gathering of money from the subject under title of a free gift whereas a fift a sixt a tenth c. was set down and required But my good Lord though divers Shires have given to his Majestie some more some lesse what is this to the Kings debt COUNS. Wee know it well enough but we have many other projects IUST It is true my good Lord but your Lordship will find that when by these you have drawn many petty summes from the subjects and those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered his Majesty being nothing enabled thereby when you shall be forced to demand your great aide the the Countrey will excuse it self in regard of their former payments COUNS. What mean you by the great aide JUST I mean the aide of Parliament COUNS. By Parliament I would fain know the man that durst perswade the King unto it for if it should succeed ill in what case were he JUST You say well for your self my Lord and perchance you that are lovers of your selves under pardon do follow the advice of the late Duke of Alva who was ever opposite to all resolutions in businesse of importance for if the things enterprised succeeded well the advice never came in question if ill whereto great undertakings are commonly subject he then made his advantage by remembring his Countrey Councell But my good Lord these reserved Polititians are not the best servants for he that is bound to adventure his life for his Master is also bound to adventure his advice Keep not back Councell saith Ecclesiasticus When it may do good COUNS. But Sir I speak it not in other respect then I think it dangerous for the King to assemble the three estates for thereby have our former Kings alwayes lost somewhat of their prerogatives And because that you shall not think that I speak it at randome I will begin with elder times wherein the first contention began betwixt the Kings of this land and their subjects in Parliament IUST Your Lordship shall do me a singular favour COUNS. You know that the Kings of England had no formal Parliament till about the 18. year of Hen. the first for in his 17 year for the marriage of his Daughter the King raised a tax upon every hide of land by the advice of his privy Councell alone But you may remember how the subjects soon after the establishment of this Parliament began to stand upon termes with the King and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great Charter JUST Your Lordship sayes well they drew from the King the great Charter by the sword and hereof the Parliament cannot be accused but the Lords COUNS. You say well but it was after the establishment of the Parliament and by colour of it that they had so great daring for before that time they could not endure to hear of Sr. Edwards lawes but resisted the confirmation in all they could although by those lawes the Subjects of this Iland were no lesse free than any of all Europe JUST My good Lord the reason is manifest for while the Normans and other of the French that followed Conquerour made spoyle of the English they would not endure that any thing but the will of the Conquerour should stand for Law but after a difcent or two when themselves were become English and found themselves beaten with their own rods they then began to favour the difference between subjection and slavery and insist upon the Law Meum tuum and to be able to say unto themselves hoc sac vives yea that the conquering English in Ireland did the like your Lordship knowes it better than I. COUNS. I think you guesse aright And to the end the subject may know that being a faithfull servant to his Prince he might enjoy his own life and paying to his Prince what belongs to a Soveraigne the remainder was his own to dispose Henry the first to content his Vassals gave them the great Charter and the Charter of Forrests JUST What reason then had K. Iohn to deny the confirmation COUNS. He did not but he on the contrary confirmed both the Charters with additions required the Pope whom he had them made his superior to strengthen him with a golden Bul. JUST But your honour knowes that it was not long after that he repented himself COUNS. It is rrue and he had reason so to do for the Barons refused to follow him into France as they ought to have done and to say true this great Charter upon which you insist so much was not originally granted Regally aud freely for Henry the first did usurpe the Kingdome and therefore the better to assure himself against Robert his eldest Brother hee flattered the Nobility and people with those Charters Yea King Iohn that confirmed them had the like respect for Arthur Duke of Britain was the undoubted heir of the Crown upon whom Iohn usurped And so to conclude these Charters had their originall from Kings de facto but not de jure JUST But King Iohn confirmed the Charter after the death of his Nephew Arthur when he was then Rex de jure also COUNS. It is true for he durst do no other standing accursed whereby few or none obeyed him for his Nobility refused to follow him into Scotland and he had so grieved the people by pulling down all the Parke pales before harvest to the end his Deere might spoil the corn And by seizing the temporalities of so many Bishopricks into his hands and chiefly for practising the death of the Duke of Britain his Nephew as also having lost Normandy to the French so as the hearts of all men were turned from him IUST Nay by your favour my Lord King Iohn restored K. Edwards Laws after his absolution and wrote his letters in the 15. of his reigne to all Sheriffes countermanding all former oppressions yea this he did notwithstanding the Lords refused to follow him into France COUNS. Pardon me he did not restore King Edwards Lawes then nor yet confirmed the Charters but he promised upon his absolution to doe both but after his return out of France in his 16. year he denyed it because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution his promise being constrained and not voluntary IUST But what think you was hee not bound in honour to performe it COUNS. Certainly no for it was determined the case of King Francis the first of France that all promises by him made whilest he was in the hands of Charles the fift his enemy were void by reason the Judge of honour which tells us he durst doe no other JUST But King Iohn was not in prison COUNS. Yet for all that restraint is imprisonment yea fear it self is imprisonment and the King was subject to both I know there is nothing more Kingly in a King than the performance of his word but yet of a word freely and voluntarily given Neither was the Charter of Henry the first so
Lords A contrained consent is the consent of a Captive and not of a King and therefore there was nothing done their either legally or royally For if it be not properly a Parliament where the subject is not free certainely it can be none where the King is bound for all Kingly rule was taken from the King and twelve Peeres appointed and as some Writers have it 24. Peeres to governe the Realme and therefore the assembly made by Iack Straw and other rebels may aswell be called a Parliament as that of Oxford Principis nomen habere non est esse princeps for thereby was the K. driven not only to compound all quarrels with the French but to have meanes to be revenged on the rebell Lords but he quitted his right to Normandy Anjou and Mayne COUNS. But Sir what needed this extremity seeing the Lords required but the confirmation of the former Charter which was not prejudiciall to the King to grant JUST Yes my good Lord but they insulted upon the King and would not suffer him to enter into his own Castles they put down the Purveyor of the meat for the maintenance of his house as if the King had been a bankrupt and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a Chicken And though there is nothing against the royalty of a King in these Charters the Kings of England being Kings of freemen and not of slaves yet it is so contrary to the nature of a King to be forced even to those things which may be to his advantage as the King had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the Pope and to draw in strangers for his own defence yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended inclusively in all oathes and promises exacted from a Soveraigne COUNS. But you cannot be ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other Nations both for the spoil they make as also because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted JUST It is true my good Lord that there is nothing so dangerous for a King as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals for by that Edward the second and Richard the second lost their Kingdomes and their lives And for calling in of strangers was not King Edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the Rebels in Norfolke Cornwall Oxfordshire and elsewhere Have not the Kings of Scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers against the Kings of England And the King of England at this time had he not bin diverse times assisted by the Kings of Scotland had bin endangered to have been expelled for ever COUNS. But yet you know those Kings were deposed by Parliament JUST Yea my good Lord being Prisoners being out of possession and being in their hands that were Princes of the blood and pretenders It is an old Countrey Proverbe that Might overcomes Right a weak title that weares a strong sword commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weak one otherwise Philip the second had never been Duke of Portugal nor Duke of Millayne nor King of Naples Sicily But good Lord Errores non sunt trahendi in exemplum I speak of regall peaceable and lawfull Parliaments The King at this time was but a King is name for Glocester Leicester and Chichester made choise of other Nine to whom the rule of the Realme was committed and the Prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the Earle of Leicester by giving for his ransome the Countey Pallatine of Chester But my Lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud Earle was he not soon after slain in Evesham was he not left naked in the field and left a shamfull spectacle his head being cut off from his shoulders his privie parts from his body and laid on each side of his nose And did not God extinguish his race after which in a lawfull Parliament at Westminster confirmed in a following Parliament of Westminster were not all the Lords that followed Leycester disinheried And when that fool Glocester after the death of Leycester whom he had formerly forsaken made himself the head of a second Rebellion and called in strangers for which not long before he had cried out against the King was not he in the end after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the Barons the spoil of their Castles and Lordships constrained to submit himself as all the survivers did of which they that sped best payed their fines and ransomes the King reserving his younger Son the Earledomes of Leycester and Derby COUNS. Well Sir we have disputed this King to the grave though it be true that he out-lived all his enemies and brought them to confusion yet those examples did not terrifie their successors but the Earle Marshall and Hereford threatned King Edward the first with a new War IUST They did so but after the death of Hereford the Earle Marshall repented himself and to gain the Kings favour he made him heir of all his Lands But what is this to the Parliament for there was never King of this land had more given him for the time of his raign then Edward the Son of Henry the third had COUNS. How doth that appear JUST In this sort my good Lord in this Kings third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods In his sixt year a twentyeth In his twelfth year a twentyeth in his fourteenth year he had escuage to wit forty shillings of every Knights Fee in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all moveable goods within the Kingdome in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all Church livings in England Scotland and Ireland for six years by agreement from the Pope in his three and twentieth year he raised a taxe upon Wool and fels and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched and all the treasure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers excusing himself by laying the fault upon his Treasurer he had also in the end of the same year of all goods of all Burgesses and of the Commons the 10th part in the 25th year of the Parliament of St. Edmundsbury he had an 18th part of the goods of the Burgesses and of the people in generall the tenth part He had also the same year by putting the Clergie out of his protection a fifth part of their goods and in the same year he set a great taxe upon Woolls to wit from half a marke to 40s upon every sack whereupon the Earle Marshall and the Earle of Hereford refusing to attend the King into Flanders pretended the greevances of the people Put in the end the King having pardoned them and confirmed the great Charter he had the ninth penny of all goods from the Lords and Commons of the Clergie in the South he had the tenth penny and in
you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son This 22. of March from the Isle of Christophers yours Walter Raleigh Yours Walter Raleigh Post-script I Protest before the Majestie of God That as Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise I could willingly do the like did I not contend against sorrow for your sake in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you If I live to return resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Myne and meant it but after my sons death he made them believe he knew not the way and excused himself upon want of water in the River and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound When he came back I told him he had undone me and that my credit was lost for ever he answered That when any son was lost and that he left me so weak that he resolved not to find me alive he had no reason to enrich a companie of Rascals who after my sons death made no account of him He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible and more impossible to have victuall brought them into the Mountains And it is true that the Governour Diego Poloâ—eqe and other four Captains being slain whereof Wat flew one Plessington Waâ—s servant and John of Morocâ—urs one of his men slew other two I say five of them slain in the enterance of the Town the rest went off in a whole bodie and took more care to defend the passages to their Mynes of which they had three within a League of the Town besides a Myne that was about five miles off than they did of the Town it self Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne but when he came to the banck-side to Land and had two of his men slain outright from the bank and six other hurt and Captain Thornix shot in the head of which wound and the accident thereof he hath pined away those twelve weeks Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne the one the death of my son a second the weaknesse of the English and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned and that I rejected all these his Arguments and told him that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State he shut up himself into his Cabbin and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs and finding that he had not prevailed he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died Thus much I have written to Mr Secretarie to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth I did after the sealing break open the Letter again to let you know in brief the state of that business which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland and Silvanus Scoâ—y For the rest there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was for being commanded upon mine Alleagiance to set down not onely the CouÌ„-trey but the very River by which I was to enter it to name my Ships number men and my Artillerie This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies especially to the Governour Palamago of Guiana Elderado and Trinidado of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 16â—7 at Maâ—rill when I had not yet left the Thames which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretarie I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve and one of the Councels The King also sent a Commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of â—nie Regno de Granado è Portricho with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us If were too long to tell you how we were preserved if I live I shall make it known my brains are broken and I cannot write much I live yet and I told you why Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet ran from me at the Granadoes and Wolleston with him so as I have now but five Ships and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat a sabble of idle Rascals which I know will not spare to wound me but I care not I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done that have slept so little and travelled so much my friends will not believe them and for the rest I care not God in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart Sir Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood SIR SInce the death of Kemish it is contessed by the Serjeant Major and others of his inward friends that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the Riverside but because my son was slain my self unpardoned and not like to live he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King they answered that the King though I were not pardoned had granted my heart under the Great Sea He replyed that the grant to me was to no man non Ens in the Law and therefore of no force this discourse they had which I knew not of till after his death but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne I answered him I would not do it but if my self could satisfie the King and State that he had reason not to open it I should be glad of it but for my part I must avow that he knew it and that he might with loss have done it other excuses I would not frame he told me that he would wait on me presently and give me better satisfaction but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin but I heard a Pistol go over my head and sending to know who shot it word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it his boy going into his Cabbin found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him and looking in his face saw him dead the Pistol being but little did but crack his rib but turning him over found a long Knife in his bodie all but the handle Sir I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert a very valiant honest Gentleman divers unworthy persons good for nothing neither by sea
published that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left in deposito in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time and so to his successours Stephen Langthon who was ever a Traytor to the King produced this Charter and shewed it to the Barons thereby encouraging them to make war against the King Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed but they presented unto the King other articles and orders tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth which when the King refused to signe the Barons presently put themselves into the field and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the King word except he confirmed them they would not desist from making war against him till he had satisfied them therein And in conclusion the King being betrayed of all his Nobility in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta and Charta de Forestis at such time as he was invironed with an Army in the Meadowes of Staynes which harters being procured by force Pope Innocent afterward disavowed and threatned to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Soveraigne Lord which when the Lords refused to obey the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence wherewith having mastered and beaten the Barons they called in Lewes of France a most unnaturall resolution to be their King Neither was Magna Charta a Law in the 19. of Henry the 2d but simply a Charter which hee confirmed in the 21. of his reigne and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littletons opinion Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter which had first an obscure birth from usurpation and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion JUST I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Lawes and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudicial to the King doth not your Honour think it reason they should be observed COUNS. Yes and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit for no man is destroyed but by the Lawes of the land no man disseized of his inheritance but by the Lawes of the land imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty for were it otherwise the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Person or state and being imprisoned yet doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land JUST But may it please your Lordship were not Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins imprisoned being no suspition of Treason there COUNS. They were but it cost them nothing JUST And what got the King by it for in the conclusion besides the murmure of the people Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves and repented them a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences for so much their diet cost his Majesty COUNS. I know who gave the advice sure I am that it was none of mine But thus I say if you consult your memory you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta did not onely imprison but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall JUST My good Lord if you will give me leave to speak freely I say that they are not well advised that perswade the King not to admit the Magna Charta with the former reservations For as the King can never lose a farthing by it as I shall prove anon So except England were as Naples is and kept by Garrisons of another Nation it is impossible for a King of England to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly as by the love of his people For by one rebellion the King hath more losse then by a hundred years observance of Magna Charta For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Roagues and Rebels and to pardon them yea the state of the King the Mouarchie the Nobility have been endangered by them COUNS. Well Sir let that passe why should not our Kings raise mony as the Kings of France do by their letters and Edicts onely for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said that he freed the French Kings of their wardship the French Kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution JUST I will tell you why the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry the Pefants of France have no courage nor armes In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle which the French call Chasteau Villain every good City hath a good Cittadell the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay yea the Nobility of France in whom the strength of France consists doe alwayes assist the King in those leavies because themselves being free they made the same leavies upon ther Tennants But my Lord if you marke it France was never free in effect from civill wars and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves since that freedome of Wardship But my good Lord to leave this digression that wherein I would willingly satisfie your Lordship is that the Kings of England have never received losse by Parliament or prejudice COUNS. No Sir you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our Kings in former times JUST My good Lord to avoid confusion I will make a short repitition of them all then your Lordship may object where you see cause And I doubt not but to give your Lordship satisfaction In the sixt year of Henry the 3d there was no dispute the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him to wit for every Knights fee two marks in silver In the fifth year of that King the Lords demaunded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the Kings Councell for that time present excused alleadging that those priviledges were exhorted by force during the Kings Minoritie and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffes of every Countrey requiring them to certifie what those liberties were and how used and in exchange of the Lords demaund because they pressed him so violently the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his and had held in the time of his Father with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown which at that time the King being provided of forces they durst not deny in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him upon condition to confirme the Great Charter For by reason
of the wars in France and the losse of Rochett he was them enforced to consent to the Lords in all they demanded in the tenth of his reigne he fined the City of London at 50000. marks because they had received Lewis of France in the 11. year in the Parliament at Oxford he revoked the great Charter being granted when he was under age and governed by the Earle of Pembroke and the Bishop of Winchester in this 11. year the Earles of Cornewall and Chester Marshall Edward Earle of Pembroke Gilbert Earle of Gloucester Warren Hereford Ferrars and Warwick and others rebelled against the King and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular interest which rebellion being appeased he sayled into France and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality and a disme and a half of the spirituality and withall escuage of every Knights fee. COUNS. But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th of the King where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels he was flatly denyed the Subsidy demanded IUST I confesse my Lord that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty and the Lords taking of Armes in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised aganst the King And was it not so my good Lord think you in our two last Parliaments for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most betrayed him in the union and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter But your Lordship spake of dangers of Parliaments in this my Lord there was a denyall but there was no danger at all but to returne where I left what got the Lords by practizing the house at that time I say that those that brake this staffe upon the King were overturned with the counterbuffe for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority he called all his exacting officers to accompt he found them all faulty he examined the corruption of other Magistrates and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfie his present necessity whereby he not onely spared his people but highly contented them with an act of so great Iustice Yea Hubert Earle of Kent the chief Iustice whom he had most trusted and most advanced was found as false to the King as any one of the rest And for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the States at Lambeth the King had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts for the people who the same year had refused to give the King any thing when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the Common-wealth they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction COUNS. But I pray you what became of this Hubert whom the King had favoured above all men betraying his Majesty as he did IUST There were many that perswaded the King to put him to death but he could not be drawn to consent but the King seized upon his estate which was great yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times For this Majesty though he tooke advantage of his vice yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue And upon this occasion it was that the King betrayed by those whom he most trusted entertained strangers and gave them their offices and the charge of his Castles and strong places in England COUNS. But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Marshall Earle of Pembroke moved war against the King JUST It is true my good Lord but he was soon after slain in Ireland and his whole masculine race ten yeares extinguished though there were five Sons of them and Marshal being dead who was the mover and ring-leader of that war the King pardoned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshall COUNS. What reason had the King so to doe JUST Because he was perswaded that they loved his person and only hated those corrupt Counsellors that then bare the greatest sway under him as also because they were the best men of war he had whom if he destroyed having war with the French he had wanted Commanders to have served him COUNS. But what reason had the Lords to take armes JUST Because the King entertained the Poictovins were not they the Kings vassals also Should the Spaniards rebell because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans Fortagues Millanoies and other Nations his vassals seeing those that are governed by the Vice-royes and deputies are in policy to be well entertained to be employed who would otherwise devise how to free themselves whereas being trusted and imployed by their Prince they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the Kings vassals do if the King had called in the Spaniards or other Nations not his Subjects the Nobilitie of England had reason of grief COUNS. But what people did ever serve the King of England more faithfully then the Gascoynes did even to the last of the conquest of that Duchie IUST Your Lordship sayes well and I am of that opinion that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobilitie into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in Eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds which were consumed in times of those Rebellions For what held the great Gascoigne firme to the Crown of England of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix but his Earldome of Kendall in England whereof the Duke of Espernon in right of his Wife beares the Title to this day And to the same end I take it hath Iames our Soveraign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland And if I were worthy to advise your Lordship I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service to put him in mind to prohibite all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here for they selling they not only give cause to the English to complain that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland but his Majestie is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one and of assuring the service and obedience of the Scots in future COUNS. You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the Kings Majesties will no doubt serve him faithfully yet how their heires and successors having no inheritance to lose in England may be seduced is uncertain But let us go on with our Parliament And what say you to the denyall in the 26th year of his reigne even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earle of March who had married his Mother and who promised to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost IUST It is true my good Lord that a subsidie was then denied and the reasons are
relief the one half of the Woolls throughout England and of the Clergy all their Woolls after which in the end of the year he had granted in his Parliament at Westminster forty shillings upon every sack of Wooll and for every 30 wooll fels forty shillings for every last of leatherne as much and for all other merchandizes after the same rate The King promising that this years gathering ended he would thenceforth content himself with the old custome he had over and above this great aide the eight part of all goods of all Citizens and Burgesses and of other as of forreigne Merchants and such as lived not of the gain of breeding of sheep and cattell the fifteenth of their goods Nay my Lord this was not all though more then ever was granted to any King for the same Parliament bestowed on the King the ninth sheaf of all the corn within the Land the ninth fleece and the ninth lambe for two years next following now what think your Lordship of this Parliament COUNS. I say they were honest men IUST And I say the people are as loving to their King now as ever they were if they be honestly and wisely dealt withall and so his Majesty hath found them in his last two Parliaments if his Majestie had not been betrayed by those whom he most trusted COUNS. But I pray you Sir who shall a King trust if he may not rust those whom he hath so greatly advanced JUST I will tell your Lordship whom the King may trust COUNS. Who are they IUST His own reason and his own excellent Iudgement which have not deceived him in any thing wherein his Majesty hath been pleased to exercise them Take Councell of thine heart saith the book of Wisedome for there is none more faithfull unto thee then it COUNS. It is true but his Majesty found that those wanted no judgement whom he trusted and how could his Majestie divine of their honesties JUST Will you pardon me if I speak freely for if I speak out of love which as Solomon saith covereth all trespasses The truth is that his Majestie would never beleeve any man that spake against them and they knew it well enough which gave them boldnesse to do what they did COUNS. What was that JUST Even my good Lord to ruine the Kings estate so far as the state of so great a King may be ruin'd by men ambitious and greedy without proportion It had been a brave increase of revenue my Lord to have raysed 50000l land of the Kings to 20000l revenue and to raise the revenue of wards to 20000l more 40000l added to the rest of his Majesties estate had so enabled his Majestie as he could never have wanted And my good Lord it had been an honest service to the King to have added 7000l lands of the Lord Cobhams Woods and goods being worth 30000l more COUNS. I know not the reason why it was not done JUST Neither doth your Lordship perchance know the reason why the 10000l offer'd by Swinnerton for a fine of the French wines was by the then Lord Treasurer conferr'd on Devonshire and his Mistris COUNS. What moved the Treasurer to reject and crosse that raising of the Kings lands JUST The reason my good Lord is manifest for had the land been raised then had the King known when he had given or exchanged land what he had given or exchanged COUNS. What hurt had been to the Treasurer whose Office is truely to informe the King of the value of all that he giveth JUST So he did when it did not concerne himself nor his particular for he could never admit any one peece of a good Manour to passe in my Lord Aubignes book of 1000l and till he himself had bought and then all the remaining flowers of the Crowne were called out Now had the Treasurer suffer'd the Kings lands to have been raised how could his Lordship have made choice of the old â—ents as well in that book of my Lord Aubigne as in exchange of Theobalds or which he took Hatfield in it which the greatest subject or favorite Queen Elizabeth had never durst have named unto her by way of gift or exchange Nay my Lord so many other goodly Mannors have passed from his Majestie as the very heart of the Kingdome mourneth to remember it and the eyes of the Kingdome shedde teares continually at the beholding it yea the soul of the Kingdome is heavy unto death with the consideration thereof that so magnanimous a Prince should suffer himself to be so abused COUNS. But Sir you know that Cobhams lands were entayled upon his Cofens JUST Yea my Lord but during the lives and races of George Prook his children it had been the Kings that is to say for ever in effect but to wrest the King and to draw the inheritance upon himself he perswaded his Majestie to relinquish his interest for a pretty summe of mony and that there might be no counterworking he sent Prook 6000 l. to make friends whereof Lord Hume had 2000l back again Buckhurst and Barwick had the other 4000 l. and the Treasurer and his heires the masse of land forever COUNS. What then I pray you came to the King by this great consiscation IUST My Lord the Kings Majestie by all those goodly possessions Woods and goods looseth 500l by the year which he giveth in pension to Cobham to maintain him in prison COUNS. Certainly even in conscience they should have reserved so much of the land in the Crown as to have given Cobham meat and apparell and not made themselves so great gainers and the King 500l per annum looser by the bargain but it 's past Consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt JUST Take the rest of the Sentence my Lord Sed consilium versatur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate It is yet my good Lord in potestate Regis to right himself But this is not all my Lord And I fear me knowing your Lordships love to the King it would put you in a feaver to hear all I will therefore go on with my Parliaments COUNS. I pray do so and amongst the rest I pray you what say you to the Parliament holden at Iondon in the fifteenth year of King Edward the third IUST I say there was nothing concluded therein to the prejudice of the king It is true that a little before the sitting of the house the King displaced his Chancellour and his Treasurer and most of all his Iudges and Officers of the Exchequer and committed many of them to prison because they did not supply him with money being beyond the Seas for the rest the States assembled besought the King that the Lawes of the two Charters might be observed and that the great Officers of the Crowne might be chosen by Parliament COUNS But what successe had these petitions IUST The Charters were observed as before and so they will be ever and the other petition was rejected the King being
condition that for one whole year no subsedies should be demanded but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made for in the end of that year the great subsedy of Poll mony was granted in the Parliament at Northampton COUNS. Yea but there followed the terrible Rebellion of Baker Straw and others Leister Wrais and others IUST That was not the fault of the Parliament my Lord it is manifest that the subsedy given was not the cause for it is plain that the bondmen of England began it because the were girevously prest by their Lords in their tenure of Villenage as also for the hatred they bate to the Lawyers and Atturneyes for the story of those times say that they destroyed the houses and Mannors of men of Law such Lawyers as they caught slew them and beheaded the Lord chief Iustice which commotion being once begun the head mony was by other Rebels pretended A fire is often kindled with a little straw which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber consumes the whole building And that this Rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves whereof there have been many in Elder times the like is manifest by the Charter of Manumission which the King granted in hec verba Rich. Dei gratid c. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissimus c. to which seeing the King was constrained by force of armes he revoked the letters Pattents and made them voide the same revocation being strengthened by the Parliament ensuing in which the King had given him a subsedy upon Woolls called a Maletot In the same fourth year was the Lord Treasurer discharged of his Office and Hales Lord of St. Iohns chosen in his place in his fift year was the Treasurer again changed and the Staffe given to Segrave and the Lord Chancellour was also changed and the staffe given to the Lord Scroope Which Lord Scroope was again in the beginning of his sixt year turned off and the King after that he had for a while kept the Seal in his own hand gave it to the Bishop of London from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the Earle of Suffolke who they say had abused the King and converted the Kings Treasure to his own use To this the King condiscended and though saith Walsingham he deserved to loose his life and goods yet he had the favour to go at liberty upon good sureties and because the King was but young that the reliefe granted was committed to the trust of the Earle of Arundell for the furnishing of the Kings Navy against the French COUNS. Yet you see it was a dishonour to the King to have his beloved Chancellour removed IUST Truly no for the King had both his fine 1000l lands and asubsedy to boot And though for the present it pleased the King to fancy a man all the world hated the Kings passion overcomming his judgement yet it cannot be call'd a dishonour for the King is to believe the generall counsell of the Kingdome and to preser it before his affection especially when Suffolke was proved to be false even to the King for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzie and a madnesse for it is the nature of humane passions that the love bred by fidelity doth change it self into hatred when the fidelity is first changed into falshood COUNS. But you see there were thirteen Lords chosen in the Parliament to have the oversight of the government under the King IUST No my Lord it was to have the oversight of those Officers which saith the story had imbezeled lewdly wasted and prodigally spent the Kings Treasure for to the Commission to those Lords or to any six of them joyn'd with the Kings Counsell was one of the most royall and most profitable that ever he did if he had bin constant to himself But my good Lord man is the cause of his own misery for I will repeat the substance of the commission granted by the King and confirmed by Parliament which whether it had bin profitable for the King to have prosecured your Lordship may judge The preamble hath these words Whereas our Sovereigne Lord the King perceiveth by the grievous complaints of the Lords and Commons of this Realme that the rents profits and revenues of this Realme by the singular and insufficient Councell and evill government as well of some his late great Officers and others c. are so much withdrawen wasted given granted alienated destroyed and evill dispended that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods and the substance of the Crown so much diminished and destroyed that his estate may not honorably be sustained as appertaineth The King of his free will at the request of the Lords and Commons hath ordained William Archbishop of Canterbury and others with his Chancellour Treasurer keeper of his privy seal to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house c. as of all the rents and profits and revenues that to him appertaineth and to be due or ought to appertain and be due c. And all manner of gifts grants alienations and confirmations made by him of lands tenements rents c. bargained and sold to the prejudice of him and his Crown c. And of his jewels goods which were his Grandfathers at the time of his death c. and where they be become This is in effect the substance of the commission which your Lordship may read at large in the book of Statutes this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the Kings reigne Now if such a commission were in these dayes granted to the faithfull men that have no interest in the sales gifts nor purchases nor in the keeping of the jewells at the Queens death nor in the obtaining grants of the Kings best lands I cannot say what may be recovered and justly recovered and what say your Lordship was not this a noble act for the King if it had been followed to effect COUNS. I cannot tell whether it were or no for it gave power to the Commissiouers to examine all the grants IUST Why my Lord doth the King grant any thing that shames at the examination are not the Kings grants on record COUNS. But by your leave it is some dishonour to a King to have his judgement called in question IUST That is true my Lord but in this or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future the Kings judgement is not examined but their knavery that abused the King Nay by your favour the contrary is true that when a King will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows by himself raised therein both the judgement and courage is disputed And if your Lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands much more ought the great heart of a King to disdain it And surely my Lord it is a greater treason though it undercreep the law to tear from the
Crown the ornaments thereof And it is an infalliable maxime that he that loves not his Majesties estate loves not his person COUNS. How came it then that the act was not executed IUST Because these against whom it was granted perswaded the King to the contrary as the Duke of Ireland Suffolk the chief Iustice Tresilian and others yea that which was lawfully done by the King and the great Councell of the kingdome was by the mastery which Ireland Suffolk and Tresilian had over the Kings affections broken and disavowed Those that devised to relieve the King not by any private invention but by generall Councell were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors and the most honest Iudges of the land enforced to subscribe to that judgement In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk when he was constrained to set his hand plainly told these Lords that he wanted but a rope that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription And in this Councell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King of the Iudges by them constrained of the Lords that loved the King and sought a reformation and of the King himself for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires that the people would not fight against the Lords whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King when the Citizens of London made the same answer being at that time able to arme 50000. men and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends and defenders of the Realme when the Lord Ralph Passet who was near the King told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands pleasure when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings presence that he was not worthy to live c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate lay ambushes to intrap the Lords when they came upon his faith yea when all was pacified and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords and promised to produce Ireland Suffolk and the Archbishop of Yorke Tresiltan and Bramber to answer at the next Parliament these men confest that they durst not appear and when Suffolk fled to Callice and the Duke of Ireland to Chester the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords ranne like a coward from his company and fled into Holland After this was holden a Parliament which was called that wrought wonders In the Eleventh year of this King wherein the fornamed Lords the Duke of Ireland and the rest were condemned and confiscate the Chief Iustice hanged with many others the rest of the Iudges condemned and banisht and a 10. and a 15. given to the King COUNS. But good Sir the King was first besieged in the Tower of London and the Lords came to the Parliament and no man durst contradict them IUST Certainly in raising an army they committed treason and though it appear that they all loved the King for they did him no harm having him in their power yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King not attending the sequell And it is so judged upon good reason for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent And besides those Lords used too great cruelty in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the Kings servants who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord in that he commanded COUNS. It is true and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death seeing the principalls Ireland Suffolk and York had escaped them And what reason had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand was not the Kings estate as dear to himself as to them He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private and gives him the best advice he is discharged before God and his own conscience The Lords might have â—â—tired themselves when they saw they could not prevail and have left the King to his own wayes who had more to lose then they had IUST My Lord the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares and being wholly governed by their enemies and the enemies of the kingdome and because by those evil mens perswasions it was advised how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies But we will passe it over go on with our parliaments that followed whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged saith H. Kinghton his Treasurer his Chancellour the Iustices of either bench the Clerk of the privy seal and others and took the government into his own hands He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s and 6d in the gound upon other Merchandise COUNS. But by your leave the King was restrained this parliament that he might not dispose of but a third part of the money gathered IUST No my Lord by your favour But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands and my Lord it would be a great ease and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes by which he might have 1000l upon every 10000l and save himself a great deale of clamour For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary then to discontent those poor men who being made desperate beggars may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements especially where the necessity of such as are to receive cannot possible give dayes his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for and then dispose the rest at his pleasure And my good Lord
how excellently and easily might this have been done if the 400000l had been raised as aforesaid upon the Kings lands and wards I say that his Majesties House his Navy his guards his pensioners his munition his Ambassadors and all else of ordinary charge might have been defrayed and a great summe left for his Majesties casuall expences and rewards I will not say they were not in love with the Kings estate but I say they were unfortunately borne for the King that crost it COUNS. Well Sir I would it had been otherwise But for the assignments there are among us that will not willingly indure it Charity begins with it self shall we hinder our selves of 50000l per annum to save the King 20 No Sir what will become of our New years gifts our presents and gratuities We can now say to those rhat have warrants for money that there is not a penny in the Exchequer but the King gives it away unto the Scots faster then it comes in IUST My Lord you say well at least you say the truth that such are some of our answers and hence comes that generall murmure to all men that have money to receive I say that there is not a penny given to that nation be it for service or otherwise but is spread over all the kingdome yea they gather notes and take copies of all the privy seals and warrants that his Majesty hath given for the money for the Scots that they may shew them in Parliament But of his Majesties gifts to the English there is no bruit though they may be tenne times as much as the Scots And yet my good Lord howsoever they be thus answered that to them sue for money out of the Echequer it is due to them for 10. or 12. or 20. in the hundred abated according to their qualities that shew they are alwaies furnished For conclusion if it would please God to put into the Kings heart to make their assignations it would save him many a pound and gain him many a prayer and a great deal of love for it grieveth every honest mans heart to see the abundance which even the petty officers in the Exchequer and others gather both from the king and subject and to see a world of poore men runne after rhe King for their ordinary wages COUNS. Well well did you never hear this old tale that when there was a great contentation about the weather the Seamen complaining of contrary windes when those of the high Countreys desired rain and those of the valleys sunshining dayes Iupiter sent them word by Mercury then when they had all done the weather should be as it had been And it shall ever fall out so with them that complain the course of payments shall be as they have been what care we what petty fellows say or what care we for your papers have not we the Kings eares who dares contest with us though we cannot be revenged on such as you are for telling the truth yet upon some other pretence wee 'le clap you up and you shall sue to us ere you get out Nay wee 'le make you confesse that you were deceived in your projects and eat your own words learn this of me Sir that as a little good fortune is better then a great deal of virtue so the least authority hath advantage over the greatest wit was he not the wisest man that said the battel was not the strongest nor yet bread for the wise nor riches to men of understanding nor favour to men of knowledge but what time and chance came to them all IUST It is well for your Lordship that it is so But Qu Elizabeth would set the reason of a mean man before the authority of the greatest Councellor she had and by her patience therein she raised upon the usuall and ordinary customes of London without any new imposition above 50000l a year for though the Treasurer Burleigh and the Earle of Leicester and Secretary Walshingham all three pensioners to Customer Smith did set themselves against a poor waiter of the Custome-house called Carwarden and commanded the groomes of the privy Chamber not to give him accesse yet the Queen sent for him and gave him countenance against them all It would not serve the turn my Lord with her when your Lordships would tell her that the disgracing her great officers by hearing the complaints of busie heads was a dishonour to her self but she had alwayes this answer That if any men complain unjustly against a Magistrate it were reason he should be severely punished if justly shee was Queen of the small as well as of the great and would hear their complaints For my good Lord a Prince that suffereth himself to be besieged forsaketh one of the greatest regalities belonging to a Monarchie to wit the last appeal or as the Trench call it le dernier resort COUNS. Well Sir this from the matter I pray you go on IUST Then my Lord in the Kings 15. year he had a tenth and a fifteen graunted in Parliament of London And that same year there vvas a great Councell called at Stamford to vvhich diverse men vvere sent for of diverse counties besides the Nobility of vvhich the King took advice vvhether he should continue the vvar or make a finall end vvith the French COUNS. What needed the King to take the advice of any but of his ovvn Councell in matter of peace or vvarre IUST Yea my Lord for it is said in the Proverbs where are many counsellers there is health And if the King had made the vvarre by a generall consent the Kingdome in generall vvere bound to maintain the vvarre and they could not then say when the King required aid that he undertook a needlesse vvarre COUNS. You say vvell but I pray you go on IUST After the subsedy in the 15. yeare the King desired to borrovv 10000l of the Londoners vvhich they refused to lend COUNS. And vvas not the King greatly troubled there vvith IUST Yea but the King troubled the Londoners soon aftar for the king took the advantage of a ryot made upon the Bishop of Salisbury his men sent for the Major and other the ablest citizens comitted the Major to prison in the Castle of Windsor and others to other castles and made a Lord Warden of this citie till in the end vvhat vvith 10000l ready money and other rich presents instead of lending 10000l it cost them 2000l Betvveen the fifteenth yeare and tvventieth yeare he had tvvo aides given him in the Parliaments of Winchester and Westminster and this later vvas given to furnish the Kings journey into Ireland to establish that estate vvhich vvas greatly shaken since the death of the Kings Grandfather vvho received thence yearly 30000l and during the Kings stay in Ireland he had a 10th and a 5th granted COUNS. And good reason for the King had in his army 4000. horse and 30000. foot IUST That by your favour vvas the Kings savity for great armies do
Hold you contented Sir the King needs no great disswasion IUST My Lord learn of me that â—here is none of you all than can â—erce the King It is an essentiall property of a man truely wise not to oâ—en all the boxes of his bosome even â—o those that are near'st dear'st unto him for when a man is discovered to the very bottome he is after the lesse esteemed I dare undertake that when your Lordship hath served the King twice twelve years more you will find that his Majesty hath reserved somewhat beyond all your capacities his Majesty hath great reason to put off the Parliament at his last refuge and in the mean time to make tryall of all your loves to serve him for his Majesty hath had good experience how well you can serve your selves But when the King finds that the building of your own fortunes and factions hath been the diligent studies and the service of his Majesty but the exercises of your leasures He may then perchance cast himself upon the generall love of his people of which I trust he shall never be deceived and leave as many of your Lordships as have pilfered from the Crown to their examination COUNS. Well Sir I take no great pleasure in this dispute goe on pray IUST In that Kings 5th year he had also a subsedy which is got by holding the house together from Easter to Christmas and would not suffer them to depart He had also a subsedy in his ninth year In his eleventh year the commons did again presse the King to take all the temporalities of the Church men into his hands which they proved sufficient to maintain 150. Earls 1500. Knights and 6400. Esquiers with a hundred hospitals but they not prevailing gave the king a subsedy As for the notorious Prince Henry the fift I find that he had given him in his second year 300000. markes and after that two other subsedies one in his fifth year another in his ninth without any disputes In the time of his successor Henry the sixt there were not many subsedies In this third year he had a subsedy of a Tunnage and poundage And here saith Iohn Stow began those payements which we call customes because the payement was continued whereas before that time it was granted but for a year two or three according to the Kings occasions He had also an ayde gathering of money in his fourth year and the like in his tenth year and in his thirteenth year a 15th He had also a fifteenth for the conveying of the Queen out of France into England In the twenty eight year of that King was the act of Resumption of all honours towns castles Signeuries villages Manors lands tenements rents reversions fees c. But because the wages of the Kings servants were by the strictness of the act also restrained this act of Resumption was expounded in the Parliament at Reading the 31th year of the Kings reigne COUNS. I perceive that those 〈◊〉 of Resumption were ordinary in former times for King Stephen resumed the lands which in former times he had given to make friends during the Civill wars And Henry the second resumed all without exception which King Stephen had not resumed for although King Stephen took back a great deal yet he suffered his trustiest servants to enjoy his gift IUST Yes my Lord and in after times also for this was not the last nor shall be the last I hope And judge you my Lord whether the Parliaments doe not only serve the King whatsoever is said to the contrary for as all King Henry the 6. gifts graunts were made void by the Duke of York when he was in possession of the Kingdome by Parliament So in the time of K. H. when K. Edw. was beaten out again the Parliament of Westminster made all his acts voyd made him and all his followers traytors and gave the King many of their heads lands The Parliaments of England do alwayes serve the King in possession It served Rich. the second to condemne the popular Lords It served Bollingbrooke to depose Rich. When Edw. the 4. had the Scepter it made them all beggars that had followed H. the 6. And it did the like for H. when Edw. was driven out The Parliaments are as the friendship of this world is which alwayes followeth prosperity For King Edw. the 4. after that he was possessed of the Crown he had in his 13. year a subsedy freely given him and in the year following he took a benevolence through England which arbitrary taking from the people served that ambitious traytor the Duke of Bucks After the Kings death was a plausible argument to perswade the multitude that they should not permit saith Sir Thomas Moore his line to raigne any longer upon them COUNS. Well Sir what say you to the Parliament of Richard the third his time IUST I find but one and therein he made diverse good Laws For King Henry the seventh in the beginning of his third year he had by Parliament an ayde granted unto him towards the relief of the Duke of Brittain then assailed by the French King And although the King did not enter into the warre but by the advice of the three estates who did willingly contribute Yet those Northern men which loved Richard the third raised rebellion under colour of the money impos'd and murthered the Earle of Northumberland whom the King employed in that Collection By which your Lordship sees that it hath not been for taxes and impositions alone that the ill disposed have taken Armes but even for those payments which have been appointed by Parliament COUNS. And what became of these Rebels IUST They were fairly hang'd the money levied notwithstanding in the Kings first year he gathered a marvailous great masse of money by a benevolence taking pattern by this kind of levie from Edw. 4th But the King caused it first to be moved in Parliament where it was allowed because the poorer sort were therein spared Yet it is true that the King used some art for in his Letters he declared that he would measure every mans affections by his gifts In the thirteenth year he had also a subsedy whereupon the Cornish men took Armes as the Northern men of the Bishoprick had done in the third year of the King COUNS. It is without example that ever the people have rebelled for any thing granted by Parliament save in this Kings dayes IUST Your Lordship must consider that he was not over much beloved for he took many advantages upon the people and the Nobility both COUNS. And I pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laid by the Kings Majesty do they say that they are justly or unjustly laid IUST To Impose upon all things brought into the Kingdome is very ancient which imposing when it hath been continued a certain time is then called Customes because the subjects are accustomed to pay it and yet the great taxe upon wine is