King Alphonso the Emperor was surpriz'd at the Splendour and Magnificence of that Court affirming That he had not seen the like in all that Part of Asia or Europe which he had travell'd through in his Voyage to the Holy Land Such was then â—he Grandeur of one King of Castile though distracted with Civil Wars and the greatest part of his Kingdom possess'd by the Moors There are some Authors affirm That there was in this Kingdom in the time of the Holy War against the Heathens a Rendezvouz of a Hundred Thousand Foot Ten Thousand Horse and Sixty Thousand Waggons and that King Alphonso III. daily paid both the Soldiers Captains and Generals according to their Office and Quality These vast Expences and Provisions which at present seem incredible the single Kingdom of Castile could afford nay and at the same time maintain'd a greater Number of Enemies without the Assistance of Foreign Riches until a certain Biscayner roving upon the Sea by fortune got a sight of this New World either unknown to or forgotten by the Ancients and preserv'd for the Honour of Columbus who after the Death of this Spaniard diligently considering the Observations that he the first Discoverer had made undertook to demonstrate the Discovery of the Provinces which Nature seem'd designedly to separate from us by Mountainous Waves He communicated this his Project to several Princes hoping by their Assistance to facilitate his great and difficult Enterprize But all slighted it as vain and notionary Which if they had done through Prudence and Caution and not Distrust and Misbelief they had merited the same Praise which Carthage gain'd of old which when some Sailors were boasting in the Senate of the Discovery of a wonderful Rich and Delicious Island supposed to be Hispaniola caus'd 'em immediately to be put to Death thinking the Discovery of such an Island would be of more Detriment than Advantage to the Commonwealth Columbus at last applies himself to Their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella whose Generous Spirits capable of many Worlds could not be content with one alone So that having received necessary Assistance he put to Sea and after a tedious and hazardous Voyage in which he encounter'd as great Danger from the Diffidence of his Companions as from the Sea it self he at last return'd to Spain laden with Gold and Silver The People flock'd to the Shore of Guadalquivir to admire these precious Products of the Earth brought to light by the Indians and thither by the Valour and Industry of their Countrymen But this great Plenty of them soon perverted all Things the Husbandman soon leaves Plough gets into his Embroider'd Silks and begins to be more curious of his Tawny Sun-burnt Hands the Merchant steps from his Counter into his Sedan and lolls it lazily about the Streets Workmen disdain their Tools and all forsooth must now turn Gentlemen No Money is current now but Silver and Gold and our Coin being wholly unmix'd and pure is coveted and desired by all Nations Gold and Silver now growing common all Things raise their Price In fine It befel our Kings as it did the Emperor Nero whom a certain African put a Trick upon telling him in his Grounds he had found a vast Treasure which he believ'd Queen Dido had buried there either lest too much Riches should enervate the Minds of her Subjects or lest they should invite others to Invade her Kingdom Which the Emperor giving credit to and thinking himself already sure of the Treasure squander'd away the Old Stock upon the Hope of these New-found Riches The Expectation of Riches being the cause of the Publick Want 10 Et divitiarum expectatio inter causas paupertatis publicae erat Tac. 16. Annal. Cheated by the same Hopes we were persuaded that we had no more need of fix'd and standing Treasuries but think our Ships sufficient not considering that all our Power depends upon the Uncertainty of the Winds and Seas as Tiberius said the Lives of the Romans did because their Provisions were all brought them from Foreign Provinces 11 At hercule nemo refert quod Italia externâ—e opis indiget quòd vita populi Romani per incerta maris tempestatum quotidie vivitur Tac. 3. Annal. Which Hazard Aleto consider'd when dissuading Godfredo from going to the Holy Wars he said * Tasso Shall then your Life upon the Winds depend And as Mens Hopes are generally above their Estates 12 Sâ—epe enim de facultatibus suis amplius quam in his est sperant homines Justin. Instit. quibus ex causis man § in fraudem State and Pomp encreases the Salaries Wages and other Charges of the Crown are enlarged out of Confidence and Expectations of these Foreign Riches which being afterwards ill and negligently managed were not sufficient to defray such Expences and this made way for Debts and those for Usury and Interest Necessity daily encreas'd and occasion'd new Expences But nothing was so prejudicial to the Publick as the Alteration of the Coin which though not consider'd should be preserv'd in as much Purity as Religion it self the Kings Alphonso the Wise Alphonso XI and Henry II. who did offer to alter it endanger'd both themselves and Kingdoms and their Misfortunes ought to have been a Warning to us But when Ills are fatal neither Experience nor Example can move us King Philip II. deaf to all these Cautions doubled the Value of Copper Coin which was before convenient for common Use and answerable to bigger Money Foreigners coming to understand the Value that the Royal Stamp gave to this paultry Metal began to Traffick with nothing else bringing us in vast quantities of Copper ready Coin'd in Exchange for our Gold Silver and other Merchandise Which did us more Damage than if all the Monsters and venomous Serpents of Africa had been brought among us And the Spaniards who us'd to ridicule the Rhodians for their Copper Money became themselves the Jest and Laughing-stock of the whole World Trade was ruin'd by this troublesome scoundrel Metal all things grew dearer and by degrees scarcer as in the time of Alphonso the Wise. Buying and Selling ceas'd and at the same time the Revenues of the Crown were diminish'd so that new Impositions and Taxes were unavoidable whence for want of Commerce the Wealth of Castile was spent and the same Inconveniencies renew'd proceeding one from another in a pernicious Circle which will at last prove our Ruine unless a Remedy be timely apply'd by reducing that king of Money to its former and intrinsick Value Who would not think that this World must be subdu'd by the Riches and Wealth of the other And yet we see there were greater Exploits perform'd formerly by pure Valour than since by all these Riches as Tacitus observ'd in the time of Vitellius 13 Vires luxu corrumpebantur contra veterem disciplinam instituta majorum apud quos virtute quam pecunia res Rom. melius stetit Tac. 2. Hist.
Sonat vitium percussa malignè Respondet viridi non cocta fideliâ— limo Speech is the minds Countenance by that is discovered whether it be sound or not 2 Oratiâ— vultus aniâ—â— est si cirâ—umtoâ—sa est fucata manufâ—cta oâ—tendiâ— illum non esse 〈◊〉 habere aliquid â—racti Sen Episâ— 115. To represent this I have made use of another nobler Emblem and more accommodated to the Subject 't is a Bell the true Emblem of a Prince for as that is hung up in the most eminent place of the City it times and regulates all the Citizens Actions and if the Metal be not good or it has any other fault in 't 't is by its Sound presently discerned 3 Vas fictilâ— ictu sono hâ—mo sernione pâ—oâ—atuâ— Meliss Serm 48. Tom. â— Bâ—bl So a Prince is a kind of general Clock to all his Subjects who in a great measure depend as I may say upon the Motion of his Words and by them he either gets or loses a Reputation every one giving himself to gueâ—s at his Genius Wit and Inclinations by his Discourse Not a Word escapes his Hearers each one makes a deep Impression on their Memory they are repeated to others and exposed to the Censure of all who usually put various Constructions upon them as they think fit Nay even what comes from him in private and unawares passes for profound and mysterious and not for casual and accidental It were therefore very proper for them not to be extemporary but premeditated 4 A Fool travaileth with a Word as a Woman in labour of â— Child Eccles. 19. 11. not spoken without a previous Consideration of all the Circumstances of Time Place and Persons For Nescit vox missa reverti as Horace says seconded by King Alphonso For this reason all Men especially a King ought to take great care of his Words before he utters them for when they are once out of the Moâ—th there is no Man can recal them †L. 1. tit 4. part 2. Whence may arise very great Inconveniences for the Words of Kings are the principal Instruments of Government 5 Where the Word of a King is there is power Eccl. 8. 4. Death and Life are in the Power of the Tongue 6 Death and Life are iâ— the Power of the Tâ—ngue Prov. 18. 21. as also the Honour and Ignominy the Prosperity and Ruin of Subjects This made Aristotle when he sent Callisthenes to Alexander the Great advise him to talk little with him and only upon agreeable Subjects for that 't was a dangerous thing to Treat with one who carried the Power of Life and Death at his Tongues end There 's not a Word comes from a Prince's Mouth without a peculiar Emphasis Is it about Business they are Commands if of Crimes they are Sentences if of Promises Obligations by his Words he is either obeyed or disobeyed Let Princes therefore take care how they use this Tongue of theirs which Nature has not meerly by chance fenced and inclosed with as it were a Wall of Teeth nor is there less need of a Bridle for the Tongue than for a Horse 7 Eccl. 28. 29. 'T is it is true one of the least Members of the Body but 't is like the Rudder of a Ship on whose Motion the loss or safety of the whole Vessel depends The Tongue is placed in a wet place and so easily slips unless stai'd by Prudence Hence that Prayer of David Set a Watch O Lord before my Mouth keep the Door of my Lips 8 Psalm 140. 3. For a Prince to condescend to a familiar Conversation with any one lessens his Character prostitutes his Authority and brings many other Inconveniences upon him unless he do it for Information for every Man desires to have a wise Prince and one that understands his Affairs very well which is next to an impossibility for a Prince can't know all things 9 Neque â—â—sse Principem sua scientia cuncta complecti Tac 3. Ann. and if he answer in the least from the purpose he shall be presently condemned for Insufficiency or Negligence Besides that Princes Talents and Endowments very rarely answer the generally received Opinion of them therefore to avoid the danger of this the Roman Emperors chose to Treat with their Subjects by Notes and give them Answers in Writing as well to get time for Deliberation as because the Pen is less subject to mistake than the Tongue for this can't handsomely defer an Answer that can Sejanus however great a Favourite of Tiberius's conferr'd only with him by way of Memorial 10 Componit ad Caesareni codicillâ—s moâ—is quippe tum erat quamquam praesentem scâ—ipto adiâ—e Tac. 4. Ann. There are however some Affairs which may be better treated of by Word of Mouth particularly when thereâ—s something of danger in leaving ones Sentiments in anothers hands which are a kind of perpetual Evidence and more liable to be wrested to different meanings than Words which as they quickly pass and stick not deep in the Memory are not so easily actionable But whether a Prince gives his Answers this or the other way he should always remember that brevity is the most prudent and most becoming a Princes Majesty 11 Multum brevi sermone inest â—rudeâ—tiae Sopnâ—cl Hence Tacitus gives that Epithet Imperial to Brevity 12 Imperatoria brevitâ—â—e Tac 1. Hist. You should use the Tongue as your Sword that is not lay your self too open to your Adversary he that discloses his whole Mind exposes himself to Danger Concise Discourses have the greatest Efficacy and leave most room for Reflection Nothing 's so like a King as to talk little and hear much Nor is it less requisite for him to know how to be silent than how to speak In this Men are our Masters In that God himself who always injoyns Silence in his Mysteries He resembles the Divinity most who has learnt to hold his Peace Even a fool when he holdeth his peace is counted wise and he that shutteth his Lips is esteemed a Man of understanding 13 Proâ— cap. 17. The heart of fools is in their mouth but the mouth of the wise is in their heart 14 Eccles 21. 29 This is Prudence to avoid both Extreams for each has its danger All to Talk or none Are distant and yet neighbouring Faults Auson 'T is then only convenient to speak when Silence prejudices either the Prince or Truth Majesty by a Nod only sufficiently explains its self Silence well-timed is in Princes great Eloquence and a grave and modest Carriage are usually more significantly expressive of one's Thoughts than Words themselves But if one's obliged to use these at any time they ought to be sincere and with liberty in thinking becoming a King Your free Conceptions dress in plain Words Tass. For by too many Asseverations Oaths and unnecessary Proofs they either quite lose their Credit or at least are
afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success though he saw his States ruined and the King of Sweden and Frederick Count Palatine in his Palace of Monaca a Fabrick worthy so great a Prince and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two Let Envy and the fickleness of Times divide and dash into never so many pieces the Glass of tates yet in every of them however small Majesty will remain entire Whoever is born to a Scepter ought not to be chang'd at any Event or Accident whatever nor think any so grievous and insupportable as for it to abâ—â—don himself and dissemble the Person he bears King Peter even when he fell into the Hands of his Brother and deadly Enemy conceal'd not who he was may when it was question'd if it were he or not he cried out aloud It is I it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them as it was with Porus King of the Indies who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great and demanded how he would be treated Made answer Like a King And when Alexander ask'd him whether he desired nothing more He replied That Word comprehends all Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander that he not only restored his Kingdom but gave him other Countries besides To yield to Adversity is as it were to side with it Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor either because it renders his Triumph more glorious or because such is the intrinsick Energy of Virtue The Mind is not subject to Violence nor has Fortune any Power over it The Emperor Charles the Fifth used severe Threats to Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony to oblige him to Surrender the Dutchy of Wirtemburg To which his Answer was His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast Which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater Danger for it happened as he was playing at Chess with Ernest Duke of Brunswick he heard Senâ—â—nce of Death was pass'd upon him which he receiv'd with no more Trouble than if the News had not concern'd him but chearfully bid the Duke play on which generous Carriage wiped off in some measure the Infamy of Rebellion and procured him Glory One great Action even upon a forced Death leaves a Luster and Repute to Life As has in our own time â—appned Rodrigo Calderon Marquiss de Sieviglâ—sias or â—â—ven Churches whose truly Christian Valour and Heâ—â—ick Constancy were the whole World's Admiration in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred things comâ—â—on to one of his Fortune into Pity and Commendaâ—â—â— None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger whereas Resolution either overcomes or at least renders it illustrious The People gather what Peril they are in from the Princes Countenance as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity least Fear dash or Pride exalt him and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs This made Tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita quanquam abstrusum tristissima quoque maxiâ—â— occultantem Tiberium pertuleâ—unt Tac. 1. Ann. All is in Disorder and Confusion when in the Princes Face as that of Heaven the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune betrays a light Judgment and mean Spirit Constancy and an even Look inspire Subjects with Courage strike Enemies with Admiration All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince and if they see Fear there they fear Thus 't was with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Othâ—â— vultum intnâ—eri atque eveâ—t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus cum tiâ—â— ret Otho timebatur Tac. 1. Hist. Besides there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 Which however I would have understood of those Cases wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers and conceal Calamities for in others to join in publick Expressions of Sadness don't ill become the Prince as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects and engages their Hearts The Emperor Charles the Fifth put himself in Mourning and express'd his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome David upon the news of the Death of Saul and Ionathan took hold of his Cloaths and rent them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. The same did Ioshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. And indeed what can be more just than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God 't is a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. He that is humble under Correction moves to Pardon Here it may be disputed whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior when he needs the Aid of the more Potent the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction He who is under Oppression and craves anothers Assistance should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude least he make his Fortune desperate there being no Prince who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his Affairs Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolomy when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors The King of the Cherusci shewed much more Courage when upon the loss of his Kingdom thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar but as one who remembred his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex sed ex memoria prioris fortunae Tac. 2. Ann. Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious who being overthrown by Eunon is said with a Resolution truly Royal to have thus bespoke him Mithriâ—ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land here voluntarily Surrenders himself do what you please with the Off-spring of the great Achemenes the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis sponte adsum utere ut voles prole magni Achemeis quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt Tac. 12. Ann. Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 Mâ—taâ—â—â—e rerum prece haud degenerare permotus Tac. 12. Ann. Let him who hath faithfully served his Prince speak boldly if he find himself injured as Herman Cortez did to Charles the Fifth and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens
shook it And the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah and God smote him there for his error and there he died by the Ark of God 2 Sam. 6. 6. Princes usually recompence negligence rather than care and reward the least Services with greatest Honours To be oblig'd they reckon servile and mean and chuse Ingratitude rather than Acknowledgment The prompt zeal and liberality of Iunius Blaesus towards the Emperor Vitellius got him his Hatred instead of Thanks 14 Lugduneâ—sis Galliae rector genere illustris largus animo par opibus circumdaret Principi ministeria comitaretur liberaliter 〈◊〉 ipso ingratus quamvis odium Vitellius humilibus blanditiis velaret Tic. 2. hist. The renown'd Roger of Cataloâ—ia being at Constantinople to assist Fadricus King of Sicily was recall'd by the Emperor Andronicus to defend the Empire he did things beyond belief with a small number of his valiant Catalonians he repell'd the Turks and when he expected a reward for his Services the Emperour upon some slight pretence put him to death And very often some frivolous pretence is more regarded than the greatest Services for Gratitude is esteem'd a burthen to the mind but Revenge discharges the Bile There is this Misfortune in the Service of Princes that no man knows when he obliges or disobliges them 15 And no man knoweth either Love or Hatred by all that is before them Eâ—â—l 9. 1. And if we would form any method of Policy from the light of History and the Misfortunes which we incur through our overâ—officiousness we had need distinguish between Vertues that we may know how to use them by considering that though they are all in us as their proper Subject yet do they not all operate within us Some are practised externally others internally These are Fortitude Patience Modesty Humility Religion among which some are only so far for us that those external ones contribute no more thereto than the security of humane Society and an esteem for their own Excellence as are Humility Modesty and Humanity So that the more perfect these Vertues are the more they work upon the Minds and Approbation of others provided we can keep a Decorum Other of those Vertues though they are internal yet their Operation depends upon external Actions as Valour and Magnanimity In these there is no danger if they be govern'd by Prudence which prescribes time and manner to all Vertues For excessive and imprudent reservedness usually obstructs our interest we losing our selves under a Notion of Reputation and Glory while those who suit themselves to the Times Necessity and Flaâ—tery obtain the Rewards and Commendations In the exercise of those Vertues which respect the good of others such as Liberality and Compassion there is always some danger because neither the Rewards of Princes nor the acknowledgments of Friends are answerable to them we perswade our selves that our Services will be acceptable and that to assist our Misfortunes they will reciprocally expose their own Lives and Fortunes Into this error we are led by our own Sense of Gratitude which often makes us heedless of our own ruin to satisfie for Obligations receiv'd But if we fall into any Calamity they withdraw and desert us There were but three of Iob's Friends who visited him in his Afflictions and they too by God's Command 16 Now when Iob's three Friends heard of all this evil that was come upon him they came every one from his own place V. Lat. vâ—nerunt sicut locutus est dominus ad eos Job 2. 9. nor did they assist him but with Words and severe Advice which he had need of all his Patience to bear But after God again smil'd upon Iob and began to heap on him Riches in abundance then came flocking to him not only his Brethren and Relations but those too who knew him not but by sight and sat down at Table with him that they might partake of his Prosperity 17 Then came there unto him all his Brethren and all his Sisters and all that had been of his acquaintance before and did eat Bread with him in his house Iob 4â— 11. This error under pretence of mutual assistance and obligation has been the ruin of many who have reap'd nought but Ingratitude and Hatred from their benefits and kindnesses and created Enemies of those who before were their Friends so that they die friendless and miserable The Holy Spirit has cautioned us of this My Son says he if thou be surety for thy Friend if thou hast stricken thy hand with a stranger thou art snar'd with the words of thy mouth thou art taken with thine own words 18 Prov. 6. 1. He advises us to deliver our selves from the hand of a Friend as a Roe from the hand of the Hunter and as a Bird from the hand of the Fowler 19 Ibid. Do good but look about ye is a Spanish Proverb drawn from Experience Those are not subject to these Misfortunes who live only to themselves nor suffer themselves to be mov'd by Compassion or Charity to assist the calamities of others being deaf to their Tears and Groans avoiding all occasions of intermedling with them whence they live free from cares and troubles and if they gain not new Friends they however keep those they have not being esteem'd for the good they do but for the ill they don't do this being in them accounted Prudence Besides we naturally esteem them most who have least need of us who without being beholden to us live content with their own Whence considering the usual custom of Mankind it may perhaps seem adviseable to be an idle Spectator of others Calamities and minding only our own interests not to engage our selves in their dangers and troubles But this policy would be against our duty as Christians Charity and generous Vertues which gives us a nearer access to God This would dissolve all civil Society which wholly consists in the mutual assistance of one another Vertue needs no outward acknowledgments being to it self a fair reward Nay 't is then most perfect and glorious when it expects the least return for 't is a kind of Avarice to do good in hopes of a Retaliation which if not obtain'd creates a lasting resentment Let us therefore be guided by the consideration of what we owe our selves and also by the example of God Almighty who bestows his Blessings even on the Ungratefull Yet 't is Prudence to have respect to the time when and where acknowledgments may be expected for 't is too hard for a man after great Expences great Hazards and Hardships undergone for another to meet with nothing but Ingratitude in return To him who understands the nature and usual ways of Mankind this will not seem at all new but foreknowing it will ward the blow and avoid being hurt We should also well consider whether it be really our Friend's interest for us to undertake his assistance for sometimes we do him an injury by our
mensuram implevimus tu quantum princeps tribuere amico posses ego quantum amicus à principe acciâ—pere caetera invidiam aâ—gent Tac. 14. ann EMBLEM L. THE Mountain looks down with disdain upon the other works of Nature and proudly rises above them so as to have communication with the Skies Let not the Vallies envy it this Glory for though it be nearer the favours of Heaven 't is also more expos'd to the strokes of its Thunder too About its head Clouds gather and Storms prepare their rage and upon it they first exert it 'T is the same in Offices and Imployments more immediately under Princes The Activity of their power is most offensive to those who are nearest it Their Conversation is as venomous as that of a Viper 1 Eccles. 9. 13. Whoever walks among them walks among Snares and the Arms of his offended Enemies 2 Ibid. The favour and disdain of Princes are so immediate that nothing intervenes Their Love knows no Moderation when turn'd to Hatred it leaps from one extreme to th' other from Fire to Frost The same instant sees them love and hate with the effects of Thunder which while the noise is heard or the flash seen reduces the bodies to Ashes The favour of Princes is like flame extinguish'd with the same ease 't was lighted Nay some have thought it absolutely fatal to those on whom it falls 3 Fato potentiâ— raro sempiternae Tac. 3. ann And many examples as well past as present are sufficient evidences of it we have fresh instances of the sudden falls of the most exalted Favourites The Duke of Lerma in Spain the Marshal D' Ancre in France The Duke of Buckingham in England John Olden Barnvelt in Holland Cardinal Clesel in Germany at Rome Cardinal Nazaret yet may this be ascrib'd to divers causes either because the Prince having given all that he could or the Favourite obtain'd all he desir'd he was mounted to the highest step and so must of necessity descend 4 An satius capis â—ut illos cum omnia tribuerunt Aut hos cum jam nihil reliquum est quod capiant Tac. 3. ann But suppose there be moderation in the favours of the one and the ambition of the other yet what constancy can there be in the minds of Princes which the more vehement they are are the more subject to variety and contradiction who can fix the affections of him whose Senses see double and is like the first matter not resting in one form but pleas'd with variety Who can preserve that favour which is liable to so many chances and turns of Humour Who can behave himself with so nice integrity as to maintain the Prince's good opinion of him with the people The Eyes of all are upon the Favourite The Prince's Friends think him an Usurper of their Rewards his Enemies that he incenses the Prince farther against them These if they return to their duty must make the disgrace of the Favourite one of the conditions those if they forsake it lay all the blame upon him Ambition and Envy are always in Arms intent upon every occasion to ruin him The people are so imbitter'd against him that they impute even natural misfortunes and the Prince's Vices all to him Bernardo de Cabrera lost his head for the Tyrannies of mPeter the Fourth King of Arragon whose Favourite he was By the same means that a person endeavours to gain the favour of the Prince he incurs the Odium of the Subjects so that it was truly said by that great Man Alphonso de Albuquerque Governour of the Eâ—st-Indies that a Minister in obliging his Prince offended the People and if he endeavour to gratifie the People he disobliges the Prince If this favour be only founded upon exteriour Adoration fomented by Court-Artifices 't is violent and momentary and the Prince will endeavour to free himself from this impos'd involuntary Slavery If it proceed from a natural propensity of the Mind 't is very subject to second Causes and is effac'd by time or the ingratitude of the Subject when he forgets from whence he took his rise 5 Wisd. 15. 11. If a person's Mein and Carriage do as it were ravish the Prince's favour it either soon fades or is only superficial as in common Friendship If it be from some qualifications of Mind greater than those of the Prince when-ever he knows it there 's an end of his â—avour for none can endure in another Pre-eminency in 〈◊〉 Valour which is usually esteem'd above Power and Authority If it be from assiduity and care in business diligence is not less dangerous than negligence for success does not always correspond to means because of the diversity of accidents and Princes will be disappointed in nothing that they wish and desire Success is attributed to chance or to the fortune of the Prince and not to the prudence of the Favourite 6 Haec est conditio Regum ut casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant sccundos fortunae suae Aemil. Prob but miscaâ—â—iages to him alone though the fault be anothers for all are willing to father Success but Misfortunes are laid at â—nother's door 7 Prospera omâ—es sibi vendicant adversa uni 〈◊〉 Tac. in vit Agric. that is to the Favourite Even Casualties are imputed to him as the falling of the Amphitheatre and the burning of Mount Caelius were to Sejanus 8 Feralemque annum ferâ—bant omnibus adversis susceptum Principi consilium absentia qui mos vulgò ad culpam fortuita trahentes Tac. 4. ann Nor do they only accuse him in affairs of his own management but also in those of others or in those accidents that depend upon the Prince's Will and Nature Thus Seneca was blam'd for that Nero would have drown'd his Mother 9 Ergo non jam Nero cujus immanitas omnium quâ—stus anteibat sed adverso rumore Seneca erat quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset Tac. 14. ann Men cannot imagin a wickedness so strange as was not believ'd of Sejanus 10 Sed quia Sejanus â—acinorum ommum repertor habebatur ex nimia charitate in eum Caesaris caeterorum in utrumque odio quamvis fabulosa immania credebantur Tac 4. ann There is no natural death of a great Minister or Relation of the Prince but is immediately reflected upon the Favourite As was that of Prince Philip Emanuel Son to Charles Duke of Savoy to the Duke of Lerma If this favour proceeds from Obligation and from signal Services perform'd the Prince will by degrees grow weary of the burthen and his Love will turn into Hate because he looks upon him as a Creditor and being unable to pay him he seeks pretences to break with him and so strike off the Debt 11 Nam beneficia eo usque laeta sunt dum videntur exsolvi posse ubi multum antevenèâ—e pro gratia odium redditur Ibid. Acknowledgment is
Alexandria without his leave 8 Acerrimè increpuit quod contra institutum Augusti non sponte Principis Alexandriam introisset Tac. 2. ann but for the greater Security and the better to keep the Minister in obedience 't would be convenient to allow a little more Authority to the Magistracy of the Province for there are no Curbs stronger than that nor more ready to oppose the Faults of the Governor Mean and abject Spirits such as have no Ambition of Glory or thirst for Preferments are fit for no Employ The chief Quality which God found in Ioshuah to introduce him into the management of Affairs was that he had a great Spirit 9 Numb 27. 18. But yet the Courage should not be so great as to repine at his being born a Subject and not be contented with his Condition for the Loyalty of such is in great Danger because they aspire always to the highest step which if they attain not 't is either for want of Power or Wit besides they soon flag in their Zeal for the Publick and Obedience to their Prince Great Spirits are not less dangerous at least if they are not docile and modest for being very positive and conceited of their own Opinions they are apt to slight Commands and believe that all should be governed at their Pleasure A person is as troublesome for his good Qualifications as for his having none at all for there is no satisfying him who presumes too much upon his Merit Tiberius never desired great Vertues in Offices of Trust and hated Vices too for from one he feared Danger to himself from t' other Scandal to the Government 10 Neque enim imminentes virtutes sectabatur rursus vitia oderat ex optimis periculum sibi à pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat Tac. 1. ann Nor are those fit for Ministers who are rich and of great Families for having no need of the Prince and flowing in plenty of all things they won't expose themselves to Perils and Toils nor can nor will they be under Command 11 Qui in affluentia fortunae virium opum amicorum aÌ„lioruamque talium constituti sunt Reginaeque obâ—dire norunt Arist. 4. Pol. c. 11. Whence Sosibius Britannicus us'd to say Princes can't endure Riches in the Commons 12 Auri vim atque opes Principibus infensas Tac. 11. ann When a Prince shall have made Choice of a Minister with all due Circumspection let him seemingly put an entire Confidence in him but always keep an Eye upon his Actions and Intelligences and if they are any ways suspicious let him be removed to another Post where he will want opportunity to make a party to execute his ill Designs for there is more prudence and kindness in preventing a Crime than in forgiving it when committed if Germanicus's Victory and the Soldiers Applause pleas'd Tiberius on one hand on t' other they made him jealous and uneasie 13 Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque affecere Tac. 1. ann And understanding the Commotions in the East he was glad of a Pretence ea expose him to Dangers by making him Governour of those Provinces 14 Ut to specie Germanicum suetis Legionibus abstraheret novâ—sque Provineiis impositum dolo simul casibus objectaret Tac. 2. ann Now if any Minister is to be removed it should be done under the pretence of Honour and before the Reasons are known with such prudence as mayn't give him Reason to mistrust the Princes disgust for as fear of being cheated is the way to be cheated so Suspicion of Loyalty makes Traytors for which Reason Tiberius having a mind to recall Germanicus to Rome did it under a pretence of a Triumph which he design'd him 15 Acriùs modestiam ejus aggreditur alterum Consulatum offerendâ— Tac. 2. ann offering him other Preferments of which Princes are very liberal when they would free themselves from their Jealousies If a Subject once loses the Respect he owes his Prince after Confidence will never secure him Sancbo the first King of Leon pardoned Count Gonzalo for having taken up Arms against him endeavouring to reconcile him by his Favours but those by which he thought to have oblig'd him only gave him opportunity to poyson him When Princes are concerned with one another there is no Obligation of Friendship or Affinity a sufficient Reason for their trusting each other Don Ferdinand the great King of Castile and his Brother Garcias of Navarre were at difference he as he lay sick at Nacar had a design to seize his Brother who came to pay him a Visit but his Design not succeeding he had a mind to dissemble his Intent by visiting his Brother who caused him to be apprehended * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Revenge and State-Policy is of greater Force than Friendship or Consanguinity The same befel Don Garcias King of Galicia for having trusted his Brother Alonso King of Castile the most irreconcileable falling out is that between Relations and dearest Friends 16 Difficiles fratrum dissentiones qui valdè amâ—nt valdè edio habent Arist. 7. Pol. c. 6. and perfect Hatred is the result of perfect Love from all which we may infer how difficult a thing 't is for a Prince to trust himself in the hands of his Enemies it cost the King of Granada his Life for going though with a Pass port to ask assistance from King Peter the Cruel Lewis Forza Duke of Milan was more cautious refusing an Interview with the King of France unless in the midst of a River or upon a broken Bridge A true piece of Italian Policy not to trust where they have once shew'd a Jealousie for which Reason the Italians were much admir'd at the Interview between the great Captain and King Ferdinand the Catholick as also at that between the same King and the King of France his Enemy In some Cases Confidence is more safe and necessary to gain peoples Affections than Distrust Don Alonso VI. having lost his Kingdom of Leon liv'd retir'd at the Court of the King of Toledo who was a Moor when upon the Death of Don Sancho his Sates recalled him to his Throne with the greatest privacy imaginable fearing lest if it should come to be known by the Moors they might retain him by force he like a prudent and grateful Prince discovered the whole Affair this Confidence so oblig'd the Barbarian King who before understood the Intrigue and design'd to seize him that he not only let him go free but also furnished him with Money for his Voyage See the power of Gratitude which disarms even the most savage Spirits * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Distrusts between Princes can't be cur'd by Satisfactions or Excuses but by their contrary if time won't heal them diligence never will these are a kind of wounds which the Probe and the Hand does but more exulcerate and a sort of apparent Jealousies which are an Introduction to Infidelity EMBLEM LII
to obtain the Honour of Assertor of his Countrey 's Liberty 2 Itaque Monarchas non ut sibi vendicent Monarchiam invadunt sâ—d ut famam gloriam adipiscantur Arist. Pol. 5. cap. 10. It should therefore be the Princes Care to abolish this Superstition of false Honour and to promote the Worship of the true Let not a Prince disdain to honour Merit either in Subjects or Strangers for this does not derogate from the Prince's Honour no more than the light of a Torch is diminished by the lighting of another by it for which Reason Ennius compares the Charity of a person who instructs a wandring Traveller in his way to a Flame He who t' a wandring Man his way has shewn Lights t'others Torch and never hurts his own * Ennius From whence proceeds Cicero's Advice that whatever kindness can be done another without Detriment to ones self let it be done even to a Stranger 3 Ut quicquid sine detrimento accommodari possit id tribuatur velignoto Cicero From both these Sentences the present Emblem is taken a lighted Candle in a Candlestick the Emblem of Divinity and supream Authority at which two others are lighted to signifie that a Prince may bestow Honour upon those who deserve it without Detriment to his own His Honour is borrowed not his own who is afraid of wanting it when he confers it on others Springs continually flow and are never empty The Fund of Honour in Princes is inexhaustible be they never so profuse All respect them as the only Magazines of Honours from whence every one expects his share so the Earth with its Vapours refreshes the Air which returns them in Dew upon the Earth again And this mutual Correspondence between the Prince and his Subjects King Alphonso the Wise knew when he said that these in Honouring him honour'd themselves because from him they expect Honour and Preferment where this mutual Honour is there Affairs flourish in Peace and War and the Government is established Nor does a Prince shew his Majesty more in any thing than in the Honours he confers All natural Bodies the more noble they are are the more generous and free of their Vertues and Gifts To give Riches is humane but the distribution of Honour belongs to God or his Vicegerents In these Maxims I would perfectly instruct your Highness especially in that of honouring the Nobility who are the main support of Monarchy Let your Highness hearken to your glorious Predecessor King Alphonso the Wise who in laying down Maxims for his Successors speaks to this Effect Furthermore he ought to respect and honour the Nobility for their Riches and for that they are an Honour to his State and he should respect and honour the Gentry as being his Guard and the Bulwark of his Kingdom Without Rewards Services flag but rewarded they flourish and make the Kingdom glorious Under an ungrateful King never any great Action was aâ—chieved nor any glorious Example transmitted to Posterity Those three brave Souldiers who broke through the Enemies Squadrons and fetch'd water from the Cistern scarce did any thing else remarkable because David did not gratifie them A Prince by once rewarding the Merits of a Family binds them to his Service for ever The Nobility is as much urg'd to Glory by the noble Exploits of their Ancestors and by Honours with which they were rewarded as by those which they themselves expect 't was upon this Account that your Royal Highnesses Predecessors bestowed eternal marks of Honour upon the Services of some great Families of Spain So King Iohn II. rewarded those of the Counts Ribadeo by permitting them to eat at the King's Table upon Twâ—lfth-day and to have the same Coat which his Majesty wore that day his Catholick Majesty granted the same Honour to the Marquess of Cadiz And order'd that they should have the Coat which he wore upon the Feast of the Blessed Virgin to the Marquesses of Moya he gave the Cup which the Kings should drink out of upon St. Lucia's Day to the Earls of Roca of the Family of Vera and to all of that House a Grant for each to exempt thirty persons from all Taxes the same King Ferdinand when he met the King of France at Savona invited the great Captain Gonsalvo to Table with him at whose house also he staid at his Entry into Naples and what wonder since he ow'd him his Kingdom and all Spain its Glory and Success †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Of him might well be said what Tacitus says of another brave and valiant General In his Body was all the beauty of the Cherusâ—i and whatever was done with Success was the result of his Counsel 4 Illo in corpore decus owne Cheruscorum illius consilia gesta quae prosperâ— ceâ—idâ—rint testaâ—atur Tac. 2. ann The Valour and Conduct of one Minister is often the Foundation and Rise of a Kingdom That which is founded in America is owing to Herman Cortez and the Pizarrs The single Valour and Industry of the Marquess of Aytona kept the Netherlands from revolting upon the Death of the Infanta Isabella and some of our present Ministers have been the chief Instruments in preserving the Empire in the House of Austria and of the Tranquility which Italy has so long enjoyed whose great Rewards have been a spark to kindle a glorious Emulation in others By recompencing one Service you purchase many more 't is a noble Usury which enriches Princes and enlarges and secures their Estates the Ottoman Empire flourishes because it encourages and prefers Valour in whomsoever it is conspicuous The Fabrick of the Spanish Monarchy arrived at this Perfection because King Ferdinand the Catholick and after him Charles V. and Philip II. knew how to hew out and proportion the Stones to its bigness Princes complain of this Age of being barren and not productive of such great Spirits not considering that the Reason is that they don't look for them or if they do find them that they don't give them sufficient Encouragement but only promote those who are about them which depends more upon Chance than Choice Nature always produces some great Genius's but Princes don't always make use of them How many excellent Genius's and great Spirits are born and die in Obscurity who if they had been imployed and exercis'd in Business had been the Admiration of Mankind Ossat had died Chaplain of St. Lewis in Rome without the Glory of having done so many signal Services to France had not Henry IV. of France observing his great Abilities procur'd him a Cardinals Hat If a Prince suffers a great Soul to herd with the common Rout he will live and die like one of them without performing any thing remarkable or glorious Christ went up to the Mountain Tabur with three of his Disciples only leaving the rest with the multitude upon which their Faith immediately cool'd 5 Nam quod Domino in monte demorante ipsis cum turba
Germanicus his Death durst not appear in publick 20 Anne omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus salli inteliigerentur Tac. 3. ann The Tongue is not the only blabb of the Secrets of the Heart Man has many as great Tell-tales as that about him as Love which being a Fire gives light to and discovers the darkest Designs Anger which froths and boils over fear of Punishment violence of Sorrow Self-interest Honour or Infamy Vain-glory of our own Thoughts which prompts us to disclose them before they are put into Execution In short the weakness of the Mind either from Wine or any other Accident No caution can deceive these natural Spies Nay the more Care is taken to blind them the sooner they discover the Secret As it befel Sevinus in a Conspiracy which he was concern'd in who discover'd his Care and Concern through all his pretended Joy 21 Atque ipse moestus magnae cogitationis manisestus erat quamvis laetitiam vagis sermonibus simularet Tac. 1â— ann and though long use may in time correct Nature and make it more retentive as Octavia who though very young could hide her Grief and other Affections 22 Octavia quoque quamvis rudibus annis omnes affectus abscondere didicerat Tac. 13. ann and Nero who beside his natural Propensity had almost an acquir'd Faculty of disguising his Hate with false Flatteries 23 Factus Natura consuetudine exercituâ— velâ—re odium fallacibus blanditiis Tac. 14. ann yet Art can't be so vigilant and attentive as not sometimes to forget it self and give Nature its free Course especially when urg'd and provok'd by designing Malice which is done many ways which I will here describe that the Prince may beware of them and not suffer any one to fathom his private Sentiments Malice then sometimes touches the peccant Humour that it may exert and declare it self 24 Eccles. 22. 24. So Sejanus Egg'd on Agrippina's Relations to incense her haughty Spirit that she might be urg'd to discover her desire of Reigning and so give Tiberius occasion to suspect her 25 Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos Spiritus perstimulare Tac. 4. ann Injuries and Affronts also do the same being the Keys of the Heart As close and reserv'd as Tiberius was in his Thoughts he could not contain himself when Agrippina affronted him 26 Audita haec raram occulti pectoris vocem elicuit correptamque Graeco versu admonuit ideo laedi quia non regnaret Tac. 4. ann He who concealing his real Sentiments pretends contrary ones will soon discover peoples thoughts of them with which Artifice the Emperour Tiberius us'd to fathom the Thoughts of the Senate making a shew as if he would not accept of the Empire 27 Postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum vâ—luntates inductam dubitaâ—ionem Tac. 1. ann There is yet another piece of Cunning which insinuates 〈…〉 or discommending that 〈…〉 bottom of 〈…〉 be of the Party to gain Credit and induce the other to disclose his Sentiments This way Latiaris by commending Germanicus pitying Agrippina's misfortune and accusing Sejanus so ingratiated himself with Sabinus that he discover'd to him his Aversion to Sejanus 28 Tac. 4. ann Many Questions ask'd at a time are like so many Bullets discharged at once which no Caution can avoid and which disarm the most retentive Breast as were those of Tiberius to Piso's Son 29 Crebris interrogationibus exquirit qualem Piso diem supreâ—â—â— Noctemque exegisset atque illo pleraque sapientèr quaedam inconsultius respâ—â—dente Tac. 3. ann the Mind is also confounded by sudden and unexpected Questions as Tiberius onâ—â— found by those of Asinius Gallus 30 Perculsus improvisa interrogatione paululum reticuit Tac. 1. ann when though he had taken time to answer yet he could not hide his Concern so but that Afinius took notice of it 31 Etenim Vultu offensionem conjectaverat Ibid. The Authority of the Prince and the Veneration due to Majesty are means to discover Truth and sometimes more than Truth as Tiberius found as often as he examin'd the Criminals himself 32 Non temperante Tiberio quin premeret voce Vultu â—ò quod ipse â—reberrimè interrogabat neque refellere aut eludere dabatur ac saepe etiam confitendum erat nè frustra quesivisset Tac. 3. ann By Discourse and Talk which some can promote with great Dexterity the Mind is discover'd as by joyning the several pieces of a torn Letter you may read the Sence of it and by this method the Conspirators against Nero knew that Fenius Rufus was of their Party 33 Crebrâ— ipsius sermne factâ— fides Tac. 15. ann From all which a Prince may inferr how difficult a matter 't is to keep a Secret and if it is safe within our own Breasts it is much less so when committed to others wherefore it should without absolute necessity be entrusted to none 't is like a Mine which if it has too many Vents the force of the Powder is lost and it proves ineffectual but if there is a necessity of a Prince's communicating his Secrets to his Ministers and he seeing 'em divulg'd would know by whom let him feign several important Secrets and commit one to each and by that which he hears of first he will find who was Tardy before Let not these Cautions seem frivolous for from very small Causes great Commotions often proceed 34 Tac. 4. ann The most Potent Empires are in danger of being sapp'd by the Sea if its Curiosity could find but the least Chink to enter at When this Worm has once found the Root of the Secret it soon brings the tallest Tree to the ground EMBLEM LXIII IN all Affairs the Beginnings and Ends ought mutually to correspond the Form should be perfect and not easily to be chang'd The Potter does not give his Wheel so much Liberty nor use his hand so carelesly as to form a different Pot from what he began Let any undertaking be uniform and agreeable to its self * Ld. Roscom Hor. Art Poet. When you begin with so much Pomp and Shew Why is the End so little and so low Be what you will so you be still the same There is nothing more pernicious than this inequality of Actions and Government when the Beginnings don't answer the Ends. He makes himself ridiculous to all who begins his Reign with Care and Diligence and afterwards grows negligent and careless It had been better always to have kept the same Pace though dull and slow the Commendation which the beginning of his Reign merited accuses the end Galba lost his Reputation for that at the beginning of his Empire he promis'd to reform the Militia and afterwards admitted Persons wholly desertless 1 Nec enim ad hanc forman caetera erant Tac. 1. ann Many Princes seem very good and are very bad Many Talk and Discourse
requires Conduct and Valour one to form and t'other to execute them to a resolv'd and brave Spirit nothing is difficult but he who is scrupulous and timorous meets with a world of Difficulty and loses many lucky Opportunities Great Men are long in their Deliberations and jealous of what may happen but once resolv'd they Act with Vigour and Confidence 10 Vir ea ratione fiet 〈◊〉 si in deliberando quidem cunctetur praetimâ—â—t quicquid potest 〈◊〉 in agendo autem â—â—nfidat Herod without which the Courage sails and not applying convenient means wholly desists from the Enterprize There are few Affairs which cannot he accomplished by Wit or which time and Opportunity cannot facilitate wherefore 't is not proper wholly to confound them but to preserve 'em entire Chrystal once broken can't be rejoyn'd and so Affairs be the Tempest never so great â—tis safer to keep some Sail abroad than to fuâ—l all Most Affairs die by being despair'd of ' Tiâ— also highly conducive that he who is to execute Orders should first approve them otherwise he will not â—hink 'em necessary or else find Difficulties in them and so â—ot apply himself to them as he ought not caring whether they succeed or no. That Minister is most proper to exeâ—ute who first gave the Counsel For his Honour and Reâ—utation 〈◊〉 concern'd in its Success EMBLEM LXV A Stone cast in a Pond creates such a continual Series of Waves that they at last become innumerable and wholly disturb that transparent Element and calm Looking-Glass from which the Species of things which were before distinctly represented appear now in Disorder and Confusion 'T is the same with the Mind in which from one Errour proceeds many so that the Judgment being confounded and blinded and the Waves of Passion raised the Understanding can't perceive the truth of things represented but striving to remedy the first Errour falls into another and thence into a third which at length become infinite and the further they are from the first the greater they are like Waves that are most distant from the Stone that caus'd ' em The Reason of this is That the Beginning is said to be half of the whole so that a small Errour in the Beginning correspond to the other Parts 1 In principio enim peccatur principium autem dicitur dimidium tâ—tius itaque parvum in Principio erratum correspondens est ad alias partes Arist. pol. lib. 2. cap. 4. Wherefore great Care of the first Errour should be taken for from thence all others proceed 2 Cum fieri non possit ut si in primo atque principio peccatum fuâ—rit non ad extremum malum aliquod evadat Arist. pol. 5. cap. 2. This is visible in Mâ—smissa who being checked by Scipio for marrying Sophonisba thought to remedy that Fault by a far greater in poisoning her King Witiza by his Vices obscured the Glory of the Beginning of his Reign and that the number of the Mistresses he kept might not seem scandalous he allow'd all his Subjects the same Liberty nay and made a Law for impowering the Clergy to marry and at last finding his Errours contradictory to Religion he deny'd the Pope's Authority and thence incurr'd the Odium of the whole Kingdom wherefore to prevent their rebelling he demolish'd the Fortifications of most Cities and Castles and so laid all Spain open to the Incursions of the Moors * Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 6. cap. 19. and all these Faults proceeding as you see at last occasion'd his Death The same Series of Crimes is visible in Duke Valentine He endeavoured to build his own Fortune upon the Ruin of others to which End he omitted no sort of Tyranny one piece of Cruelty being follow'd by a greater 3 Ferox scelerum quia prima provenerant volutare secum quonam modo Germaâ—i liberos perverteret Tac. 4. ann which at last cost him his State and Life too proving himself an unfortunate Scholar and Machiavel a pernicious Master The Faults of Princes are Difficulty corrected for that they usually affect many or sometimes because of Obstinacy or Ignorance Great Spirits which are often more ingenuous and tractable than others easily acknowledge their Errours and being convinced of them study to amend them pulling down the ill built Edifice Stone by Stone to rebuild it with more firm and durable Materials The Motto of the Emperour Philip III. was Be not asham'd to alter that which was ill began He who returns by the same way he went will find his mistake and soon recover the right Road Repentance would be afterward insignificant To own you have at last your Errour found * Claud. Is of small use when once the Ship 's aground Policy is a certain Chain in which if one Link be broken the whole is useless unless soon solder'd A Prince who knows the Danger of his Resolutions yet still persists in them is a greater Lover of his own Opinion than his Countrey esteeming an empty shadow of Glory more than Truth and while he would be thought constant he is stubborn and perverse 't is the general Vice of Sovereign Power to think it beneath 'em to retire when they have once advanced He thinks it Brave †Seneca Who grasps the Scepter in his Royal Hand Not to retreat Though the Emperour Charles V. was better advised who having Sign'd a Grant which he was afterwards informed was illegal and disallowable order'd it to 〈◊〉 brought him and immediately tore it I had rather sayâ— he tear my writing than my Soul To know ones â—â—rours and still to persist in them is tyrannick Obstinacy but to defend themâ—upon pretence of Honour is to resolve to Sin on and to incourage Ignorance and Folly 't is gilding Iron with Gold which soon wears of and the Iron appeaâ—â— in its rusty Hue. An Errour corrected makes us more caâ—tious for the future and to commit Faults sometimes is a means to prevent greater So small is our Capacity that we are to be instructed by our very Faults and are taught by them how to Act discreetly 'T is certain that the beâ— Laws and Examples proceed from others Crimes 4 Usu probatum est P. C. leges egregias â—â—â—pta honesta apud bonos ex delictis aliorum gigni Tac. 15. ann The most prudent State committed many miscarriages before it arriv'd to Perfection God alone could compleat the Fabrick of this World without Errour and yet even he did afterwards in a manner repent him that he had made Man 5 Gen. 6. 6. We are sometimes more indebted to our miscarriages than to our Success for those instruct us but these are only the Seeds of Pride and Vanity The Patriarchs Instruct not onâ—y the Wise but the Sinful 6 Instruunt Patriarchâ— non solum docentes sed etiam errantes Aâ—b lib. 〈◊〉 de Aâ—â— C. 6. 't is the Shades give light to a Picture to them we owe the Excellency of
Hist. But in the fore-mention'd Case of Germanicus the Demands of the Mutineers ought to be comply'd with though violent and unreasonable that their Fury might have been qualified or that he might have had some honourable Pretence to wave their Punishment He knew the Injustice and Inconvenience of a general Punishment and that it would of necessity involve the Innocent But though it could not wholly be avoided it seemed not to be done by his Command but was rather to be imputed to Chance and the Fury of the Seditious 20 Nec Caesar arâ—ebat quando nihil ipsius jussu penes â—osdâ—â— saevitia facti invidia â—rat Tac 1. Annal. The fault of the Minister ought to be excused as a piece of Policy when by Popular Constraint he becomes Head of the Sedition that he may afterwards when their Fury begins to abate with more ease reduce them to Obedience So Spurinna gave way to the Soldiers Rage and pretended to Countenance them that he might preserve his Authority among them when they began to repent 21 Fit temeritâ—â—â—â— alienae comes Spurinna primo coactus mox velle simulans quo plus auctoâ—itatâ—â— inesseâ— consiliis si seditio mitescereâ— Tac. 2. Hist. Sometimes the People upon pretence of Preservation of their Liberties and Privileges encroach upon the Royal Prerogative A piece of Arrogance that ought by no means to be connived at lest they should thence become more saucy In this Case the Punishment of the Delinquents should be speedy and the Heads of the Promoters stuck up as a Terrour to the rest when they least think on 't For there is nothing quells their Insolence more than the Punishment of their Leaders 22 Neque 〈◊〉 glisâ—entis discordiae remedium quà m si unus altâ—â—ve maximè prompti subverterentâ—r Tac. 4. Annal. it being an approved Truth That the Body of the Mobb dare attempt nothing without them 23 Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotâ—â— Tac. 1. Annal. Ramirus King of Arragon being embroil'd in the Insurrections of his People ask'd Advice of the Abbot of Tomer Who gave him no Answer but with his Switch imitating Periander 24 Nam Periander caduceatori per quem Thrasybulus consilium ejus exquirebat nihil respondisse fertur sed sâ—icis eminentibus sublatis segetem adâ—quasse Arist. Pol. 3. c. 9. lopt off the Heads of the Tallest Flowers in his Garden where he was then walking and by that shew'd him what he was to do Upon which he Beheading the chief Authors of the Rebellion and restor'd Peace to his Kingdom The same was the Advice of Don Lopez Barrientos to King Henry IV. Yet will it be convenient to use this Method with such Moderation as that the Execution may fall but on few But those who cannot be punish'd must be conniv'd it or so dealt with as that their Affections may be gain'd as we read Otho did when his Army Mutiny'd 25 Eâ— oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos severitatis modus neque enim in plures quà m in duos animadverti jusserat gratè accepta compositique ad praesens qui coerceri non poterant Tac. 1. Hist. Severity with Moderation appeases all Commotions For when the Bad begin to fear the Good will obey as Vocula found who in a general Mutiny of the Legions punish'd but one Man 26 Et dum mali pavent optimuâ—â—â—isque jussis paruere Tac. 4. Hist. The Method also of the Punishment ought to be so mild as not to give the People occasion to resent it as a National Grievance for that would make them more Resolute Slavery Wounds and all the Miseries of War were not so grievous to the Germans as that Trophy which Germanicus erected out of the Spoils of the Rebellious Provinces 27 Haud periâ—de Germanos vulâ—era luctus excidia quà m ea species dolore ira adfecit Tacit. 2. Annal. Ferdinand Duke d'Alba did not forget this Precept when he erected a Statue of the Rebels Heads Nor had he omitted it though he had read or heard that Vitellius would not put to Death Iulius Civilis a Man of great Authority among the Dutch lest he should thereby alienate the Minds of that Warlike People 28 Iulius igitur Civilis periculo exemptus praepotens inter Bataâ—â—s ne supplicio ejus ferox gens alienaretur Tac. 1. Hist. for he thought a severe Animadversion more proper which nevertheless created no Disturbance though there were not wanting those who urg'd it as an Aggravation to make that People revolt There is another sort of Disobedience which proceeds from a too zealous and inconsiderate Fidelity in which case the Subjects are to be brought to their Duty by benign and mild Means Such as Iohn II. King of Arragon us'd in an Insurrection at Barcelona upon the Death of his Son Prince Charles For he wrote to that City That unless compell'd by Necessity he would never use violent Methods but that if they would return to their Obedience he would use them as his own Children This Mildness and his Promise of a General Pardon reduced them all to their Devoir A Prince ought always to discover an Inclination to Clemency for without Hopes of that Criminals grow desperate For which Reason Valentinus after he had mov'd the People of Treves to a Rebellion order'd the Roman Embassadors to be kill'd that he might by the Peoples Despair strengthen his Crime 29 Quo minor spes veniae cresceret vinculum sceleris Tac. 4. Hist. Sedition turns to Obstinacy where there is no Hopes of Pardon and the Seditious had rather die Rebels than Malefactors Upon this account those who follow'd the Faction of Vitellius were Pardon'd 30 Tac. 4. Hist. This Generosity is particularly necessary in Insurrections of the Mobb This King Ferdinand the Holy us'd in the Commotions of Castile and Iohn I. in the Convention of the States of Guadalajara pardoning all those who sided with the Portuguese But if a Prince has lost his Reputation and is in contempt with his Subjects then I confess Clemency will be of small use nay those very Remedies which should cure these Wounds do more exulcerate and render them incurable For his Authority once lost he can neither maintain the Severity of Punishment nor terrifie the Offenders by Example so that he must give way to his Misfortunes and as prudently as he can circumvent them by Policy and Stratagem Thus Vocula did when he saw he was unable to punish the Mutinous Legions 31 Sed vires ad coercendum deerant in frequentibus infidisque Legionibus c. Tac. 4. Hist. For the same Reasons King Iohn II. releas'd those Noblemen whom he had in Prison Nor are those Favours and Benefits more effectual in appeasing Seditions which proceed from a Prince who has lost his Reputation For the Receiver either imputes them to Cowardice or persists in Rebellion to preserve them 32 Nihil spei nisi per
discordias habeant Tac. 11. Annal. and sometimes sets up another King by whose Protection he may enjoy them As did those who Conspired against King Henry IV. for they would never be obliged by his Favours though never so great and numerous When a Prince resolves to quench the Fire of Sedition 't will be conducive that those Resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own Vertue not from the Persuasions of others for the People are generally more Incens'd when they find the Prince does nothing but by the Instigation of his Ministers But when a General Pardon is once granted the Prince ought punctually to observe it wholly forgetting all former Offences and Injuries for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh Commotions As Ferdinand King of Naples did when he offer'd to punish some Noblemen whom he had already pardon'd and who had put themselves under the Protection of King Ferdinand the Catholick But if they are afterwards found Delinquent they should be punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Law to curb them and prevent others from abusing the Prince's Authority In these and all other Remedies there is nothing more useful than Expedition 33 Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tutiâ—s â—â—i facto magìs quam conâ—ulto opus est Tac. 1. Hist. For the People grow Arrogant and Saucy when their Insolence meets wiâ—h no Check nor Opposition Time confirms them in their Revolt and makes those who were Dubious declare for them and so endangers the most Loyal Therefore Artabanus endeavoured with utmost Speed and Diligence to compose the Commotions of his Kingdom 34 Pergit properus praâ—veniens inimicoâ—um actus amicorum â—â—â—â—iteâ—tiam Tac. 6. Annal. As Seditions are suddenly raised they ought suddenly to be remedied There is more need of Action than of Consultation before the Venom takes Root and spreads When the People are once us'd to Murther Rapine and all other Ills that Sedition brings with it 't is very difficult to recall and pacifie them This King Henry well knew when upon the Death of his Brother King Peter he immediately seized upon the chief Cities and Garrisons of the Kingdom and by this Diligence soon establish'd its Tranquility Seditions therefore and Civil Wars being Distempers which consume the Life of the State 35 Paul ad Gal. 5. 15. and enervate the Prince by the Losses which he receives and the Gratuities which he is oblig'd to give 't is the best way to compose them upon any Terms This mov'd King Ferdinand the Catholick to agree with Alphonso King of Portugal in his Pretensions to the Crown of Castile For in such Disorders the Weakest and most Oppress'd are strongest 36 Quippe iâ— turbis discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Princes are at the Discretion of those who have their Arms in their Hands and the Soldiers have more Authority than their Commanders 37 Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Tac. 2. Hist. EMBLEM LXXIV ANIMALS naturally endeavour nothing but the Preservation of their Individuals and if at any time they injure one another 't is generally from that Reason and a certain Natural Fierceness which is not subject to the Command of Reason On the contrary Man animated with that Celestial Flame which gives him the Command of all Things easily persuades himself that he is not born only to live but also to enjoy all those Things even beyond the Bounds which Reason has prescribed him and his Imagination being cheated by the false Appearance of Good seeks this Enjoyment in several Objects and therein places his Felicity and Satisfaction Some think it consists in Riches others in Dainties and Luxury others in Dominion and every one in what the Errors of his Appetite or Fancy suggest for the Enjoyment of which they apply those Means which their rambling and unquiet Minds prompt 'em to though never so unjust 1 Vnâ— ac ca vetus causa bellandi profunda libido imperii dâ—â—â—tiarum Sal. in Cons. Catil Whence proceed Murthers Rapine and Tyranny which make Man the most unjust of all Animals And since one cannot be secure from another several kind of Arms were invented to repell Villany and preserve Innocence and Liberty and so War was introduced into the World 2 Iam. 4. 1. This was the Original of this Monster unless it came from Hell after the Fall of the Rebellious Angels War is so hateful to God that he would not permit David as Just as he was to build the Temple because he had shed much Blood 3 1 Chron. 22. 8. All good Princes dread it as knowing the various Events and Success thereof 4 2 Sam. 11. 25. War disturbs the Order and Harmony of States changes Religion violates Justice silences the Laws destroys Friendship and Relation makes Arts forgot Agriculture cease ruines Trade depopulates Cities and alters Governments King Alphonso calls Wars the Alienation from Peace the Disturber of Quiet and the Destruction of Order A Civil War is like a Burning Fever which soon scorches up the State A Foreign War cuts its Veins and dreins it of its Riches Strength and Vigour War is a Vice contrary to Reason Nature and the End of Man for God created him after his own Image and gave him the Command of all Things here below not to destroy them by War but to preserve 'em by Peace He did not create him for War but Peace not for Rage but Quiet not to Ruine but to Preserve For which Reason he sent him into the World Naked without Arms to offend others or a thick Hide to defend himself so indigent of the Assistance and Government of others that even in his most flourishing Estate he can't subsist without foreign Aid This Necessity oblig'd him to Society and Civil Correspondence from which by the Joint-Labour of all he might be supply'd with necessary Conveniencies for Life and that this Politick Felicity might unite all in the firmest Bonds of mutual Friendship and that one Country haughty with its own Riches might not disdain Communication with the rest he has shar'd his Blessings among all Wheat he has given to Sicily Wine to Crete Purple to Tyre Silk to Calabria Aromaticks to Arabia Gold and Silver to Spain and the West-Indies Diamonds Pearls and Spices to the East-Indies The Desire and Want of the Riches and Rarities creating Commerce by which the whole World became as one common House and that they might understand one another in this Correspondence and mutually express their Affections of Love and Benevolence he endued them with a Voice Articulate smooth and pleasant to explain their Conceptions Laughter to shew their Satisfaction Tears to shew their Sorrow Hands to exert their Faith and Liberality Knees their Submission and Obedience Which are all Tokens of a Civil Benign and Pacifick Animal But those Animals which Nature designed for War she created with Arms Offensive and Defensive for that
Fame of a Power that stands not upon its own Bottom 3 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum quam fama potentiae non suî vi nixae Tac. Annal. l. 13. All those Efforts of several Causes concurring are very brittle in that they hinder each other and are subject not only to various Accidents but to Time also which by degrees brings their Effects to Nothing Many Wars hot and impetuous at the first vanish by Delay 4 Multa bella impetu valida per tâ—edia moras evanuisse Tac. He who can but a little while bear up against the Forces of Confederate Enemies certainly gets the better of them at last For as they are many they have different Causes different Interests and Designs and if they happen to disagree in any one thing part and leave one another There was never a greater League than that of Cambray against the Republick of Venice yet the Resolution and Prudence of this Valiant Senate soon broke it All things in the World arrive to a certain Period after which they decline again Were that Critical Minute known it would be easie to overcome them 5 Opportunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum Tacit. Hist. l. 1. 'T is for want of this Knowledge which sometimes consists in the least Delay imaginable that we sink under Accidents Our Impatience or Ignorance aggravates them in that often not sensible of their Force we voluntarily submit to them or else perhaps promote them by the violence of those very Means we take to shun them God had undertaken the Grandeur of Cosmo de Medicis and they who strove to put a stop to it by Banishing him from the Republick of Venice were the Instruments of making him Master of it Nicholas Vzanus observ'd with much greater Prudence the Torrent of that Fortune and lest it should encrease by Opposition thought it most advisable as long as he lived to give him no Occasion of Displeasure but with his Death the Consideration of such discreet Counsel fell Nor is it possible for the greater Force of such like Cases to be concealed forasmuch as all things conspire to their Success though they appear at first sight directly contrary to that end And therefore it is then best to Endure what you cannot Mend and quietly to conform to God by whose Appointment all Things come to pass 6 Optimum est pati quod emendaâ—re non possis Deum quo Authore â—uncta eveniunt sine murmure â—omitari Sen. Ep. The Iron should not obey the Loadstone more readily than we the Divine Pleasure He comes to less Harm who lets himself be carried down by the Stream than he that struggles against it It is a foolish Presumption to think to overthrow the Decrees of the Almighty The Predictions of the Statue with Feet of Clay in Nebuchadnezzar's Dream was never the less certain for his making another of Gold and commanding it to be worshipped 7 Dan. 3. 1. However this Resignation of our Will to the Divine must not be so Brutish as that we should believe all Things were so Ordain'd from Eternity that nothing can be Improv'd by our Diligence and Conduct for this would be the very Weakness of Mind which had given occasion to that Divine Decree We are to Act as if all depended on our Will for God makes use of our Selves to bring us to Happiness or Misery 8 Eccles. 10. 5. We make a part of the Creation and that no small one and though Things were set in order without us yet they were not made without us 'T is true we cannot break that Web of Events wrought on the Loom of Eternity but we might very well concurr to the weaving of it The same that ranged the Causes foresaw their Effects and permitted their Course yet so that it should be still at his Command He has saved from Danger whom he thought fit and left others in it by abandoning them to their liberty If the first was an Effect of his Mercy or our Merit this is of his Justice Our Will involved in the Ruine of Accidents falls with them and as this most Wise Contriver of the Universe is the Supreme and Absolute Arbitrator he might break his Vessels as he pleased and make one to Honour another to Dishonour 9 Rom. 9. 21. In the Eternal Disposal of Empires their Progresses Revolutions or Ruines that Sovereign Governor of the Orbs had always present in his Mind our Valour and Vertue our Negligence Impudence and Tyranny And upon this Prescience it was that he disposed the Eternal Order of Things in conformity to the Motion and Execution of our Choice without the least Violence done to the same For as he lays no Constraint upon our Free Will who discovers its Operations by Reasoning so neither does the Supreme Being who by his Immense Wisdom foresaw them long ago He forced not our Will in the Alterations of Empires but rather altered Empires because our Wills freely and deliberately deviated from Justice The Cruelty exercised by King Peter was the cause of his Brother Henry's succeeding him not on the contrary this the Occasion of that For the Mind has more Power than any Fortune turns its Affairs which way it pleases and is the sole Cause of a Happy or Miserable Life 10 Valentior enim omni fortuna animus est in utramque partem res suas ducit Sen. Epist. 98. To expect Fortune from Chance is Heartlesness to think it prescribed and already determined Desperation At this rate Vertue would be useless and Vice excusable by Compulsion Let your Highness but look upon your Glorious Ancestors who have raised the Greatness of this Monarchy and I am assured you will see it was not Chance that Crowned them but Vertue Courage and Fatigues and that it has been supported by the same Means by their Descendants to whom an equal Glory is due he no less contributing to the Fabrick of his Fortune who maintains it than he that at first raised it 'T is a thing equally difficult to get and easie to lose One Hour's Imprudence ruines what cost many Years to acquire By Labour and Vigilance alone is procured God's Assistance and the Grandeur of Princes is deriv'd from Eternity 11 Non enim votis neque suppliciâ—â— muliebribus auxilia Deorum parantur vigilando agendo prosperè omniâ— cedunt Sallust EMBLEM LXXXIX THE smallest things encrease by Concord by Discord the greatest fall to the ground Those which being divided were weak and impotent when united resist any Force whatever 1 A three-fold cord is not quickly broken What Arm can pull off a Horse's Main when the Hairs are not parted or break a Bundle of Arrows And yet either of these of it self is unable to withstand the least Violence By these Emblems Sertorius and Scilurus the Scythian express'd the Force of Concord which of many distinct Parts makes one united and consequently strong Body
Care of the Publick Repose has raised the Walls of Cities so much above the reach of Men that they might not scale them but however many Soldiers at once closing their Shields and mutually joining and agreeing to lift one another up have got above their Battlements and stormed them All the Works of Nature are preserved by Amity and Concord and when this fails they decay and die The cause of Death being no other than a Discord of the Part whereon Life depends The very same happens in Commonwealths as common Consent made them a Society so a Dissention between the greatest or most powerful part dissolves again and dissociates or else new models them That City which by Concord was but one without it becomes two nay sometimes three or four for want of that Body of Love whereby its Inhabitants made one Body This Division engenders Hatred whence Revenge arises and from that a disrespect of Laws without the Authority of which Justice loses its force and where that fails Arms are taken up and a Civil War breaking out the Order of the State which wholly consists in Unity is confounded 2 Wisdom 18. 9. The Bees no sooner fall out but their Commonwealth is destroyed The Ancients to represent Discord painted a Woman tearing her Cloaths Et scissâ gaudens vadit discordia pallâ * Virg Now if it has the same effect between Citizens how will they be able to unite for their Common Defence and Interest How will they have God on their side who is Peace it self and so great a Lover of it that as Iob says with it he maintains his Heavenly Monarchy 3 He maketh peace in high-places Plato used to say Nothing was so pernicious to Commonwealths as Division Concord is the Ornament of a City its Walls and Guard even Malice it self cannot stand long without it Domestick Dissentions are so many Victories for the Enemy 4 Nostris illi dissentionibus discordiis clari vitia â—ostium in gloriaâ— exercitus sui vertunt Tac. in Vit. Agâ—ic as those of the Britains Galgacus said were to the Romans 5 Conversis ad civile bellum animis externa sine cura â—abentur Tac. Hist. l. 1. But notwithstanding these and other Reasons some Politicians assert That it is necessary for the Preservation of a State to sow Discords among the People and to this end alledges for an Example the Bees in whose Hives is always heard a kind of Murmurring and Dissention But alas this is so far from strengthning that it rather overthrows their Opinion for that Humming is not a Dissonance as I may say of Wills but a Harmony of Voices whereby these Creatures as it were encourage and stir up each other to the Labours of making Honey as Mariners do when they Hoise Sail. Nor is the Argument drawn from the contrariety of the four Humours in living Bodies of any force for 't is rather from this Conflict of theirs that proceed Diseases and Shortness of Life that which is Prdominant at last getting the Victory Hence Vegetables because without that contrariety endure longer What differs from and is at variance with it self must of necessity suffer and what suffers can never be lasting Who when a Republick is divided can keep the Flame of Dissentions within certain Bounds Who will afterwards quench it when All are involved in them The more Powerful Faction will now oppress the Weaker and that to Defend this to Revenge it self make use of Foreign Forces and so enslave the Commonwealth or else introduce a new Form of Government which will almost always be Tyrannical as several Instances witness It is not the Prince's Duty to distract the Minds of his Subjects but rather to keep them loving and amicable and besides 't is impossible they should conspire to love and obey him who are divided amongst themselves or consider not whence their Evil comes As often therefore as the Prince himself is the cause of Discord Divine Providence as it abominably 6 And a seventh doth my heart abhorr he that soweth discord among brethren Prov. 6. 14. detests it permits those very Means he thought to preserve himself by to be the Instruments of his Ruine For when the Parties come to know it they despise and abhorr him as the first Author and Promoter of their Differences King Italus gained the Affection and Applause of the Germans by never fomenting Dissentions and carrying himself alike to all For these then and such like Reasons the Prince should beware of letting Discords take root and rather strive to encourage the Union of his State which will easily be maintained if he look carefully to the Observance of the Laws the Unity of Religion Plenty of Corn and Provision to the equal Distribution of Favours and Gratuities to the Maintaining of Privileges if he take care that the Common People be employed in Mechanick Arts the Nobility in Publick Government Arms and Literature to prohibit Cabals and Clandestine Meetings to keep the Great Ones Frugal and Modest and the Inferiours Peaceable to restrain Privileged Persons and those who pretend to be exempt from Duties in a word if he see that Riches be reduced to a Mediocrity and Poverty remedied For from the Reformation and Regulating these results good Government and where that is there Peace and Concord ever flourish There is but one Case wherein it seems convenient and warrantable to kindle Discords in Kingdoms and that is when they are already troubled with Seditions and Intestine Broils for then to distract them into Factions will be a means to weaken the Power of the Bad the only end in that being to render Peace to the Good And it is a piece of Self-Preservation not to let Disturbers be at quiet inasmuch as the Concord of Ill Men is to the Prejudice of the Good as 't is to be wish'd that these may live Peaceably so it is that those may be in Discord For Good Men always come by the worst when Bad Men are united 7 Concordiâ— malorum contraria est bonorum sicut optandum est ut boni pacem habeant ad invicem ita optandum est ut mali sint discordes Impeditur enim iter bono um si unitas non dividatur malorum S. Isid. The Discord we condemn as pernicious to Common-wealths is that which arises from Hatred and Enmity not that Contention which has place between several Conditions and Members of the same Commonwealth as between the Lords and Commons the Soldiers and Tradesmen For that Contrariety or rather Emulation by the very diversity of Natures and Ends keeps up a Distinction in the Degrees and Spheres of the State and supports it nor are there Seditions but when the States combine together and make every private Person 's the Common Interest just as from the commixtion of the Elements and the meeting of Rivers and Streams proceed Storms and Inundations It concerns the Prince therefore to employ all his Care
Eternal Artificer we cannot suffer any other Adoration to be paid him than what we judge to be true and Orthodox And altho' the Friendship of Infidels were never so good yet Divine Justice permits us not to obtain our Ends by the means of his Enemies nay usually chastises us by the very Infidel's Hand that Sign'd the Treaty The Emperor which Constantine the Great translated into the East was ruin'd by the Alliance of the Palaeologi with the Turk God permitting it to remain to Posterity for an Example of his Correction but not any living Memorial of that Family But if by reason of the Distance of Places or Disposition of Things the Chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very Infidels God uses his own Hand What Calamities has not France suffered since Francis I. more through Emulation of Charles the Fifth's Glory than forced by any Necessity made a League with the Turk and called him into Europe This Fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his Life expressed his utmost Detestation of it in Words which piously we ought to impute to a Christian Compunction though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme Despair God pursued his Chastisement in some of his Successors by taking them off with violent and unhappy Deaths Now if this Just Judge be thus severe on Princes who do but ask the Aid of Infidels and Hereticks what will he do to those who assist them against the Catholicks and are the reason of their making such great Progresses The Example of Peter II. of Arragon will tell us 2 Mar. Hist. l. 12. c. 2. This King stuck with all his Forces to the Faction of the Albigenses in France and though he fought at the Head of One hundred thousand Men against the Catholicks who were but Eight hundred Horse and a Thousand Foot lost at once both his Life and the Battel Iudas Machabaeus no sooner joined with the Romans tho' only to defend himself against the Grecian Power but the two Angels that stood by his side left him and he was slain The same Punishment and for the same Cause suffered Ionathan and Simon his Brothers and Successors Nor is the Excuse of Self-Defence always sufficient for all the Conditions and Circumstances that make such Confederacies allowable very rarely concurr and are of greater weight than that universal Scandal and Danger of defiling the true Religion with Errors the Communication of Hereticks being a Poison apt to infect a Gangrene that soon spreads where Minds are enclined to Novelty and Licentiousness 3 And their word will eat as doth a canker 2 Tim. 2. 17. Policy distrusting the Divine Assistance and wholly relying upon Humane Artifices may indeed deceive it self but not God at whose Tribunal meer Appearances of Reason are not received Baasha King of Israel built a Fortress in Ramah the last City of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Kingdom of Asa and so stopt its Avenues that no one could go in or out of it with safety 4 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah and built Ramah to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah 2 Chron. 16. 1. This occasion'd a War between those two Kings and Asa fearing the Alliance of Ben-hadad King of Syria with his Enemy contrived first to break that and then enter'd himself into a Confederacy with Ben-hadad which when Baasha heard he left off building the Fortifications of Ramah 5 And it came to pass when Baasha heard it that he left off building of Ramah and let his work cease 2 Chron. 16. 5. Nevertheless though Asa made this League out of Necessity and only for his own Defence whereof the good Effect soon appeared yet God was displeased that he put more confidence in the King of Syria than in him and sent Hanani the Prophet to represent his fault to him and threaten him with Wars as a Punishment 6 Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria and not relied on the Lord thy God therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand c. Herein thou hast done foolishly therefore from henceforth thou shalâ— have wars 2 Chron. 16. 7 9. which accordingly happened Whence it will be easie to gather how much France has incurred the Divine Displeasure by the Alliances it has now engaged it self in with those of another Religion to oppress the House of Austria Where is no room for the Pretence of Self-Preservation in extreme Necessity since without any Provocation or Reason he has sided with all its Adversaries and made War upon it fomenting it out of their States and enlarging these by the Usurpation of foreign Provinces and assisting the Hereticks and their Allies with Counsel and Arms to conquer the Catholicks no one in the mean time coming thence to the Treaty of Peace at Cologne although the Pope the Emperor and King of Spain had all sent their Plenipotentiaries thither Nor is it unlawful only to make Leagues with Hereticks but even to make use of their Forces The Holy Scriptures give us an illustrious Instance of this in the Person of King Amasiah who having hired an Army of the Sons of Israel was commanded of God to dismiss it and reproved for not rather relying on him 7 O king lâ—t not the army of Israel go with thee for the Lord is not with Israel to wit with all the children of Ephraim But if thou wilt go do it be strong for the battel God shall make thee fall before the enemy for God hath power to help and to cast down 2 Chron. 25. 7 8. And because he presently obeyed without any regard to the Danger or to the hundred Talents he had given them God gave him a signal Victory over his Enemies Confederacy with those of a different Religion is lawful when its End is the Intermission of War and Liberty of Commerce such as that was which Isaac made with Abimelech 8 We sâ—e certainly that the Lord is with thee and we said Let there be now an oatâ— betwixt us even betwixt us and thee and let us make a covenant with thee That thou shalt do us no hurt Gen 26. 28 29. and as now is between Spain and England When any Treaty is made with Hereticks provided it interfere not with Religion or Good Manners and be confirmed by Oath the Publick Faith is by all means to be kept with them for in the Oath God is called to be a Witness to the Agreement and as it were a Surety for the Performance of it both Parties consenting to make him Judge of it to punish the Perjurer And certainly it were a hainous Sin to call him to witness to a Lye Nations have no other Security of the Treaties they make than the Religion of Oaths which if they should make use of to deceive there would be an end of Commerce in
Peace Now Caesar 's Grandeur Caesar 's Glories reign His Conqu'ring Arm sheathing his Sword again * Propert. Nothing in the World is more an Enemy to Possession than War It is a wicked as well as foolish Doctrine which teaches that Seeds of Hatred should be nourished that Matter for War may be furnished whenever it shall be thought fit 12 Semina odiorum jacienda omne scelus externum habendum cum laetitia Tac. Annal. l. 12. He always lives in War who has it always in his Thoughts The Advice of the Holy Spirit is much more wholsom Seek Peace and pursue it 13 Psal. 34. 14. When a Peace is once Concluded the Laws of God and Man oblige to a faithful Observance of it even although transacted with one's Predecessors without any Distinction between the Government of One and Many both the Kingdom and Commonwealth for the Benefit and upon the Faith of which the Contract was made being always the same and never dying Time and Common Consent have Passed what was once Agreed upon into a Law Nor is Force or Necessity a sufficient Excuse for making War For if the Publick Faith might be violated for these things there would be no Capitulation no Treaty of Peace but might be broken under the same colour Francis I. was blamed for declaring War against Charles V. contrary to the Agreement made during his Imprisonment under pretence of Constraint By such Artifices and Equivocal Negotiations it comes to pass that none at all are firm so that to establish them it is necessary to demand Hostages or detain some considerable Place things which embarrass a Peace and fatigue the World with perpetual Wars The Prince then being free from the Toils and Dangers of War should apply himself wholly to the Arts of Peace according to Tasso Learning and Arts promote throughout your Realm Divert your Subjects Minds with Plays and Balls With equal Iustice punish and reward And out of Danger stand upon your Guard Yet not without reflecting how soon War may possibly disturb his Rest. Let not his Eye quit the Arms his Hand has laid down nor those old Medals influence him upon the Reverse of which Peace was described burning Shields with a Torch This was far from being a prudent Emblem for there is nothing so necessary after War as the preserving of Arms to keep Violence from making any attempt against Peace None but God alone could when he gave it to his People break the Bow as the Psalmist expresseth it cut the Spear in sunder and 〈◊〉 the Chariots in the fire 14 Psal. 46. 9. forasmuch as he being the Arbiter of War needs not Arms to maintain Peace withal But among Men there can be no Peace where Ambition is not restrained by Fear or Force This gave Occasion to the Invention of Arms which Defence found out before Offence The Plough marked out the Walls before the Streets were disposed and almost at the same time Tents were pitched and Houses built The Publick Repose would never be secure did not Care armed guard its Sleep A State unprovided with Arms awakens the Enemy and invites War Never had the Alps heard the Echo's of so many Trumpets had the Cities of the Milanese been better fortify'd This State is as it were an Outwork to all the Kingdoms of the Spanish Monarchy and each ought for its own Security to contribute to its Strength which joined with the Power of the Sea would render the Monarchy firm and unshaken Mens Hearts were they of Adamant could not supply the Defect of Walls King Witiza by demolishing these made the Moors so bold as to invade Spain when those Banks were gone which till then had stopt their Inundations 15 Mar. Hist. Hisp. Augustus was not guilty of this Negligence in that long Peace he enjoyed but appointed a Publick Treasury as a Provision against a War Except Forces be Exercised in Time of Peace and the Mind disciplin'd in the Arts of War it will not easily be done when Danger of Invasion shall have put all Men in a Consternation and they be more intent on flying and saving what they have than on their Defence There is no greater Stratagem than to leave a Kingdom to its own Idleness When Military Exercise fails Valour does the same Nature produces in all Parts great Souls which either Occasion discovers or want of Business burieth Past Ages have not furnish'd braver Men in Greece and Rome than are at this day born but they then appeared so Heroical because Desire of Rule made them use themselves to Arms. Let not a Prince be discouraged at the Sluggishness of his Subjects Discipline will fit them either to preserve Peace or to maintain War Let him keep them always employed in the Exercise of Arms for he that desires Peace must prevent War EMBLEM C. IT is a short breathing between the Cradle and the Tomb short I say yet 〈◊〉 of occasioning considerable Evils if ill employed Often does a Commonwealth lament whole Ages the Errour of one Moment On this Point turns the Fall or Rise of Empires One bad Counsel in a Minute throws down what has cost Valour and Prudence many Years to build 1 〈…〉 Taâ— Annal. l. 5. And therefore it is not enough in this Amphitheater of Life to have run well if the Course be not equal to the End He only receives the Crown who has lawfully touch'd the last Goal of Death The Foundation of Houses consists in the first Stones that of Renown in the last except they be Glorious it soon falls and is buried in Oblivion The Cradle does not flourish until the Tomb has first and then even the Briars of past Vices turn to Flowers for Fame is the last Spirit of our Actions which thence receive their Beauty and Lustre a thing never seen in an infamous Old Age that rather effacing the Glory of Youth as it happened to 2 Cesserunt que primâ— postremis boâ—aâ— juventae senectus flagitiosâ—â—â—â—teravit Tac. Annal. 1. 6. Vitellius The most perfect Stroaks of the Pencil or Chizel are not esteemed if the whole Work remain imperfect And if ever Fragments were regarded it was for being the Reliques of a once perfect Statue Envy or Flattery while Life lasts give different Forms to Actions but Fame unbyass'd by those Passions pronounces after Death true and just Sentences which the Tribunal of Posterity confirms 3 Sâ—â—m â—uique decus posteritas rependit Tac. Annal. 1. 4. Some Princes are sensible enough of how great Consequence it is to Crown their Life with Vertues but they are mistaken in thinking to supply that by leaving them described in Epitaphs and represented in Statues not considering that they blush to accompany him in Death whom they had not accompanied while alive and that the Marbles are as it were in Indignation to see the Counterfeit-Glory of a Tyrant inscribed on them but seem to soften to facilitate the engraving of that
of a Just Prince hardening again afterwards to preserve it to Eternity which even the Stones themselves sometimes write on their hardness Letters of a miraculous Epitaph were the Tears of Blood shed by those before St. Isidore's Altar at Leon for the Death of King Alphonsus VI. * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Nor came they out of the Joints but from the Heart of the Marbles which seemed mollified for the Loss of so great a King The Statue of a vitious Prince is a kind of Transcript of his Vices nor is there either Marble or Brass so durable as not to submit to Time For as the Natural Fabrick is dissolved so also is the Artificial and that only is lasting which Vertues frame those intrinsick and inseparable Ornaments of an immortal Soul 4 Vt vultus â—ominun it a simulacrâ— vâ—ltus imbecilla aâ— mortalâ—a 〈◊〉 forâ—a mentis aeterna quam tene e exprimere non per alieâ—â—â—â—â—teriam artem sed iuu ipse moribus possiâ— Tac. in Vit. Agriâ— What is engrav'd on the Minds of Men being successively deriv'd from one to another endures as long as the World No Statues are 〈◊〉 perpetual than those carved by Vertue and good Offices 〈◊〉 the Esteem and Acknowledgment of Men as Mecanus 5 〈◊〉 tibi neque aureas nequâ— argemeas â—ieri â—â—qâ—am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aâ—tem aliâ—s tibi staâ—â—as in ipsiâ— hominuâ— animis nibil 〈…〉 effice Meâ—aen ad August told Augustusâ— For this Reason Tiberius refused the Temples which the Nearer Spain would have built in Honour of him saying That the Temples and Statues which he most esteemed was to perpetuate his Memory in the Minds of the Commonwealth 6 Hac mibi in â—nimis vestris templa bae pulcherrimâ—e effigies maâ—surae nâ—m que saxo 〈◊〉 si â—â—dicium posterâ—â—um in odium vertâ—t pro 〈…〉 Tac. Annal. l. 4. The Ashes of Hero's are preserved in the Everlasting Obelisks of Universal Applause and Triumph even after having been spoiled by Fire as it happened to those of Trajan The dead Body of that Valiant Prelate Giles d' Albornoz was carry'd ' from Rome to Toledâ— upon the Shoulders of Nations as well Friends as Enemies and a Guard was forced to be set to defend that of Augustus 7 Auxilio militari tâ—â—ndu◠〈◊〉 sepultrâ— ejus 〈…〉 Tac. Annal. l. 1. But granting the Firmness of the Marble and Solidity of the Brass should equal future Ages yet it is not known afterwards who they were raised for * The memory of them is forgotten Eccleâ— 9. 5. as it is at this day with the Pyramids of Aegypt where we see that Names of those worn out who laid their Ashes there to immortalize themselves 8 â—â—ter omnes eos nâ—n consâ—at à quibâ—â— factae sâ—â—t justiâ—â—iâ—â— casu â—bliteratis tâ—â—ta vanitâ—tiâ— auâ—â—oribâ—s Pâ—â—n 36. 12. From what has been said may be easily gathered how much it concerns the Prince in the Declension of his Life to endeavour that his former Glories may receive new Life and Vigour from those of his last Days and that both after his Death may remain for ever in the memory of Mankind To which end we shall offer some Rules to direct him how he ought to govern himself with relation to his Person his Successor and his Dominions As to his Person he is to know that as he advanceth in Years his Empire grows more savage and less subject to Reason for the variety of Accidents he has met with instruct him in Malice and by indulging Jealousies and Distrusts he becomes Cruel and Tyrannical A long Reign is apt to beget Pride and Presumption 9 Veâ—ustate imperâ—â— câ—alita â—udacia Tac. Annal. l. 14. and the Experience of Want Avarice whence proceed many things inconsistent with the Decorum of Majesty and from them contempt of the Royal Person Princes will still retain their ancient Customs and Gravity forgetting what they did when young and thus they render themselves odious In the Beginnings of Government Passion for Glory and Fear of Ruine make them take care to Act with Prudence and Caution But afterwards Ambition is tired and the Prince has neither any Satisfaction in good nor any Concern for ill Success 10 Ipsâ—â— saâ—e seâ—em prosperis adversisque satiatum Tac. Hist. l. 3. but imagining Vice to be the Recompence of his Glory and Reward of his Toils shamefully gives himself up to it Whence it is that so few Princes grow better by Ruling of which the Holy Scriptures give us Instances in Saul and Solomon They are in their Government like the Image in Nebuchadnezzar's Dream its Beginning 's of Gold its End of Clay Vespasian was the only Prnce remarkable for having passed from bad to good 11 Solusque â—â—â—ium ante se principâ—â— in meliuâ— mutatus est Tac. Hist. l. 1. Besides let the Prince strive never so much to continue like himself it is impossible for him to please All if his Reign be long for the People hate to be ruled so long by the same Hand They love Novelty and rejoyce at Revolutions though dangerous as it fell out in the Reign of Tiberius 12 Multi odio praesentium cupidine mutationis suis quoque periculis lâ—tabâ—â—tur Tac. Annal. l. 3. If the Prince be Vertuous he is hated by the Bad if Vitious both by the Good and Bad and then the only talk is of the Successor 13 Pars â—uâ—to maxima imminenâ—es dâ—â—inos varâ—is 〈◊〉 differebâ—nt Tac. Annal. l. 1. whom every one makes his Court to a thing which cannot but incense the Prince and which usually enclines him to hate his Subjects and use them ill As his Strength decays his Care and vigilance his Prudence also Understanding and Memory proportionably fail For the Senseâ— grow old no less than the Body 14 Quippe ut â—â—â—pus sic eâ—iam mens suâ—â—â—abet senium Ariâ—t l. 2. Pol. c. 7. and as he desires to reserve this small remainder of his days to himself free from the Hurry and Fatigue of Government he surrenders all to his Ministers or some Favourite on whom the Weight of Affairs lies and the Odium of the People is transferred In which Case they who are not in the Prince's Favour and have no share in the Administration and Preferments wish for and do their utmost to procure a new Master These are the most dangerous Rocks of a declining Age among which the Prince cannot use too much Precaution against a Shipwreck Yet though the Course be hazardous he ought not therefore to despair of passing securely since many Princes have maintained their Esteem and Respect to their last Gasp. An Excellency which the whole World admir'd in Philip II. The motion of a prudent Government continues uniform to the very shore of Death a former Character and Reputation support it against the Hatreds and Inconveniencies of Age as Tiherius experienc'd in himself 15 Reputante Tiberâ—o publicâ—â— sibi odiâ—â— extreâ—â—â—
come out distorted and of short continuance as that was which he laid down as a Model of the rest The Design of these Emblems has been to set off that Purple whose Scarlet Dye soon turns to Ashes they began at the Cradle and end at the Tomb. They are the Parenthesis of Man's Life which the least clause of Time includes nor is it easie to determine which Hour is the most happy that wherein the Eyes are open to the Day of Life or that in which they are closed to the Night of Death 1 And the day of death than the day of birth Eccles. 7. 1. since the one is the beginning the other the end of our Labours and however great the difference may be betwixt being and not being yet the Material Part of Man only feels that not the Form which is Immortal and improved by Death The Dread we have of the Grave is natural but had Reason more influence on us than Desire of Living we should rejoyce at the fight of it as those do who looking for Treasures find urns being sure to meet with Riches there 2 And dig for it more than for rich treasure which rejoyce exceedingly and are glad when they can find the grave Iob 3. 21 22. for it is in the Grave that the Soul finds the real Treasure of Eternal Rest. This Simon Maccahaeus signified by that Hieroglyphick of Ships carved upon the Pillars he set about the Mausâ—laeum of his Father and Brothers 3 And set great pillars round about them and set arms upon the pillars for a perpetual memory and carved ships beâ—ides the arms 1 Maâ—cab 13. 29. intimating that the Ship of our Life floating upon the Billows of the World is never quiet till landed at the Shore of Death In effect what is Life but a perpetual Fear of Death without any thing to assure us of its continuance Many Signs portend the Approach of Death not one exactly marks out the Bounds of Life The most flourishing Age and strongest Constitution are not sufficient Sureties for one Hour of Health The Heart which performs the part of a Balance in this clock of the Body points indeed to the presentâ— Hours but never to the future Nor ought this â—ncertainty to be termed Disdain but rather a Favour of Nature for were the precise Time determined for Death as it is for Birth for the Dissolution as for the Formation of the Body Man would become Insolent to Reason and therefore she has not only given him one sure Minute to breath in but on the contrary hath in all things imaginable laid before him Evidences of the Shortness of Life The Earth represents it to him in the Youth of its Flowers and Gray-Hairs of its Harvests the Water in the Rapidness of its Current the Air in the Fires it kindles and extinguishes again in a moment and the Heavens in the Prince of Light which the same Day sees rise in the golden Cradle of the East and set in the dark Tomb of the West But if Death be the last of all Evils that it comes not too late is to be esteem'd a Happiness The shorter the Interval is between the Cradle and the Tomb the shorter is the Course of our Labours and therefore Iob wished he had been immediately carried from the Womb of his Mother to that of the Earth 4 Wherefore then hast thou brought me forth out of the womb O that I had given up the Ghost and no eye had seen me I should have been as though I had not been I should have been carried from the womb to the grave Iob 10. 18 19. We are bound as soon as born and all our Life-time after involved in Careâ— 5 I was nourished in swadling cloaths and with careâ— Wisd. 7. 4. nor have Kings in this any Privilege above the rest of Mankind * For there is no king that hath any oâ—â—er â—eginning of birth Wisd. 7. 5. Did Humane Felicity consist in long Life Man would undoubtedly out-live the Stag for it were absurd that any Creature should be happier than him for whose Service they were all created 6 lâ—sas 〈…〉 factâ—s naâ—â—ra fuisse necesse est Arist. Pol. l. 1. c. 5. That Natural Desire we have of seeing Hours pass swiftly away is an Argument that it is not Time which makes our Happiness for then would the Mind find its Rest in that whatever it desires out of Time it always wants In Princes more than in others as they are exposed to greater Accidents Experience shews that in a long Life Fortune is endanger'd she being tired as much with being propitions as with being adverse Lewis XI had been a happy Prince had he ended his Days before the Calamities of his last Years Sovereignty is a kind of tempestuous Sea not to be kept calm by a long Course of Life he who lives longest suffers most Storms and Dangers But if we consider the End and Perfection of Nature a long Life is happy when according to the Testimony of Iob it comes into the Grave in its Maturity as Corn into the Barn 7 Thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age like as a shock of corn cometh in in his season Iob 5. 26. secund Septuagint before Decrepidness makes it wither for with the Shadow of Death the Vital Spirits congeal and the Body remains useless The Trembling Hand can no longer steer the Helm of the State the Eye perceive the Clouds of Heaven the Course of the Winds and the Rocks of the Sea nor the Ear hear the Barkings of Scylla and Carybdis Amidst so many Miseries of Nature Constancy fails the Prince and being reduced by the Moisture of the Senses to a second Infancy he believes every thing and suffers himself to be govern'd by Malice which is then most awake in those about him who at such a time offend with equal Profit and Impunity 8 Cum â—pud infirmum credulum minore metu majore praeâ—io peccaretur Tac. Hist. l. 1. Women get Possession of his Will as Livia did of Augustus's when she made him banish his Nephew Agrippa 9 Nam senem Augustum deviâ—xerat adeo uti Nepotem unicum Agrippam Posthumuâ— in insulam Planasiam projicâ—ret Tac. Annal. l. 1. bringing him to such a pass that he who before knew how to maintain the whole World in Peace became incapable of ruling his own Family 10 Nulla in praesens formidine dum Augustus aetate validus seque domum pacem sustentavit postquam profecta jam senectus agro corpore fatigabatur aderatque finis spei novae pauci bonâ— liberâ—atis incâ—ssum disserere Ibid. By this means Majesty is made the Derision of all Men of which Galba was an Instance 11 Ipsa aetas Galbâ—e irrisuâ— fastidâ—o erat Tac. Hist. l. 1. Other Nations despise him and are not afraid to rise up against him as Arbanus did against Tiberius
mute History of the Royal Race 24 Quomodo imaginibus suis noscuntur quas nec victor quidem abolevit â—ic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent Tac. Annal. l. 4. The Obsequies of David and Solomon were celebrated with extraordinary Pomp and Splendour In the Funerals of private Persons great Care is required because Superstitions prejudicial to Religion are easily introduced the Imagination being deluded in what is hoped or feared from the Deceased and for that Funeral Charges are things which happen every day and concern many it is absolutely necessary they should be moderated Sorrow and Vain-glory being apt to raise them too high Plato set a certain Rate upon the Building of Sepulchres as did Solon also and after them the Romans King Philip II. made a Law to regulate the Abuses and Excesses of Funerals and Monuments saying That what was laid out superfluously upon them were better given to pious Uses and to pray for the Souls of the Deceased Thus far Your Highness has seen the Birth Death and Burial of the Prince whom these Emblems form being as it were present at the Building of this Politick Edifice from the very Foundation to the last Stone And now that your Highness may with more ease take a Review of the whole Fabrick I have thought convenient to subjoin here a kind of Platform thereof or Looking-Glass wherein it may be represented as a greater City is in a lesser This shall be King Ferdinand the Catholick one of Your Royal Highnesses's Ancestors in whose glorious Reign all the Arts both of Peace and War flourished and Accidents both of prosperous and adverse Fortune occurred The Infancy of this Great King was ripe and vigorous his Youth employed in Military Exercises and what art and Industry could not perfect in him Experience supplied His very Leisure was Employment and his Diversions Attention of Mind He was absolute Master of his Passions following more the Dictates of Policy than his own Natural inclinations He own'd his Grandeur to be from God only and gloried in his own Actions not those of his Ancestors He look'd on Sovereignty rather as a Charge than a Succession He quâ—eâ—ed his Realms by Dilâ—gence and Personal Presence rais'd his Monarchy by Valour and Prudence â—stabllsh'd it by Religion and Justice supported it by Love and Respect embellish'd it with Arts and Sciences enrich'd it by Trade and Husbandry and eterniz'd it by Maxims and Institutions truly Politick He was a King as well of his Court as Kingdoms and Master as well as Home as Abroad He temper'd his Liberality with Frugality Affabâ—lity with Authority Modesty with Gravity and Clemency with Justice By punishing some few he terrified many and by rewarding others he encourag'd the Hopes of all Personal Affronts he easily pardon'd but those which struck at the Royal Dignity he never forgave The Injuries done to his Subjects he reveng'd as his own behaving himself always as a Father to them He valu'd his Glory more than his Dominion but was neither puft up by Prosperity nor dejected by Adversity In the one he fortify'd himself against the other and when Fortune frown'd he us'd all his Industry to retrieve her Favour He made use of Time not Time of him and though he submitted to Necessity he made it subservient to his own Advantage His Conduct render'd him both belov'd and fear'd of all He gave Audience with readiness Hearing that he might know and asking Questions for his more certain Information He trusted not his Enemies and was reserv'd even with his Friends His Friendship was Convâ—niency his Kindred Reason of State his Confidence vigilant his Diffidence considerate his Providence Assurance his Jealousy Circumspection his Malice a Defence and his Dissimulation a Refuge He deceived none yet others were deceived by the Ambiguity of his Words and Treaties which he knew how to manage with so much Artifice when it was necessary to baffle Malice with Prudence as to be able to extricate himself without violating the Publick Faith Neither Falshood dared attack his Majesty nor Flattery his Knowledge He made his Ministers serviceable to him without making them Favourites and suffer'd himself to be counsel'd not govern'd by them What he could do himself he committed not to others He took Time for Consultation but was very Expeditious in Execution In his Resolutions the Effects were seen sooner than the Causes He conceal'd his Designs from his Embassadors when he desir'd that being deceiv'd themselves they should more effectually persuade others the contrary He knew how to rule with his Queen and obey his Son-in-Law He imposed Taxes through Necessity not out of Avarice and Luxury and what he then took from the Church he afterwards restor'd respecting the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and maintaining the Regal He kept no fixed Court but like the Sun mov'd continually about the Orbs of his Realms He manag'd Peace with Moderation and Integrity and prosecuted War with Force and Stratagem neither desiring the one nor refusing the other Whatsoever his Foot was fixed on his Arm and Conduct join'd in the Defecne thereof encreasing his Strength by the Spoils of his Enemies He did as much by his Negotiations as by his Arms never committing to the Sword what he could conquer by Address he plac'd the Ostentation of his Grandeur and Pomp in the Bravery of his Battalions He was always present in time of War within his Kingdoms The same Orders which he gave he observ'd himself and made Leagues so as to remain Arbiter not subject He was neither exalted when Conqueror nor when beaten dispirited He Sign'd Treaties of Peace under the Shield In a word He liv'd to all the World and dy'd to himself yet always remaining in the memory of Men as an absolute Pattern for Princes and Immortalizing himself in the Desire of his Subjects THis naked Skull of Death the dismal Scâ—â—e Which now the simple Spider measures o're WIth its slight Web which baffled heretofore The nicest Subteilties of Humane Brain Once wore a 〈◊〉 and triumphant stood As Monarch of the 〈◊〉 of Peace and War His Smiles gave Life his Anger dire Despair And all the World depended on its Nod. What oncee gave proudly Laws to War and Peace Spiders and Ear-wigs do now possess Why then this Pride O Princes since the Grave Makes no Distinction 'twixt the Base and Brave Betwixt the mighty Prince and wretched Slave On the Author and his Book in Allusion to the EMBLEM WHither so fast vain Man 'fore out of breath Stop and behold this lively Scene of Death The Head thou seest was Great Saavedra's once A greater Name no Rhetorick can pronounce Here Piety with Policy were join'd Here Honour Sence and Learning were combin'd False Machiavilian Notions to convince And form at oncea Wise and Vertuous Prince Where now alas Worms having eat it bare The Death-watch Spiders spread their curious Hair And with their Bowels nobly re-interr Scepters and Crowns here tumbled down you see A trifling Lose to one so Great as He But since this Work remains the World may cry Death where 's thy Sting Grave where 's thy Victory FINIS