with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
ruine of â—he Râ—alm For whereas â—y the common dâ—stiâ—ctâ—on now râ—ceived in speech thâ—re are three noâ—â—ble differences of religion in the Lâ—nd â—he two extreams whereof are the Papâ—st and â—he Paritan and the religious Protâ—stant oâ—taining the meane this fellow being neither maketh his gaine of all and as he sâ—ekâ—â—h a Kingdome by the one extreame and spâ—ile by the otherâ— so he useth the authority of the third to compâ—sse the fiâ—st two and the couâ—ter-mine of eaâ—h one to the overthrow of all thrâ—e To this I answered In good sooth Sir I see now where you are you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinâ—ry taâ—ke and confeâ—â—nce in the Universiâ—y for I know that you meane my Lord of Leâ—â—â—ster who is the subjâ—ct of all pleasâ—nt discourses at this dâ—y â—hroughouâ— the Râ—â—lme Not so pleasant as pittifull answered the Gentlâ—mâ—n if all mâ—ttâ—rs and circumsâ—anâ—es were wel consiâ—ered excâ—pt any man tâ—ke pleasure to jest at oâ—r owne miseries whiâ—h are like to be greater by his inâ—quâ—â—y â—f God aveâ—t â—t not then by al the â—iâ—kednâ—ssâ—â—f England bâ—sides he being the man that by all probâ—biliâ—y is like to be the bâ—ne and fâ—tall dâ—stiny of oâ—r â—tatâ— with the eversion of â—rue râ—lâ—gâ—on whereof by indirâ—ct meanes he 〈…〉 thâ—â— the Lanâ— dâ—â—h nourâ—sh Now 〈◊〉 qâ—â—th thâ— Lâ—wyâ—â— if you say th◠〈◊〉 for â—he Proâ—estants opinion of him whâ—t shâ—ll I 〈◊〉 for his mâ—rits towards the Papâ—stâ— who for as mâ—â—h â—s I câ—n perceive doe 〈◊〉 theâ—sâ—lâ—â—s lâ—â—tle bâ—holding unâ—o hâ—m albeâ—â— fâ—r hâ—s â—aine he was some yeere their secret friâ—nâ— agâ—iâ—â—t you untill by his friends he was pâ—rswaâ—ed and chiefly by thâ— Lâ—rd North by way of poliâ—y as the said Lord bosâ—eth in hope of gâ—â—ater gâ—â—â—e tâ— step ovâ—r to the Puritans agaâ—nst us both whom notwithstanding it is probâ—ble that he loveth as much as he doth the rest You know the Bearâ—s love said the Gentleman which is all for his own panch and so this Bear-whelp turneth all to his own commodity and for greedinâ—sse thereof will overturn all if he be not stopped or muzlâ—d in time And suâ—ely uâ—to me it is a strange speculation whereof I cannot pick out the reason but onely that I do attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes that in so wise and vigilant a State as ours is and in a Countrey â—o well acquâ—inâ—ed and beaten with suâ—h dangeâ—s a man of such a Spirit aâ— he is knowne to be of so extrâ—me ambition prâ—de falshâ—â—d and tâ—â—châ—ry so borne so bâ—ed up so nâ—zled in treason fâ—om his infancy descended of a tribe of traytours and flâ—shâ—d in conspiracy agaâ—nst the Royâ—ll blood of King Henries children in his tâ—ndâ—r yâ—erâ—s and exâ—rcâ—sâ—d â—ver since in drifts againsâ— the same by the blooâ— and ruâ—ne of diâ—â—rs others a man so well knowne to beare sâ—â—râ—t in 〈◊〉 aâ—ainst hâ—r Majâ—sty for causes irreconcilâ—able and most dradly rancour against the beâ—t and wâ—sâ—st Coâ—ncâ—llours of her Hâ—ghnâ—sse thâ—t suâ—h a oâ—e I say so hâ—â—â—full to God and man anâ— so markâ—â—ble to the simplest Subjâ—ct oâ— thiâ— Land by the puâ—lique â—nsignes of hiâ—â—yrannous purpose shâ—uld b◠〈◊〉 so many yeâ—res wâ—thout châ—â—kâ— to aspire to tyranny by most manifest wâ—yes and to pâ—â—ssâ—sse himâ—eâ—fâ— as now hâ— hath doâ—◠〈◊〉 Courâ— Couâ—câ—ll and Couâ—â—râ—y wâ—â—hout 〈◊〉 so that noâ—hing wantâ—â—h to him but onâ—ly hâ—s pleasâ—re and the dâ—y already conâ—eived in his minde to dispose as hâ— liâ—t boâ—h of Prince Crown Realm anâ— Râ—ligiâ—n It â—s much truly quoth I that you sâ—y and it ministrâ—â—h not a little mâ—rvaile unto mâ—â—y wherof your Worship is noâ— the first nor yâ—t the 〈◊〉 person of accompt which I have heard discourse and complaine But what shall I say hereunto there is no man that ascribeth not this unto the siâ—gular benignity and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who measuring other men by her owne Heroicall and Princely sincerity cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace as he is nor remove her coâ—fidence from the place where she hath heaped so infinite benefits No doubt said the Gentleman but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall câ—use thereof which Princely disposition as in her highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation so lyeth the same open to many dangers oftentimes when so benâ—gne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambâ—tiâ—us persons which observation perhaps câ—usâ—d her Mâ—jesties most noble Grandfather and Father two renowned wâ—se Princâ—s to withdraw sometime upon the sudden their great favour from certaine Sâ—bjects of high estate And her Majesty mâ—y eâ—sily use her owne excellent wisdome and memory to recâ—ll to minde the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen tâ— divers Princes by too muâ—h confidence in obliged proditours with whom the name of a Kingdome and one houres reigâ—e weyeth more then all the duty obligation honesty or nature in the world Would God her Mâ—jâ—sty could see the continuall feares that be in heâ— faithfull Subjâ—cts hearts whiles that man is abouâ— her noble person so well able and lâ—kâ—ly â—f thâ— Lord avert it not to be the calamity of her Priâ—ely blood and name The talke wâ—ll never out of many mouthes anâ— minds that diverâ— ancient mâ—n of this Reâ—lme and once a wise Gentleman now a Councâ—llour had with a certaine friend of his concerning the presage and deep impression which her Mâ—jesties Father had of the house of Sir Iohn Duâ—â—ey to be the raine in time of his Majâ—sties royall house and blood which thing was â—â—ke to have been fulfilled soon after as all the world knoweth upon the death of King Edward by the said Dudley this mans Faâ—her who at one blow procured to dispâ—tch from a possession from the Crown all three children of the said noble King And yet in the middest of thâ—se bloody practices against her Majesty that now is and her sister wherein also this fellowes hand was so far as for his age he could thrust the same within sixteen dayes before King Edwards death he knowing belike that the King should dye wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary as I have heard by them who then were with her promâ—sing all loyalty and true service to her after the decease of her brother with no lâ—sse paâ—nted words then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth So dealâ— he â—hen with the most deare châ—ldren of his good King and Master by whom he had bâ—ene no lâ—sse exalted and trusted then this man is by her Mâ—jâ—sty And so deâ—ply dâ—ssembled he then when he had in hâ—nd the plot to dâ—stroy â—hem boâ—h And whâ—t then alas mâ—y not we feare and doubt of thiâ— his son who in outragious ambition and dâ—sire of reigne is not infâ—riour to his Fathâ—r or to any oâ—hâ—r aspiring spirit in the world buâ— far more iâ—sâ—lent câ—uâ—ll vindiâ—ative â—xpert poteâ—t
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
the House of Yorke before the union of the two great Houses raiseth up againe the old contention betweene the Families of Yoâ—ke and Lancaster wherein so much English bloud was spilt in times past and much more like to bee powred out now if the same contention should bee set on foot againe Seeing that to the controversie of Titles would bee added also the controversie of Religion which of all other differences is most dangerous Sir quoth the Gentleman now you touch a matter of consequence indeed and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth downe in his History of our Countries calamity by that contention of those two Houses distinguished by the Red Rose and the White but yet both in their Armes might justly have borne the colour of Red with a fierie sword in a black field to signifie the abundance of bloud and mortality which ensued in our Countrey by that most wofull and cruell contention I will not stand here to set downe the particulars observed gathered by the foresaid author though a stranger which for the most part he saw himselfe while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King Lewes of France of that time namely the pittifull description of divers right Noble men of our Realme who besides all other miseries were driven to begge openly in forraine Countries and the like Mine owne observation in reading over our Country affaires is sufficient to make me abhorre the memory of that time and to dread all occasion that may â—ead us to the like in time to come seeing that in my judgement neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romanes nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians did ever worke so much woe as this did to our poore Countrey Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeen pitched fields in lesse then an hundred yeares That is from the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the second his raigne when this controversie first began to bud up unto the thirteenth yeare of K. Henry the seventh At what time by cutting off the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house to wit yong Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick Son and Heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention most happily was quenched and ended wherein so many fields as I have said were foughten between Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation And therein and otherwise onely about the same quarrel were slaâ—â— murdered and made away about nine or ten Kings and Kings Sonnes besides above forty Earles Marquesses and Dukes of name but many more Lords Knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the Common people without number and by particular conjecture very neare two hundred thousand For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth there are recorded to be slaine on both parts five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons besides others wounded and taken prisoners to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerour at divers Battels after ten thousand slaine at a Battell And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury fought both in one yeare This suffered our afflicted Country in those dayes by this unfortunate and deadly contention which could never be ended but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses tâ—gether in Henry the seventh neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle untill as I have said the state had cut off the issue male oâ— the Duke of Clarence who was cause of divers perilâ— to King Henry the sevenâ—h though he were in prison By whose Sister the faction of Huntinâ—ton at thiâ— day doth seeke to raise up the same contention againe with farre greater danger both to the Reaâ—mâ— and to her Majesty that now raigneth then ever before And for the Realme it is evident by that it givetâ— roome to strangers Competitours of the House oâ— Lancaster better able to maintaine their owne titlâ— by sword then ever was any of that linage before tâ—em And for her Majesties perill present it is nothing hard to conjecturâ— seeing the same title in thâ— fore-said Earle of Warwick was so dangerous anâ— troublesome to her Grandfather by whom she holdeth as hee was faine twiâ—â— to take armâ—s in defence of his right against the said title which was in those dayes preferred and advanced by the friendâ— of Clarence before that of Henry as also this of Huntington is at this day by his faction before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly Touching Huntingtons title before her Majesty quoth the Lawyer I will say nothing because in reason I see not by what pretence in the World he may thrust himselfe so farre forth seeing her Majesty is descendâ—d not onely of the House of Lancaste but also before him most apparentâ—y from the House of Yorke it selfe as from the eldest Daughter of Kâ—ng Edwâ—rd the fourth being the eldest Brother of that House Whereas Huntington claimeth onely by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger Broâ—her Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle of Warwicks title were better then that of King Henry the seventh which is most false though many attempted to defend the same by sword then hath Huntâ—ngton some wrong at this day by her Majesty Albeit in very truth the atâ—aints of so many of his Ancestours by whom he claâ—mâ—th would answer him also sufficiently in that behalfe if his title were otherwise allowable But I know besides this they have another fetch of King Richard the third whereby he would needs prove hâ—s elder Brother King Edwaâ—d to bee a Bastard and consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void Which devise though it be ridiculous and was at that time when it was first invented yet as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Pauls Crosse in a Sermon and John of Northumberland my Lord of Lâ—yceâ—â—ers Father found out divers Preachers in his time to set up the title of Suffolke to debase the right of K. Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxford and other places most apparently against all Law and reason so I doubt not but these men would finde out also both Shawes Sands and others to set out the title of Clareâ—ce before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity if occasion served Which is a point of importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit for my part I meane not not now to stand thereupon but onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster as I have said For as that most honourable lawfull and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses in King Henry the seventh and his Wife made an end of the shedding of English bloud within it selfe and brought us that most
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
king and crowne have great priviledge and prerogative above the state and affaires of subjects and great differences allowed in points of law As for example it is a generall common rule of law that the wife after the decease of her husband shall enjoy the third of his lands but yet the Queene shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne after the Kings death as well appeareth by experience and is to be seene by law Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the third and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt Also it is a common rule that the husband shall hold his wives lands after her death as tenant by courtesie during his life but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome In like manner it is a generall and common rule that if a man dye feased of Land in Fee-simple having daughters and no sonne his lands shall be divided by equall portions among his daughters which holdeth not in the Crowne but rather the eldest Daughter inheriteâ—h the whole as if she were the issue male So also it is a common rule of our law that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the Testator but not in the Crowne And so in many other cases which might bee recited it is evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others and cannot be subject to rule be it never so generall except expresse mention be made thereof in the same law as it is in the former place and a statute alledged but rather to the contrary as after shall be shewed there is expresse exception for the prerogative of such as descend of Royall bloud Their second reason is for that the demand oâ— title of a Crowne cannot in true sense bee comprehended under the words of the former statute forbidding aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance of England and that for two respects The one for that the Crowne it selfe cannot be called an heritage of allegiance or within allegiance for that it is holden of no superiour upon earth but immediately from God himselfe the second for that this statute treateth onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent as heyre to the same for I have shewed before that Aliens may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion and then say they the Crowne is a thing incorporate and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances but goeth by succession as other incorporations doe In signe whereof it is evident that albeit the King be more favoured in all his doings then any common person shall be yet cannot hee avoyd by law his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage as other infants and common heires under age may doe but alwayes be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior Parson Vicar Deane or other person incorporate shall be which cannot by any meanes in law bee said to be within age in respect of their incorporations Whiâ—h thing maketh an evident difference in our case from the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Parson being Aliens and no Denizens might alwayes in time of peace demand lands in England in respect of their corporations notwithstanding the said statute or common law against Aliens as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard the second which was after the foresaid statute of King Edward the third The third reason is for that in the former statute it selfe of King Eâ—ward there are excepted expresly from this generall rule Infantes du Roy that is the Kings off spring or issue as the word Infant doth signifie both in France Portugall Spaine and other Countries and as the Latine word Liberi which answereth the same is taken commonly in the civill 〈◊〉 Neither may we restraine the french words of that Satute Infantâ—s du Roy to the kings children onely of the first degree as some doe for that the barrâ—nnesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for the same but rather that therby are understood as wâ—ll the nephewes and other discendants of the king or blood Royall as his immediate children For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagin that king Edward by this statute would go about to disinherit his own nâ—phews if hâ— should have any borne out of his own allegiance as easily he might at that time his sons being mâ—ch abroad from England and the black Prince his eldest son having two children borne bâ—yond the seas and consequently it is apparent that this rule or maxime set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendants of the king or of the blood Royall Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king Edward and his children living at such time as this statute was made could not be that any of their linage or issue might be excluded in law from inheritance of their right to the Crowne by their foraine birâ—h wheresoever For otherwise it is not credible â—hat they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other Countries as they did by giving their daughters to strangers other meanâ—s as Leoneâ— the kings third son was married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunt the fourth son gave his two daughters Philip and Katherine to Portugall and Câ—stâ—le and his neece Joan to the king of Scots as Thomas of Woodstocke also the yongest brother married his two daughters the one to the king of Spaine and the other to Dâ—ke of Britaine Which no doubt they being wise Princes and so neer of the blood Royal would never have done if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all claime and title to the Crown of England and therefore it is most evident that no such bar was then extant or imagin'd The fift reason is that divers persons born out of all English dominion and allegiance both before the Conquest and since have bin admitted to the succession of our Crown as lawfull inheritours without any exception against them for their foraine birth As before the Conquest is evident in yong Eâ—gar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crowne by his great unckle king Edward the Confâ—ssor with full consent of the whole Realm the B. of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to fetch him home with his father named Edward the out-law And since the Conquest it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second both of them borne out of English dominions and of Parents that at their birth were not of the English allegiance and yet were they both admitted to the Crowne Yong Arthur also Duke of Britain by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray king Henry the seconds sonne was declared by king Richard his unckle at his departure towards Jerusalem and by the whole Realme for lawfull heire apparent to the Crowne of England though
Physitians reported to an Earle of this Land that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect But my Masters whether are we fallen unadvisedly I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthinesse Not without good cause quoth I but that we are here alone and no man heareth us Wherefore I pray you let us returne whereas we left and when you named my Lord of Leicesters Daughter borne of the Lady Shâ—ffield in Dudley Castle there came into my head a prety story concerning that affaire which now I will recount though somewhat out of order thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory puddle and foule dunghill whereunto we are slâ—pped by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out I grâ—w acquainted three months past with a certain Minister that now is dead and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle for complement of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place and the matter was so ordained by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield the good wife of the Castle also whereby Leicesters appointed gossips might without other suspition have accesse to the place should faine her selfe to be with childe and after long and sore travell God wot to be delivered of a cushion as she was indeed and a little after a faire coffin was buried with a bundell of clouts in shew of a childe and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof for which thing afterward before his death he had great griefe and remorse of conscience with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister and said now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better but hath so many infirmities with subtilties and by-places besides I would be loth that he were married to my daughter as mean as she is But yet quoth the Gentleman I had rather of the two be his wife for the time then his guest especially if the Italian Chyrurgian or Physitian be at hand True it is said the Lawyer for he doth noâ— poison his wives whereof I somewhat mervaile especially his first wife I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence then by some Italian confortive Hereof said the Gentleman may be diverâ— reasons alleaged First that he was not at thâ—t time so skilfull in those Italian wares nor had about him so fit Physitians and Chyrurgions for the purpose nor yet in truth doe I thinke that his minde was so setled then in mischiefe as it hath beene sithence For you know that men are not desperate the first day but doe enter into wickednesse by degrees and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away for that she letted him in his designements but yet not so stony-hâ—rted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer Secondly it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kill her by poyson and if that tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly who then lived in Oxford another manner of man then he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name and was Professour of the Physicke Lecture in the same University This learned grave man reported for most certaine that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspiratours to have poysoned the pooâ—e Lady a little before she was killed which was attempted in this oder They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy as one that wel knew by her other handling that her death was not far off began to perswde her that her disease was abundance of melancholly and other humors and therefore would needs counsaile her to take some potion which she absolutely refusing to do as suspecting still the worst they sent one day unwares to her for Doctor Bayly and desired him to perswade her to take some little potion at his hands and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription meaning to have added also somewhat of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon just causes suspected seeing their great importunity and â—he small need which the good Lady had of Physick and therefore he flatly denied their request misdoubting as he after reported lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion he might after have beene hanged for a colour of their sinne Marry the said Doctor remained wâ—ll assured that this way tâ—king no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And â—he thing was so beaten into the heads of the principall men of the University of Oxford by these and other meanes as for that she was found murdered as all men said by the Crowners inquest and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner which was condemned above as not advisedly done my good Lord to make plain to the world the great loue he bare to her in her life and what a griefe the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to his tender heart would needs have her taken up againe and reburied in the University Church at Oxford with great pomp and solemnity that Doctor Babington my Lords Chaplain making the publike funerall Sermon at her second buriall tript once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that vertuous Lady so pitifully murdered instead of so pitifully slaine A third cause of this manner of the Ladies death may be the disposition of my Lords nature which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance as all cowardly natures are by kinde and where any difficulty or danger appeareth there more ready to attempt all by art subtilty treason and treachery And so for that he doubâ—ed no great resistance in the poore Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck he durst the bolder attempt the same openly But in the men whom he poisoned for that they were such valiant Knights the most part of them as he durst as soon have eaten his scabard as draw his sword in publike against them he was inforced as all wretched irefull and dastardly creaâ—ures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens hands As also at other times he hath sought to doe unto divers other noble and valiant personages when he was
of Edward and Richard the second as also of Henry and Edward the sixt doe sufficiently fore-warne us whose lives were prolonged untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspiratours and not longer And for the statute you speak of procured by themselves for establishing the incertainty of the next true successour whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration and certainty of the same it is with Proviso as you know that it shall not endure longer then the life of her Majesty that now raigneth that is indeed no longer then untill themselves be ready to place another For then no doubt but wee shall see a faire Proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely next heire with a bundle of halters to hang all such as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same At these words the old Lawyer stepped back as somewhat astonied and began to make Crosses in the ayre after their fashion whereat we laughed and then he said truly my Masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute as my selfe but now I perceive that I alone am not malitious For my owne part I must confesse unto you that as often as I reade over this statute or thinke of the same as by divers occasions many times I doe I feele my selfe much greeved and afflicted in minde upon feares which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our Countrey and what privy meaning the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their owne drifts against the Realme and life of her Majestie that now raigneth And so much more it maketh mee to doubt for that in all our records of law you shall not find to my remembrance any one example of such a devise for concealing of the true inheritour but rather in all ages states and times especially from Richard the first downeward you shall finde statutes ordinances and provisions for declaration and manifestation of the same as you have well observed and touched before And therefore this strange and new devise must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning and God of his mercy grant that it have not some strange and unexpected event In sight of all men this is already evident that never Countrey in the world was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruine then ours is at this day by pretence of this Statute For whereas there is no Gentleman so meane in the Realme that cannot give a guesse more or lesse who shall bee his next heire and his Tenants soone conjecture what manner of person shall be their next Lord in the title of our noble Crown whereof all the rest dependeth neither is her Majesty permitted to know or say who shall be her next successor nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine who in right may be their future Soveraigne An intollerable injury in a matter of so singular importance For alas what should become of this our native Countrey if God should take from us her most excellent Majesty as once he will and so leave us destitute upon the sudden what should become of our lives of our states and of our whole Realme or governement can any man promise himselfe one day longer of rest peace possession life or liberty within the land then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne over us Which albeit wee doe and are bound to wish that it may bee long yet reason telleth us that by course of nature it cannot bee of any great continuance and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter And shall then our most noble Common-wealth and Kingdome which is of perpetuity and must continue to our selves and our posterity hang onely upon the life of her Highnesse alone well strucken in yeares and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion I was within hearing some six or seaven yeares agoe when Sir Christopher Hatton in a very great assembly made an eloquent oration which after I wene was put in print at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallowes that by errour as was thought had discharged his peece upon her Majesties Barge and hurt certaine persons in her Highnesse presence And in that Oration he declared and described very effectually what inestimable dammage had ensued to the Realme if her Majesty by that or any other means should have beene taken from us He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men what division what dissension what bloudshed had ensued what fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us whensoever that dolefull day should happen wherein no man should be sure of his life of his goods of his wife of his children no man certain whether to flie whom to follow or where to seeke repose or protection And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said truth and farre lesse then might have beene said in that behalfe things standing as they doe so many one I trow hath heard these words proceed from a Councellour that had good cause to know the state of his own Countrey entred into this cogitation what punishment they might deserve then at the whole State and Common-wealths hands who first by letting her Majesty from marriage and then by procuring this Statute of dissembling the next inheritour had brought their Realme into so evident and inevitable dangers for every one well considered and weighed with himselfe that the thing which yet only letted these dangers and miseries set downe by Sir Christopher must necessarily one day faile us all that is the life of her Majesty now present and then say we how falleth it out that so generall a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long and may for any thing we know to morrow next is not provided for aswell as fore-seene Is there no remedy but that wee must willingly and wittingly runne into our owne ruine and for the favour or feare of some few aspirours betray our Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand innocents as live within the land For tell mee good Sirs I pray you if her Majestie should die to morrow next whose life God long preserve and blesse but if she should be taken from us as by condition of nature and humane frailty she may what would you doe which way would you looke or what head or part knew any good subject in the Realme to follow I speake not of the conspiratours for I know they will bee ready and resolved whom to follow but I speake of the plaine simple and well-meaning subject who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute fraudulent I meane in the secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours shall bee taken at that day upon the sudden and being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crowne shall be brought into a thousand dangers both of body
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâ—mous Rome Wishâ— all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâ—ke all them dead So should he never need thâ—ir hâ—te to dread Even sâ—ch a mischiefe I wâ—sht to my foes That many men might pâ—rish with fâ—w blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâ—eous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâ—s dâ—yes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares â—oe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot â—mend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâ—s slâ—ine By Nero's doome whosâ— faults he did correct Use not too shâ—rpe rebukeâ— but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride â—rocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâ—h winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâ—re your friâ—nd should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ— praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sâ—y he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâ—me His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ— was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bâ—â—ming â—he influence of the angry starres Thâ—â— thus by death his future fortune barres Aâ—â— sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châ—m or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ—'d the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâ—st To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâ—ve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâ—siâ—n oâ— hâ—s 〈◊〉 and â—eâ—tâ—ng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâ—ist The booke of Iustâ—ce Lawâ—er Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâ—ate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâ—ly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâ—sh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guâ—nâ—ans Gentleman The Tâ—rant of Englâ—sh staâ—e Three 〈…〉 in Eâ—gâ—and 〈◊〉 The â—ule of â—eâ—ceâ—teâ— Gentlâ—man Lawyâ—◠〈◊〉 Lord Nâ—â—ths pâ—â—â—cy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâ—hâ—lâ—r The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâ—ingham Deepe disâ—imulâ—tion 〈…〉 Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâ—ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ— Shâ—la◠〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâ—laine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâ—odities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâ—vers marriages of her Madeseaâ—ed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâ—cesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâ—erâ—hâ—ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâ—st Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâ—tler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâ—fâ—ing of a châ—lde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ— operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâ—lâ—r Lea. Honnieâ— Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâ—x The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ— Genâ—leman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ— Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ— and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâ—erpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâ—cenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâ—ians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâ—ng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couâ—t A demonstration of Leycesteâ—s tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâ—eâ—nes danger againe Anno Regni 3â— Leyâ—esters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediâ—â—on of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ— violence with the Prince her sâ—lfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ— power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâ—den Wales Sir Henâ—y Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey †Her Maiesty â—s he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ— possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâ—wyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ— Vniveâ—sity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ— Leycesters home gaine by heâ— Maâ—esties faâ—our A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâ—gne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pâ—t out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâ—ge of lands wiâ—h her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâ—lkes and Velvetâ— The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâ—dleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâ—man Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasâ—rer Caâ—bridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâ—s * At Diâ—â—ies house in Warwick shiâ—e dame Lettice 〈◊〉 and some othâ—â— such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ— The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâ—e hanged for hâ— pleasure by Leycesters auâ—hority Gentleâ—â—n Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and â—eicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ— demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâ—d Lee. Ludowick Grâ—vel George Witney â—ord Barkley Archbâ—shop of Caâ—terbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ— of Leycestâ—r declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of â—he Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâ—ceâ—ely for Huntâ—ngton or for himselfe The words of thâ— Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâ—ent the Nature of ambâ—tion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ— of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâ—ture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâ—s Wife A new Triumvirâ—â—â—â—tween â—â—tween Leycester Talbot and â—hâ— Coâ—ntesse of Shrâ—veâ—bury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâ—cester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aâ—t 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ— meane in her Majesties dayes â—oure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâ—stor 5. The Peâ—cies The two Neviles Leycesteâ—s hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâ—ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâ—es life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her
his wretched life A prety plot in practiâ—e I did put Either to take a Queene without delay Or when the carâ—s were shuffled and well â—ut To chuse the King and cast the knaves away He should be cunning that great game would play Ill luck hath he that no good game can make When Princes play and crownes lye at the stake First I assayed Queene Elizabeth to wed Whom divers Princes courted but in vaine When in this course unluckily I sped I sought the Scots Queenes mariage to obtaine But when I reapt no profit for my paine I sought to match Denbigh my tender childe To Dame Arbella but I was beguil'd Even as Octavius with Marke Anthony And Lepidus the Roman Empire shar'd That of the world then held the soveraignty So I a new Triumverat prepar'd If death a while yong Denbighs life had spar'd The grandame uncle and the faâ—her in law Might thus have brought all England under awe In the low Countries did my fame soare high When I was sent Lievtenant generall The Queenes proud foes I stoutly did deny And made them to some composition fall There I maintained port majesticall In pompe and triumph many dayes I spent From noble then my name grew excellent Then was my heart in height of his desire My minde puft up with suâ—quedry and pride The vulgar sort my glory did admire Even as the Romans Ave Caesar cri'd When the Emperour to the Senat house did ride So did the Flemings with due reverence Like thunder say God save your Excellence Few Subjects before me obtain'd this stile Unlesse they were as Viceroyes of this land The name of Lordship seem'd too base and vile To me that govern'd such a royall band And had a Princes absolute command Who did not of my puissance stand in awe That might put him to death by martiall law Loe what a title hath my honour got And Excellency added to my name Can this injurious world so quickly blot A name so great out of records of fame Covering my glory with a vale of shame Or will it now contemne me being dead Whom living even with feare it honoured The towne of Densborough I did besiege Which did on composition â—hortly yeeld I did good servâ—â—e to my gracious liege Till by ill councellours I was beguil'd For such as were my Captains in the field To whom at length chiefe charge I did commit Seduced me to many things unfit When Sir Iohn Nâ—rris counsell I refused Whose perfect skill in feats of armes I knew By Rowland Yorkes device I was abused Whereon some losse soone after did ensue Deventer towne and Zutphen sconce I rue By Yorke and Stanley without many blowes Were tendred to the mercy of the foes And that which to my heart might more griefe strike Happened the death of that renowned Knight My Nephew Sidney neere Coleston dike Receav'd his deadly wound thâ—ough fortunes spight I sent no frâ—sh supply to him in fiâ—ht I was not farre oft with a mighty host So with his losse of life some famâ— I lost The Court in him lost a brave Courtier The Countrey lost a guide their faults to mend The Campe did loose an expert Souldier The City lost an honourable friend The Schooles a patron their right to defend The Court the Countrey the Schools City For Sidneys death still sing a mournfull dity Now while my princely glory did abound Like rich Lucullus I great feasts did make And was for hospitality renown'd The use of armes I quickly did forsake An easier taske I ment to undertake I tooke no joyes in wounds and broken pates But to carouse and banquet with the States Not Heliogabalus whose dainty fare Did all the Roman Emperours feast exceed In cost and rarenesse might with mine compare Though he on braines of Ostriches did feed And Phenicopteines â—nd that instead Of oyle he us'd his lamps with bâ—lme to fill Such was the pleasure of this tyrants will To me Count Egmounts daughter did resort Of such brave Dames as Flanders still did yeeld That it did rather seeme I came to court A gallant Lady then to pitch a field For I did lay aside the sword and shield At cards and dice I spent the vacant dayes And made great feasts instead of martial fraies But whilst in games and love my time I spent Seeming secure as though I car'd for nought My messengers abroad I daily sent As instruments of my stâ—ll working thought Whereby my purpose oft to pâ—sse I brought And compasse what before I did devise At such a time as no man will surmâ—se Thus great attempts I oft did enterprise Like a Magician â—hat with some fine wile Dazles the sight of the spectators eyes And with illusions doth their sense beguile Such policies my cunning did compile That I before mâ—ns eyes did cast a mist While I perform'd such matters as I list Ye â—hat like apes doe imitate my deeds Hoping thereby like favour to obtaine Know that so high a spiâ—it never breeds In a blunt peasant or unnurtured swâ—ine But in my heart imperious thoughts did reigne No fleâ—matick dull milk-sop can aspire But one compact of th'element of siâ—e He daily must devise some stratagâ—m He must be rich stout liberall and wise The humours of base men he must contemne He must be gracious in the peoplâ—s eyes He should be furnisht with rare qualities With learning judgement policy and wit And such like parts as for the time are fit For every forward fellow is not borne To be a Scipio or a Maximus Unlesse that wisedome doth his state adorne Or valour make his life more glorious Though he be base of birth like Marius Yet he by vertues aid aloft may come Like him that was seven times Consull in Româ— Ventidius name at first was meane and base Till he the Parâ—hians host had overthrowne And Ciâ—ero came not of noble race Borne at Aâ—pinia a poore countâ—y towne Yet he madâ— armes give place unto the gowne And Rome by his great wisdome freed from spoil Call'd him the father of their native soâ—le Perhaps young Courtiers lâ—arne something to sing To skâ—p or dance before their Mistris face To touch like Oâ—pheus some inchanting string To run at â—ilt to jet with stately pace Or by some fine discourse to purchase grace But cannot manage the affaires of State Which best belongs to each great Potentate Listen to me ye lusty Souldiers That in such favour high attempt to grow Experience bred in me this manly yeares Hath taught me cunning which you doe nâ—t know Some precepts here I doe intend to show And if my Syren song please not great Peeres Then mâ—y they with Ulysses stop theâ—r eares Trust not a friend that is new reconcil'd In loves faire shew he may hide foule deceit By hâ—m ye unawares may â—e beguâ—l'd Reveale to none your matters of great waight If any chance to know your lewd conceit Suspected to bewray your bad intent He ought to suffer death