight euen to Tunbridge I haue read that at suche time as Odo ioyning with others of the Nobilitie made defection from William Rufus to Robert his elder brother the King besieged at Tunbridge one Gilbert then kéeper of the Castle and compelled him to yéelde it Happely this Odo being the Kings Vncle and of great authoritie within the Shyre as we haue before shewed had erected this Castle giuen the charge to Gilbert but howsoeuer that were certaine it is that the Castle was long time holdeÌ„ of the Archbishops of Canterbury and continued many yeares togeather in the possession of the Earles of Clare afterwards called of Gloucester For in the dayes of King Henrie the second Thomas the Archbishop required homage of Roger then Earle of Gloucester for his Castle of Tunbridge who knowing the King to be halfe angrie with the Archebishop and wholly on his owne side shaped him a short answere affirming stoutly that it was none of his but the Kings owne as a Lay Fée Falcasius a hyred Souldiour that was enterteined by King Iohn during the warres with his Nobilitie toke by force this Castle from the Earle of Gloucester and kept it for a season to the Kings behoofe King Henrie the third also after the death of Gilbert the Earle of Gloucester scised the Wardship of his Heire and committed the custody of this Castle to Hubert of Burghe But Richard the Archebishop surnamed the great being offended therat came to the King in great haste and made his claime by reason that the Earle Gilbert died in his homage the King gaue answer that the whole Earledome was holden of him that hee might lawfully committe the custodie of the Landes to whome soeuer it liked himselfe Hereat the Bishop waxed warme and tolde the King plainly that since he could not haue right within the Realme he would not spare to séeke it abrode forthwith hasted him to the holy Father at Rome where he
so vsed the matter that he obteined iudgemēt for his part but he for all that neuer had execution by reasō that he died in his returne toward home yet you may here sée by the way that in those dayes there was no Lawe in England to rule the proude Prelacie withall no not so muche as in things méere Lay and temporall To be short the same King Hērie not long before the battel at Lewes in Sussex burned the Citie of Rochester and tooke this Castle by a soudaine surprise wherein he found amongst other the Countesse of Gloucester But it was not long before he stored the Castle with men of warre and restored the Ladie to her former libertie There was somtime neare to this Castle a Pryorie whereof the Earles of Gloucester and their Heires were reputed the first Authors and Patrones And in our memorie there was erected a faire Frée Schoole by the honest liberalitie of Syr Androw Iudde a Citizen and Maior of London whiche submitted the same to the order and ouersight of the company of Skinners there whereof himselfe had béene a member Round about the Towne of Tunbridge lyeth a territorie or compasse of ground commonly called the Lowy but written in the auncient Recordes and Hystories Pencata or Lenga and being in déede a French League of ground whiche as I finde in the Chronicles of Normandie was allotted at the first vpon this occasion following There was in Normandie a Towne and land therevnto adioyning called Bryonnie whiche was of the auncient possession of the Dukedome and had continually remained in the handes of the Dukes there till suche time as Richard the second Duke of that name gaue it amongst other Landes to Godfrey his natural brother for his aduauncement in liuing This Godfrey enioyed it all his lyfe and left it to one Gislebert his Sonne whiche happely was Gilbert the Capitain of Tunbridge Castle of whom we had mention before who also held it so long as he liued But after the death of Gislebert Robert the Duke of Normandie and Eldest Sonne to King William the Conquerour beeing earnestly laboured to bestowe it vpon on Robert Earle Mellent whose ofspring were sometimes Earles of Leycester within this Realme seazed it into his owne hands pretending to vnite it to the Dukedome againe But when Richard the Sonne of Gislebert vnderstoode of this he put to his claime and making his title by a long continued possession euen from Godfrey his graundfather so encountred the suite of Earle Mellent that to stoppe Richards mouthe withall it was by the deuice of the Earle and by the mediation of Duke Robert which he made to his Brother William Rufus brought to passe that Richard should receaue in recompence the Town of Tunbridge in England and so much land about it as Bryonnie it selfe conteined in circuit And to the end that the indifferencie of the dealing might appeare and his full satisfaction be wrought they caused Bryonnie and the land about it to be measured with a line whiche they afterward brought ouer with them into England and applying the same to Tunbridge and the land adioyning laide him out the very like in quantitie in so much that long time after it was a common and receaued opinion in Normandie that the Leagues of Bryonnie and Tunbridge were all one in measure and compasse This together with the Towne and Castle came at the length as you haue séene to the handes of the Earles of Gloucester betwéene whome and the Archebishops of Canterbury there arose oftentimes contention bothe for the limits of this league and for the preeminence of their priuileges At the last Boniface the Archebishop next but one in succession after Richard of whome we spake before and Richard the Earle and Heire to Gilbert agréed in the reigne of King Henrie the third vpon a perambulatiō to be made betwéene them and so the strife for their boundes was brought to an end But as touching their priuileges and iurisdiction in the place it fell out by inquisition in the time of King Edward following that the Archebishop had nothing to do within the league that the Earle had returne of writtes creation of certain Officers an especiall sessions in Eire c most of whiche things the Towne hath not these many yeares enioyed But yet it was agréed after the perambulation so made betwéene Boniface and the Earle Richard that the Earle and his heires should holde the Manors of Tunbridge Vielston Horsmund Melyton and Pettys of the Archebishop and his successours by the seruice of 4. Knightes fées and to be highe Stewardes and highe Butlers to the Archebishops at the great feast of their inthronizations taking for their seruice in the Stewardship seuē competent Robes of Scarlet thirtie gallons of wyne thirtie pound of waxe for his light liuery of Hay and Oates for fourescore Horse by two nights the dishes and salt which should stand before the Archebishops in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of thrée days at the costes of the Archbishops at foure of their next Manors by the foure quarters of Kent wheresoeuer they would Ad minuendum sanguinem So that they repaired thither but with fiftie Horses only And taking also for the Office of Butlership other seuen like Robes 20 Gallons of wyne fiftie pound of waxe like liuery for thréescore Horses by two nights the cuppe wherewith the Archebishops should be serued all the emptie hogsheads of drinke and for sixe tunne of wyne so many as should be dronke vnder the barre also The Articles of whiche their composition were afterward accordingly perfourmed firste betwéene Gilbert Earle of Gloucester and Robert Winchelsey the Archebishop next betwéene the same Earle and the Archebishop Reignoldes Then betwéene Hughe Audley the Earle of Gloucester and the Archebishop Iohn Stratford After that betwéene the Earle of Stafford to whome the Lordship of Tunbridge at the length came and Simon Sudbury Archebishop in that Sée and lastly betwéene William Warham the Archebishop and Edward the late Duke of Buckingham who also executed the Stewardship in his owne person and the Butlership by his deputie Syr Thomas Burgher Knight the whole pompe and Ceremonie whereof I haue séen at greater length set forth and described then is méete for this time place to be recounted Asherst in Saxon Acsehyrst that is the Wood consisting of Ashes IN the Southwest corner of this Shyre towarde the confines of Sussex and Surrey lyeth Asherst a place now a daies so obscure for it is but a Towne of two houses that it is not worthy the visiting but yet in olde time so glorious for a Roode that it had of rare propertie that many vouchsafed to bestowe bothe their labour and money vpon it It was beaten forsooth into the heades of the common people as what thing was so absurde which the Clergie coulde not then make the world to beleeue that the Roode or Crucifix of this church did by certaine incrementes continually
for Hy ðrittig to the thither same place for them thirtie mancys goldes markes of golde and and aenne one sÆ¿eor collar neckbracelet beaH on of feoÆ¿ertig fourtie mancysan markes and and a ane cuppan Cuppe seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne a halfe head band couered with golde baend gyldenne bend gilden And And caelce euerie geare yeare to at Heora their gemynde mynde yeares mynde tÆ¿egra two daga feorme dayes ferme from rent corne and victuall of of HaeslHolte Haselholte and and tÆ¿egra of Æ¿oðringaberan and ij of baerlingan two dayes of from Watringbery and two dayes out of Berling and ij of HaeringeardesHam and two dayes out of Hertesham And to cristes circan And to Christes church lx 60. mancys goldes markes of golde xxx þam biscope thirtie to the Bishop Archebishop and and xxx þam Hirode thirtie to the Couent And And aenne a sÆ¿eor necke beaH bracelet collar on of lxxx 80. mancys markes and and tÆ¿a two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and þaet the land aet land at MeapaHam Mepham And And to to Sct. Sainct Augustine Augustine xxx 30. mancys markes goldes of golde and and ij two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne halfe a baend bend gyldene gilt And And þaet the land land aet at derentan Darnt byrHÆ¿ara to Byrware His for daeg his life dayes And And aefter after Hire his daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders auncetors And And barlâ—ngas Berling to Æ¿ulfeHe Wulfee and and He he selle .x. shall giue a Hund peninga thousand pence into Sct. to Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders And And Æ¿ulfsie to Wulfsie Æ¿oðringabiras Wateringbyrye innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred And And syrede HeselHolt innon ê§ gecende to Syred Haselholt within that And Æ¿ulfege and Aelfege And to Wulfei and Elfey His his breðer brother HerigeardesHam Hartesham innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred to to Æ¿ulfege Wulfee ê§ the inland inland demeanes and and Aelfege to Elfey ê§ Ã»tland the outland tenancie And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane uccan Vcca Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede innon within ê§ that gecynd kinred And And an a Hanðsecs hatchet dagger on of ðrym three pundan pounds And þa tyn Hyda on Straettune And those ten plowlands at Streiton into to þaem the mynstre mynster church to at Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede And ê§ land aet fealcanHam And the land at Falcham aftre after byrHÆ¿ara Byrwares daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Angree Androes for for Aelfric Elfrices Hire soule Hlaford their Lord and His yldran and his auncetors sÆ¿a euen Heora as their cÆ¿ide will Æ¿aes was And And bromleaH Brumley aeftre after briHtÆ¿ara Britwares daege into dayes to life Sct. Sainct Andree Androes sÆ¿a as Aelfric Elfric Hyre their Hlaford Lorde it Hit becÆ¿aeð bequeathed for for Hine him and and His yldran his elders auncetors And And Snodingeland Snodland eac also into to S. Andree aeftre Hire daege sÆ¿a Aelfere Hit becÆ¿aeð Sainct Androes after their dayes euen as Elfere it bequethed Aelfrices faeder and He seoðan on geÆ¿itnesse Eadgife being Elfrices father and he afterward in the witnesse hearing presence of Edgiue ðaere the Hlaefdian Ladie and and Odan of Odo Aercebisceopes the Archebishop and and Aelfeges of Elfey Aelfstanes Elfstanes sunu sonne and and Aelfrices of Elfric His his broðor brother and and Aelfnoþes pilian of Elfnothe pilia and godÆ¿ines aet faecHam and of Godwine of Facham and and of Eadrices Eadric aet of Ho. Hoo and and Aelfsies of Elfsie the preostes priest on of Crogdaene Croyden And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane lx 60. mancas markes goldes of gold to to daelanne deale for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran and elders and oðer other sÆ¿ile suche 60. mâ—rkes Æ¿ulfsige to Wulfsie to to daelanne deale betweene God and them be it and and Haebban haue Heom they Æ¿ið with god God gemaene together gif if Hy they Hit it ne do don not And And Æ¿ulfsige tydices eg to Wulfsie Titaesey and and ðam boc the writing innon within ê§ that gecynde kindred ij spuran on iij pundaÌ„ And ic bidde and two spurres of three pound And I pray for for godes Gods lufan loue minne my deere leofan leefe Hlaford ê§ He ne Lorde that he doe not þafige suffer ê§ aenig man uncerne cÆ¿ide aÆ¿ende that any man our testament doe breake turne aside And And ic I bidde praye ealle all godes Gods freond friendes ê§ Hi Æ¿Hrto filstan that they thereto helpe Haebbe Æ¿ið god gaemaene Æ¿e Hit brece god Haue they it with God together Betweene them and God be it that it do breake and God sy Him symle milde þe Hit Healdan be to them alwayes mylde mercifull that it holde keepe Æ¿ille will. It shall suffice for the moste parte of the matters worthy obseruation in this Testament that I haue already poynted at them with the finger as it were for that they appeare and shew themselues manifestly at the firste sight Onely therefore touching the estate and degree of this Testator I wyll for the more light and discouery thereof borrow a few wordes of you He himself here calleth Aelfric his Lord natural Lord saieth further that Aelfere was Father to this Aelfric Now what Aelfere Aelfric were it is not hard to finde for all our auncient Hystorians tell vs that in the dayes of King Edgar of King Edward the Martyr of King Ethelred these men were by birth cousines of the bloud royall by state Eorles which word we yet reteine in English and which we commonly cal Comites in Latine for that at the first they were parteners and companions as I may say with the King in takeing the profits of the Shyre or Countie that they were also by dignitie Ealdormen that is Senators and Gouernours of all Mercia or midle England And finally that they were of such great power and credit that Alfer the Father immediatly after the death of King Edgar restored al such priests thorowout midle England to their houses as the King by aduice of Dunstane the Monke had in his lyfe expulsed for the placeing of his Monks And that Aelfric the sonne resisted king Ethelred in that siege of Rochester whereof you heard when we were there For as much therefore as Aelfric was Hlaford or Lorde to our Testator and that Hlaford and Ãegn that is to say Lorde and Seruiteur be woordes of relation I gather that he was Ãegn which signifieth properly a Minister or frée Seruiteur to the Kinge or some great personage but vsually at those times taken for the verie same that we call now of the Latine woord Gentilis a Gentleman that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man wel borne or of a good stock and familie Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentrie at al that I said he was a Minister or Seruiteur For I meane not thereby that he was Seruus whiche woord straightly
whether you respect the richesse beautie or benefite of the same No towne nor Citie is there I dare say in this whole Shyre comparable in value with this our Fleete Nor shipping any where els in the whole world to be found either more artificially moalded vnder the water or more gorgeously decked aboue And as for the benefite that our Realme may reape by these moste stately and valiant vessels it is euē the same that Apollo by the mouth of Aristonice promised to Grece when his Oracle was consulted against the inuasion of Xerxes that his wonderful armie or rather world of men in armes saying Iupiter è ligno dat moenia facta Mineruae Quae tibi sola tuisque ferant inuicta salutem Highe Ioue doth giue thee walles of wood appointed to Minerue The whiche alone inuincible may thee and thine preserue And therefore of these suche excellent ornaments of peace trustie aides in warre I might truely affirme that they be for wealthe almoste so many riche treasuries as they be single ships for beautie so many princely Palaces as they be seuerall peices and for strength so many mouing Castles as they be sundrie sayling vessels They be not many I must confesse and you may sée and therefore in that behalfe nothing aunswerable either to that Nauie whiche fought against Xerxes at Salamis or to many other auncient Fleetes of Forreigne Kingdomes or of this our owne Iland howbeit if their swiftnes in sayling their furie in offending or force in defending be duly weighed they shal be foūd as farre to passe all other in power as they be inferiour to any in number For looke what the armed Hauke is in the aire amongst the feareful Byrdes or what the couragious Lyon is on the land amongst the cowardly Cattell of the field the same is one of these at the Sea in a Nauie of Common vessels beeing able to make hauocke to plume and to pray vpon the best of them at her owne pleasure Whiche speache of mine if any man shall suspecte as Hyperbolical let him cal to minde how often and howe confidently of late yeares some fewe of these ships incertaine of their interteinemēt haue boorded mightie Princes Nauies of a great number of Sayle and then I doubt not but he will chaunge his opinion But what do I labour to commend them whiche not onely in shewe and all reason doe commend themselues but also are lyke in déedes and effect to perfourme more then I in woord or wryting can promise for them Yea rather I am prouoked at the contemplation of this triumphant spectacle first to thanke God our mercifull Father and then to thinke duetifully of our good Quéene Elizabeth by whose vigilant ministerie care prouidence drawing as it were the net for vs whylest we sleepe not only the drosse of superstition and base moneis were first abolished the feare of outward warre remoued rustie armour reiected and rotten Shipping dispatched out of the way But also in place thereof religion and coyne restored to puritie the Domesticall and forreigne affaires of the Realme managed quietly the land furnished with new armour shot munition aboundantly this Riuer fraught with these strong and seruiceable Ships sufficiently Whiche so apparant and inestimable benefites the like whereof this Realme neuer at any one time and muche lesse so long time together hath enioyed if any man perceaue not he is more then blockishe if he consider not he is excéeding carelesse and if he acknowledge not he is to to vnkinde bothe to God to her Maiestie and to his owne Countrie But here againe for asmuche as it neither standeth with my present purpose to depainte out her Maiesties praises neither it lyeth at all in my power to set them foorth in their true colours for it requireth an Apelles to haue Alexander well counterfaited I will conteine my selfe within these narrowe termes and tell you the names of these Ships as they lye in order The names of the Quenes Maiesties Ships and Galleys The Bonaduenture The Elizabeth Ionas The White Beare The Philip and Marie The Triumphe The Bull. The Tygre The Antelop The Hope The Lyon. The Victorie The Marie Rose The Foresight The Cadishe The Swift suer The Aide The Handmaide The Dreade not The Swalowe The Iennet The Barke of Bulloigne Amongst all these as you sée there is but one that beareth her Maiesties name and yet all these the Philip and Marie which beareth her sisters name onely excepted hath she as it is sayd since the beginning of her happy reigne ouer vs either wholy built vpon the stocks or newly reedified vpon the olde moaldes Her highnesse also knowing right well that Non minor est virtus quam querere parta tueri Like vertue it is to saue that is got As to get the thing that earst she had not Hath planted Vpnor Castle for the defence of the same But besides these great ships thrée good Galleys lye here on the side whiche be thus called The Speedwell Trye Right Blacke Galley Thus muche of the Nauie As touching the harborowe it selfe I haue heard some wishe that for the better expedition in time of seruice Some part of this Nauie might ride in some other hauen the rather bycause it is many times very long before a ship can be gotten out of this Riuer into the Sea Indéede I remember that I haue reade in Vegetius that the Romanes diuided their Nauie and harboured the one part at Miseno neare Naples vpon the Tyrrhene Sea and the other part at Rauenna vpon the Sea Adriaticque to the end that when occasion required they might readily sayle to any part of the worlde without delay or windlassing Bycause sayth he in affaires of warre celeritie dothe as good seruice as force it selfe But for all that whether the same order be necessarie for vs or no whoe thoughe we haue the vse of sundrie Seas yet wée enioy not so large and distant dominions as they helde it is not our partes to dispute but their office to determine whoe for their great wisedome and good zeale bothe can and will prouide things conuenient as well for the safetie of the Nauie as for the seruice of the Realme And therefore leauing al this matter to the consideration of them that are well occupied at the helme let vs apply our oares that we maye nowe leaue the water and come to the lande at Gillingham After the soudaine departure of king Hardicanutus the Dane whiche died of a surfeit of drinke taken at a noble mans marriage at Lambhith the English Nobilitie thought good to take hold of the oportunitie then offred to restore to the royall dignitie the issue of King Ethelred which he in his life had for feare of the Danes conueyed into Normandie For which purpose they addressed messengers to Richard the Duke of Normandie requiring him to sende ouer Edward the onely sonne then left of king Ethelred and promising to do their indeuour to set him in his
fathers seate So that he woulde agrée to come accompanied with a smal number of strangers The which condition was deuised bothe for their owne excuse and for the yong Princes safetie For before this time after the deth of king Canutus they had likewise sent for the same Edwarde Alfred his elder brother that then was on liue putting them in like hope of restitution to which request the duke their grandfather assēted and for the more honourable furniture of their iourney gaue them to company diuers yong Gentlemen of his own Country whom he ment to make from thenceforth parteners of theyr prosperitye as they had before tyme béen companions of their misfortune But when they were come into the realme the Earle Godwine who sought more the aduauncement of his own house to honour then the restitution of the Englishe bloude to the crowne perceiuing that by no meanes he could make a marriage betwéene Alfrede the elder of the two and Edgith his daughter and yet hauing hope that Edward the younger woulde accept the offer if he might bring to passe to set the garlande vpon his heade he quarelled at the company which came ouer with them insinuating to the péeres of the Realme that Alfrede ment so soone as he should obtaine the crowne to place in all roomes of honour his Normane Nobilitie and to displace the Englishe his owne countrey men Whiche suspicion he bet so déepely into the heades of many of the Noble men and especially of his nearest friends and allies that foorthwith vpon his persuasion they fell vpon the straungers at Gillingham and firste killed nyne throughout the whole number of the company reseruing on liue eche tenth mā only And afterward thinking the remainer to great tythed the number also sleaing in the whole about sixe hundred persons As for Alfred the elder of the yong Princes they apprehended and conueyed him to the Isle of Ely where first they put out his eyes and afterwarde moste cruelly did him to death But this Edwarde fearing their furie escaped their handes and fled into Normandie Howbeit being nowe eftsoones as I sayde earnestly sollicited by Godwine and more faythfully assured by the Noble men he once againe aduentured to enter the Realme and taking Godwines daughter to wife obtained the Crowne and enioyed it all his life long I am not ignoraunt that Simeon of Durham and diuers other good wryters affirme this slaughter to haue béene committed at Guylford in Surrey and some other of late tyme and of lesse note at Guild downe a place neare Lamberhirst in the edge of this Shyre but bycause I finde it expressely reported by Thomas Rudborne and also the authour of the Chronicle of Couentrie to haue béen done at Gillingham Iuxta Thamesim I sticke not being nowe come to that place to exemplifie it giuing neuerthelesse frée libertie to euery man to lay it at the one or the other at his owne frée will and pleasure Onely my desire is to haue obserued that in this one Storie there doe lye folded vp bothe the meanes of the deliuerie of this realme of England from the thraldome of the Danes and the causes also of the oppression and conquest of the same by the Normanes For as touching the first it pleased the Almightie nowe at length by this manner of King Hardicanutus death whiche I haue shewed to breake in sunder the Danish whip wherwith he had many yeares together scourged the English nation and by the meane of drinke the Danishe delight to worke the deliuery of the one people and the exterminion of the other euen in the midst of all their securitie and pleasaunce In which behalfe I can not but note the iust iudgemēt of God extended against those déepe drinkers and in their example to admonishe all such as doe in like sort most beastly abuse Gods good creatures to his great offence the hurte of their owne soules and bodies and to the euill example of other men For whereas before the arriuall of these Danes the Englishe men or Saxons vsed some temperaunce in drinking not taking thereof largely but only at certain great feasts and chearings and that in one only wassailing cup or boule which walked round about the boorde at the midst of the meale much after that manner of intertainment whiche Dido sometime gaue to Aeneas and is expressed by Virgil in these verses Hic Regina grauem auro gemmisque poposcit Impleuitque mero pateram quam Belus omnes A Belo soliti Tum facta silentia tectis Iupiter hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur Et vos O caetum Tirij celebrate fauentes Dixit Et in mensam laticum libauit honorem Primaque libato summo tenus attigit ore c. The Queene commaunds a mightie Bolle Of golde and precious stone To fill with wine whom Belus King And all King Belus line Was wont to holde than through them all Was silence made by signe O Ioue quoth she for thou of hostes And gestes both great and small Men say the lawes haste put giue grace I pray and let vs all O you my Moores nowe do our best These Troians for to chere Thus sayd she and when grace was done The Bolle in hand she clipt And in the liquor sweete of wine her lips she scantly dipt But now after the comming in of the Danes and after such time as King Edgar had permitted them to inhabite here and to haue conuersation with his own people Quassing and carowsing so increased that Didoes sipping was cleane forsaken and Bitias bowsing came in place of whome the same Poet writeth Ille impiger hausit Spumantem pateram pleno se proluit auro And he anon The fomie bolle of gold vpturnd And drewe till all was gon So that King Edgar him self seing in his own reigne the great outrage wherevnto it was growne was compelled to make lawe therefore and to ordaine drinking measures by publique Proclamation driuing certaine nayles into the sides of their cups as limits and bounds which no man vpon great payne should be so hardie as to transgresse But this vice in that short time had takē such fast roote as neyther the restraint of law nor the expulsiō of the first bringers in therof could supplant yet For William of Malmesburie comparing the manners of the Englishe men and Normanes together complayned that in his time the Englishe fashion was to sit bibbing hole houres after dinner as the Normane guise was to walke and iet vp and downe the streates with great traines of idle Seruing men folowing them And I woulde to God that in our time also we had not iust cause to complaine of this vicious plant of vnmeasurable Boalling which whether it be sprong vp out of the olde roote or be newely transported by some Danish enemie to all godly temperaunce and sobrietie let them consider that with pleasure vse it and learne in time by the death of Hardicanute and the expulsiō of his