after the fact perfidiously committed fearing the scandal of it would fall upon his Shoulders had withdrawn himself yet afterwards he was condemn'd by Theognistus Nor was it without great reluctancy and by constraint of pressing necessity that St. Martin could be perswaded to hold Communion with the Itaâ—ian Party In like manner St. Ambrose who was sent at the same time to Maximus by Valentinian the Brother of Gratian who was put to Death testifies in his relation that when he was at Treves he refrain'd the company of those Bishops that sided with Itacius who demanded that they who deviated from the Faith might be punished with Death Afterwards when those hair-brain'd Prelates had prevail'd with Maximus to send certain Tribunes into Spain with Plenipotentiary Power to enquire after Hereticks and being apprehended to punish 'em with loss of Life and Confiscation of Estates the same St. Martin never left the Emperor till he had obtain'd a revocation of that inhumane Decree For it was the care of that pious Bishop to set free not only the Christians who were to be molested under that pretence but even the Hereticks themselves Foreseeing in his mind that that same Tempest were it not diverted would cause a great depopulation of the Faithful there being then but little difference made between the sorts of Men when only the Eye was judge of the distinction and Hereticks were mark'd out rather by the paleness of their Looks or by their Habit than by their Faith and Doctrine However after Priscillian was put to death the Heresie propagated by himself was so far from being er adicated by the severity of his punishment that it gathered strength and spread it self more and more and his Followers who before had honour'd him as a Holy Person began to adore him as a Martyr remov'd the bodies of those that suffer'd into Spain and solemniz'd their Obsequies with extraordinary Pomp. Nay they carry'd on their Superstition to that degree that it was accounted a most sacred Oath to swear by Priscillian which occasion'd so cruel and so long continu'd a Division between the Bishops of the Gallican Church that fifteen years Bloody contention could hardly put an end to while the people of God and all good men were in the mean time expos'd to Affront and Obloquy Which words as often as I read in Sulpitius Severus who wrote the History of that Age with equal Eloquence and Fidelity I call to mind the years of my childhood when at the beginning of the Commotions about Religion men were mark'd out by the Eye for Slaughter not upon any suspicion of their manners or of the corruption of their past Lives but only out of a particular malice to their looks or the fashion of their Clâ—athes and what with their heats of Contention and Animosities what with favours ill bestow'd the pusillanimous Fear Inconstancy Drowsiness Sloth and Arrogancy of those that sat at the Helm of Affairs the Kingdom was rent into Factions and Religion it self pushe almost to the brink of the Precipice by the Troubles and Agitations of the State After St. Marcin's time more moderation was us'd in the Church toward those that deviated from the Faith whom they only either Banish'd or Fin'd but always spar'd their Lives So that in the year 1060 when certain of the followers of Berengarius Archdeacon of Angiers went about sowing his Doctrine in the Territories of Liege Juliers and other parts of the Low Countries Bruno Archbishop of Treves thought it sufficient to expel 'em out of his Diocess never thirsting after their Blood Nor were they after this more severely handl'd by the Church till the time of the Vaudois against whom when the most exquisite of Torments little prevail'd but that the mischief was rather exasperated by the remedy unseasonably appli'd while their number encreas'd compleat Armies were set on foot and a War of no less bulk was decreed against 'em than that which our Ancestors wag'd against the Saracens the event of which was that Murdred Massacred Chas'd from their habitations Plunder'd of their Goods and despoyl'd of their Estates and Signiories their Persecutors gain'd a depopulated Country but not a Convert that was thereby convinc'd of his error Some there were who had defended themselves at first by force of Armes who being vanquish'd by superior power fled into Provence and the Alps adjoyning to the jurisdiction of France where they met with a sort of skulking holes wherein to shelter their Lives and Doctrine others retir'd into Calabria where for a long time they settl'd themselves even till the Pontificate of Pius IV. Some wander'd into Germany and fix'd their Habitations in Bohemia Poland and Livonia while another Remnant turning Westward sought for sanctuary in England And from some one of that number 't is thought that John Wickliffe descended who for a long time taught Theology at Oxford where after various Contentions and hot Disputes about Religion he died a natural Death above 300 years ago Natural indeed and yet more fatal to him then his common mortality for that several years after his decease the Magistrate order'd him to be taken up again arraign'd him and caus'd his Bones to be publickly burnt After that time started up several other Sects that have continu'd till our Age wherein after the severity of Torments in Vain experienc'd the contest flam'd out from private Disputes into open Wars and Rebellions of numerous multitudes both in Germany England and France uncertain whether â—o the greater detriment of the publick â—ranquillity or Religion it self such a â—chism being form'd and corroborated â—nd too long neglected by those in whose power it was and whom it behov'd to have apply'd proper Remedies in time These Things of so great consequence I have not so largely insisted upon with a design to revive that so often harrass'd Question Whether Hereticks ought to be punish'd with death which neither my Time nor my Profession will admit of My aim is only to shew that those Princes have acted most prudently and most conformably to the Institutions and Maxims of the Primitive Church who have rather chosen to extinguish the conflagrations of War about Religion with disadvantageous conditions of an amicable composure then to continue the desolations of an obstinate contest not to be determin'd but by the uncertain chance of absolute Conquest This Ferdinand a most prudent Prince foresaw who having learnt by experience in the furious and dangerous Wars of Germany under his Brother Charles the Fifth the ill success of the Emperors Armes against the Protestants no sooner attain'd the Imperial Diadem himself but he re-establish'd the Peace of Religion by a solemn Decree which he afterwards ratisi'd several times And father observing that greater progresses were made in matters of Religion by friendly Conferences as he himself had experienc'd in the Dyets held at Ratisbonne and Wormes he resolv'd a little before his death and immediately after the breaking up of the Council of Trent to follow
and Quiet the Benefit of the Edicts made in their behalf In which number far the greater are comprehended those who have more Power and Authority to be assisting in upholding the Publick Tranquillity We have said and declar'd and once more do say and declaâ—e by these Presents by way of Explanation of what is contain'd in our said Letters Patents of April last that we are very well satisfi'd and contented with our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion in General And upon that Consideration we have altogether buried in Oblivion the Offences which the said particular Persons might have committed contrary and to the prejudice of our Edicts Nor will we that any thing be imputed to 'em nor that upon this occasion any Blame or Blemish be fasten'd upon 'em for the Future provided they continue hence forward within the Bounds of their Duty Obedience and Fidelity toward us and prove as exact observers of the Laws Edicts and Ordinances made to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Repose and Amity one with another So we Will and Command that you cause these Presents to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in your Registers that our said Subjects of the said Religion may fully peaceably and without any Molestation or Impeachment enjoy the Benefit of the Contents For such is our Will and Pleasure Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and the third of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King the Queen Regent his Mother being present De Lomenie And Seal'd with Yellow Wax upon a single Label Register'd after being heard and upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament August 8. 1612. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd January 2. 16â—3 LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. The extream desire we have had ever since our coming to the Crown for which we continually implore the Blessing of God and for which the Queen Regent our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother has always most sedulously labour'd has been to take care to maintain and preserve all our Subjects in Peace Tranquillity and Repose and in good Friendship Union and Concord one with another as being the Principal Foundation of the welfare of this Kingdom To this purpose from the Time that it pleas'd God to visit us with the fatal Accident that befel us through the Death of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father of glorious Memory we resolv'd to imitate and follow the same Methods which he took to attain the same ends and having observ'd that after he had by his Valour restor'd this Kingdom to its Ancient Splendour he with a great deal of care Labour and Prudence and for a Foundation of an assur'd Repose and an entire Reconciliation between all his Subjects as also to remove from those who profess'd the pretended Reformed Religion all occasion of Fear and Distrust for the Liberty of their Persons Consciences Honour and Families made and ordain'd what is compriz'd in his Edict giv'n at Nantes in April 1598. by the Observation of which and of the Secret Articles he had happily rul'd and govern'd his People in Peace till his Decease therefore one of our first Actions which we were willing to do in this Kingdom has been to set forth our Letters of Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. containing a Confirmation of the said Edict and of the Secret Articles Regulations and Decrees set forth by way of Explanation and for the putting the same in Execution which we sent at the same instant to all our Parlaments to be there verifi'd and sometime after we resolv'd to send into all the Provinces of our Kingdom some of the Principal Members of our Council and other Persons well qualifi'd chosen by our selves as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion to cement and corroborate the Establishment and Execution of the said Edict and favours granted in pursuance of it having ever since continu'd to give that Assistance toward it that could be expected from our Care and Authority But it has so fallen out that our good Intentions have not had that successful Effect that we could have desir'd among all our Subjects Some of whom and of those of the pretended Reformed Religion through Suspitions too lightly conceiv'd of adverse Occurrences are enter'd into Jealousies and Mistrusts one of another Whence it has follow'd that they have begun to double their Guards make Provision of Arms Levy Souldiers hold Assemblies and Councils and to do other things quite contrary to the Tenour and Observation of the said Edict To which however we are willing to believe 'em to have been induc'd by some â—ears which they have conceiv'd of themselves and upon â—â—lâ—e Suspitions and Pretences thô rot out of any ill Will or bad Intentions Having always found the Generality of those of the Reformed Religion extreamly well affected to the good of our Service and firm and constant in that reverence Fidelity and Respect which they owe to us But in regard this Mischief may draw after it dangerous Consequences we thought it necessary to provide against it to re-establish the good Friendship Correspondence and Society which ought to be alike among all our said Subjects for the maintaining of their common Repose which cannot be done more assuredly then by an exact Observation of the said Edict Secret Articles Briefs and other Acts made in pursuance of it As also by giving new Assurances to all our said Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion of our good Intentions in their behalf and of our Intentions to preserve maintain protect 'em and cause 'em to enjoy all the Favours and Concessions which have been decreed 'em as well by the Edict as since that time as they did in the Life-time of the Deceased King till his Death For these Reasons and others Us moving after we had caus'd this Matter to be debated in Council where was the Queen Regent with the Princes of our Blood and other Princes several Officers of the Crown and Principal Counsellours of our Council with the Advice of them we have said and declar'd and we say and declare and it is our Will and Pleasure that the abovesaid Edict of Names together with our Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. with the Private Articles Regulations Decrees and other Letters set forth in pursuance of them either by way of Explanation or for the better Execution of the same may be read de novo and publish'd in all our Courts of Parlament and Seats of Judicature under their Jurisdiction having to that end and as much as need requires confirm'd 'em as we do again Confirm 'em by these presents Sign'd with our hand We Will and Ordain that the whole may be fulfill'd and inviolably observ'd without any Breach oâ— Infringement whatsoever in any manner whatever Also for as much as the Breaches which have been
also who were able to raise a hunder'd thousand Men able to bear Arms who in many places surpass'd the Catholicks in Number Wealth and Reputation who were in no want of stout experienc'd Officers full of zeal for their Religion who often met with favourable opportunities for the resettlement of their Affairs That such a People I say for thirty Years together should undergo Oppression so unjust a hunderd times more difficult to be endur'd by men of Courage then the worst of injuries That they should suffer themselves to be expos'd on all hands to be reduc'd to such cruel Extremities by a thousand shameful Artifices so as to behold nothing but Snares and Precipices on every side to be so cow'd as not only not to dare to make the least Complaint and shew the least Resentment of their Sufferings but also not to dare believe what they felt that they should labour under a Persecution for a long series of Years spun out by the Malice of their Enemies as if it were not so much the purpose of their Oppressors to extirpate as to weary 'em out and put 'em besides all their Patience That in the midst of these Calamities and Afflictions these People thus overwhelm'd should sit still with such a Conscientious and precise Submissiion without seeking any other Consolation then that of Sighs and Tears without opposing the Designs of their Oppressors any otherwise then by repeated Petitions by humble respectful moving Remonstrances enough to have mollifi'd the hearts of all that had any remainders of humanity left that they should literally practise the Christian Precept of praying for their Persecutors that they should all along continue to the end in doing them Service that erected before their eyes the preparations for their ruin That they should make it a point of Duty to be faithful to those that always broke their words with them This is that which Ages to come will very hardly be perswaded to believe Neither do I know whether the Testimony of History will be sufficient to convince a Reader never so little difficult of belief of the Truth of an Event attended with so many extraordinary Circumstances Now in regard there are some things very false which often cover themselves with such appearance of Truth that the most Prudent and Circumspect may be deceiv'd so there are some Truths that have something rare and unheard of that makes 'em taken for Improbabilities And this in my opinion may be rightly apply'd to the Persecution which I have undertaken to give the Publick an accompt of And it may well fall out one day that some doubt may be made of the most signal Actions that refer to this History since they who have been Eye-witnesses of them they who have experimentally felt 'em to their sorrow have much ado to believe 'em and cannot comprehend that the fruit of a long fidelity of several important services of an Innocency beyond all reproach of a try'd Submission and chiefly of an invincible Patience should be forc'd by necessity to renounce the sweets and conveniencies of a delightful Country to abandon their temporal Estates and Advantages to lose the more precious and natural part of Liberty which is that of serving God according to the Rule which we are perswaded he has set down himself And lastly to seek for that under another Dominion and in a Foreign Air which is denyed 'em by the Commands of their natural Prince and by those with whom they had breath'd the same Air from their Birth It happens sometimes that men may take a plausible pretence for the commiting so many Cruelties from the Politick Factions and Enterprizes of them against whom they are exercis'd and in regard the service of God has often serv'd for a Cloak to the Ambitious to cover the Design of their Quarrelsome Claims 't is no wonder that sometimes they make use of the same pretence against those whose Religion they seek to destroy tho in reality they had no Intent to disturb the publick Peace But there was nothing of this that could give the least Colour for the last Oppression of the Reformed They had neither Protector nor Arms nor Cities neither were they in Confederacy and the fear of giving an opportunity to those who had sought so long after one to persecute 'em oblig'd 'em to carry themselves with the most exact Obedience imaginable The Faith of the Kings Promises and the good will of their Soveraign had been so long preach'd up among 'em as a better security for them then all the strong Holds in the Kingdom that they avoided to the utmost of their power all occasions of rendring themselves unworthy of his Favours They were depriv'd of the means to signalize themselves in publick Employments because they had by degrees excluded 'em from almost all Offices of State but in all Employments from which they could not debar 'em in the Exchequer Employments where their Exactness and their Fidelity maintain'd them a long while in Employments of Trade the greatest part of which their Vnderstanding and Reputation had drawn into their own hands in warlike Employments to which they ran as often as the Kings service call'd 'em In a word in all things else wherein they were permitted to distinguish themselves there was not any of the French Nation that shew'd more Zeal than they for the glory of their Prince or who have more honour'd their Country by their noble Actions I could here set down a very considerable Catalogue of those who since the taking of Rochel as well by their merits as their services have remov'd all the obstacles which their Religion layâ—d in their way to Preferment and attain'd to the highest Employments both Civil and Military 'T is known that the most noble Atchievements of Turenne and which were of greatest advantage to the Crown preceded the change of his Religion But I cannot forbear saying this farther that at the very same time that the Act of Nantes was revok'd the two greatest Captains in the Service were Both of the Reformed Religion Mareschal Schomberg has spread the Reputation of his Masters Arms as far as well it could fly and after the death of Turenne France thought her self happy in such a person as he to support the Kings Honour after it had receiv'd so great a loss The deceased Prince of Conde who was one that well could judge of a Souldiers Capacity made no scruple to compare 'em both together and to discover in M. Schomberg something I know not what more sprightly quick and ready when he was to resolve upon an unexpected Accident The Marquis of Quesne who commanded the French Fleet had no body after the death of Admiral Ruyter that would dispute with him for priority in that Profession So that Merit has raised two of the Reformed notwithstanding the malice born to their Religion to the Highest Dignities in the Military Art as well by Sea as Land What likelyhood was there that at a time
Declarations In short Declarations were expresly given out to make those things Criminal which were either most Innocent or most Indispensable to the end they might be always secure of a Pretence to abuse and evil-intreat 'em because of their having done something which they could not avoid the doing or which in Conscience they were oblig'd to do so for their own safety and the welfare of their Families Thus it was that they were condemn'd to the Galleys when they sought to depart the Kingdom or to send away their Wives and Children into Places of more security that they ruin'd 'em by their Garisons dragg'd 'em from Dungeons to Dungeons and sent 'em to the newfound World because they refus'd to go to Mass They were forbid the one the other they were commanded All the mischief therefore which they suffer'd for having disobey'd was no more say they but a just punishment of their disobedience As if it had been a reall Crime to abstain from things unjustly forbidden or not to do those things that were unjustly commanded All these Artifices and others of the same nature may so alter the outward Face of things that it would be impossible that ever Posterity should be rightly inform'd if men did not take the pains to represent 'em in their natural Condition and with their legitimate Circumstances The second Reason for writing the History of these Transactions is because we do not meet with any thing since the death of Henry the Great which gives us an exact accompt of the Affairs of Religion in reference to the Churches of France Before that time we find Memoirs sufficient Writings in abundance wherein Affairs of that Nature are laid down And in regard the Catholicks have compos'd great Volumes to throw the blame of all upon the Reformed They on the other side have not sate mute nor have they fail'd to make good defences for themselves There have been passionate Writers of both Parties who have discours'd the general Affairs with heat and Violence and who have run themselves too far into â—omplaints and Invectives But there have been others more moderate who have treated of the same things with extraordinary Modesty and impartial Equity The President James Augustus Thuanus and the Historian Mezeray are of the number of those who have handl'd this Subject with most mildness and reserv'dness And tho by the Style of their Writing they may well be discern'd to be Catholicks and prejudic'd in favour of their Religion yet there is a certain splendor of Truth that shines forth and which gives satisfaction to an impartial Reader A man may easily in reading these Historians disintangle that which is infus'd by zeal for Religion from that which is the pure and naked Truth And the matter of Fact being genuinely recited the Writer's judgment does no way deprive the Reader of his liberty to be of a contrary opinion But since the death of that Prince we meet no longer with any faithful Historiographers Several Catholicks have written that which pass'd under the Reign of Lewis XIII But they have interlarded their Writings with so much Violence and Fury that there is no perusing them with Patience They who desire to make tryal of this need no more than only to cast their Eyes upon the History of the Rebellion or upon that which was compil'd by the unfaithful Du Pleix They also who have not suffer'd themselves to be transported to the same excesses which those Authors of Lower Rank have been guilty of nevertheless have not observ'd sufficient measures to procure 'em the name of just and Equitable as having stuft their Writings with so many venomous Expressions so many malignant Reflections so many Testimonials of their Passion and Hatred that that same perpetual Character of Bitterness and Parliality renders 'em suspected in what ever they say and is the reason that we dare not believe 'em when they speak Truth Nor have the Reformed been so careful to oppose better Histories of their Affairs to these injurious Relations So that they seem by their silence to have authoriz'd the Invectives of their Oppressors as if they had nothing solid to return 'em â—n answer ' Iis true that there have been some persons who either by the Command or Approbation of National Synods have attempted to Collect the Meâ—oirs of such important events in reference to Religion But the one have written with more zeal than knowledge others have been constrain'd to aband on the Enterprize because the Times would not permit ' emâ—â— deliver their Sentiments with freedom The Designs that were laid before the beginning of the Civil Wars under Lewis XIII could no longer be put in execution with security after the prosperous success of that Prince had brought down the strength and conâ—age of the Reformed 'T was then a Crime of State â— say that the Court had broken their word To excuse the Actions of those who had taken up Arms or set forth the Justice of the Complaints upon so maâ—â— Breaches of the Edict which the Court would never make good was enough to expose a Man to all the Punishments of the most infamous Rebels After that the King began to be troublesome to the Ministers upon pretence that they had committed or spoken something prejudicial to his service and the least words that they could lay hold of to mi construction drew upon 'em Prohibitions not to meet at Synods Commands to stay till new Orders in certain places that were assign'd 'em for Prisons Injunctions not to act in their Functions within the Kingdom Menaces of more severe usage if occasion offer'd there was no body that dar'd take upon him to inform the Publick of these Truths so ill receiv'd by those who thought themselves offended by so doing and so fatal to those that had the boldness to utter ' em 'T is no time for a Man to make his Apology when he is reduc'd for his own preservation to submit in all things and to take it as a favour at his Enemies hands for granting life to the Innocent upon condition they will confess themselves guilty However such was the Condition of the Reformed after they were once depriv'd of all their Places of Security Disarm'd Disunited Vanquish'd that they were constrain'd to talk of their own Conduct as the Victors discours'd to condemn with them whatever was past as if they never had had any just cause of Fear or any good reasons for them Complaints And to thank 'em as for a most endearing favour that after they had taken from their Churches all Support and Maintenance they did not altogether quite exterminate their persons 'T is not therefore to be thought a wonder that at a time when it was so dangerous to speak Truth and so necessary to keep silence there should be no History of the Reformed written which would have certainly cost the Author inevitable ruin But in regard that many times Truth grows less odious the older it is Time
means and which have enforc'd me upon several occasions to make recitals not so full nor so dilated or fortifi'd with Circumstances as I could have wish'd The Reader might have justly expected that I should have given him clearer illustrations of certain matters and that I should have prevented several questions that will remain for him to ask me after due examination of the matter of Fact which I relate But I could not do better and in my opinion 't was much more to the purpose to make but little stay upon some Subjects than to supply the defect of Evidences and Memoirs with the boldness of my own conjectures However I do not pretend thereby to lessen my obligations to those who have assisted me with several important Pieces and who by their generous imparting to me their Books and Manuscripts have furnish'd me with the principal materials of my Work I must acknowledge there were several persons who sent me whatever they had proper to serve me a hundred and two hundred Leagues from hence And as I receiv'd great assistance from those remoter places so have I had the help of many curious Persons in our Neighbourhood Publick and private Libraries the Cabinets and Studies of the more exacter sort where Fugitive Pieces secure themselves and several other Springs and Sources of History were open to me I should most gladly name the Persons that gave me aid not only in regard it is but just they should share with me in the publick acknowledgement to whose instruction they have so liberally contributed but also because they are the Guaranties of what I publish to the World and for that the very names of some among 'em would suffice to demonstrate â—he verity of the Evidences from whence I have drawn the materials of my Labour But the greatest part having desir'd not to be nam'd because of their being related to several persons that are still subject to the general oppression 't is not in my power to afford 'em those Testimonies which I owe to their good will nor to make that Advantage of their names which I might have done were I not oblig'd to a deference for their desires to remain unknown I shall speak in another place of a Collection prepar'd by the deceas'd Mr. Tessereau a person well known to all the World for being Laborious Exact Curious and capable of Collecting whatever might serve to a great Work Nor shall I dissemble the assistance which I had from the Memoirs which he left behind tho at the time of his Death they were found to be in great Disorder But notwithstanding all their aids I fail'd in many others from whence I might have had great light When the Council of France began to search into the Rights of Exercise 't was their pleasure to oblige the Churches to produce the Original Evidences which they pretended to make use of This was a thing in the main of which there was no great necessity But in regard that from that very time they began to take their measures which way to deprive Posterity of the knowledge of their causeless Cavils they were desirous to get into their hands all the Monuments that might preserve 'em to Posterity and only to leave the Reformed such Writings the authority of which they might the more plausibly contest because they were not Originals The Council detain'd the greatest part of those Writings even after the Affairs were determin'd There were very few Churches that could obtain restitution of ' em They who had lost their Causes were told that their papers could no longer signifie any thing to 'em and they who had been more favourably us'd were pay'd off with some scurvy trick or other on purpose to elude their importunities for the restitution of their produc'd Originals Sometimes they were told that the last Decree was worth all their Evidences and so the other were absolutely of no use to ' em Also of late years they bethought themselves of constraining the Consistories to produce all their Papers whether Originals or Copies and the least piece conceal'd was a reason sufficient for the Banishment of the Ministers and demolishing the Churches So that there were very few Churches that durst adventure to put it to the hazard but deliver'd all they had of Instruments and Evidences The pretence for this vexation was that they were resolv'd to discover whatever they had of Estates after the Confiscation of which their Persecutors thirsted with so much Passion But the main reason tho the most conceal'd was their eager desire to deprive 'em of the means to preserve any Memoirs by which Posterity might be truly inform'd of the injustice that was done ' em However to say Truth notwithstanding all these precautions there remain'd sufficient to form the Body of a History large enough tho it cannot be deny'd but that many Churches were despoil'd of the means to afford me those assistances which I might have expected from 'em especially such where the common Evidences belonging to each Province were deposited Moreover it may well be imagin'd that the Manuscripts in the King's Library of that in the College of four Nations and in some others both publick and private were never imparted to me and that I could not find any body that would venture himself to make Extracts useful for my design I might there have found all the Negotiations tending to the Edict all the Instructions of the Commissioners all the Intrigues of the Court at the time of the general Assemblies the whole Project of the Wars and Violences put in practice by the Council of Lewis XIII for the ruin of the Reformed There is no question but that I might have found in the multitude of those Volumes of Manuscripts particular things which I could not have met with otherwhere and to which I could never attain by my conjectures But there are three Considerations to make us some amends for this defect 1. I have collected as well as I could out of such Memoirs as came to my hands the substance of things which might have been found in those Manuscripts more at large and clearer to the understanding and I have suppli'd from those printed Pieces of which we met with a great number the defect of the Manuscripts 2. In regard those Libraries were easie of access to all that wrote against the Reformed for example Bernard Maimbourg Solier la Croix and other indefatigable Persecutors of the Churches of France it may be said that whatever was to their disadvantage in those Manuscripts was recited by their Enemies in their Works and if they have not extracted much 't is a sign they met with but little to feed their Passion so that no body loses but my self for want of those Manuscripts from which I might have had some light toward the justification of those whose defence I have undertaken Now there is no great likelihood that they who apply'd themselves with so much fury and passion to destroy us will
may meet with nothing deviating from that Liberty Truth Fidelity which becomes a sincere Historian and that my whole Work may be as free from the suspicion of Adulation and Envy as it is from any Constraint or Necessity of being Partial The Patent from the States of Holland and Westfriezland for Printing this Work is a follows viz. THE States of Holland and Westfreizland Publish that Adrian Benian Bookseller at Delft having made known to us that he has been at great charge and trouble in Printing a certain Book Intituled Histoire de 1â— Edit de Nantes contenant les choses les plus Remarquables qui se sont passees en France avant apres â—a Publication a l' occasian de la diversite des Religions c. in Quarto in four Parts and fearing that some other Person in our Dominions to his great loss and damage might attempt to print the foresaid Book after Our foresaid Petitioners Copy has apply'd himself to Us in most humble manner Praying that we would favour Our said Petitioner with a special Patent or Priviledge by which Our said Petitioner his Heirs Administrators c. may be favoured and allow'd to Print the said Book for 15 Years next ensuing and that they only may be allow'd to Print Publish and Sell the said Book during the said time in Our Territories in such manner and Languages as they shall think fit forbidding any other to Print the said Book in any manner either in the whole or in part or to Sell or Publish any of the said Books that may be brought into Our Country from other Parts We therefore having consider'd the Case and Petition aforesaid and being inclin'd to hearken to the said Petition have of Our true Knowledge and by Our Sovereign Power and Authority Consented and Agreed to and Impowred and by these Presents do Consent and Agree to and Priviledge the said Petitioner his Heirs Administrators c. only to Print the said Book for the term of 15 Years next ensuing in Quarto in four Parts within Our Dominions and that he c. only may Print or cause to Print Publish or Sell the said Book in our Dominions c. Therefore we forbid all others to Print Publish or Sell the said Book in our Dominions during the said term or to import or Publish or Sell the said Book tho printed in any other Country on pain of forfeiting all the said Books printed after the foresaid Coppy or imported in from Foreign parts and besides to pay a fine of 300 Guilders one third part to be given to the Officer that prosecutes one third to be paid to the Poor of the Town where the fault is committed and the remaining third part to be paid to the foresaid Petitioner But notwithstanding any thing contained in this Our Patent with which we have gratified Our Petitioner Our intent is that it shall only defend him from such damage as may be done him by printing after his Copy and no way authorise or avow much less being Protected by us as aforesaid give any reputation or credit to the Contents of the Book nor is the said Petitioner exempted from answering any thing that may be charged on him if it contains any thing that is unlawful and to that â—nd We expresly command that he shall place this our Patent in the fore part of the Book without any abbreviation or omissions and he shall be obliged to bring one of the said Books well Bound and in good condition to the Library of our Vniversity of Leyden and bring thence a sufficient testimonial thereof on pain of losing the Effect of these Presents And to the end our Petitioner may enjoy this priviledge We Command all whom these Presents may concern that they suffer the said Petitioner peaceably to enjoy the full benefit of these our Letters Patents Given at the Hague under Our Great Seal hereunto annex'd the 23d of Feb. 1693. The History of the Famous Edict of Nants containing an Account of the most Remarkable Things that have hapned since its Publication to the Edict of Revocation as likewise of the principal Events that have follow'd since that New Edict till this present Time The First Book A Summary of the Contents of the First Book The Occasion Design and Platform of this Work The Beginning of the Reformation and its Causes It s Entrance into France How it was received at Meaux and at Bearn The Execution of John le Clerc and Lewis Berquin The State of Religion in Germany The Schismin England The Inclination of Francis the I. towards the Reformation and how he was diverted from it by the Cardinal de Tournon An Accommodation proposed The Synods of Bourges and of Paris The Beginning of Calvin's Doctrine The Year of the Placards or Remonstrances The Devotions and Executions ordered upon them Edicts against the Lutherans The Council of Trent and its Translation The Death of King Francis Henry the Second persecutes the Protestants The Edict of Chateau-Briant The King protests against the Councils being transferred back again to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois Cruel to the Protestants The Great Credit and Influence of the Clergy The Business of Merindol and Cabrieres New Severities and Punishments that forward the progress of the Reformation Protestant Churches formed at Paris and other places The Spirit of Moderation prevails upon several Judges An Assembly at Paris The Character of Catharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants The Psalms sung in publick The Original of the Factions The Constancy of Andelot and his Disgrace The Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris suspected as to their Religion The first Protestant National Synod in France The Death of Henry the Second The State of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues then carrieh on there with the Character of the Heads of them How Religion came to be made use of in them Courts of Justice Erected for the Burning of pretended Hereticks called Burning Chambers The ensnaring Superstitions used towards Images to discover and intrap the Protestants The Tragical Execution of Counsellour Du Bourg The Apologetical Writings published by the Protestants which exasperate the Higher Powers A Project against Arbitrary Power The Enterprise of Amboise The Cruelties of the Court The Original of the Word Huguenot An appearance of Moderation The Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde The Death of Francis the Second falsly imputed to the Protestants The General Estates assembled who seem to favour them The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Poissy The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The Fickleness and Inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the King of Navarr A Sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre of Vaissy after the Edict published in January The strength of the Protestants The Admirals short continuance in Favour The first War against the Protestants begun by the Queens Orders but afterward disowned by her The League between the Pope the King of Spain and the Guises
Estampes whom she mortally hated and out of interest to gain by the Confiscations of the Goods and Estates of the Condemned which she obtain'd for her self But especially after the Edict of Chateau-Briant she was accused of making advantage by the rigorous Prosecutions then carried on against the Protestants and was thought even to have kept Emissaries on purpose to inform against those who were rich enough to tempt her covetous inclination The Clergy on their side took pleasure in seeing so many innocent people Sacrificed to the flames for their interests tho on the other side they had a great deal of Indulgence for themselves and accordingly to put the world out of all hope of the amendment of the Church-men they obtained from the Kings Council the annulling of an Act of the Parliament of Tholouse which tended to nothing else but the suppression of the looseness and debauchery of Priests That Parliament was likewise lasht with bloody Satyrs published by the Clergy on that occasion and when one of the Members of that Court had written an Apology for that venerable Body in which the Vices of the Ecclesiasticks were too openly reprehended they yet had so much power as to cause it to be censured However all this hindred not some seeming Justice to be done for the cruelties committed some years before by Oppeda the Executioner of an Act of the Parliament of Provence against certain remains of the Vaudois inhabiting about Merindol and Cabrieres That affair had been husht up in silence during the Life of Francis I. because the Cardinal of Tournon who then was very powerful at Court was suspected to have been the Counsellor or chief complice of that Barbarous Action but after the Government was passed into other hands that Cardinal was removed from the helm of Affairs and the Constable who bore him no great good will was suspected in his turn to have excited those that were left of those poor People to demand Justice on purpose to bring the Cardinal into trouble by the success of their Complaints There was much ado about fixing upon Judges fit for that business The Great Council first took Cognisance of it from thence it was call'd up before the King and by him at last turn'd over to the Parliament of Paris where it was pleaded for 50 Audiences together but yet after all that great Bustle it came to little effect the principal Criminals escaping unpunisht and King's Advocate in the Parliament of Provence was the only man that lost his life for it as for the Count de Grignan he was only frighted with the fear of losing his Estate which was preserved to him by the favour of the Duke of Guise and Oppeda himself was acquitted by producing his Orders and by the Dukes interposition who served him with all his credit so that the Protestants obtain'd no other vengeance for his Cruelties than the satisfaction of being inform'd he Died afterwards a horrible Death and of saying openly That he suffered it by a just Judgment of God Those Executions did not at all diminish the number of the Protestants the constancy of those who were burned serving to make more sensible impressions upon peoples minds in their favour than either their Books or Preaching but the King however was inexorable and tho the doleful spectacle of those he had caused to be burned after the procession above mentioned and their horrible cries in the torments of their sufferings had so deeply struck his imagination that the remembrance of them was a lasting Terour to him all his life after yet did he not at all abate his severities for they burned after that some persons come from Bearn into France where they preached the Doctrine of their Country among whom Lewis de Marsac was most taken notice of for that having been a Soldier all his life and being dispensed with from having a rope put about his neck at the stake like other sufferers out of respect to that noble profession he complain'd that such a difference should be made between him and his Brethren as if by retrenching any thing from the infamy of his Punishment they had design'd to lessen the glory of his Constancy That year the use of the Gag was first practised invented purposely to hinder the Protestants that were put to death from speaking to the People or singing Psalms for their consolation when they were led to Execution And 't is reported that Aubespine who was the inventor of it was some years after struck with the lowsie disease which put him into so great a despair that he would needs let himself starve to death which furious resolution obliged those which were about him to open his jaws with a Gag to make him take nourishment by force so that he increased the number of those that have been known to suffer those torments themselves of which they were the first inventors Amidst these Executions the Churches took the firmer root and there were already some that were governed by a regular discipline and setled Pastors And at Paris it self where the fires never went out and under the King's Nose there was one which had its peculiar Pastor The several Jurisdictions of the Kingdom accused one another reciprocally upon this occasion for not executing rigorously enough the Court-Orders for which Reason the cognizance of Crimes of Heresy was sometimes committed to the Royal and sometimes to the Ecclesiastical Judges and sometimes parted between both those Tribunals so that since the first introduction of that kind of Processe there had been publisht 5 or 6 Edicts about the competence of Judges which revoked one another by turns Nay and in the following Reigns there was nothing fully fixed as to that matter That year the Cardinal of Lorrain to please the Pope depriv'd the Parliaments in spite of their Remonstrances to the contrary of the power of hearing Causes of Heresy which was transferred to the Bishops leaving to the Royal Judges nothing but the Executions of the Criminals And indeed this proceeding of the Cardinal was very reasonable if measur'd by the interest of the Clergy For the Parliaments began to incline to a Temper of Moderation and there were some Spirits among them that could not think those Rigours agreeable to Justice Nay there were some Judges at Bordeaux that maintain'd it was a thing unheard of that ever so many cruelties were at any time before practised as had been exercised within the last 40 years and that it was against Equity to condem any man for simple Errors before Endeavours had been used to instruct and reclaim the person accused And that since the Council was still on foot as being only suspended which was finally to determine that affair Their Decisions ought to be waited for before they proceeded to condemn to such extraordinary punishments any persons before-hand accused upon such accounts The party of those moderate men was so strong that the
least expected and surprises them when their deliberations were already very far advanced and after he had patiently heard them till they came to a conclusion he ordered several of them to be seised Du Bourg and Du Faur were taken in their Houses and search was made after others which could not be found The Prisoners were Tryed by special Commissioners but tho they drove on the business with all the hast they could to satisfy the K's impatience yet he had not the pleasure to see the end of it for Death prevented him and when he thought of nothing but Joy and Divertisement he was kill'd by Mongomery whom he would needs force to break a Lance with him A little before the renewing of those severities the Deputies of the Churches already form'd in the Provinces held in the Suburbs of St. Germain at Paris their first National Synod and drew up that confession of Faith which they retain to this day and the first articles of the Discipline which has since been observ'd in all the Churches of the Kingdom That Synod lasted four days in the midst of the Fires and Gibbets which were prepared in all quarters of the Town and it was held with so exact a secrecy that the Assembly was neither discovered nor disturbed After the Death of Henry II. all things changed at Court except Vices which having taken root there during his Luxurious Reign assumed still a greater Empire under those of his Children The Interests there were very different and the Intrigues much divided The Q. Katharine being Ambitious Voluptuous Cruel Vindicative Perfidious and of a humour to sacrifice every thing to her Passions had a mind to retain the Authority in her own hands The K. of Navar was of an unequal Temper wavering in his Religion weak-spirited timorous devoted to his Pleasure and easy to be govern'd by any that knew how to take him at their advantage and bore a greater Figure than sway at Court The Prince his Brother was Bold Valiant Active firm in his Resolutions and fixed in the Reformed Religion by motives mixed with Ambition and Conscience but most extremely poor for a person of his high Quality Mompensier and la Roche-sur yon had more zeal than knowledg in matters of Religion The Guises were animated with a violent Ambition and besides were all-powerful at Court as well by the consideration of the great Merits of the Duke of that Name and because they were Uncles of the young Queen Wife to Francis II. who being a very beautiful Princess was in power by vertue of that charming Prerogative to assume a great Empire over the K. who was of an easy disposition and even confining upon down right simplicity And besides she was able the more powerfully to second her Uncles Ambition because she was a very apt Scholar in Politicks and knew to a hair how to imitate all the Maximes of her mother in Law as by the Sequel of her Life sufficiently appeared The Constable was a little wedded to his Interest but otherwise superstitious and not very knowing in Religion The Title of the first Christian Baron and the Cry of War used by those of his House founded upon the same Fable from which his Ancestors had drawn that Elogy was to him a decisive argument in all controversies The Coligni's were puissant brave and persons of Great Honour and if their Uncle had not abandoned them they might easily have made Head against the Lorain Princes But he supposed to find his account better in joyning with the Guises as likewise did Mompensier and La Roche-sur yon which obliged his Nephews to joyn with the Prince of Conde whose Constancy and exact fidelity to his Word gave them sufficient assurance he would never sacrifice them to his Fortune All which Combinations were in their first Original nothing but pure Court-Intrigues and Religion was taken into them only by accident the Guises making use of it as a pretence to clear the Court of all those that gave them any jealousie and the others were obliged for their better defence against such powerful Enemies to unite themselves in interest with those which were already united with them in Religion Philip II. then K. of Spain follow'd the Maxims of his great Grandfather Ferdinand and like him in all things he did improved the pretence of Religion to the utmost advantage He had signalized himself by the persecution of the Protestants in all his Dominions to that degree of Rigour that he spared not the Memory of his own Father and therefore was far from neglecting so fair an occasion as the same pretence of Religion then gave him to divide France by exciting one of these Parties to ruin the other All this joyned to the extream corruption of the Court in which debauchery and impiety were made soon after the most powerful Tools of Policy were the Cause why the Condition of the Protestants was rendred not a whit better than before There were erected in the Parliaments certain Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers which burn'd a sufficient number of those who past for Hereticks to deserve the Title given them The President de St. Andre signalized himself by his Cruelties in the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris being vigorously seconded by Le Moine Inquisitor de Mouchi so named from the Village where he was born from whence likewise those that served him for Spies or Informers to discover the Protestant meetings took the Name of Mouchards which has since remain'd to all those that have follow'd the same Employments That bloody Hangman afterwards changed his Name and assumed the barbarous appellation of Demochares under which he is known in History And those Spies or some like them who were almost all of them Apostates from the Reformation were the men that published those Calumnies against the Protestants I have before recited A little while after the people the better to discover those that were season'd with Protestant principles being mov'd thereto either by their own Superstition or by the Zealots took a Freak to set up Images at the corners of streets and to force all passers by to salute them and they that refused it were accounted to have good luck if they escaped only with a basting because such a Refusal was reckon'd a mark of Heresy It 's true indeed many of those Objects of Superstition were taken from the people but instead of being abolisht they were placed in the Churches And since that their Passion for Images has increased so prodigiously that there is not a Town in which they have not erected new ones and where the people are not used to paint them to dress them up to light Lamps and Wax Candles before them to meet and kneel down before them in the middle of the streets at certain Hours and sing Hymns and Litanies all which Extravagancies are at this Day committed more than ever in the open view of those very same Guides
their Brethren for the Court-Interest But yet still the Division was not so great as very much to weaken the Princes Party who sometime after the Queen had disowned them having called a Council of Conscience of sixty Ministers to consult whether it were lawful after that to continue the War they came to this Resolution That since those Arms were at first taken up by Order of that Princess whilst free against the Enemies of the King and the State and the Violaters of Edicts they were lawfully taken up and ought not to be laid down by any Counter-Order proceeding from her whilst under the force of hers and their common Enemies This War was very cruel in many places because there were some Commanders on each side that prosecuted it without any Mercy For Des Adrets on the Protestant side was noted for his Cruelties and Monluc on the other would spare no body Nay and Mompensier too signalised himself not a little by his Inhumanities However this difference there was between the Cruelties of the Two Parties That those of the Catholicks were a continuation of what they had exercised for near 40 years past by so many Butcherly Executions and those of the Protestants were but actions of men made desperate by so long and barbarous a persecution Which by the way deserves to be remarked against the Roman Catholick Historians who always excuse as much as they can the Excesses of their own people though never so villainous but represent the Violences of the Princes Forces much horrider than they were And indeed the Protestants found no mercy at all No Faith of Treaties was ever kept with them and not being content to destroy them by Fights and Massacres The Catholicks wherever they had power further employed against them he forms of Justice But nothing more furiously incensed the People against them than their breaking of Images and burning of Relicks in several places That likewise occasioned many bloody Edicts against them and the Parliaments would needs stretch the severity of those Acts of the Council yet to a higher pitch by their Decrees especially those of Paris Roan Dijon and Tholouse And tho the Catholick Armies were guilty of as many outrages as the others yet the Protestants bore the blame of all and were charged with the Sacriledges even of their Enemies A new Massacre of the Protestants which hapned at Sens by the Cardinal of Lorrain's fault who was Archbishop of that Town broke off the Negotiations for a Peace and the War was continued a fresh both by Arms and Writings In which the Catholicks were the first that had recourse to Foreign Aid and the Protestants imitated them by procuring assistance from Queen Elizabeth of England who seised of Havre de Grace for her security But before her Forces could joyn the Princes Army a Battle was fought near Dreux the success of which on both sides was so equal that the Duke of Guise was the only gainer by it The King of Navar died some time before of a wound he received at the Siege of Roan the Marshal de St. Andre was Killed and the Constable taken in this Battle so that the Duke had now neither superiour nor competitour at Court The Prince of Conde was likewise taken Prisoner but that hindred not his party from standing upon such high conditions that no Peace could be agreed upon The Duke afterwards laying Siege to Orleans was there Assassinated by one Poltrot which miserable wretch being taken Accused the Admiral and Beza and several others as his Instigatours to that enterprise and tho he often varied in his answers upon Examinations yet he accused the Admiral with a little more constancy than the rest However he was willingly credited in that point and the young Duke of Guise continuing ever from that time a resentment against that Lord as guilty of the Charge revenged himself nine years after upon several thousands of Innocents whose blood he mingled with the Admirals to expiate the death of his Father The Tragical Death of that great Man dampt the vain thoughts of the Cardinal of Lorrain then at Trent whither the Council had been removed the third time by a Bull of Pius IV. where the French Ambassadours had waited a good while for the coming of the Bishops of their Nation but the Cardinal came thither at last attended with some Prelates with a full Resolution to insist upon thirty four Articles of Reformation which seemed to be much desired by the Queen and especially the Restitution of the Cup and the Marriage of Priests The same accident likewise put the Court upon other Measures and disposed matters to a Peace for which an Edict was agreed upon at Amboise The Prince took advice only of the Nobility of his Party who were weary of the War and would not hearken to the Counsel of threescore and ten Ministers who would have persuaded him to abate nothing of the Edict of January The Admiral was not at all content with this proceeding But however he was forced to seem to approve of what he could not hinder and to accept an Edict much less favourable than the former and where the Distinction of Rights of Exercise by vertue of Fiefs Possession and Bailywicks was introduced The Peace was followed by an Event at which the Court of Rome was highly offended The Cardinal of Chatillon Bishop of Beauvais which is one of the most antient Peerages of the Kingdom turning to the Religion of the Admiral his Brother quitted both the Name and Habit of his Ecclesiastical Dignity and retain'd only that of Count of Beauvais The Pope thereupon cited him and depriv'd him of his Cardinals Hat But that Lord to shew how little he valued the Papal Censure immediately took up again his Cardinals Habit and wore it at all Ceremonies at which he was present and even at the Registring of the Kings Declaration upon the Subject of his Majority nay and to carry his contempt further he Married a Lady and wore his Cardinals Habit on his Wedding day The same year the Cardinal of Lorrain called a Synod at Rheims where the Cardinal of Chatillon appeared not tho he were Suffragan of Rheims as Bishop of Beauvais They who were present at it were content only to agree upon a resolution to give notice to the King that that Prelate was Excommunicated at Rome for a Heretick But that was put off till 1569. when the Parliament Declared him a Rebel and deprived him of all his Dignities turning him over to the Judgment of his Superiour as to what concern'd the Common Crime But they durst not at first explain what they meant by the term Superiour for fear of offending the Pope but in another Decree they plainly owned that by Superiour they meant his Metropolitan the Archbishop of Rheims with the Bishops his Suffragans conformably to the Liberties of the Gallican Church And in fine when this Cardinals Widow moved
held a little after the Edict of Poictiers was remarkable for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde and the Consistory of Rochel which had suspended him from the holy Supper because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict for the laying down of Arms. It was found that the Judgment of the Consistory was too rash and that the Prince on the other side had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory and Deputies were named to reconcile them This Peace as to other things did not cease all Jealousies And therefore to take away all pretences for them there was a Conference held at Nerac where the Protestants had some new favours granted them and some new places of security The King of Navar was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants and all Churches which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or re-established were rated to it and accordingly every one paid his part and took an Acquittance And this was pretended some few years ago to prove that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature The young Gent. of the K. of Navar 's Court began a 6th War which was called the War of the Amorous because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished â—â—s course was stopp'd by the Conference of Fleix after this 5 years passed in peace such as it was the Edicts were observed in some places in others not regarded The King was he that kept them least of all for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own accord And when any of them asked any from him he had always some pretence ready to refuse the â—â— nay he took them from those that possest them already and stirred them up Troubles and Law-suits and always caused them to come by the worst to oblige them to lay them down reserving expresly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Hereticks He would not receive into his Houshold any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion and his Courtiers knowing his mind took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals that their Religion was the cause In one word the King kept his promise to the Estates and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Arâ—s in 5 years causing more Revolts among them than have been seen to happen in 30 years War and Massacres Nay you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embrac'd with great affection yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholick Communion because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholicks for fear of losing their Offices but for the discharge of their Consciences brought up their Children in the Reform'd Religion because they believ'd it to be the safer way to salvation During this false peace all Europe was engag'd in great conspiracies against them whom they believ'd to be the Chiefâ— or Favorites of the Protestants The Duke of Alenzon who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange fell in them They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom In the mean time the security into which the King fell made the Leaguers take Courage Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons They entertained the Catholicks with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen if a Reformed King should mount the Throne and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England At last the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince and drove him to incredible Extremities He was forc't to undergo the Violences of the Duke who had begun the War against him under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholick Prince He durst not murmur tho they disputed the right of Succession during his Life nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him Villeroi who was one of his Secretaries of State was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him oblig'd him to a distance from the Court and shewed him always after that great marks of his displeasure From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's mind who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy under this pretence which they paid but grudgingly as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies They protested they had never counselled the War tho it was notoriously known they had endeavour'd with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts The K of Navar made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council He wrote to others of the Nobles and the 3d Estate where he makes great complaints That they forced the King to make War against him But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Hereticks relapsed Favourers of Hereticks excommunicated deprived of all their Lordships and incapable to succeed to any Principality and particularly to the Crown of France did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself He appealed by his Remonstrance to the Peers of France in Temporals and in Spirituals to the next Council to which he cited the Pope declaring him Antichrist if he refus'd to appear In the Height of the War Claudius Trimouille the Son of a most zealous Leaguer embrac'd the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde and took his Sister Charlotte Katharine in Marriage This Alliance extreamly fortify'd the Reformed Party in Poictou because that House is there very powerful The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde towards the end of the year allayed not their Spirits and the next year France saw her self overrun with Strangers which both Parties had called in for Succours The K. of Navar gain'd the
Horrible Tempest which was pouring down upon them The End of the First Book The History of the Edict of Nants The Second Book The Summary of the Second Book The change of Affairs What the Protestants had hoped for from the deceas'd King The trouble of the new King The Intreagues of the Army and the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Princes of the Blood Of the Officers of the deceased King and of both the Catholick and Reformed Nobility and their suspicions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The King 's wavering and his resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Reformed flatter themselves about the King's Instruction Divers affections of the Catholick Lords The dissipation of the Army The Fight at Arques The effects of the King's Promises in divers Provinces What the Protestants understood by a Protectour The reciprocal Protection between the King of Navar and the Reformed Jealousies and the foundations of them The King is angry at the Proposition of taking another Protector and the Reformed find it unjust and unseasonable A Letter from the Kings own hand upon this Subject The Forces of the King and of the League Divisions between the one and the other Party The Dispositions of the Catholicks and the Reform'd in regard to the Peace of Religion Writings upon the taking Arms for Religion The Battle of Yvry The Siege of Paris The project of Peace for the Protestants The equity of their Demands and the Passion of the Catholicks The project is approved and afterwards rejected Remonstrances upon this Subject and their effect The Bull of Gregory XIV The Edict of Mants Quarrels about the Verification of it of which the Reformed complain The third party and their Designs The propositions of the Clergy that followed the King Forein Army Viscount Turenne Marrys the Heiress of Sedan and is made Marshal of France The Pragmatick eluded by the Clergy The Arts of the Catholicks to gain the King Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy without Fruit. Divers aims in promoting the King's Instruction The Protestants continue excluded from Imployments Rigours about their Burials The continuation of the Artifices to work upon the King's Conscience Politick Interests which tended to the same end The mutual Policy of the Catholicks and Protestants The King's Dissimulation Preparatives to his change The vain Ceremony of his Instruction The King 's pretended Conversion A Formulary which the King refuseth A Trick to content the Pope THis unexpected Murder brought a great change upon affairs and was the beginning of a long Series of troubles No body had time since the truce to take measures either for his security or advancement The Protestants thought they had lost more than others They did not doubt but the last service they had done the deceased King had touch'd his heart and that he had laid aside those miserable prejudices which caused him to have so great an aversion for ' em He had promised to change the Truce into a sound Peace so that they imagin'd they might hope from him the re-establishment of his Edict of 1577. and the revocation of all those that had been extorted from him by the Leaguers They had the same reason to believe that that Prince being sensible of the services which he had receiv'd from the K. of Navar would by little and little plain his way to the Crown But there must be time for that and chiefly to subdue the Leaguers without the destruction of whom neither Religion nor the State could be assur'd of any firm repose But the Death of Henry III. happen'd in a time when there was nothing ripe and where the succession is contested it is impossible but the State must fall into great confusions It is true the King when he died gave great marks of tenderness for the King of Navar whom he acknowledg'd for his lawful Heir and recommended him to the Lords and to the Officers of his Court and Army But for all this the new King met with a world of difficulties as soon as ever his Predecessour expired The Interests were so various between the Heads of the League and the Lords that it seem'd to be impossible to reconcile ' em Every one was willing to take the advtange of this conjuncture and to raise his own Fortunes by the publick misery They put themselves then upon Negotiating and upon making Parties and Cabals without regarding the body of the dead King and much less to revenge him which ought not to have been long deferr'd if their only design had been to find an opportunity There was scarce one Catholick that declared himself for Hen. IV. without making his Market The Marshal Biron who had a great deal of credit in the Army was so vain as to demand the Soveraignty of the County of Perigord and the King who was willing to buy this Lord at any price whatsoever consented to dismember one of the Provinces of the Realm notwithstanding the danger of the consequence but as good luck would have it because every body could not promise themselves as much there were men of Honour who lost those ambitious thoughts but the Marshal took so great an Authority over the Troops and in the Council that in a little time he made himself very uneasy to his Master The Princes of the blood gave more trouble than help to the K. The old Cardinal of Bourbon was his Rival and the Leaguers acknowledged him for K. under the name of Charles X. This old man who had neither force of Mind nor vigour of Body sufficient to bear the weight of a Crown took pleasure in the name of K and might have made some bustle perhaps had he not been in a place where he was not much to be fear'd The Cardinal of Vendome who took upon him the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon after the Death of this old man was unquiet and Ambitious and became the Idol of a third party which he formed in a little time after The Count of Soissons his Brother could not agree with Henry IV. and could more easily raise new stirs than concur to the good of the State The Prince of Conti was deaf and heavy by reason of a natural Indisposition Mompensier was the richest and fully determined to acknowledg Henry IV. but he held off upon his Religion and was for absolutely having him to be a Catholick The Officers of the old Court staid with the K. more by reason of their Interest than Inclination They could hope for no favour from the League because they had been either Counsellors Executors or partakers of those resolutions which carried Henry III. against the principal heads of that Faction And on the other hand were not without great perplexity when they thought on the ill Offices they had done the new K. while he was but K of Navar. Nor were they less afraid of the Protestants to whom they had occasioned a great
many sufferings in the preceding reign least they might now take an occasion to revenge themselves For these reasons they thought themselves upon the Point of losing both their Offices and their Credit to which it appeared as if the Protestants would quickly succeed since by this Change the K. would avenge them of their antient Enemies whom he could not assure himself of and recompence his antient Servants whose fidelity was known The Catholick Nobles prepossess'd with the zeal of Religion made it appear clearly enough that they inclined towards the League and that a Protestant K. would not be agreeable to them They consulted whether they should acknowledg him for K. or no and after divers deliberations they did not resolve upon it but upon very hard conditions The D. of Longueville was order'd to tell him That the quality of Thrice-Christian being Essential to a K. of France they prayed him to receive the Crown upon that condition that is to say upon condition to make himself a Catholick according to the Opinion of the Romish Church that believes there is no true Christianity out of her Communion The Duke at first accepted the charge of making this Declaration to the K. but all of a suddain changed his mind when he was upon the point to execute it The Marquis D'O who had managed the Finances of the Treasury under the last K. refus'd the Commission of carrying this Message He was the only Man in the World that knew least of Religion being drown'd in Luxury and debauchery a great blasphemer bold even to Insolence and an implacable enemy of the Protestants whom he Persecuted even to Death thwarting upon all occasions the King's designs when he was willing to do any thing in order to their repose The K. saw no body but them in all the Army that did not raise him some trouble and that did not form a Party to draw from him some advantagious Capitulation But they acknowledged him without any conditions and served him as long as he had need of them I know that to lessen the Glory of their Obedience and the usefulness of their Services it is objected that they had no other thoughts but of getting a King of their own Religion and that it was for this Interest that they hazarded all things But supposing this to be their Imagination however this advantage cannot be taken from them that their interest and the Kings was so mingled that what they did to establish their Religion served at the same time to assure the Crown to him in which they were extremely different from the Catholicks who separated the interest of their Religion from that of the K. and appeared almost all ready to leave him alone to his Affairs 〈◊〉 if their Religion did not find an advantage in their Obedience Time quickly shewed that the K's change who forsook the Protestant Religion did not abate their zeal and that they did not fail to serve him when he had bereav'd them of all hopes of seeing a Protestant Prince come to the Crown The Catholick Historians themselves confess That from the beginning there was great jealousy about his stedfastness In short the Death of Henry III. happening too soon they easily foresaw that the State would fall into great disorders and that the new K. might easily quit their Religion when he should need only that step to rid himself of so many Encumbrances The Offer which he always made in a manner Offensive to the Ministers and Zealous persons of receiving better instruction when ever he could be convinced his Religion was not good gave reason enough for their Jealousy Those who had been brought up with him in his youth knew very well that Patience was none of his Favourite Vertues and that he was not of proof against long enterprises and by consequence would be quickly weary of the difficulties of Conquering so many places as held out for the League and that if he could shorten them by changing his Religion that would be no balk in his way 'T is true indeed that he had some appearances of Piety which might give a good opinion of his Constancy he knew many passages of the Psalms and other Books of Scripture which he would apply very well chiefly when he would comfort himself after any cross chance or recur to God Almighty in the uncertainties of future events and he behaved himself very well in his ordinary Devotions in his Prayers before a Fight or in his Thanksgivings after a Victory But there is nothing which a Man treats in so contradictory a manner as Religion for he makes it the greatest of his Interests and yet sacrifices it to the least Affairs it is the most invincible of his opinions and at the same time he playeth with it as the most variable of his Thoughts No Passion is Mistriss of his Heart with greater violence and yet nevertheless nothing that he more easily puts in competition here nothing that he maketh a greater shew of on some occasions and nothing with which he troubleth himself less on others There was then a great deal of reason to be jealous of the King's Constancy when his mind upon this Subject was like another mans and their Suspitions of him encreased as soon as they saw him King by the Death of Henry III. and were changed almost into certainty after some steps that he made to gain the confidence of the Catholicks But these Jealousies which were but too well verified by the Consequence of Affairs did not oblige the Protestants to take Security of him nor make him buy their services by advantagious conditions It happened as it is said that some Ministers in their Entertainments and Sermoâ—s Predicted the ruin of Anti-Christ in terms a little too harsh and promised their Party a speedy triumph over the Church a hope upon which men often frame very agreeable illusions because every one makes an Application of the promises upon which he believes them founded to the age he lives in Some Historians have alledged these over bold Discourses for an excuse of the irresolution of the Catholicks But there was more particular Interest in the matter than true Zeal for the good of Religion as appears by the Articles which they oblig'd the K to promise before they would acknowledg him He deliberated a great while with his antient Friends to know what to determine during which the Catholicks laboured to take their precautions But after a long wavering the resolution he took was not absolutely to refuse changing his Religion but only in the present conjuncture come what would that is to say he would have Religion for an up-stroak and see in the mean time what he could do by his prudence and by the fidelity of his servants At last they present Conditions to him upon which the Catholicks of the Army would acknowledg him The first That he should cause himself to be instructed in six Months as much as to say
according to the stile of the Roman Church that he should make himself a Catholick in that time Thoseare 2 things which they neither distinguish in Speech nor Practice to be instructed according to them being to promise to relish their Doctrine and to engage to make Profession of it Whereas reason requires that Instruction should be only an Essay after which one should have entire Liberty to advance no further towards the Roman Religion if after such Instruction the Conscience be not fully satisfied The second condition was That the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be suspended during that time The third That the King should grant no Office to any Protestant for those 6 Months this the Catholicks desired to secure those that were in possession of them from being turn'd out The last was That they should have permission to send to the Pope to give him an account of their Reasons for submitting to the Kings obedience Altho it was very hard for the K. to buy a Crown so dear that was legally â—aln to him yet he consented to all but the 2d Article And in effect besides the shame of depriving himself of the exercise of his Religion it would have been a piece of injustice to take away from his Subjects the priviledg they enjoy'd before his coming to the Crown and 't was to be fear'd he would find them resolute and strong enough to maintain them in spite of all Prohibitions The Catholicks did not take well this denial but however to induce them to approve it he promis'd to re-establish the Catholick Religion in those places where the exercise of it was not before free The Article which concern'd the K's Instruction was not much contested by the Protestants themselves of whom he took Counsel and himself assures in a Letter which he wrote upon this Subject that the principal of those that were his followers did not disapprove his proceedings The Reason of it was because the Protestants were perswaded that if they proceeded to this instruction in a method agreeable to his Dignity and the importance of the thing they should â—ather gain than lose by it For they thought of nothing for that effect but General or National Councils or at least eminent Assemblies of the most Ecclesiasticks Reformations of Abuses sincere and serious conferences and they hoped to make the Truth of their Doctrine shine forth there so clearly that instead of losing the King they should gain many Lords who hated not their Religion but only out of ignorance of its Principles Du Plessis Mornay was pre possess'd with this Hope as well as others and it was for this Reason that two years after he agreed so easily with Villeroy upon this Article The Catholicks would have had a Declaration signed by the King for the assurance of the things which he had granted them and notwithstanding all the Complaisance he had for them they were not entirely contented Some signed the Accord with regret and others refused to sign it Vitri carried the matter further and threw himself into the League The Duke of Nevers stood in a kind of Neutrality under pretence That his Conscience would not let him joyn himself to the Enemies of the State such as he esteemed the Leaguers nor serve the King because he was not a Catholick He persisted in those Sentiments a long time and it was nothing but the King's Victories which determined him to his service In the Provinces the Governours of Places who held for the King did in a manner the same thing Some were brought others promising to obey declared without ceremony That they should do it with regret whilst the King continued an Heretick But nothing did him so much mischief as the Retreat of the Duke of Espernon who quitted the Army without discovering what Party he would take nor the true reason of his Conduct He would fain have the World believe he did it out of a pure Motive of Zeal for Religion but 't was suspected he had other considerations besides c. He fear'd perhaps that he was not in security at the New Court which did not love him because he abused the Favour which he had under the late King or whether he could not resolve to submit to the mean figure in which he must have lived had he staid since there arose already some contests about his Rank either perhaps he had no inclination for the New King nor confidence in his Friendship or whether in retiring to his Government he thought himself strong enough to Cantonnize that part and there expect what would befal the Realm and in case of dismembring it he would keep what he had Yet however in a little time after his Retreat he promised the K. to serve him in those Provinces where he governed But his Example proved of considerable consequence because the Lords and Captains retired likewise and the Troops disbanded themselves and the fine Army which would easily have brought Paris and the League to reasonable terms dispersed in a few days Some even of the Protestants with drew themselves and because their enemies made it a great Crime afterwards it is necessary to observe that the Dissipation began first by the Catholicks and for a few others quitting it that Retreat ought not to be imputed to the whole Party It is certain that the K's true Servants were as useful to him in the Provinces as in the presence of his person In effect there were many Cities which waver'd at the News of Hen. III. his Death and the Resolution taken at Paris not to receive an Heretick King upon the Throne of St. Lewis appear'd so pleasing to the Catholicks that it drew a great number into the League and 't was thought it would bring over many Cities which held out for the King And therefore the Protestants had need of some part of their Forces to bridle those that had a mind to stir and to keep their own places from being surprised in whose preservation the King had as much Interest as themselves So that they were oblig'd to disperse part of their Troops into divers places to keep as much of the Country as they could in obedience From whence it follows that if we judge equitably we must not make the Protestants guilty of a Crime where they can excuse themselves either by the Necessity of the Time or by the Example of the Catholick Nobles or because if they did go off from the King's Army it was but to serve him elsewhere In the mean time the dissipation of the King's Army made the League take Courage and they had fresh Springs for succour and the King who was in no estate to enterprise any thing being retired towards Diepe to receive the Forces which he expected from England the D. of Mayenne pursued him and reduced him to so great an extremity that he was upon the point of passing the Sea as despairing of his affairs But the Mareshal Biron hindred
him from leaving his Party and the success of the Fight at Arques joyned to the arrival of the English having made the Leaguers retire the King put his affairs into a good posture and gain'd several advantages During the time that this passed the promise which he had made to the Catholicks of his party being sent into the Provinces gave great Alarms to the Protestants These words were read with suspicion which had slipt into the Copies The late King whom God absolve and as they knew these were taken from the ordinary Language of the Roman Church when it speaks of dead persons they fear'd they were let fall from the K. as an effect of a Resolution already taken to embrace the Doctrin of that Church or at least as a mark of little zeal and affection to the Protestant Religion This was chiefly noised about in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge where the discontents began soonest They assembled together in order to a conference at St. John d'Angeli where under pretence 't was uncertain whether the K. would persevere in his Religion they propos'd to chuse a new Protector It seem'd but a Series of certain Intrigues which had caus'd the trouble in the last assembly at Rochel where some unquiet Spirits complaining of the Authority which the K. of Navar took in affairs would have taken away the power which the Protection gave him or limited it by rigorous conditions because they did not intend to chuse a Master in taking a Protector For this reason perhaps they would have chose rather to give this Quality to a man whom they had a mind to honour than to a Prince who seeing no body but the King above him would think all other Qualities inferiour to his Dignity Since the Death of Henry III. they had more reason than ever to renew the same Reflections because the K. of Navar having succeeded him he was thenceforward too great not to adjudge the Quality of Protector as derogating from that of a K The Reason why they mov'd in that business at the conference was because they talkt of suppressing the Chambers of Justice to please the Parliaments which the K. while he was only K. of Navar had established in divers places composed of Protestant Officers before whom the Protestants brought all their Affairs and that they had setled Royal Judges in divers places which deprived the Protestant Officers of their ordinary subsistance That they had restor'd the Mass in divers places against the express Terms of the Truce under the pretence of executing it and that their Protector had done nothing for them since his coming to the Crown That when the Truce was now ready to expire they saw nothing which tended to the peace which the late King had promised They complained also That their Ministers with whose maintenance the King had charged his Finances were worse paid under the New Reign than they had been under the Old Du Plessis in Negotiating the Truce made this a Capital Article and carried it after some Contradictions The Order which was observed for the Execution of this Treaty was That there were sent to the Secretary of State of each Division Rolls which certified the Names and Number of their Pastors which Du Plessis was to sign And upon these Rolls so attested Ordonnances were delivered to the Exchequer out of which it was paid to the Neighbouring Receivers of the places of their Residence Henry IV. was willing to have continued this Order for the Provinces where the Protestants were strong and this lasted till he changed his Religion after which he never setled it notwithstanding the promise he had made Moreover during the first troubles of the new Government this order was ill observ'd insomuch that the persons interessed were not able to support themselves and their condition was more uncertain under a King of their own Religion than they had ever been under any that was their Enemy This made them fear the event both for themselves and the common cause which the King seemed to defend with no great heat and therefore they thought they must rely upon a Protector who might apply himself to their Affairs with less indifference But before we go any further we must explain what the Protestants meant by a Protector for fear it should be imagined that it was a Project of Rebellion which was formed by them under the pretence of this Election The Protestants then having been constrain'd after the cruelties and wrongs of more than 30 years to unite themselves together for their common Defence they put themselves at first under the protection of the Prince of Conde who had the same Interest with them and to whom the Guises owed as little good Will as to the Protestant Religion The natural design of this Protection was to procure security and repose to the people who had embraced the Reformation to carry to the King the complaints and requests of the persecuted party by an authorised Intercessor to repress by the respect of their Protector the enterprises of the Cabals of Zealots or the Intrigues which the Ambitious might form for the ruin of the Protestants to have a Trustee and Guardian of the Faith of Treaties and Edicts which might be obtained for Liberty of Conscience so that this Protection gave to the person to whom it was given nothing but the care of obtaining tolerable conditions for the Protestants and to procure them to be observâ—d when obtain'd by his Solicitations and his Credit and by consequence he could never give any jealousy to any Princes but such as had no design to keep their Faith since to render the Protector of no use there was no more to do but to permit the People to live quietly in peace of Conscience the Protection doth then fall of it self when there is no infractions to redress nor any Injusticeâ—o â—o fear Since all the proceedings of the Protector aim'd at nothing else but to obtain and procure from the King a soâ—id Peace and Tranquility unto a considerable part of his Subâ—â—cts whom the other Disaffected Party designed to oppress The Royal Authority was always respected and indeed under that Protection Since if any thing was restrain'd or limited by this Protection it was not the Royal Authority which the Protestants desired rather to encrease than diminish but the Inhuman Zeal of the Catholicks which after all the Protestant Blood they had spilt by infinite number of Torments talk'd of nothing but the utter destruction and extermination of the rest And if that formed a party in the Realm Equity and humanity will blame them less for it that had but that one way left them to defend themselves than those that by a thousand Violences Wrongs and Frauds forc'd them to have recourse to that Remedy It is true this Protection has sometimes produced War but it was by accident because the infidelity of the Court the ambitious cruelty of the Guises the violations of
at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies Divers pretences were contriv'd either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held or to perswade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while Valognes in Normandy was taken from 'em under a pretence that it signifi'd nothing to keep it because two or three useless Forts about it were ras'd Mention was made of demolishing all the places that kept Poitiers block'd up as soon as that great Town wou'd be reduc'd The Baron of Courtomer also was depriv'd of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasion'd by such Acts of Injustice pay'd the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man at whose return after a shameful wasting of his Wealth his Father kill'd the fatted Calf for Joy of his Repentance But they answer'd that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful and to whom his Father said Son all that I have is thine That if they were resolv'd to spend the revenue of the Family in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him it was but just at least to make him a sharer to whom it was said Son thou hast always been with me That certainly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrific'd for the return of the other nor to be despoil'd of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampl'd under Foot the Authority of his Father Besides these general affairs there happen'd others particular in many places which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses Images Banners and Shrines when they shou'd meet 'em in the streets This seem'd to be of consequence because it was done as 't were in the very Presence of the King who seem'd to Authorize seeing he did not hinder it An order of the Judges of Lyons drove from the City and its Jurisdiction upon pain of Death all those that shou'd not profess the Catholick Religion The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Punishment the selling reading or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion That of Bourdeaux had made an Act that authoriz'd the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Church-yards of the Catholicks The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the payment of Ministers were of no effect The Courts that were promis'd for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc were not set up though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury At Orleance the Officers already receiv'd were deposed The Parliament of Roan caus'd the Proctors and Advocates to make a publick Abjuration before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar And even at Tours the Parliament before it's return to Paris had caus'd a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Abjuration afore his Pattents could be register'd which appear'd so much the more strange that Saumur was a Town of Safety Among the Reformed Lords there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine where he was very powerful His manners were irregular and his Life not very edifying He was covetous ambitious and debauch'd and he had join'd himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession rather because their Religion had been the raising of his Fortune then out of any real Piety There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daughter with la Trimouille or the Marshal de Bouillon which would have very much advanc'd the Affairs of the Reformed But the Court prevented those Alliances and a little after that Lesdiguieres marry'd her to Crequi a zealous Catholick Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances and those but very superficial too There were also Governours both of the Provinces and of strong Towns whose Character was much the same who though in the main they were perswaded that their Religion was right nevertheless were so strongly engag'd with the Court that 't was not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren But there were several others who laid things more to heart and who us'd all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons and the Exercise of their Religion The Mareschal de Bouillon was one of these and in greatest Authority A Person of great Merit and great Ambition He had the Reputation of a good Head-peice in the Council and of a great Captain in the Field in Credit with Foreign Princes and capable to be the Head of a Party His Estate was considerable and he had Places of Strength in his Hands More especially Sedan which as he said belong'd to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife who dy'd but a little before without Children and was a Place of great Consequence as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom La Trimouille was next to him Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each other but that they aim'd both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice to whom the Vnited Provinces had granted part of that Power which William his Father had exercis'd until his Death La Trimouille was Young Brave Resolute Daring Courteous Generous Powerful in Poictou and drew a great Train of Nobility after him The Court accus'd him of being a Lover of Quarrels and of being Head-strong But others gave him a better Character That he was one who would listen to Reason understood it and was capable of good Counsel and look'd upon him as a Person endu'd with great Qualities happy natural Parts and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect Heroe The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde his Nephew Presumptive Heir of the Crown because the King had no Legitimate Issue and was by no means to be reconcil'd to Queen Margaret de Valois his Wife somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart and made him look'd upon with more Respect by the Reformed who despair'd not one day to see him their Masters Governour But on the other side it render'd him suspected and odious to the Court where his Genius was dreaded Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli where the Prince of Conde was brought up were much disgusted of which I shall tell the reason in
who was the Man of his time that had the most Learning and Solidity and wrote the best thô his Style savour'd too much of the Latin Phrase and the Dignity of the Subject caus'd the Work to be soon perus'd by the Curious The Noise of it reach'd Rome and the Pope complain'd more especially because of the Title of Counsellor of State which the Author had taken upon him for that it seem'd as if the Affront had Issu'd from the Bosom of the Counsel it self since it was given by one of the Members of it and as if the King had had a share in giving the Injury since it came from one of his intimate Confidents The King himself was Offended at it fearing least the Pope being exasperated by the Affront should delay the Dissolution of his Marriage which was then seriously in Agitation For that Reason he testify'd his Resentment and it was the beginning of Duplessis's Disgrace which was attended with Consequences of greater Importance One would have thought that this dissatisfaction of the King and the Pope would have Authoriz'd whatever the Zeal of the Catholics should undertake against the Book or the Author Nevertheless the Jesuits that were settled at Bourdeaux having a great desire to have the Book Condemn'd to the Fire Dases the first President Oppos'd and only bid 'em refute it if they thought it convenient Boulanger one of the King's Almoners having made a critical Censure upon the Preface and Accus'd the passages to be falsiy'd the Arch bishop of Bourges took him up and reply'd upon him very smartly Nor did the Legat himself require any Vigorous proceedings against the Book only desir'd six Copies to carry along with him at his departure out of France and engag'd that Bellarmine should Answer him But they bethought themselves of another way to Mortifie du Plessis the Catholics finding it more easie to disgrace the Author then destroy the Book That which happen'd that year and the Lent following was this that the Predicants let loose their Fury against the Book and Reveng'd the Pope and the Roman Religion with all manner of Calumnies and Invectives upon du Plessis 'T was thought also that the Gentleman durst not appear in publick without hazard of his Life during the first Violence of their Rage He therefore kept his House for some days till the Tempest was over And in regard 't was believ'd that the people were sufficiently Incens'd to have gone and Assaulted him in his own House Madam offer'd to receive him into hers for his better security It may be thought That slight Moderation was Affected to shew that the Liberty of the Reformed was great in pursuance of the Edict since they had the Freedom to publish such Affronts against the Roman Religion and yet that the Catholics should be permitted no other means of Revenging themselves than by the Ordinary way of Refutation or else of mitigating the discontents of those who did not find the Edict conformable to their Hopes and who were vex'd to see the Verification so long delay'd and to prevent 'em from augmenting upon the severity which they might have us'd to the first Book of the Reformed Religion that appear'd after the Edict was Decreed In a Word there being no way wholly to quell the Bigots they caus'd Plessis's Book to be Condemn'd to the Fire by some Inferiour Court of Justice and the Sentence was put in Execution The Assembly still sitting at Chatelleraud was very much offended at it and considering the thing was done at the very time that the first steps were made toward the Execution of the Edict they judg'd it to be of too great Consequence to pass it by without complaining But thô they were fully determin'd to Testifie their Resentment they were willing first of all to write to du Plessis as being the principal person concern'd to know his Opinion what was to be done upon this Occasion This shews that they did well to prevent the Soveraign Courts from making Decrees of the same Nature against this Work For as the Affront would have been more Heinous most certain it is that the Reformed would have made a Louder Noise But du Plessis who did not think his Book dishonour'd by these Transports of his Adversaries was not the person that troubled himself most about it However he declar'd by his Answer that the thing seem'd to him to be of Great Importance in regard that the Doctrine of the Reformed being acquitted by the Edict from the Name of Heresie the Books that taught the Reformed Doctrine were not to be Burnt since only Heretical Books were to be Condemn'd to that Mark of Infamy Therefore 't was his Opinion that they should Appeal from the Sentence to the Chamber of the Edict rather than to the Privy-Council where the business would be assuredly Stifl'd Nevertheless that it was a hard matter to apply a Remedy to a past Mischief since they had Executed the Sentence and what was already done amiss could not be amended But this Book was attended with Consequences much more Remarkable which will not permit us to stop at these less weighty Observations During these Passages which I have hitherto related there were three things in Negotiation between the Court of France and that of Rome and which were of Importance sufficient to put the Reformed in Fear that althô they had obtain'd an Edict the King would not purchase the prosperous Conclusion of his Affairs at the Expence of his Favours toward them The first Affair was the Dissolution of the King's Marriage which he ardently desir'd And for the obtaining of which 't was thought he would humble him to any manner of Complyance with the Pope This Affair was of great Consequence to the State as also to the Kingdom in regard the Mischiefs of a dubious Succession might bring extremity of Consusion upon the Kingdom after the King's Death The Reformed also were very urgent for it not a little fearful that a great part of the New troubles which might Attend the King's Death would fall upon themselves But the King 's obstinate Fondness for his Miss had a long time retarded that Negotiation For the Pope was unwilling to favour a Marriage so unsuitable and Queen Margaret would by no means give place to a Woman that was so much beneath her and whose Virtue it was thought had surrender'd it self to other Suits besides that of the King That Mistress being Dead after such a manner as might Raise a suspicion that Roni and some others well understood that there was a kind of necessity she should dye the King embroyl'd himself in New Intrigues and made a promise of Marriage to the Daughter of the Marquiss d'Entragues to obtain what he desir'd of her He had also been so weak as to shew this promise to Roni to ask his Advice about the Form and Roni was so bold as to tear it before his Face But the King who was not Master of his passion
World and that Wandering Consciences should be permitted to Govern themselves according to their own Illuminations after their Enemies had so long labour'd to subdue 'em to the Judgments of others Moreover these pretended Wanderers who had done the Kingdom no other harm then only taken Arms to defend themselves from unjust Oppressors had done the same Kingdom both long and faithful Services attested by all the Records of Time that preserve the Memory of 'em confess'd by all Impartial Historians contradicted only by Missionaries whose Impudence is a Shame and Scandal to all Men of Honour Now there is a reason deriv'd from Natural Right and Equity which binds Reward to Service and which looks upon as an Act of Injustice the Persecuting Oppressing and Exterminating with an Ou ragious Fury those from whom they have receiv'd both advantagious Succour and kind Offices of Defence and Preservation The Reformed who had all the French Catholics for Testimonies of their Fidelity some because they had gain'd by their Assistance others because they had felt the smart of it talk'd loudly of their long and important Services and of these two sorts of Catholics there were some who were not asham'd to acknowledge ' em When Henry III. put the Duke and Cardinal of Guise to Death the Catholic Rebels were infinitely much stronger then they who continu'd in their Allegiance but when the Reformed join'd the Kings Party the Face of Affairs chang'd and the Honest Party were soon in a Condition to overwhelm the other And there needs but a little Partiality and Equity for any Man to see what share they had in the Preservation of the Kingdom when joining with the King they not only ballanc'd Affairs but turn'd the Scale on the Kings side It might be said without doing any body wrong that they alone preserv'd the State since they preserv'd the Catholics who jointly labour'd with 'em afterwards in the same performance However I shall say no more but that they lent a helping hand to the preservation of it that they shar'd with the faithful Catholics the Honour of supporting the Crown and fixing it upon the Head of him to whom it Lawfully appertain'd that after they had fasten'd it upon the Head of Henry III. they assisted his Successor to recover it again and to defend his Claim against the fury of the League and the Conspiracies of Spain and Italy It was but just then that they should share in the Reward after they had undergon their part of the Toils and Hazards of the War that they should partake of the Repose and Pleasures also of the Peace Now this is all that the Edict of Nantes has done for ' em Nevertheless there is something more to be said When we speak of Recompence there is something to be understood which distinguishes one Man from another which confers upon the one by reason of his Merit and Services somewhat which is not bestow'd upon another because there is not the same reason for the preference Between the Prince and Subject Recompence gives to the Receiver something more then is owing to him from the Prince under the Quality of a Subject and distinguishes him from that Equality wherein others remain If it be Just then and grounded upon the most evident Principles of Natural Understanding that Faithful Subjects should have Rewards conferr'd upon 'em that signalize and distinguish 'em how much more Equitable is it to Grant 'em for their Recompence that which does no more then equal 'em with others and put 'em into the same Condition Now the Favours and Priviledges of the Edict are no more then Recompences of the last Order The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed that distinguishes 'em from others under the Quality of Subjects or which may be taken to be any Mark of Preference before another It grants 'em nothing but the Security of their Persons their Estates and their Lives the Liberty of their Consciences free Priviledge to Worship God and procure the Salvation of their Souls according to their own Opinions and Judgments to share alike with others the Protection of the Laws and the Benefit of Justice to have the same Liberty of Preferment to Employments and Offices by their Merit to Professions by their Sufficiency to Trades by their Capacity To have power to Assemble and Confer together and Mutually to Assist each other in the Performances of Religion and Piety to enjoy equally with the Catholics the Right which Nature gives to Fathers over their Children to Masters over their Hir'd Servants to participate of the Mutual Succours of Society during Life and the Duties of Enterrment after Death In a word there is nothing in the Edict that grants any thing more to the Reformed then what all other Subjects enjoy On the other side the greatest part of these Common Rights are granted the Reformed with certain Limitations which clearly show'd that all the Sway and Dominion was in the hands of the Catholics and that the Reformed were only Associated to these Advantages by a Treaty of Mutual Toleration The Securities also are a sufficient Proof that the Equality was not perfect and that the Reformed had neither Power nor Credit Securities are never taken but from those that are the stronger or the most suspected and they that require 'em acknowledge at the same time a kind of Superiority in those that Grant ' em This not being to be question'd in the least it was but a piece of Justice to Grant the Reformed for their Services those Favours that did no more then equal 'em with others This was indeed to grant 'em just nothing it was no more then a Restitution of what belong'd to 'em to maintain 'em in their Rights of Nature and in those which they had by Birth like others that breath'd the same Air and obey'd the same Prince There is nothing can be call'd Just if the Preservation of Common Right may not deserve that Name more especially in favour of those who have perform'd for the good of their Country the same Duties and Services with the rest of their Fellow Country-men Let us suppose for a moment that these Advantages were refus'd the Reformed after their good Services or rather without supposing any thing let us look upon 'em as they were before the Edict was Granted and what they are since it was revok'd We shall see Catholics and Reformed at least under the same Obedience preferr'd to the same Offices sharing in the same Exigencies of State embracing the same Opportunities to serve their Prince having the same Civil Laws the same Obligations the same Interests the same Enemies So much Equality in all these things requires that it should be the same in all the rest but we shall find it cease so soon as we shall but turn our Eyes upon the Reformed depriv'd of the Favours of the Edict We shall find 'em abus'd in their Persons ruin'd in their Estates excluded from all Employments either of
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
a few Hours after Rasis to arrive in times and Caution the Inn-keeper to have a care of himself So this miserable Wretch escap'd and he was found Drowned 20 or 30 Leagues from Paris upon the Bank of the Marne which he would have foarded in his way to Flanders His Death seem'd no less suspicious then his escape and many believ'd that Villeroy conniv'd at the one and procur'd the other I was not rational to think that a Man who had been above five and thirty years in the Ministry of State should not know that the first thing he ought to have done was to have seiz'd on the Officer And the Neglect of so necessary a Precaution gave occasion to suspect that the Master had some Reason to desire that the Servant should escape But the King was willing to take the sorrow that Villeroy express'd for a Proof of his Innocency And he accepted of the bad Excuses of this Minister as if they had been better Insomuch that he continu'd in the Ministry as before and if perhaps he lost something of the King's Esteem and Condence at least he lost nothing of his Dignity The End of the Eight Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK IX The Argument of the 9th Book THE Reformed are afraid that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He Answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of La Trimouille and his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow The Pyramid pull'd down New Factions An Assembly at Chatelleraud Matters which were there to be treated on St. Germains Letter to Marshal de Bouillon Roni Commissioner for the King at the Assembly His Instructions What Reception he had His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies The Vnion renew'd Lesdiguieres comes into it Roni Excuses this New Oath Breviats for the Guard of Towns of Hostage The Assembly suffers the places of Marshal Bouillon to be taken Other advantages that Roni gain'd of the Assembly with which the Pope is well contented The Deputies of the Assembly caress'd at the Court An Assembly of the Clergy The Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion An Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal de Bouillon makes his Peace The Treaty with those of Rochel in favour of the Catholics Priests that did not Pray to God for the King Gun-Powder Treason The Oath exacted of the Catholics of England The Exercise permitted at Charenton for the Reformed of Paris which the Lord of the place opposes in vain Papers favourably Answer'd The Attempt of Seguiran the Jesuit to Preach at Rochel A Mortification of the Jesuits The Synod at Rochel General Deputies The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at the Court The Quick-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is deferr'd and Vignier order'd to Treat largely on it The Synod Names only two Deputies General Affairs Treated on at the Synod Forreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies He permits a General Assembly at Gergeau Sulli suspected by the Reformed Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reformed Conferences and Changes of Religion The Assembly Complies with the Kings desire An Assembly of the Clergy The Resolute Answer of the King and his disowning a promise made in his Name by his Attorneys in the Matter of Absolution Cotton the Jesuit the Dauphins Master A Fund for the Ministers that shâ—ll change their Religion The Treaty with the Morisco's Persecuted in Spain is â—roke off by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France The Kings Domestic Vexations Divers Sentiments on the Alliance of Spain Frauds to renew the Civil Wars The Power of the Jesuits Establish'd at Bearn Papers Answer'd The Synod at St. Maixant The Theatre of Antichrist A Blow given to Seignioral Rights The Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche The Discourse of Jeannin upon Liberty of Conscience The Edict in favour of the Morisco's The Escape of the Prince of Condé War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The Formidable Power of the King His Dâ—signs His unexpected Death THE Reformed had a great share in these particular Accidents because they look'd upon all those who held Intelligence with Spain as their Sworn Enemies and they believ'd that all the Projects of that Court design'd their Ruin at the bottom insomuch that they were always listening to discover the designs of that Cabal and to hinder that it did not grow too powerful in France where they had if it may be so said no Friend but the King Besides they were not so assur'd of him as not to have some distrust of his Constancy and the little Resolution they had observ'd in him upon the Account of Religion made 'em fear that he had besides as little in Point of Acknowledgment and Friendship They saw that he suffer'd himself to be too much possess'd by the Jesuits and they complain'd sometimes alluding to the Name of his Confessor that he heard his old Friends no more since he had his Ears stopp'd with Cotton They saw likewise in him amidst his great Qualities great Weaknesses And that to have Peace at home he was so far Patient and Compliant that the meanest Citizen wou'd have hardly done so much There was besides great Reason to fear that to Content the Queen whose Intentions were no way favorable to 'em he wou'd break with 'em and suffer himself to be led to an Alliance with Spain of which they did not doubt but their Destruction was a necessary consequence These apprehensions which were but too reasonable as it appear'd under another Reign oblig'd 'em to Arm themselves every day with new precautions The King who believ'd that these Alarms might serve for a pretext to those who were not well affected to his Government was very willing to dissipate 'em by the Testimonies of the constant Will that he had to maintain the Edicts and whatsoever discontent he had of particulars he favour'd the General Cause as much as 't was possible for him And this about the time that I speak of he made appear by his manner of answering the Papers which the Deputies General presented him They complain'd among other things of certain Monuments of the late Wars which the Catholics preserv'd as it were to render the Memory of those Troubles eternal Thus in the Cathedral Church of Bazas was to be seen an Inscription which call'd the Reformed Heretic Hugenots and which imputes to 'em Profanations and Ruins The King had often commanded the Bishop to erase those violent Terms but the Bishop wae not willing to obey him They complain'd again of the affronts which were done in some places to the Ministers and their Children of the delay of Establishing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in many places where it shou'd be according to the Edict of 1577 of the trouble that they found when the places design'd
by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise fell by Succession or otherwise into the hands of Catholics of which they alledg'd an Example in Baujolâ—is where the Propriet of a Barn that was design'd 'em for their Assemblies was upon the point of being sold They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons as they had done all the Lent long at Blois at Orleans at Angiers and elsewhere at Chalons upon Sacne at Mortagne at Chartres the Judges to whom the Complaints were made never using their endeavours to repress ' em They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that wou'd take upon themselves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers The Kings Answers were all favourable however they were forc'd to come again more then once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which preserv'd the Memory of the Civil Wars Very near the same time the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex sollicited the Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtain'd in the Matters of Religion since their Country came under the power of the King I have already observ'd that they had there follow'd the Methods of the Edict as in all the rest of the Kingdom whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion or for maintaining the Reformed in the possession where the King had found ' em But to have a stronger Title then those Regulations made upon particular Accidents they desir'd something more Authentic that they might make 'em effectual and they obtain'd it in the Month of June by a Declaration for that purpose In the mean time they prepar'd themselves to hold a General Assembly and indeed the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud The King was much afrad lest some things shou'd pass there against his Interest because it was said that this Assembly wou'd Grant their Protection to the Marshal de Bouillon The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion and when he writ to the King after his disgrace he spoke more in the Style of an Accuser that threaten'd then of a Criminal that humbl'd himself It was dangerous in the Example that that shou'd be taken for a Cause of Religion in an Assembly of Subjects which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Soveraign Moreover the place was suspected because it was at Chatelleraud from whence la Trimouille and du Plessis were not far distant For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liberty and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero if he had not been Born under a Monarchy 't was fear'd that he wou'd have endeavour'd to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Common-wealth of which the Marshal de Bouillon was accus'd to have laid the Project This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the Kings Council to think that they had perhaps already some prospects of oppressing the Public Liberty by an Absolute Power 'T is certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way and little Papers ran among the people that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council if once they went about to set themselves above Promises and Laws 'T was therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude because they saw it wou'd be easie to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Establish'd But the Death of the Duke of Trimouille deliver'd the King of that pain It happen'd so seasonably that it might be said to have been procur'd His Distemper began with Convulsions which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lingred some months and when there seem'd some likelihood of his Cure his Convulsions seiz'd him again and carry'd him off He had bin invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly perswaded that his Death was not Natural This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit because the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trouble 'T is a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings if he be Fear'd he is Hated if he be Peaceable he is Despis'd and when some part of their favour is obtain'd 't is not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul to be more oblig'd to blind Compliance or a servile Dependance then to his Merit There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise which was judg'd at the Chamber of the Edict The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Marry'd ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity His Death happening some years after his Widow agreed for his Inheritance with the Admiral and after that having been carry'd away by a Man who Robb'd her of all that she had got it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was publish'd to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband She grounded her Suit upon the Edict which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars order'd a Toleration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her pretensions She might have succeeded better if the Dispute had been about any other then a Prelate but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirm'd Bishop and Peer of France who had presum'd to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Purple Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admiral and of d'Andelot and his Marriage 't is like cou'd not be confirm'd without the Ruin of two Families which descended from these Lords one of which was half Catholic to wit that of d'Andelot whose Son had embrac'd both the Roman Religion and the League Servin Advocate-General made a long Speech in this Cause He spoke not of this Marriage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction and wou'd never grant that there had been any Solemnization of this Marriage even in the Forms accustom'd among the Reformed As Servin inclin'd very much to their Doctrine it may be judg'd that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome where he was necessary to make it appear that such a Marriage had not been approv'd of His Evidences took from the Cardinals Wise the Quality of his Widow depriv'd her of all that she cou'd pretend to in that Quality and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children The Court order'd the Advocates
to put off the Cause to be heard before the Council for other Reasons then those that appear'd in the Decree That is to say That nothing might be pronounc'd in an Affair of this Nature and to give place for an Accommodation A very passionate Author who has inserted Servin's Pleading in his Work says That the Decree was agreeable to the Evidence but he does not relate the Terms of the Decree whereas the Advocate General Talon relates 'em in his Reports such as I have said In a word this Affair was one of the principal Reasons of making the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars so as it is and the opposite Interests of the Widow and the Defendants gave room for greater Contests since the year 1600. The Cause of a Carthusian who had lest his Cloyster before the Edict and who demanded a share with his Brothers and in 1605. that of a Capuchin whose Case was the same were Judg'd according to the Tenor of the Article If they deviated a little in this Widows Cause 't is easie to see that there was more regard had to the Quality of the Persons concern'd then to the Nature of the business The Duke of Rohan this year likewise receiv'd a Check at the Court He was not willing to live unprofitable to the World and with a design to advance himself therein he made some steps which did not please the King But that was calm'd by the submission of the Duke who referr'd himself to the Discretion of his Master But the following year the Reformed and all good Frenchmen with no small disgust beheld the Pyramid thrown down which was rear'd to Eternize in a Plate of Brass the Decree of the Banishment of the Jesuits after the wicked attempt of Chatel Those Assassins who had the Credit to Re-establish themselves in spite of the Decree had yet a greater Reputation to demolish that Monument of what they were capable to do nor could the Parlament who were troubl'd beyond imagination to see the noblest mark of their Zeal for the good of France destroy'd prevent it either by Oppositions or Remonstrances All that they obtain'd was That they were not constrain'd themselves to undo their own Work and that it was Demolish'd without Formality of Justice Discourses Writings and Verses were on this Subject but the Jesuits who had what they desir'd took little notice of these slight storms well knowing it to be a Liberty of no consequence which may be Granted for his Consolation to an Enemy that can do no more mischief then only evaporate his Anger in Satyrs and Pasquills After this nothing but Favours were granted to this Society nothing but Benefices united to the Colledges but Houses built to Lodge their Novices more at their Ease In the mean time the Kingdom was full of Alarms and the King received from all parts Advice of the great designs that the Spaniards had upon several places Several Parties of the Male-contents got together of which the one had for pretence the Publick Good others design'd to raise up the Nobility again which had bin too much humbled others to pull down Roni whose Fortune they compared to that which Sejanus had done under Tiberius and wish'd that his end might be like to the downfal of that Favourite as there had been a resemblance in the advancement of the one and of the other and in the abuse which as they pretended the one in imitation of the other made of his Masters favour Others pretended to Revenge the Death of Biron whose Relations they were or else his Creatures The greatest part of these Intrigues were Spun by the Marshal de Bouillon who thought to render himself formidable in hopes perhaps to be recall'd and who had every where such great Intelligences that he seem'd capable of putting all Europe in Combustion He Labour'd above all things to engage the Reformed in some League by insinuating a dread in 'em from the King 's having promis'd the Legate to Ruin them And he caused Propositions to be made them for Establishing fixed Councels in all the Provinces to Treat of the Affairs of the Common Cause to exclude the Kings Officers of all the Politick Debates of their Assemblies to draw up Models for Raising Men and Money and to make Alliances with Strangers for their Common Defence But I know not how they could impute to him any other Projects Inconsistant with these as to design to change the Religion to conspire the Dismembring of the Kingdom to desire the Dauphinate for his share to disturb the Succession of the Dauphin to make a League with the Spaniards to make Peace between them and the Vnited Provinces It is impossible to join these Designs with the other for his part he deny'd constantly ever to have had such thoughts and it was so much the more easie for him to justifie himself in that it was not possible to find the least Proof against him in Writing Some body deposed that Money brought from Spain was distributed by the Orders of the Marshal to some private Gentlemen of Querci Guyenne and Languedoc and that they were promis'd at the same time that they should be assisted with greater Succours but the Sum which did not exceed Ten or Twelve Thousand Crowns was so little that it could not be thought to come from Spain which would never have confin'd her Profusions to so small a Matter It was believed that the Marshal had drawn this Sum out of his own Purse to keep his Friends in hope of a more considerable Profit Nevertheless every thing caus'd a Jealousie in a Kingdom where the Remains of so many old Factions gave occasion to fear that new ones were forming and the Assembly of Chattelleraud being come unlook'd for in this state of Affairs redoubled the perplexity of the Suspicious they well knew at Court that great matters were there to be Debated They were to consult which way to preserve their places of Security of which they knew that the Council would all at once take two Thirds away from them by distinguishing those which belong'd to particular Lords from those which were the Kings only The Revolt of Gentlemen of which already many Examples had been seen made the consequence to be feared in regard that if one Person of Estate happen'd to change his Religion all his Places would be lost from the Party Moreover the King talk'd openly of making War against the Marshal de Bouillon and of seizing his strong Holds and nothing could divert him from it but the Consideration of his Breeves which allow'd the Reform'd the keeping of the Places or Garisons for a time which was not yet expir'd But the difficulty was remov'd in case the Places belonging to particular Persons were not included with those they call'd Places of Surety from whence it follow'd that when ever the King should think fit he might dispossess the Reform'd of all those Places one after another and the Breach being
the Bishop was the most Zealous Opposer thereof The Jesuit Cotton endeavour'd to lay the blame of it upon the Duke of Sully and to make the King believe that he was the Person who had hinder'd them from entring into that Important City accusing him to have written against them to the Bishop That Prelate who was not their Friend clear'd him from that Aspersion and in order the better to convince the Jesuit of Calumny he sent the King the Letters which Sully had written to him upon that subject Those who have written Cotton the Jesuits Life or rather the Romance which they have intitl'd his Life have mention'd Sully's Accusation by that Jesuit but did not think fit to mention his Justification by the Bishop Nothing can evidence the esteem which the Catholicks themselves who were true Frenchmen had of the probity of that Sect better than what pass'd between some Jesuits and a Canon of Nostredame or our Lady of Paris The Jesuits to honour their Church of La Fleche daily sollicited the King to grant them his Heart to put it there after his Death The Chapter of Nostredame pretended that it was an Ancient Priviledge belonging to that Church to have the keeping of the Kings Hearts Insomuch that the Pretension of the Jesuits met with great oppositions in those Canons who were unwilling to yield them so considerable an advantage During those Contestations a Canon being netled at the Jesuits Impudence ask'd them Cruelly alluding to the Name of that City for which they desir'd that Honour which of the two they desir'd most earnestly to put the King's Heart in La Fleche or to put La Fleche into the King's Heart They often receiv'd such Mortifications but the success of their designs serv'd to comfort them for all and they despis'd the World because they had the Chief of the Council at their Devotion and that the King fear'd them In the Month of February the King answer'd the particular Petition of the Province of Normandy The Reform'd complain'd in the same of several things in which they were disturb'd without regard to the Regulations that had already been made on their behalf They remonstrated particularly that by the absence recusation or illness of the Reform'd Councellors who serv'd in the Court of the Edict it often happen'd that Suits were try'd and none of the Reformed present whereupon they desir'd that one of the two others might take the room of him that was absent They complain'd of the Summons the Councel granted to people who oblig'd them to go to plead in suspected Parliaments That the Lords in whose Mannors Places were allow'd them for the exercise of their Religion disturb'd them in the Possession of the said Places to oblige the Communities to allow them a Vicar Substitute or Deputy which they desir'd to be free from by a Fine once paid That at Roan on Solemn Festivals they only open'd the Wicket of the Gates for them which hinder'd them from assisting at Divine Service That very inconvenient places were allow'd them for Burial the Judges only allowing them in Highways and Dunghils or in Commons distant from all Habitations even which they refus'd to do unless paid for their pains The King granted them upon all these Points favourable answers he order'd that in the absence of the Councellor in waiting in the Court of the Edict the Eldest of the two others should officiate in his stead that no farther Summons should be granted contrary to the Edict and that those that had occasion'd the complaint should be brought before the Council there to be revok'd unless conformable to the Regulations That the Lords should content themselves with an lademnity once paid to be referr'd to expert Persons by the consent of both Parties or Persons nominated for such an Office That the Gates of Roan should be kept open on solemn Days for the convenience of the Reform'd at least those two that lead towards that place which was allow'd them for Divine Service and that the Judges should allow convenient places for Burial in places belonging to the King or Commonalties or otherwise that a place should be bought at the common Cost of the Reform'd and Catholicks which the Judges should be oblig'd to do without Fees and that within the Fortnight mention'd in the 28th and 29th Articles of the Edict of Nantes Nothing of moment pass'd elsewhere besides the National Synod that was held at Rochel The Reform'd had sollicited to obtain it the year before but the King who was afraid of scandalizing the Legat who was coming into France to Baptize the Dauphin in case he should allow the Reform'd to hold a Synod in that Conjuncture they preparing again to speak about Antichrist refus'd to grant it at that time and they were forc'd to have patience and to put off their Synod to the following year Several things were done or propos'd in it which displeas'd the Court and the King omitted no means that Affairs might be determin'd in it to his liking As soon as the Synod was assembled they deputed three of their Members to the King according to their wonted Custom They were order'd chiefly to obtain three things of him The one was to proceed to the Nomination of Two Deputies General in the room of those that had serv'd ever since the Assembly of Chatelleraud 2dly That the time of their Service might be limited to one year And the third That the Reform'd should only Nominate Two Persons to the King which he should do them the favour to accept But the King was positive to the contrary That the said Nomination should not be mention'd the two last not having been long enough imploy'd That the Deputies should serve three years in order not to allow Political Assemblies yearly under pretence of Nominating others That the Reform'd should name Six Persons to the end that he might be the better enabled to chuse such as were agreeable to him Sulli kept the Deputies at Paris as long as was necessary to work upon them after which having dispos'd them to what the Court desir'd he dismiss'd them for the Synod and gave them Letters as written from himself tho' it was really done by the King's Orders In one of the said Letters he endeavour'd to incline the Assembly not to insist upon the Affair of the Deputies General by reason that they should not have time enough to think upon it and that the number of the Members of the Synod was inconsiderable illness having hinder'd some of the Deputies from repairing thither By another Letter apart tho' bearing the same date he gave his Opinion about the Question concerning Antichrist which was to be renew'd in the Synod There were some Provinces the Deputies of which had acquainted the King that they carry'd Memoirs thither upon that subject Sully advis'd them not to disturb the Peace they had so much desir'd by unseasonable proceedings assuring them that the then Pope would use none but
against a Toleration for the Reform'd only changing the Names He deny'd that the State of the United Provinces was grounded upon the profession of the Reform'd Religion By reason said he that the Catholicks had also concur'd towards the maintaining of it He deny'd that it was a means to oblige the Catholicks to embrace the Doctrine of the Reform'd by reason said he that constraint would rather serve to confirm them the more that even their Death would not entinguish their belief that they would commit it as by Cabal or Tradition to their Children or that they would fall into Irreligion And that it was better to tolerate Superstition than Impiety He said as to the permission of retiring which might have been granted them that it would be unjust to condemn people that had done no harm to a kind of Exile which made them renounce all the delights which the love one has for ones Country includes in it self That they had contributed to the conquest of the Countrey they should be oblig'd to quit That thereby they should depopulate the State which would be attended with other great Inconveniences He concluded declaring that he did not desire the Liberty of a Publick Worship for them but only that they might not be prosecuted for what they did in their own Houses and he propos'd precautions to prevent the evil that might be fear'd by it That Negotiation had the success of which we see the fruits to this day No Edict of Liberty was granted to the Catholicks but they were tolerated in some Provinces without being disturb'd They have carry'd their Advantages in several places farther than was design'd and no great efforts have been made to hinder it And tho they are maintain'd by no Publick Law they injoy a Tranquility which others have been depriv'd of tho their Sovereigns had promis'd it them by solemn Edicts During these Translactions the Affairs of the Moors grew worse in Spain and finally they were order'd to retire in a short space of time and upon hard conditions which were not well kept neither The King resolv'd to grant a Free Passage through his Kingdom to such as would accept it And in order to derive a double Advantage by their misfortune in strengthning his Kingdom while their retreat weakened Spain he invited them by an express Edict to come to live in France but the Conditions of it were so little to their advantage that few of them resolv'd to tarry there It oblig'd them to settle on this side the Dordorgna to keep them at a distance from the Frontiers of Spain to turn Catholicks and to persevere in the Roman Faith on pain of death Perhaps a greater number of them would have prefer'd the sweet Climat of France to the Scorchings of the Coasts of Asrick had better Conditions been given them and as they were for the most part good Merchants expert Tradesmen diligent Labourers they would have been of great advantage to the State by their Industry besides their carrying great Riches along with them tho they had been forc'd to leave the best part of them in Spain Even in France they were forc'd to pay their passage by a thousand violences and injustices that were exercis'd against them Those who were intrusted with the care of their Conduct and Embarkment plunder'd them and reduc'd them to great Extremities The Deputies who brought their Complaints to the Court return'd back with a shadow of satisfaction which came to nothing The Bigots who thought all things lawful against Infidels protecting those highly who prostituted the Faith of France by their Injustices in an occasion of that importance Thus those Wretches carry'd away nothing from Europe besides their Arts and Cunning together with an implacable hatred against the Christians whom they have ever since look'd upon as People without Faith or Probity And their Children to this day by their Infidelities and Piracies revenge the Injustices the Christians did to their Families at that time by plundering of their Forefathers The King did not see that Passage for as he was noble and just he would perhaps have hinder'd those miserable Wretches from being us'd so barbarously But an unexpected Death broke all his Measures and Designs depriv'd the Kingdom of its Deliverer the Reform'd of their Defender and all Europe of its Hopes The Prince of Conde had lately marry'd the Daughter of the late Constable Before that Marriage the King had hardly taken notice of her being the most beautiful Lady of the Court but all of a suddain he fell in love with her to that degree that he could not conceal his Passion The Prince being jealous and dreading the Power of his Rival fled with his Wife who was willing to avoid the Snare that was laid for her Virtue and got into Flanders with her without Attendance or Equipage The King either transported with his Passion which he was no longer Master of or being willing to embrace that occasion to attack the House of Austria as he had long design'd it desir'd the Arch-Duke who had receiv'd them very kindly to send them back and upon his refusal declared War against him Some of his Councellors thought that Declaration a little too rash being of opinion that the Prince who had neither Estate Places of strength nor Creatures could not be formidable enough to oblige the King to make so much noise about his Flight Besides that without making use of that Pretence to wage a War a very favourable one offer'd it self in the overture of the succession of Cleves to begin it by reason of the King's alliance with some of the Pretenders Moreover the Preparations of War were not ready some of the Allies not being yet in a condition to act But the King had his private Ends and his Will decided the Question It was high time for Spain to look to it self Never had such great Preparatives been seen in France The Civil Wars had almost made all the French good Soldiers There was an incredible number of old Officers signaliz'd by a long experience They wanted no experienc'd Generals and the King was acknowledg'd throughout Europe for the boldest and best Captain of his time The Blood boil'd in the veins of the Reform'd who expected the end of their fears by the downfal of the House of Austria and only desir'd an occasion to revenge themselves by a just War of the Massacres and Violences they thought the Council of Spain had inspir'd to that of France The Catholicks hop'd to advance and to set a value upon themselves by the War The oeconomy and vigilancy of Sully had put the King's Affairs in such an order that the like had never been known The Arsenal had never been so full of Arms And that which was most to be wonder'd at France had never had so much ready Money nor so many recourses for several years They had great and powerful Alliances Besides that of the Unite Provinces which had been renew'd
another had lately been concluded at Hall in Suabia notwithstanding all the Emperor's opposition with about 15 Protestant Princes These Preparations made Rome tremble for its Religion and Spain for its Greatness And their Interests appear'd so much interwoven that they seem'd to run the same hazards and to stand in need of the same success The truth is that the King's Design was not positively known And whereas he had not time enough to pursue the Project of it long nothing happen'd whereby one might penetrate into the secret of his Intentions Such different Projects were proposed to him that it was impossible to divine his justly Moreover it is very well known that tho Princes begin War upon a certain Plan they soon forsake it according as Occurrences more or less favourable inspire them with new thoughts But there were two things that might be look'd upon as certain or at least very probable The one is that Sully being his Confident the Project that has been incerted in his Memoirs which he had imparted to several people was not altogether Chimerical that according to that it was to be fear'd that the King had a design to found the Equilibrium of the Powers of Europe upon the Equilibrium of the Religious That consequently he would never consent to the exterminating of the Protestants therefore he was not look'd upon at Rome as a good Catholick and they did not doubt but he had retain'd from his first Religion the design of humbling that haughty See A remainder of Heresy which is more odious in that Countrey than the most detestable Errors Moreover this fear was all grounded upon his having made almost all his Alliances with Protestants From whence it follow'd naturally that in case he should succeed in his Enterprizes none but Protestants would enjoy the benefit of his Victories The Damages whereof would consequently fall upon the Catholick Religion It is true that the Pope was offer'd the reunion of the Kingdom of Naples to the demean of the Church But the Religion got nothing by it since all the Inhabitants of that Kingdom were Catholicks whereas it would lose whatever should fall under the Power of the Protestants The other was That the King design'd to humble the House of Austria and that he only ingag'd divers Powers into his Interests by promising to enrich them with the Spoils of Spain Which was look'd upon in the Council of that Court as a Crime less to be forgiven than Heresy But while all Europe was attentive on the Revolutions that were preparing and that all People were in suspence between curiosity hope and terror the Scene was chang'd by a fatal Catastrophe The King had had the Complaisance to have the Queen crown'd before his departure He omitted nothing to live peaceably with her And whereas the War he was entring upon broke all the Queens Measures for the double Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta and of the eldest Daughter of France with the Infant he was willing to remove that Vexation by a Ceremony which seem'd material to that jealous mind in order to secure the Crown to her Children Some Persons of known wisdom had endeavour'd to disuade the King from that Pomp which engag'd him to Expenses no wise suitable to the beginnings of a War the event of which was doubtful Moreover Roni had prevail'd to break the Project of that Ceremony which ruin'd him quite in the Queens mind who was already animated against him for other Reasons But finally the King resolv'd to give his Wife that satisfaction at any rate whatever The Ceremony of the Coronation was perform'd at St. Denis with great magnificence But while a sumptuous Entry was preparing for the Queen after which the King was to repair to the head of his Army which drew near the Frontiers and execrable Assassinate killed him in his Coach on the 10th of May as he was going to the Arsenal there to give some orders relating to his Enterprize The Historys of the Time relate the Circumstances of his Death at large several Relations being order'd to be written about it to dissipate the Suspicions people had throughout the Kingdom that some people at Court were privy to the Secret of that Parricide But no other Victims were offer'd to the Shrine of that great Prince but the Monster who had struck the blow And those who were most oblig'd to discover and prosecute the Authors of that Crime took no more care to revenge him than he had done to revenge the Death of Henry the III. his Predecessor That which prov'd most honourable for his memory was that all his good Subjects lamented him as their Father foreseeing that it would be long before any King should ascend the Throne deserving to be compar'd to him It is a very surprizing thing that those who labour'd to destroy the Reform'd should have pitcht upon the time of that great Kings death for the Epact of a ridiculous Enterprize which they have imputed to the City of Rochel Not being certain at what time they invented that Calumny I think I cannot chuse a more proper place to relate the Story of it than the moment in which they pretend the thing happen'd That Potent City is accus'd of a design to extend their Power farther in making themselves Masters of Brouage The design they say was to convey two Ships fill'd with Soldiers disguis'd like Merchants into the Port at break of day who under pretence of unlading their Merchandize were to possess themselves of the Port-gate It was usual for the convenience of Trade to open it sooner than any of the rest and those People were to make use of that advantage to enter the City without hinderance They were to kill all such as should make any resistance and Rochel had promis'd to send them as soon as they were Masters of the Place a sufficient Reinforcement to maintain themselves there Those Ships they say arriv'd at that appointed hour but the little Gate was not open'd all that Morning by reason that the Governor had receiv'd the news of the King 's fatal Death in the Night by an Express Insomuch that the Ships were oblig'd to retire Never was Calumny so ill invented and I am at a loss which to wonder at most the Impudence of the Inventor or the Credulity of Deagean who has reported it I appeal to all Persons of sense whether it be not improbable that during the King's greatest Prosperity at a time when he was Potent enough to prescribe Laws to all Europe such a City as Rochel without Intestine Leagues without Foreign Intelligence should have been capable to declare a War to him and to undertake Conquests upon him I say without Intelligence at home or abroad because that if there had been any such thing it were impossible but that some Tracts of it would have been found at least sufficient to ground Suspicion upon or that some mention of such a Treaty would have been made in some
t'other or Miâ—â—â—â—â— 281. at Guien 329. Articles concerning 'em 438 Chambers of the Edict 327. at Roven 328 Chamier a famous Minister 229 456 Chancellor de l' Hospital 44 Charenton the Reformed of Paris obtain the exercise of their Religion there 420 Charles I. of England his Character 452 Charges or Employments 283. Articles concerning 'em 440 Charles IX 28. his profound dissimulation 44. his death 44. Charpenter his character 42 Chartres Bishop of 118 Chartreux See Conspiracy Chastillon See Amiral Death of his Grand-child 430 Cardinal Chastillions Widow her Suite 478 Chauvel a famous Minister 456 Children 131 254 Churchyards see Sepultures Clear-sighted and fools of that Synod 428 Clement VIII Pope his false Moderaration 460 Clergy their proposuions to the King 104 Clergy their great Credit 14. their Propositions 104. their Intreagues 203. oppose the Verification of the Edict 323. their obstinacy 327. their Maxim about the Question of the Regale 393. they raise difficulties about the Conference between du Plessis and Perron 397. the Clergy make their Remonstrances 390. they obtain several favourable Regulations 415. their demands reduc'd to six Articles in the business of the Rochellois 417. sollicit a Fund for payment of Pensions to Ministers changing their Religion 437. refuse a Conference about the Kings Conversion 118. a kind Article granted 'em 415. Clerk John burnt at Metz 8 Coligni's their Power 19. 20 Colledges of the Protestants their Estalishment obstructed 255. not permited to admit Regents and Schollars 437 Colledges Protestant Immunities demanded for 'em 435 Colloquie or Classis 306 Colloquie of Poyssie 30 Commissioners appointed to draw up an Edict 109 The Kings at the Assembly of Laudun 217. 218 221 For execution of the Edict 345. 417. their Exactness 419 For the Conference at Fontain Bleau appointed by the King 401. alter'd by the King 403 Commelet the Jesuit his Impudence 319 Conde Prince of Conde Imprison'd 28. acquited 29. prest by the Queen to take Arms in her defence 32. makes new complaints 38. he betakes himself again to Arms 39. an attempt to surprize him which he escapes 40. kill'd at Bassac near Jarnac ibid. Prince of Conde Son runs a great Risco 42. he escapes into Germany 44. refuses to acknowledge the States 47. his death 50. and his Wife accus'd for the Fact ibid. Prince of Conde Son born 50. in the hands of Trimanille 110. out of the hands of the Reformed 159 c. his flight into Flanders 447 Conde Princess 174. c. Condemn'd and sick the Reformed forbid to comfort 'em 252 Conference at Nerac 47. 131 111. at Poissy 30. at Flex 48. ibid. at St. Bris 50 Between Villeroy and de Plessis fruitless 107. between du Plessis and Perron granted 397. almost broke off 403. quite broken of 409. the sequel of it 410 Conference formal 109 Conference in shew 117 Conferences set 118 With Cotton the Jesuit 434. 445 Conference engag'd to maintain the Doctrine of the Reformed Religion 119 Conferences in reference to the Kings Sister 316 Conferences of the Reformed forc'd Conspiracies of Barriere against the Life of the King 135. of Chastell and the Jesuites vid. H. IV. Capuchins and Chartreux 314. of M. Biron 444. Powder-Plot 448. General against the Reformed 41. of the Spaniards against the Queen of Navarr 37. against the Chiefs of the Protestants 48 Conversion of the King 119 Conversions Alamode 435 Cotton Jesuite order'd to come to Paris 454. 455 463. wounded 464. he propounds questions to the Divil ibid. made the Kings Confessor 464. his Question about the Preservation of Geneva from the D. of Savoy 465. he blames the D. of Sully 425. made Tutour to the Dauphine 437. Confessor to the King 464. Council General created 150 Croakers dissipated 154 Croisade design'd against the Reformed 432 Cruelties in France against the Protestants 15. 16 20. Cruelty of the Court 24. of Monluc and des Adrets 33. committed at Rome 171. D. DAnet Bishop of Lavaur present at the Council of Trent 12 Dauphin his Birth 431. la Riviere s Prediction upon it 431 Declaration project of a Declaration for procuring the Peace of the Protestants 75. rejected 77. given at Germans 159. infavour of the Protestants 100 two Declaratious put forth 99 Demoniac pretended 346. the Issue of it 374. c. Deputies of the Church on their way to Nantes c. 125. of the Assembly Saumur attended the King 180. their discontents 182. order'd to meet the King at Chartres 128. Deputies general 425. amus'd at Court 154. difficulties in their Institution 426. frequent Deputies permitted at Court and frequent changes in the manner of naming 'em 427. present Papers and Complaints to the King 476. the augmentation of their Number not lik'd 409. Deputies from Chastelleraud caress'd at Court 413. demanded of the King by the Syof Rochel 427. gain'd at Court 428 E. EDict of Chasteaubriant 12. 19 Edict of Amboise 34 Of Toleration Of January 32. confirm'd 33. restor'd without restriction 39 Edict of Peace 35. Another for revocation of the former Another which deprives the Reformed of their Emploments 40 In favour of those that desir'd to live at Peace 39. pretended only ibid. Of 1577. or of Poitiers 47. 76 77. verifi'd in the Parliament of Rouen 219. the difficulties upon it favourably taken off 420 Edict of Vnion against the Rformed 50. Of Nantes 80. cavils about the verification of it ibid. At Traverci 202 Of Nantes concluded 269. the difficulties that arose upon every Article 270. the several demands that occasioned the delays of it 271. c. secret and particular Heads added to it 292. collateral promises by private Patents to strengthen it 293. c. sentiments of the Reformed upon it 303. why the Reformed were contented with the Edict 307. difficulties about the verification of it 321 verifi'd and Registr'd 329. Questions upon the Nature of the new Edict 363. the Benefit of it ib. the Justice of it 369. Grants nothing to the Reformed c. 372. what is granted by it does no body harm 374. it ought to be irrevocable 375. the Edict of Nantes a Treaty 381. objections against the Edict answer'd 396. the execution of it 417 In favour of the D. of Manenne 203. Edict for Bearne touching Religion 337. Obtain'd by the Clergy 415 In favour of the Moors 446 Edicts severe against Lutherans 12 Confirming the Treaty of Amboise 36 For reducing the Leaguers intended but goes not forward 130. c. Elizabeth Queen of England desires an Article in favour of the Reformed 181. Her death 450. Enterprize of Monceaux 39 Epernon Duke of quits the Army 60 Etampes Dutchess of favours the Reformation and Embraces it 9 Etrees Gabriele 166 Evocations eluded 259 Exercises of Religion hindred 250. the Limits of 'em 420. publick exercise of Religion obstructed 247 Places for free exercise of Religion 305 F. FActions the two great Factions of France their Original 18. France divided into three Factions 43. Council of France divided into two Factions 45.
Factions raigning in the League Kings party 69. Factions new in France 481 New Factions in France 481 Ferrier a famous Minister 455 456. his Character ibid. teaches the Pope to be Antichrist 455 Fevre a Protestant Minister 8 Fleche the Quibble about it concerning the King's heart 425 Formularie refus'd by the King 119. another sent in the King's Name to the Pope 120 Foreigners call'd into France 34. and the English let into Havre de Grace ibid. Foreign Ministers admitted into the City of Rochel 431 Francis I. enclin'd to favour the Reformation 9. enrag'd against the Protestants 12. refuses to read Calvin's Dedication 11. publishes an Edict against the Lutherans 12. his death 13 Francis II. 20. the state of the Court in his time ibid. his sudden death 28 G. GAbriela d'Estrees Henry IV's Mistress 166 Gagg invented 15 Garisons of the Reformed retrench'd 213. the Consequences 214 286 287. the payment of 'em 290. Garisons or places which the Reformed had in their keeping 298. lost by the Reformed 4â—5 Geneva the Ministers of Geneva pay their Respects to Henry IV. 414. the King's Civility to the City 415 Gex state of the Country of Gex 415 416. the Country of Gex solicits the confirmation of their Regulations c. 477 Gigord a Minister of some Repute scandalized by Cotton 435 Giraud a Counsellor of Tholouse accus'd of Assassination 443 Gonzier a Jesuit his impudent Preaching before the King 442 Governors of places reformed upon the Frontiers of Italy 416 Gratification 371 Gratifications and Promises 412 Guise Duke of his resentment against the Admiral 34. kill'd at the Siege of Orleance ib. Guise Duke of the Son his boldness 49 50 51. forces the King from Paris 50. his death and that of the Cardinals 51 H. HArangues of the Clergy 321. their Character ibid. their common stile 412 Harangue of the Reformed Deputies at Folembray 201. Harangues of the Deputies 321 Havre de Grace retaken from the English 36 Henry VIII of England 9 Henry II. of France persecutes the Protestants 13. protests against removal of the Council back to Trent 13. his death 19 Henry of Valois elected King of Poland He returns into France 44. he makes peace with the King of Navarre 46. he renews the War against the King of Navarre 49. he swears a second time to the Edict of Vnion 51. extremity of his affairs ibid. he makes a Truce with the Reformed 52. lays Siege to Paris ib. assassin'd ibid. Henry of Bourbon King of Navarre runs a great Riseo 42. he retires from Court and his good Omen 45. he disclaims what he had done for fear of death He receives the Addresses of the States 47. he upbraids Henry III. 49. his Appeal against Sixtus Quintus ibid. meets with great difficulties 54. his uncertainty 58. his resolutions upon the Conditions propos'd by the Catholics 59. offended at the Proposals for another Protector 66. he writes a Letter with his own hand upon the same Subject 67. his dissimulation 115. his conversion 119. wounded in the mouth by Chastell 156. his Sentiments of the Assemblies 158. his Proctors unfaithful 169. Articles of Penitence 170. complain'd of by the Reformed 171. his coldness to the Reformed 183. his Wishes 186. his Perplexities and Distress 226 227. he alters his Language to the Reformed upon the taking of Amience 265. his remarkable words 322. Another remarkable Saying of his 326. his Expedition into Savoy 414. he calls Beza Father 415. his Civilities to Geneva ibid. his exchange for the Marquisate of Saluces ibid. his favourable and equitable mind toward the Reformed 442. his Severity to the City of Rochel 445. offended about the business of Antichrist 458. he strives to hinder the Article about Antichrist but cannot 459. he answers the Papers of the Reformed favourably 476. he talks openly of making War against Marshal de Bouillon 482. he deals doubly with the Jesuits 424. he refuses the Nomination of Deputies 433. his domestic vexations 439. his formidable power 448. his designs in his latter end conjectur'd at 449. he causes the Queen to be crown'd 450. his mild Answers to the Reformed 476. assassinated ibid. Huguenots the derivatiâ—â—â—f the word 25. I. JAmes Stuart King of Scotland his weakness 449. he would not suffer mourning for Queen Elizabeth 450. his Character 451. his Book of the Power of Kings ibid. Jane Queen of Navarre Conspiracy against her 37. dyes poyson'd 42 Jannin advises the King of the third Party 103 Jannin Minister of State his discourse about Liberty of Conscience 444 Jesuits setled at Paris 30. they creep into favour 140. their establishment sollicited 313. their boldness and credit ibid. Reasons why the King favor'd 'em 315 Jesuits recall'd into France 453. the Conditions of their Reâ—oration 462. Satyrs against it 463. they advance their Affairs in France 417. solicit the King that his heart may be bury'd at la Fleche 425. their power settl'd in Bearn 441. favour'd highly in France 481. the chief of the Council devoted to 'em and fear'd by the King 425 Images abominable Superstitions toward 'em 21 Infidelities 31 45 48 252 418 452. Injuries 214 248. unpunish'd 436 Injustices 31. 36 37 119 140 175 200 c. 256. Inquisition attempt to bring it into France 27 Inscriptions prejudicial to the Huguenots 476 Instructions of the King the different prospect of 'em 108. vain Ceremonies of 'em 117. of the Prectors contrary 168. new ones given by the King to his Commissioners 238 Interests various at Court 18. political to shake the Kings Conscience 112 Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soisons 177 Intreagues strangely carry'd on in France 235. of Spain in the Court of France 469 Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers encroach'd upon 443 Seigneural Jurisdiction damanded in Episcopal Cities 437 Justice deny'd ibid. K. KAtherine de Medicis 17 20. her double dealing 29 Kings may treat with their Subjects 384 L. LEague Triple between the Pope King of Spain and Guises against the Protestants 33. at Tholouse against the Protestants 36. Guisian League 46 Leagues against the Reformed 442 Leguers boldness 50 Legat in France renews the fears of the Reformed 213 Lesdiguieres his Character 143. his letter to the Assembly of Saumur 227. his Religion 308. recommends Cotten the Jesuit to the King 454. enters into the Vnion of Nantes 413. made a Marshall of France 438. his Fears 470 Letter of St. Germans to the D. of Bouillon 402. of du Plessis to the the King 125 Letters from Q. Elizabeth in behalf of the D. of Bouillon 445. from the Synod of Rochel to the D. of Rohan 429 Liberty of Habitation denyed the Reformed 256 Lorrain Cardinal of his Inconstancy 31. he goes to the Council of Trent 34 M. MAdam the Kings Sister her Marriage sollicited 315. her Constancy 316. the King severe to her 317. the Pope's scruples upon the Match ibid. marry'd without a dispensation 318. advantages the Reformed got by her perseverance 320 her Death 468 Malwin a Foraign Minister called
of Sully and takes the part of Senevieres the Assembly does the same The Court dissembles and the Marshal slackens An Oath of Vnion another Oath against underhand dealings both ill kept The Duke of Sully's case is examined who makes a long discourse to explain it The Assembly is of opinion that their Religion is concern'd in that Affair An Anonymous answer to the Dukes discourse The like writings in vogue during the Session of that Assembly A satirical Letter which divides the Reform'd into three Orders Malicious Zealous and Judicious Qualifications of the Queen True Charrcters of the Reform'd From whence the reports that the Assembly design'd to make a War did proceed Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reform'd Several Catholick Cities Arm themselves A Sedition at Orleans Du Plessis reinforces the Garrison of Saumur with the Kings leave Commissioners of the King at the Assembly who draw the general Cahier The Commissioners declare that they have no Power to Treat The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court and draw Five Cahiers The Court will have the Principality of Bearn to Treat seperately Vnion in appearance in the Assembly where discord breaks out at last The Power of the Deputies who carry the Cahier is limited The Deputies are well receiv'd at Court where they are slatter'd at first and deceiv'd afterwards Finally the Court proceeds even to threats and they are commanded to retire Letters are sent by them The Assembly expects the return of the King's Commissioners and excuse themselves from nominating six Deputies in which they persist after having heard Bullion Artifices to destroy the steadiness of the Assembly of which some Members suffer themselves to be corrupted Dangerous Councils imputed to the Marshal of Bouillon Bellujon is censur'd by the Assembly A Letter from the Court authorizing the inferior Number against the Plurality of Voices Bullion seems to accept a medium but retracts all of a sudden by a strange advice of the Marshal Duke Wise advice of Du Plesâ—is who wards the blow The Assembly nominates Commissioners Vexations of the Marshal about the success of his enterprise Nomination of the Deputies General THE whole Kingdom was sencibly afflicted at the Kings Death at least all those who were sollicitous for the welfare of France and were not as yet infected with the Maxims imputed to the Jesuits were wounded with the same Stab that sent him out of the World Even those that had been desirons of his Death and that have been suspected of having occasion'd it or at least of having been accomplicies in it were at first astonish'd as well as the rest and found them selves Invovl'd in Troubles they had not foreseen or for the preventing of which they had not as yet taken sufficient measures Altho the Tragical end of that Prince had been long a hatching yet they had not provided against all the inconveniencies that were likely to attend a Death so sudden Their thoughts being wholly bent on the success of their Enterprise they had not consider'd the Consequences Passion commonly occasions those Rash inconsiderate Attempts It hinders men from perceiving the effects of the satisfaction it has in view while it imploies them wholly in the pursuit of it And it is no sooner obtain'd but the pleasure of the injoyment thereof is interrupted by the sight of the inconveniencies that had not been consider'd And the mind astonish'd at the difficulties which Passion had conceal'd from it discovers too late the insufficiency of the Precautions it had taken to prevent them So that those who expected the greatest advantage by the King's Death found themselves at first at a loss about the Seditions his Death was likely to excite in the Kingdom The late King's Party was great and Formidable and had it been influenc'd by some Chief of consideration it would not have been difficult to punish the Enemies of that Prince for the joy they receiv'd by his Death Moreover there were still Seeds remaining of the former Factions which had they been reviv'd by the present occasion might have reduc'd the Court to great exstreams and perhaps to have been the Victim of those Disorders Therefore they were oblig'd to use a great deal of Caution and to endeavour by all manner of suppleness to oblige those who were capable to cause a disturbance to remain inquiet The Court met with very favourable dispositions to that end There was no Union among the great ones Jealousie would not permit them to chuse a Chief to command over them The Prince of Conde who could best pretend to it was then at Milan and before he could come back from a Place so distant and resolve upon what Party he had best to take it was very likely that all things would be settled and fix'd Moreover there are always too many Persons who only follow Kings because they are the fountain of Favours and Rewards And consequently who easily turn their inclinations and services on another side when Providence places the distribution of Gifts into other Hands The Court made an advantageous use of this disposition of minds They deceiv'd the most formidable by seeming to place a great Confidence in them and imploy'd them to hinder the Commotions of the People which perhaps would have gone far had any body undertaken to make an ill use of the general agitation They ingag'd all those whose Fortune was not settled and who were desirous to ingratiate themselves with those that could advance them to their Party by hopes of reward After those things had been taken care of which were most urgent the Court proceeded to the Affair of the Regency The Queen obtain'd it with so much ease That no body oppos'd it All the Orders or Degrees of the State striving to out do each other to express most devotion and respect towards her The next task was to secure the Reform'd whom they look'd upon to be the most difficult to be manag'd They had lost all in losing the King with whom we may say that they had seen two Qualities expire without which they could not expect that any would maintain them The one was the affection he certainly had for them by reason of the Service he had receiv'd from them in his greatest Exigency and because he look'd upon them as Friends that were worthy of his Confidence and necessary towards the success of his enterprises The other was Publick Faith and sincerity which he valued himself upon beyond all other Princes which made him so exact an observer of his Word that People commonly found more favour in the performance than he had made them hope for by his Promise Instead of that they found themselves at the mercy of a Council that was ill affected towards them in which their ancient Enemies were the strongest and in which a Cabal Reign'd of which all the designs tended to the ruin of the Protestants Moreover they were sencible that Italian Policy which is chiefly
expressing their Obedience and in Actions and Deportments which might testifie their Fidelity This praise perhaps was a little too great for an Obedience of a Fortnight's standing but the Commonality is often taken that way They are ingag'd to give what is requir'd of them by supposing it to be given already People are ingag'd in honour and are dispos'd to render themselves worthy of the Praise which flatters them by giving it to them before they have deserv'd it The second was that experience had taught Lewis the 13th's Predecessors that Fury and the Violence of Arms had not only been inefectual to bring those back to the Roman Church that had quitted it but that it had rather prov'd disadvantageous to them which had oblig'd them to apply themselves to mildness by granting the free exercise of the P. R. Religion The third was that the Edict of Nantes had establish'd a firm Peace among the Subjects of both Religions which had never been interrupted since The fourth was that the Edict of Nantes being Perpetual and Irrevocable had no need of being confirm'd by any Declaration It was natural to judge by this Clause that this last Edict was only given to explain the sence and force of the words Perpetual and Irrevocable and that iâ— determin'd the signification of it in the most natural and plainest sence that could be given in the Common dialect We easily believe what we wish besides it is natural to believe that others look upon those things as truths which appear to us certain and undeniable Therefore as the Reform'd look'd upon those four Points as evident truths and did passionately desire that every body might look upon them as such they easily believ'd that the Court had the same thoughts The major part of them suffer'd themselves to be blinded by it and imagin'd that a King who did declare so plainly that his hands were tyed by the Edict of which he became Garantee and Executor in the King his Father's room would never do any thing against those irrevocable and perpetual dispositions Moreover the Court in order the better to heighten the sincerity which they design'd to make a show of publish'd a Brief that same day which confirm'd the favour the Reform'd had receiv'd four years before from the late King by permitting them to perform the exercise of their Religion in the Town of Charenton And to omit nothing that might contribute to deceive the simple Persons were appointed to insinuate among the People that nothing waâ— so proper and so necessary in order to revenge the King's Death which the publick Voice imputed plainly to foreign Intreagues as a good understanding and Peace between the Catholicks and the Reform'd Persons of that Character were not wanting to intrude among the Curious and Idle sort of People who met together to discourse about publick Affairs and they never fail'd to say that it were better to perish than to leave that cruel death unpunish'd Those words mov'd the Reform'd to the very bottom of their Hearts because they imagin'd that all those that were oblig'd to revenge it were induc'd to it by the Principles of Affection which mov'd them By those Artifices those People were brought back again who fled at first out of fear and all the rest were deluded into an assurance of safety and never perceived their Error till it was too late to remedy it The Clergy harrangu'd the King and Queen that year but they only mention'd their own affairs At least it did not appear that they ask'd any thing against the Reform'd whose jealousies they were unwilling to renew Nevertheless they perceiv'd through all those affectations that evil designs were hatching against them and that it behov'd them to seek out better Sureties than the bare promises of the Court They were soon inform'd that a private Council was held there in which none but Italians or Jesuits or old Leaguers or Biggots were admitted that nothing was talk'd of there but the Marriage of the King and of his eldest Sister with the Infanta and Infant of Spain The breaking of ancient Alliances the removing of the Reform'd from all affairs of State The Annihilation of Edicts all which things were suppos'd to be link'd together the one leading of necessity to the other Notice was taken of the abusive answer of Villeroy to Sully in a Council at which the Queen was present and in which they were treating about Expedients for the safety of the State The last oppos'd the putting of a Garrison in Lyons where it was no longer necessary by reason that by the Conquest of Bresse the said City was no longer a Frontier to which Villeroy reply'd that it was nevertheless necessary to keep Forces there because it was in the Neighbourhood of Lesdiguieres and of the Huguenots who were as much to be fear'd as the Spaniards The Reform'd also observed with grief that all the Kings designs were buried with him and that the Council hardly minded the affairs of Cleve and of Juliers for Honour and for form sake The whole project of that War was alter'd and the third part of the Forces the King had design'd for it were not sent thither The Command of the said Army was given to the Marshal de la Chatre tho it had been promis'd to the Marshal de Bouillon which alteration was made at the solicitation of the Pope's Nuncio who was affraid the said War might prove advantagious to the Protestants and that the Reform'd being Commanded by a General of their own Religion would be too severe towards the Catholicks For the same Reason most of the Forces that were rais'd by Lesdiguieres in Dauphine in order to be joyn'd with the Duke of Savoy were disbanded All the hopes that had been conceiv'd of seeing the Kings Death reveng'd vanished in a short time Since that far from going about it with that Vigour that was expected it was observ'd that even those who were oblig'd in duty to prosecute it took care to stifle what ever might be capable to discover the mistery of that Parricide There were so many Instances of the coldness the Court had express'd to revenge the Death of that Prince that it almost form'd a demonstration of a desire to the contrary There seem'd to be a great deal of constraint and study in their Mourning and whereas they affected the contrary of all the Maxims of the late King people presum'd that they were not much concern'd at the Death of a Prince who had put so long a constraint upon their inclinations It was daily observ'd by some words that fell from those who should have been most concern'd at that loss that they did not look upon that accident as a great misfortune and the remembrance of the domestick vexations the King had been so much troubled with in his latter years gave great cause to suspect that those who had occasion'd them had but little regret at his Death The speculative added to
this that after the fatal Blow so little care was taken to secure the Murtherer that he might have made his escape during the Tumult had he but dropt his Knife but they were in some measure forc'd to seize him because he held the fatal Instrument of his Crime in his hand Some Persons a Horseback appearing at that moment only to cry out that the villain ought to be kill'd they were suffer'd to escape without examining whether they went from whence they came tho it was easie to Judge that their advice only tended by his Death to remove the means to penetrate into the secret of the Enterprise as it happen'd by the Imprudence of those that slew the Murtherer of Henry the 3d upon the Spot After the Murtherer was seiz'd he was so ill guarded that it look'd as if they desir'd to favour his Escape All people were allow'd to speak to him and notwithstanding the Horror his Crime ought to have inspir'd in every body he was discours'd with by Persons who express'd no great Astonishment Even in Prison he was allow'd to speak with suspected People neither was any care taken to oblige a Fryar to explain himself who after a long and free conversation with him had the boldness to exhort him at his going not to accuse persons of Worth The Jesuit Aubigni being nam'd by the Criminal as a Person to whom he had confess'd himself came of with barely saying to Servin Advocate General that God had given him the Grace to forget whatever was reveal'd to him in confession Those of his Order have had the Impudence to say after the Death of that great Man that Aubigni had never made that Answer and that it was invented by Servin who was a declar'd Enemy to their Society to cast a suspition upon them of having contributed to the Death of the King And indeed they could not avoid that just suspition which wâ—nt farther yet in the minds of those who had a little penetration And more credit was given to the Testimony of a Magistrate of known probity than to the Apology of that Cabal of Villuins wose darling vertue is Imposture Moreover what Servin reported against Aubigni was confirm'd by the Common Doctrine of the Society upon the subject of Confession and by the usual excuse of the Confessors who follow their Maxims Cotton the Jesuit and several others bragg'd of the same Gift to forget what was reveal'd to them in Confession by their Penitents and the same Jesuit had had the confidence to make very remarkable answers to the late King upon that subject The King had been warn'd of that horrible Maxim of the Jesuits that tho it were about the Kings Death yet the Person to whom it were reveal'd in Confession ought to conceal it with an inviolable secresie Cotton being question'd by the King himself about this Doctrine maintain'd it to be good and truly Christian and after having refused the objections that were made upon the Consequences of those Maxims by divers illusive Precautions he made a shift to evade the most Terrible by a wretched excuse The King ask'd him how he would behave himself in case any body should reveal to him a Conspiracy against his Life finding no possibility to diâ—wade the Wretch from doing it by his Exhortations or advice he answer'd that he would interpose his Body between the King and the blow to save him at the expence of his own Life But such strokes depending on certain moments which offer themselves without being foreseen and in which it may happen that the Confessor neither ought or can be near his Prince It is easie to judge that this ridiculous good will of the Jesuit could never secure the Kings Life against the enterprizes of a Murtherer However the King was forc'd to receive this false appearance of Fidelity because there was none more solid to be hop'd for besides that the King not daring to offend that perfidious Society for fear of proving the experience of those dangerous Maxims on himself was reduc'd to seem satisfi'd with those vain excuses They added to all the Reflections I have already alledg'd that during the course of the Information the Commissioners refus'd to receive such Evidences as might have serv'd to discover the bottom of that Mistery of Iniquity A certain Woman who had serv'd the Marchioness de Verneuil and who reveal'd strange things was silenc'd altho' Queen Marguerite who did not want Judgment look'd upon her deposition as not being despicable Even afterwards when the said business was brought into question again the Testimony of the said Woman was rejected anew by charging her with a thousand reproaches and lest a time might come in which she would be more favourably hearken'd unto she was Condemn'd as a Calumniator to end her days between four Walls The whole care of those before whom the Paricide was examind was to make him pass for an Hipocondriack and to make him tell such motives of his enterprize as might persuade the World that he had undertaken it of his own accord For Instance that it was because the King had not reduc'd the Reform'd to Embrace the Catholick Religion as he might have done Secondly because he was persuaded that the Reform'd had design'd a Masacre against all the Catholicks the preceeding year on Christmas-Day Thirdly that he had done it on the account of the great Crimes his Conscience was burthen'd with for which he could hope no Pardon unless it were by some great Action that might prove advantageous to the Catholick Religion Altho he pretended that these thoughts were altogether his own it was not hard to see that they were more likely to proceed from the Inspiration of others and the very proofs of the weakness of his mind his Visions his disquiets seemd to many a strong argument that he had only lent his hand to the Designs of Persons who had better heads than he These thoughts enter'd chiefly into the minds of those who had heard of that horrid Chamber of Meditation of which strange things were reported and in which 't is said that the Jesuits instructed their Penitents in a very extraordinary manner but yet very fit to make strong Impressions upon weak minds From whence it was concluded that such a Man as this Paricide had been a fit subject to suffer himself to be guided by such Illusions The Country of the Criminal was another Source of conjectures and all the others were corroborated by the Reflections that might be made upon the releasing of several Persons who were Prisoners at the time of the Kings Death and who had been taken up upon the appearances of a Conspiracy that was on foot after the finding at La Fleche the Book I have mention'd else where None but two or three unfortunate Poitevins were Executed and perhaps not so much upon the account of their being the most Guilty or that their Enterprize was the most Important as because it was necessary
lately come from the Court â—…re they had been to give an account of the preceeding â—…tion and that the good Treatment they had reâ—…d there had dispos'd them to follow mild Councils for Du Plessis the Court rewarded him some years 〈…〉 it for his good intentions by taking Saumur from by an unworthy Treachery and they begun with him â—…rder to distinguish him from the rest The Assembly being therefore no longer able to subsist 〈…〉 Rochel and that City declaring positively that they were â—…ied with the Queens proceedings the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 dreaded that example might be followed by oâ—…s and that he might be forsaken as soon as ever his 〈…〉 was attack'd that those reproaches might be renew'd â—…st him which had been made at Saumar that he only â—…d at trouble and disorder to make himself head of the â—…y that Duke I say submitted like the rest and sent a â—…tleman to the Queen to express his regret to her for â—…ng offended her The Queen receiv'd his Submissions what she had promis'd was perform'd La Rochebeauâ—… enter'd into St. Johnd ' Angely for form sake and the â—…en remov'd him from thence within a sew days to give 〈…〉 the Government of Chatelleraud However the Queen â—…isted in the resolution not to tollerate Provincial Counâ—… but after having been solicited by the Deputies Geâ—…l and by divers Envoys from the particular Provinces Plessis having also solicited very earnestly for it and â—…onstrated what inconveniencies might arise from it inâ—… the Provinces to whom those Council seem'd to be â—…lutely necessary should refuse to dissolve them the â—…en promis'd Verbally to tollerate them provided the â—…rches made a modest use of the said Institution which the Deputies General acquainted the Churches with her Name Thus one and the same thing was forbiddâ—… by a publick Law and allow'd of by a secret â—…mise insomuch that it was easie for the Queen to 〈…〉 the advantage of the Law when ever she pleas'd and forget her Promise However those troubles did not end until the beginniâ—… of the year 1613. But before we leave this it will 〈…〉 proper to observe that the Seeds of the Civil Wars whâ—… were soon after kindled in the Kingdom were sown in 〈…〉 The Queen declar'd publickly that the Marriage of 〈…〉 King with the Infanta of Spain and of the Infant of Sâ—… with the King 's eldest Sister were agreed upon She 〈…〉 the 25th of March to make the said Declaration a day â—…dicated to the Solemnity which the Catholicks call the â—…nunâ—iation Three days of rejoycing were made upon 〈…〉 account in which a prodigious dissipation was made of 〈…〉 remainder of Sully's Husbandry The Duke of Mayâ—… was sent into Spain to Sign the Articles between the Kâ—… and the Infanta and at his return he brought back 〈…〉 him the Duke de Pastrana to Sign those of the 〈…〉 and of the King 's eldest Sister That affair offended 〈…〉 Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons to a high â—… because it had not been communicated to them Tâ—… retir'd from Court upon that pretence but their anger 〈…〉 not last long and their consent their signature and thâ—… return were bought with some gratifications The 〈…〉 prudent among the French likewise were displeas'd to 〈…〉 those Marriages concluded so soon after Henry the 〈…〉 Death who had express'd so much repugnancy towaâ—… them and that those sums should be expended in Tuâ—…ments and Balls which had been laid up for greater desigâ—… That they should serve to pay the vain Pomps which 〈…〉 press'd the joy of an alliance with their greatest Enemiâ—… That what he had design'd to make War against them break the Fetters they design'd to Impose upon Euâ—… should serve to show publickly that they renounc'd thâ—… rious projects and that France should shamefully adhere 〈…〉 the progress of a House which aim'd at the Universal â—…narchy But no body was more concern'd at it than the Reform'd â—…reason that besides the general reasons in which they â—…eed with the rest to disapprove the said Marriages they 〈…〉 particular ones which only related to themselves They 〈…〉 as well as every body else that Spain had a great asâ—…dant in the Council of France and that not having been 〈…〉 to oppress Europe by the ruin of that Kingdom they â—…eavour'd to succeed in it by joyning the interests of State to theirs under pretence of Allyance and Friendâ—… They saw that Spain did precipitate an affair which 〈…〉 not ripe yet in marrying of Children before the Age which Nature renders them capable of it which alone 〈…〉 sufficient to give violent suspicions of some hidden deâ—… They could not foresee whether Marriages of this â—…ure being only promises which may always be reâ—…ted might not prove a trick of Spain which had forâ—…ly play'd the like and who would break that Proâ—… as soon as they should want the Allyance of another â—…ce The Negociators which were the Pope and the â—…t Duke were suspected by them as persons that deâ—…'d their ruin The Duke de Mayenne chosen among â—…ny others for the Embassy of Spain he whose Name 〈…〉 seem'd to revive the League created a thousand suspiâ—… in them Finally they knew that at the first propoâ—…n that had been made of those Marriages an Article 〈…〉 been inserted in it relating to them and that the Caâ—…icks exspected to sanctifie those Marriages by the deâ—…ction of Heresie Those thoughts had run in the minds â—…ose who had inspir'd the desire of War into the Duke 〈…〉 Rohan but whereas the cause of the difidence remain'd 〈…〉 after the accomodation of that affair and the separaâ—… of the Assembly of Rochel peoples minds were still â—…y to take fire when the Princes express'd new disâ—…ents The noise that was made at Rochel to hinder the continuation of the Assembly was soon appeas'd But there happened an affair at Nimes which did not end so easily Ferrier who had been depriv'd of the profession of Theology and of the Ministry he had exerted at Nimes by the National Synod not being satisfied with the Church of Montelimar where he was sent resolv'd to try whether the Court would assist him in order to be restor'd or give him some recompence for what he had lost by his complaisance for them He obtain'd a Counsellors place in the Presidial of Nimes and after having receiv'd his Patents for it he resolv'd to officiate it himself The Ministers of Paris and others us'd their utmost endeavours to put that fancy out of his head as soon as they knew it Moreover they obtain'd a promise from him that he would obey the Synod but he broke it and to add treachery to desertion he abandon'd his Religion and yet profess'd it still outwardâ—y And it is thought that he liv'd in that shameful dissimulation long before he quited his Ministry His Church upbraided him for it and he partly confest it as will appear by the Sequel As soon as he
thought necessary for the King's honour who 〈…〉 often declared that he would not allow any to be made 〈…〉 him The Queen looked upon them as Invectives agâ—… her Regency The Marshal d'Ancre as an affront offered 〈…〉 those that envied him The President Jeanin as a reproâ—… of the discipation of the Finances which were not improâ—… in his hands The Dukes d'Guise and de Epernon who wâ—… disatisfied with the-Parliament offered their Services to 〈…〉 King against that venerable Senat. So that all things seemâ—… to conspire to mortifie that Illustrious Body The next day â— Decree was given in the Council in the King 's Naâ—â— which order'd the Decree of the Parliament to be â—… â—…ated as well as their Remonstrances That the Decree â—…ould be taken out of the Registers and that of the Council â—…t in the room of it all this was preceded by very abusive â—…pressions stiling the behavour of the Parliament unlawful which was a treatment they were little us'd to Whitsunâ—…de salling out while the Parliament was deliberating upon affair and afterwards the King's Progress towards Pyrenees spended Peoples minds and made them forget the thing for while but that injury done to the most venerable Body of â—…e Kingdom strengthen'd the Princes Party with a specious â—…etence of complaint and increas'd it by a great number 〈…〉 Malecontents The Marshal de Bouillon labour'd on the other hand to â—…evail with the Reform'd by his Intrigues to joyn with the â—…ince of Conde He flatter'd Rouvray who was one of their â—…st heads and who was one of the Deputies General with â—…e hopes of being sent Ambassador to the Vnited Provinces â—…es Bordes Mercier who had been Deputy General with the â—…omise of a Counsellor's Place in the Parliament Berteville â—…ith the assurance of the General Deputaion which he had â—…ng aspir'd to He blinded all those that hearkned to him â—…ith the expectation of a great Reformation in the Governâ—…ent which would secure the Edicts against the attempts of â—…pain and Italy revenge the King's Death recover the hoâ—…our of the Monarchy against the prevarications of the Clergy amend the lavishness of the Finances and deprive the â—oreigners who were universally hated of their odious authority But his strongest argument to prevail with the majority of the Reform'd was the concequences of the Alliance with Spain and to frighten them with the secret Articles â—…hat were agreed upon Moreover he writ to the Court to â—…how among other things the Reasons they had to dread the â—ffect of those Marriages Jeanin made an Answer to him â—pon that Article which might have satisfied the most difficult if he could have persuaded that there was any sinceâ—…erity in the promises and words of the Court The Laws said he establish'd in France to live in Peace which have been observ'd so long already will make us look with horror on any Couneils that might tend to disturb it Therefore unless some wicked and ill advis'd Subjects occasion a breach the Peace and Tranquility establish'd by the Edicts will last for ever That was very fine if the Reform'd could have believ'd it true But experience made them sensible that there was no trust to be given to promises and that while they were attack'd almost publickly by a thousand Wiles it would have been ridiculous to imagine people did not laugh at them when they preach'd such unlikely things to them So that the Marshal easily found â—…e dispos'd to believe that those discourses were no oracles or that Jeanin did not hold the Maxims of the Court During those Transactions the Reform'd continu'd their sollicitations to have another place granted them instead of Grenoble where they were allow'd to hold a General Assembly While they endeavour'd to obtain another place for sear of not being free there the behaviour of Lesdiguieres gave them a new pretence to refuse it The Husband of Mary Vignon whom he had kept scandalously along while and whom he had made Marchioness de Treffort was killâ—… in such a manner as perswaded every body that Lesdiguieres was the author or accomplice of his Death That new scandal created a horror in the Reform'd who could not resolve to put under the Authority and in the Power of a man capable of such actions a great number of their most confiderable Members who should be oblig'd to pay a thousand respects to a man who was suspected to be guilty of so odious a Crime They were afraid with reason that their Enemies would take an occasion from thence to accuse their Religion of being too indulgent and toremiss in their Morals The Court being willing to gratifie them in that point consented at last that they should hold the Assembly at Gergeâ—… where another had been held in the late King's Reign This place pleas'd them no better than the first Their pretence was that the preceding Assembly had been inconvenienc'd there for want of Lodging but the true reason was that theey thought that place too near Paris and that they were sensible that the Court had pitch`d upon it to keep the Assembly in Awe The Deputies General made new Petitions to obtain a â—…re convenient place and whereas the Court refus'd to â—mply itâ— occasion'd divers imovemerts in the Provinces 〈…〉 which some propos'd to take a more convenient place without relying on the Curtesie of the Court to no purpose They also propos'd a meeting at Montauban there to agree â—…out a place in which the Assembly might neither want Liberâ—… nor Convenience In the interim some extraordinary affairs â—…ling out which oblig'd Lesdiguieres to make a Journey 〈…〉 Court and they expecting to be freer in his absence which 't was thought would be long enough to afford the Asâ—…mbly time to form their resolutions they thought fit to â—…sire Grenoble again and to declare publickly that they â—…ould make use of the Brief they had obtain'd the precedâ—…g year This alteration at first created jealousies in the â—…ourt who could not imagin it to be done without Lesdiguieres having given the Reform'd some secret assurances of not â—…posing them He had shown by the manner of his assistâ—…g the Duke of Savoy against whom the King of Spain made â—…ar that he stood upon his honour some times The Queen â—…d engag'd that Prince in that War and had promis'd by â—esdiguieres to assist him But after the conclusion of the â—arriages she refus'd to execute that Treaty by reason â—…at she was willing in order toplease the King of Spain to â—…rce the Duke of Savoy to makea Peace However Lesdiguieresâ—…ssisted â—…ssisted him notwithstanding the reiterated orders he reâ—…iv'd not to do it and whereas he could not do it in the â—…ing's name who disown'd it he did it in his own The example seem'd to show that tho he was devoted to the Court he knew nevertheless how to disobey when he pleas'd ut after that bold action he made his peace so soon and with so much ease that it
them with the resentment they ought to have at the Publick breach of a Promise of which they had been as it were Guarantees and Depositorys Chatillon made fair promises which he did not keep and when he had obtain'd a Place from them which made him to be fear'd at Court he obtain'd what he pleas'd there and fell out with the Churches for their Service But Lesdiguieresâ—efâ—s'd â—efâ—s'd to hearken to the Propositions of the Assemby There pass'd a long Commerce of Letters between them by which they insensibly exasperated each other and finally proceeded to invectives and Reproaches on both sides Among the Letters which the Assembly had written to him while they were at Loudun there was one in which they offer'd the Place of General of the Reform'd to him to keep him an Army of 20000 Men and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month and to give him sufficient surety for the payment of the same in any Protestant City of Europe he should be pleas'd to pitch upon But he was no longer in a Condition to receive those Offers and the Court had engag'd him with greater hopes Notwithstanding he still profess'd the Reform'd Religion he was already a Catholick at the Bottom since he had promis'd to be so His secret practises with the Jesuits the preferring of Crequi a Catholick Lord to the most Illustrious Alliances of the Reform'd his affecting always to make a separate body from the rest Joyning with the Churches when he stood in need of them and forsaking them when they wanted his Assistance were good Reasons to show that Religion was not his predominant Passion Moreover he had lately given a sensible Proof of it Mary Vignoa with whom he had led a very scandalous Lite for many years whose Husband it was thought he had caus'd to be Kill'd either to injoy her with more freedom or to hinder that Jealous injur'd Man from destroying his Wife Govern'd him absolutely After her being a Widow she turn'd her Lust to Ambition and omitted no means to become his lawful Wife after having so long been his Mistress She had two Daughters by him which she was in hopes of marrying to Soveraigns if she could cover the Defect of their birth by Marriage Lesdiguieres was amus'd with the same hopes So that this Woman found it an easie task to obtain what he passionately desir'd himself He Marry'd her and being sensible that all Persons of Honour would blame that Action he was the first that turn'd it into Railery It is one of the Maxims of those that resolve to do unaccountable things They prevent peoples looking upon their Behaviour as Infamous by using them not to speak of it as of a serious thing The said Marriage was directly opposite to the Discipline of the Reform'd which did expresly prohibit a Man's Marrying a second Wife after having committed Adultery with her during a first Marriage Moreover it was Celebrated in the Roman Church upon the Account of Mary Vignon who had Power enough to prevail with him to do it The Truth is that he made Publick Reparation for it But that did not hinder people from judging that he might easily have avoided that false step and that Mary Vignon would have made no difficulty in order to become Duchess de Lesdiguieres to be Marry'd by a Minister if he had desir'd it Besides the Reform'd did not like the prospect this New Marriage gave him for the Establishment of his Family The Catholick Religion was always put at the Head of all the hopes the Catholicks him with And whereas the favour of the Court was necessary for his designs they did not fail to insinuate to him that he might expect a great deal more from it by turning Catholick than by remaining steady by a scruple of Honour to the profession of a Religion that was run down and which they had resolv'd to blot out of the Memory of Men. On the other hand Luines had designs in which he was in hopes Lesdiguieres would be of Use to him and therefore in Order to gain him he flatter'd him with the Dignity of Constable Not that he design'd to give it him But aspiring to it himself he durst not venture to ask it in his own Name for fear of a denial That great Office which plac'd almost all the Regal Authority in the hands of a Subject had not been fill'd since the Death of the last Duke de Mommorency to whom Henry the Fourth had given it The design of introducing Arbitrary Power did not suit with the great Authority of a Constable Therefore the Court design'd to oppress it and it was actually abolish'd in the begining of Cardinal de Richlieu's Ministry It had been vacant about seven years when the Duke de Luines undertook to â—â—ve iâ— dispos'd of again But in order to meet the less difficulty in it he resolv'd to revive it under a Name more Illustrious than his own not doubting but after that he would easily find a way to get it for himself He certainly was very well acquainted with the foible of Lesdiguieres to unâ—…take to abuse him as he did And had he dar'd to put the same Trick upon the Duke d'Epernon he would never have been Constable In Order thereunto he pitch'd upon two different Men â—â— whom he gave two different Commissions The one was 〈◊〉 persuade Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick in hopes of being made Constable The other had Orders to represent to him that that Grandeur would create him a World of â—nemies and that he would do better to persuade the â—â—ing to give it to his Favourite and to rest satisfy'd with certain advantages which would be granted to him to make him amends for the said Refusal The Commission of the â—â—rst was known to the King who was not as yet acquaintâ—…d with the pretentions of the Duke de Luines But that of the second was only known by the said Duke who was unwilling the King should be acquainted with that â—eereâ— Intrigue Besides he only gave it to stop the Progress of the 〈◊〉 which succeeded better and faster than he desir'd The 〈◊〉 that was imploy'd about the Duke de Lesdiguieres was the same Deagean who had serv'd the Duke de Luines to incense the King against the Queen his Mother and against the Marshal d'Ancre The King repos'd a great Confidence in him ever since that Affair an I sometimes gave him private Commissions without the knowledge of his Favourite As he had done after the Queen Mother made her escape out of Blois He made use of him to write to the Bishop of Lucon to repair to that Princess and to dispose her to an Accommodation Deagean relates it himself tho' other Memoirs do not speak of it as of a thing done without the Dukes knowledge But if what Deagean says about it be true it was enough to make the Favourite his Enemy A Man that had a Genius for Affairs who was Subtle
Signal of their deâ—â—verance nor were they deceiv'd They who had bin the occasion that the King receiv'd this â—isgrace threw the blame upon the Reformed who serv'd in his Army But the Constable who had collected from several Circumstances that his power with the King was declining began to reflect upon the Advice which had bin several times giv'n him to have a care of Civil Wars of which the least ill Success would make him bear both the reproach and the loss He perceiv'd it more especially at Tholouse where many ill offices were done him 'T is true that he was still in so much credit as to procure the Banishment of the Jesuit Arnoux from the Court who tho he were beholding to him for his Preferment ceas'd not however to plot and contrive his Ruin The King also took another Confessor of his recommendation Nevertheless the Constable began to consider that 't was high time to think of Peace and all that he lookt after was which way to recover the Reputation which the King 's Military Glory had lost before Montauban to the end he might put the more honourable Conclusion to the War But he dy'd before the end of the year during the Siege of Monhurt He also underwent the same destiny with all the rest of the Favorites For he was neither piti'd by any body nor lamented by his Master All his Grandeur dy'd with him and he hardly left behind him sufficient where withâ—… to defray the Expences of his Funeral During the Siege of Montauban the King gave Audience to the Deputies of the Assembly of the Clergy which being met and having began their Session at Paris had bin remov'd to Poitiers and from thence to Bourdeaux They offer'd the King a Million of Gold provided he would oblige himself to lay in all out in the Siege of Rochel They consented only that the King should erect Receivers Offices and Provincial and Diocesan Comptrollers of the Tithes Cornulier Bishop of Rennes made a Speech to the King and sang triumphal Paeans before the Victory He return'd the King Thanks for what he had done for the Church hoping that in a short time there would be but one Religion in France He reckon'd the War according to the Principles of Ecclesiastical Charity among the wholsom and gentle means of which the King made use to bring things to a happy Conclusion He accus'd the Reformed with great Passion of all the past Troubles and of having aspir'd to shake off their Yoke with an Intention to share the Crown among ' em He added several Complaints which he accompani'd with all the Aggravations that could embitter 'em that they had turn'd the Churches of the Diocess of Rieux inâ—… Stables that they had carri'd away the Pyxes wherein the Sacrament was kept that they had shot the Crucifix through and through with their Musquets that they had ti'd it to their Horses Tails and dragg'd it to Tonneins that they had salted their Meat in the Fonts of Baptism after they had carri'd it in Procession round about the Church as they did in a certain place within the Diocess of Pamiers that in a place adjoining to Mompelier they had cut off a Curate's Nose and when they had done threw him headlong from the top of the Steeple However 't was not then a proper Season to take notice of these Extravagancies supposing his Stories had bin true which could be thought no other then the hair-brain'd Pastimes of Licentious Soldiers nor to desire that Punishment might be inflicted upon the Guilty only as the Bishop of Luson did in 1615. when he presented the Papers of the Chamber of the Clergy at the rising of the States There were also muster'd up many more Crimes of the whole Religion nor were the Innocent distinguish'd from the Guilty And he demanded extremity of Remedies as being to be appli'd for the Cure of extraordinary Mischiefs and the more vigorously to move the King he quoâ—ed the Examples of sundry Princes whom Heav'n had punish'd for neglecting the extirpation of Crimes of the same nature He applauded the King for having taken up the Rod of Iron â—nd exhorted him roundly to pursue his Resolutions He could not find any milder term through his whole Speech for the Reformed Profession then that of Irreligion nevertheless his passonate vehemence against the Professors of that Doctrine did not take him off from thinking of the Affairs of the Clergy nor from manisesting his great care for the preservation of their â—…mmunities and Revenues He desir'd that the Reformed might not perform their Exercises within the Ecclesiastical Demeans â—…nd Lordships but above all that the Agreements which the Clergy had made with the King might be punctually observ'd He built his Request upon a Maxim which would have bin of great advantage to the Reformed had it bin inviolably adher'd â—…o The Word of God said he is call'd Truth In like manner the Promises of Princes ought to be firm and stable not vaâ—…k nor feigned and this he was for having take place chiefly 〈◊〉 what concern'd the Church But in regard there was no queâ—…ion to be made but his tacitly impli'd meaning was That the â—…iâ— of that same constancy of the King's word did no way belong to the Heretics he farther desir'd That the Tempest conâ—…r'd up against 'em might not be allay'd after the usual manner but that all the places of security might be utterly demoâ—â—sh'd He blam'd Violence in matters of Religion when it did not tear up Errors by the Root and acknowledg'd That whatever was introduc'd by Force was neither of long continuance â—or of any value toward the propagation of Faith which ought to be free But for all that he prest the King to imitate Philip Augustus and the Father of St. Lewis who utterly extirpated the Albigeois the Heresy and their Habitations So that according to the Principles of that pious Cruelty he made no scruple of commending and justifying Violence so it were put in practice for the extermination of the Reformed and their Doctrine He exhorted the King more especially to reduce Rochel into a Country Town and to disperse the Reformed into the Villages in imitation of Constance who confin'd the Gentiles thither and who for that reason were call'd Pagani or Villagers upon which immediately the whole Empire became Christian This Harangue tho full of venom and virulence was not however without a certain briskness which is requisite for Invectives that they may not seem tedious But the death of the Duke of Maine had like to have caus'd great disorders in the Kingdom The Reformed were in danger of being massacr'd at Paris when the news was first brought thither That name was in high veneration among the common People who bare the League in remembrance Insomuch that the multitude resolv'd to revenge his death upon the Reformed in that great City who were the most quiet and peaceable throughout the whole Kingdom All the whole week from the 21st
without so much as demanding at least by way of compensation what had bin plunder'd from the Reformed And for suffering the loss of great quantities of Arms stor'd up with great Expences But he had done one thing contrary to the interests of the Party which did him more harm then all that was laid to his charge For he had drain'd the Province of Cevennes by a Levy of Six thousand men which he had sent into the Venetian Service And this was the reason that the Province could not raise the one half of the Soldiers that were promis'd when the Duke of Rohan was constrain'd to take Arms. This displacing of Chatillon put the whole Circle into an extraordinary Confusion for that Chatillon's Party was very potent in those Quarters They who were not Members of the Assembly nor had any share of the Public Command complain'd that the Assembly abus'd their Authority and some Provinces murmur'd against it Berticheres whom they had elected for Lieutenant General endeavour'd to keep his ground without any Superior to the end that having a more spacious Country to surrender he might be able to make an Accommodation so â—uch the more advantageous with the Court. And indeed there was nothing which preserv'd to the Reformed what was â—â—ft in the Circle but that Affairs at Court were not in much better posture where the Constable's death had wrought great â—lterations Every one aspir'd to be Master of the King's Favour that they might have the sole Authority in the Government But whether it were that the Pretenders obstructed one another or that the King who as I may say was but just â—ot out of Wardship as yet too sensibly remember'd the â—…oable which the greatness of his Favourite had put him to or whether his distrust of those who were about his person kept â—im upon his guard against Surprizes he would not suffer himself to be prevail'd upon all of a sudden by any new Affection so that in the mean while the Cardinal de Retz Schomberg Grand Master and Superintendant and de Vic to whom the Seals were committed took upon 'em the greatest share in Affairs The Prince of Condé who was desirous that the King should continue the War join'd with 'em in regard they were all of â—…e same mind and this is one thing very remarkable that the Marshals of France and such as might pretend to the same Digâ—… appear'd as much inclin'd to Peace as the Officers of the â—ong Robe and the Finances were averse to it The Prince therefore and the three Ministers who were of his Opinion 〈…〉 as much as lay in their power to stop the King's return to Paris where they expected nothing less then to be oppos'd by the old Ministers and where the Prince was afraid lest the Authority should devolve again into the hands of the Queen Mother To this purpose having persuaded the King to march toward Bourdeaux they propos'd to him the making himself Master of Chatillon a Town belonging to the Marshal de Bouâ—… upon the River Dordogne and the Expedient they had â—ound out to compass their design was to treat with the Garison of the place which stood Neuter as the Master did in the same manner as they had practis'd with du Plessis The effect of their Consultations therefore was that the King should enter into the Castle under pretence that 't was his pleasure to lodge there and that when he was in he should turn out the Garison that kept it for the Duke of Bouillon But this City as well as all the rest which belong'd to that noble person was comprehended in the same Treaty upon the confidence of which the Duke liv'd peaceably at Sedan and never concern'd himself in the War so that the Proposals of surprizing it was manifestly opposite to Honesty and Sincerity However that sort of Policy that mov'd upon the hinges of Craft and Injustice was justfiâ—'d while the deceased Constable was in favour Nevertheless iâ— regard the honest men were more numerous then they whâ—… gave this pernicious Advice they persuaded the King to abandon the Attempt and so it â—ell to the ground The King then having left the best Orders he could in the Provinces to hinder the Reformed who were brought very loâ— in Poitou and Guyenne from rising agen return'd at length â—â— Paris where the old Ministers recover'd a little credit with him and inclin'd him to Peace The Chancellor and Jeannin deem'd it very necessary and made no question but that it was more proper to destroy the Reformed then War There is to be seeâ— a small Treatise compos'd by the last of these two which perhaps may be lookt upon as one of the most authentic Pieces thaâ— are to be produc'd in favour of the Reformed and which utterly overthrows the Pretence which was taken from their suppos'd Rebellion to exterminate ' em He acknowledges almost in express words That the Catholics were the Aggressors iâ— that War and that the Reformed acted meerly in their own defence at least it is to be deduc'd from his discourse by evidenâ—… Consequences He presupposes That it behov'd the Reformed to be united since it was evident to 'em that there was a designâ— upon their Religion and he sets down several Reasons why they had cause enough to think so That so long as they believ'd the King's Intentions to be no other then to chastise Rebels there were many who continu'd in perfect Obedience but that they found themselves no more kindly us'd then they who had tâ—kn Arms That the principal Members of the Council publicly gave out that the King would no longer permit any other exercise of Divine Worship then that of the Catholic Religion That the Preachers stust their Sermons with Menaces of the same nature â—…d endeavor'd to persuade men that the following of any other â—…unsel was profane and savor'd of Impiety whence it follow'd â—…at the War would prove more bloody and universal then it had â—…n if the Reformed united as it behov'd 'em to be for their common Interest shou'd put themselves into a posture of deâ—…nce Farther also and that clearly enough he asserts That â—…e Aim of those who advis'd a War was to take their opportunity because the Foreign Protestants being busi'd at home â—…u'd not attend the succor of those that were oppress'd in â—… He made excellent Reflections upon the Wars which â—…d been all along continu'd against 'em with the same design 〈…〉 destroy 'em sometimes by Fire and Sword sometimes by Deâ—…it and Treachery Thence passing to give Sentence upon the â—…casion that had constrain'd their Enemies to grant 'em such a number of Strong-holds he concludes That after the Massacre â— St. Bartholomew and the Siege of Rochel there was a necessity 〈…〉 allowing 'em a greater number to secure 'em says he against â—r Perfidiousness and Infidelity He observes how much the â—eace which they were suffer'd to enjoy for five years together under the Reign
probability however the word was lookt upon as â—ery seditious And I have seen Petitions presented to the Magistrates which have produc'd Informations Sentences and Decrees of Parlament which forbid the use of that word the â—…nely Crime mention'd in the Complaint 'T was the same thing with the word Parpaillot of which the Reformed complain'd as of a heinous Injury though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so â—â—ensive in it unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉 came spoke it with a design to affront ' em The Reformed then being assail'd at Lion by that seditious Rabble were among other foul language call'd Parpaillots and threaten'd with the Halter To which while some were a â—â—ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought they â—â—nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated and whose number was already swell'd to three or four thousand by the concourse of Lacqueys Children and the Rifraff of the People so that at last they broke into the houses of the Reformed plunder'd whatever was of value burnt what they could not carry away beat wounded and kill'd several of those that fell into their hands This Fury lasted three days neither the Magistrates nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences And yet to say the truth considering the condition the City was in at that time they must needs have bin very remiss or else it ne're could have bin so difficult a matter to have reduc'd that Canaille to reason For d'Alincourt the Governor of the City had his Guards the City was divided into Quarters which had every one their Captains and their Streamers and could have easily rais'd men enow to have dispers'd those Rakehells The Queen and the Queen-mother were both at Lion together with the Bishop of Lusâ—â— soon after made a Cardinal with some Soldiers to guard ' em But at Lion as well as at Paris they were much afraid of spilling Catholic Blood Otherwise they might have drawn together a little Army able to have done much more then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lacqueys But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remonstrances and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation had they not him afraid lest the Rabble having once tasted the sweets of Pillage should have flown upon the Catholics after they had got what they could from the Reformed All the severity of the Magistrate went no farther then to place Guards in some places and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison At length indeed the Queenmother caus'd herself to be carri'd to the place where the disorder was most violent and then the seditious Rout already almost aweary began to retire But there was no body punisht for all this Insolence but the Reformed for instead of giving 'em satisfaction d'Alincourt disarm'd ' em Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death of those that were massacr'd or to repair the damages of those who had bin plunder'd and burnt Nay they were made believe they had a great Favour done 'em that so much care had bin taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multitude As for the Catholics there were some indeed committed â—o Prison but releas'd agen in a few days after without either Fine or any other punishment The only harm that was done â—em was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious And had the Reformed â—appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens all the blood in their bodies would not have sufâ—â—'d to have expiated their Crime While the King lay before Mompelier the Count of Soissonsâ—ress'd â—ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land and the Duke of Guise by â—ea and that potent City was every way hard beset The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis which was like to â—rove a great Annoyance to it in regard it commanded the Channel so that the Sea was no longer open to her nor could he be reliev'd on that side but with great difficulty Nevertheless the Assembly stood their ground and issu'd forth the â—est Orders they could for the support of the common Cause they held Correspondences in several places and sometimes â—â—me of the Nobility and some Soldiers of good Note got into the City to defend it However several of their Enterpriâ—es had no success and though Rochel had bin the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea â—nd Land she was at last reduc'd to fight for her own Walls â—he Duke of Soubise after the Overthrow he had receiv'd went into England and left no Stone unturn'd to procure some considerable Succor from the King but that Prince always obstinate in his Maxims would not hear a word of it but forbid his â—ubjects to assist the Reformed whom he made no scruple to all Rebels Nevertheless he offer'd his Intercession with the King of France for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him â—nd his Subjects In short he order'd his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉 their business as he had done before when Montauban was â—esieg'd where Hay his Envoy had already made some Overâ—â—res and when the Conditions were resolv'd upon as a ground work for entring into a Treaty he earnestly prest the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to ' em In the â—ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke Soubise that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail laden with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbor before it set Sail so that when the Duke came to take shipping he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations and all the marks of a terrible Shipwrack But before Mompelier things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes The City held out stoutly the Season spent apace and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot and though on the one side the Reformed had reason to fear that the King at last would take the City on the other hand the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forc'd to lose all his labour and go without it These Fears on both sides bent their Inclinations to Peace but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it was to be kept private from him Lesdiguieres created Constable but a little before undertook the Negotiation once again and after several Obstacles surmounted which had like several times to have dash'd the whole Negotiation to pieces at length it was decreed and the Constable
the Colours or Ensign it self But they carri'd thâ—… Fraud yet higher and to enforce the Inhabitants to suffer 〈…〉 Garison 't was thought fit to demand Hostages of 'em for security of the Commissioners which the King intended to leavâ—… there under pretence of looking after the demolishing of thâ—… Fortifications and the number of Hostages was so great 〈…〉 which there must be so many that had no kindness for the Counâ—… or well affected to the Reformed Religion that they well equally terrifi'd with the choice and the number Besides that Proposal was made 'em with such an air as made it sufficiently apparent that Hostages were demanded of 'em to no other purpose then to make 'em redeliver the Breif which exempted 'em â—â—om admitting a Garison and which made 'em afraid that if â—â—ey did not provide for themselves they shou'd be forc'd not only to give Hostages but receive a Garison also At last some â—eople who had bin none of the most zealous during the War â—â—fected a servile compliance with the good-will and pleasure â—â— the Court in hopes of reconciling themselves to the King â—â—d made it their business with great fervency to discourage â—â—hers so that they accepted a Garison and thought it their duâ—â— to receive it though they had a mortal reluctancy against it if it had bin a favour done 'em to abuse and then laugh at ' em Nor did the Court stop here the Consulship of Mompelierâ—as â—as intermix'd half Catholics half Protestants and a Citadel â—oreover erected In the mean time the King return'd to Paris and in his march â—â—ok from the Reformed all those places which were under their â—overnment The Constable though he were turn'd Cathoâ—â—â—â— could hardly preserve his own in the Dauphinate Nay 〈◊〉 had bin despoil'd of 'em had not his Son-in-law Crequi proâ—â—s'd to resign 'em after his death The Adviser of these tart â—roceedings was Puisieux who began to grow into favour The â—â—ath of the Cardinal de Retz who possess'd a great share of â—â—e Royal Authority and the absence of the Prince of Condé â—â—o shar'd another part gave him an opportunity to engross â—â—e whole and as if the King had bin weary of governing alone 〈◊〉 resign'd himself up almost without any limitations into the â—â—nds of this new Favourite The Spaniards had already got â—â—e Ascendant over him and had infus'd into him their own â—â—litics The Court of Rome which at that time acted only 〈◊〉 Concert with the House of Austria supported those Foreign â—axims to the utmost of their Power so that Puisieux full of â—eneration for those two Potentates did nothing but with a â—â—sign to render himself their Minion and who was therefore â—â—ely guided by their Counsels And indeed till then there was 〈◊〉 certain kind of Fatality which intangl'd the Favourites in â—â—reign Interests As if they could have erected their Granâ—â—ur upon a better Foundation by corresponding with an Enemies Court then upon the good-will of their Sovereign and the prosperity of his Affairs But this Favour lasted not long for while it seem'd to be almost Battery proof there was an Alteration prepar'd for him which no body suspected in the least For the Queen Mother had not quench'd as yet her violent thirst of Rule and in regard she had a great confidence in the Bishop of Luson she us'd her utmost endeavour to advance him persuaded that he would be so grateful for her Favours as always to depend upon her That Prelat had wound himself into the King's good opinion because he had more then once contributed to patch up the Differences between him and the Queen his Mother whose restless spirit gave him cause of vexation enough so that he was looâ— upon with a favourable Aspect by both sides and both Partiâ—… though themselves beholding to him for what he only did 〈…〉 gratify his own Ambition So that he readily obtain'd of the Queen-mother the utmost of her endeavours to put the Kinâ—… upon demanding a Cardinal's Cap for him nor did the Kinâ—… make any great scruple to consent to her Request Neverthe less this Negotiation held off and on for above two years before it took effect as being thwarted perhaps by those that were unwilling by so fair and proper a means to hand a maâ—… of his Genius into Authority But the Sollicitation was redoubl'd this year so luckily and so effectually that the Poâ—… granted the Cap to this Bishop at the beginning of September As for the Bishop he had waited the success of the Noâ—…tion with extraordinary Impatience despairing almost of success by reason that Puisieux seem'd to him a dreadful Enemy and such an one in whose power it was to put a stop to his Preferment more especially because his Kinsman Silleri was thâ—… Ambassador at Rome So that the News could not chuse 〈…〉 be a pleasing Surprize to him Nor could the towring Genius of that Prelat hinder him from being extremely sensible of the Impressions of unexpected Events and he was no less prone to commit great Absurdities when he had not time to compose himself Never was any man less thâ—… Master of his first Transports But he was so lucky that he easily got time enough to recollect himself and he was soâ— dextrous that he never let the opportunity slip So that he â—…em'd to have a heart that nothing could surprize and which was equally provided against all Accidents I shall here relate what was told me upon this occasion by one of the most considerable persons in the Court of France There was at the Court of Savoy a French Gentleman who had bin forc'd to quit â—hat of France by reason of some distaste which he had given â—o the Bishop of Luson That Gentleman who passionately â—ought all means to be reconcil'd to the Bishop was in the Duke of Savoy's presence when the Courier who brought the News of the Promotion of Cardinals came to present him with the Letters which were immediately open'd by reason of the Curiosity which is common to all Courts to know the names of â—hose whom the Pope has advanc'd to that Dignity and then it was that the Prince read aloud the names of four who had a share in that Honour But then the Gentleman hearing the Bishop of Luson's name began to consider with himself whether if he should be the first that carri'd him the tidings it might not be enough to restore him to his favour and thereupon finding he had time enough to get before the Courier he took Horse immediately and made such speed that he got to Lion two hours before the Courier Presently away he went directly to the Bishop's Apartment who was no less surpriz'd at his Arrival then to see him at his feet But when he understood from the Gentleman the News of his Promotion and how he came by his Intelligence he abandon'd himself to such an excess of Joy and after such an unusual manner as if the giving him
were sharp and violent more especially the Answer to the Duke 's Manifesto savour'd of a sordid base insolent Spirit full of Gall and Venom and sprinkl'd with Quirks and Quiddities borrow'd from the most lewd Scurrility of the Rabble a piece becoming the Jesuit Richeâ—me to whom it was attributed Never did any man write with more Fury nor more Insolence nor renounc'd more openly in his Writings the character of an honest man But more formidable Enemies were embattel'd against the Duke then this same Scribler For besides the Armies that were set oâ— foot to fall upon him on every side among which that commanded by the Prince of Condé committed unheard of Cruelties Galand was sent into Upper Languedoc to prevent the Cities from taking Arms as those of the Lower Languedoc haâ— done the 10th of September according to the Resolution of aâ— Assembly of the Nobility and Deputies from several Cities which met at Vsez However Galand wherever he could safely go drew Promises of Obedience and within the space oâ— a Month brought Montauban Briteste Puilaurens Sorezâ— â—â— Maz d' Azil Carlat Pamiers Mazeres Saverdun la Bustide St. Amant Mazamet la Cabarede and several others to declare 'T is true that the Duke caus'd some of 'em to change their Opinions that he surpriz'd others and that others which had not suffer'd themselves to be coax'd by the fawning Cant of Galand were surrender'd into his hands so that at length the War became general on that side Pamiers was one of those Cities which the Duke surpriz'd but the Prince of Condé having retaken it very badly observ'd the Capitulation which he had made for he imprison'd put to death and condemn'd to the Gallies several persons to whom he ow'd both his life and his liberty All this was the reason that the Duke lost time who might have bin able to have perform'd greater Exploits if Galand's Negotiation had not brok'n his measures nor would they have ventur'd the Siege of Rochel had not Galand succeeded as he did in drawing off those other Cities from the Union But while the Duke of Rohan carri'd on the War with an extraordinary Courage and with good Success Buckingham seeing Fort St. Martin reliev'd rais'd his Siege was defeated in his Retreat and return'd into England not a little suspected to â—e bin careless of those things which he might have done â—…ch more to his Master's honour Upon this Rochel was more â—…ly begin and reduc'd to extremity At what time a seâ—d English Fleet commanded by the Farl of Denbigh appear'd â—…on the Coast only to make a shew of that Relief which the 〈…〉 expected but retreated more basely then the former withâ—… so much as acrempting the least Enterprize While they â—re setting forth a third Fleet Buckingham was slain by a priâ—e person whom he had particularly injur'd This caus'd a â—â—â—ge of Affairs and the Command of the Fleet was given the â—arl of Lindsey But this Fleet did less then the rest and â—m'd only seâ— forth to be Witness of the Surrender of Rochel â—…d indeed it may be said of the three Fleets sent to the Succor 〈…〉 that unfortunate City that the first famish'd her by taking â—ay her â—… the second amus'd her with the shew of Relief â—t was never intended her and the third sold her Perhaps 〈…〉 the blame of these ill Successes was not to be laid upon the â—…g of England only that he was to be accus'd of great â—â—akness in suffering himself to be govern'd by his Queen with 〈…〉 much pâ—iableness However that Princess had the Knack 〈…〉 disappoint all the King her Husband s Designs and someâ—…es she did it so openly that People could not refrain from â—ieving that he himself was not at all troubl'd at it She it â—s that prevented the Effects of those Orders which the King â—e to those who commanded his Naval Forces She it was â—…o in the heart of England held and protected all the Corresâ—â—ndencies with Cardinal Richlieu and she did so much that 〈…〉 not only drew upon her own head the implacable hatred of 〈…〉 her Subjects but embarrass'd her own Husband in those unâ—ward Affairs that brought him at length to the Scaffold Afâ—… this Cardinal Richlieu thought it proper to make a peace â—ith England which it was no hard matter to do by throwâ—â—g upon Buckingham all the past misunderstandings And the â—ore easily to vanquish the Obstinacy of the Rochellois he inâ—sâ—d Suspicions on both sides that the one Party treated without â—e other And thus Rochel having held out a Siege of very â—â—ar a year in length and carri'd on their Resolutions during a long and the most Cruel Famine that could be imagin'd beyond what could be expected from Nature was forc'd to surrunder at discretion upon the 28th of October And no sooneâ— was it surrender'd but a Tempest ruin'd the Mound which had stopp'd up the Entrance of her Channel and shew'd that thaâ— same mighty Work that so much redounded to the Honour oâ— the Cardinal who undertook it could never have contributed to the subduing that City had she not bin more enfeebl'd by heâ— Friends that in a manner robb'd her of her Provisions theâ— incommoded by all the Toil and Labour of her Enemies During this long Siege and these terrible Extremities thâ— City being sollicited to submit to the King of England woulâ— never heark'n to it To say she had any such design was â— meer Calumny of the Monks and Jesuits And they who writâ— the particular History of this Memorable Siege relate that thâ— Cardinal declar'd to the Deputies from this City That Hâ— knew very well that the Deputies who were sent into Englanâ— had resisted several Temptations upon that occasion that thâ— King return'd 'em thanks for it and that it was the main reason which confirm'd him in those Sentiments of Mercy which hâ— had for the Town More then this the Cardinal found a waâ— to engage Spain to be serviceable to the King in the Siege oâ— that Place 'T is true the Council of Spain saw well the baâ— consequence of taking the Place and fain would have preventeâ— it especially after the Marquiss of Spinola who had seen thâ— state of the Siege had given an accompt of it in Spain Anâ— 't is said that the first time he came into Council that he prâ—pos'd it as one of the greatest stroaks of Policy that could bâ— thought of to succour that Place But the Council of Conscience carri'd it above reason of State and the Pretence of Religion always useful to the Court of Spain since Ferdinand's Reigâ— was at this time the ruin of her Affairs 'T is true that thâ— Fleet which she sent against Rochel came thither so ill provided and staid there so small a while that she had as good have seâ— none at all And it is as true that she attempted to relieve thâ— Duke of Rohan's Party with whom she had concluded
The reducing of Montauban An Assembly of the Clergy Particular Acts of Injustice Missionaries The Duke of Rohan is accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Rights of Exercise The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of Civil Wars The Queen-Mother retires An Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion wherein the Cardinal appears Intrigues of Joseph the Capuchin A Draught of a Project How the Synods were to be made to speak Inclinations of the Ministers and People Projects of Petit and Milletiere Difference of their Intentions Verity of the Project of which the precise time is uncertain A National Synod The Commissioner's Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded out of the Synod by his Order The Answer to the Commissioners Speech The vain Opposition of the Commissioner to the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sends Deputies to the King Papers The Deputies kindly receiv'd Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court Important Resolutions of the Synod Exercise forbid Donations Consulships A captious Clause Oppression of the Public Liberty Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with his Party The Reformed continue faithful Bishops depos'd Execution of an innocent Minister The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Iâ—â—ly The Affair of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid Shameful Cavils A rash Curiosity of two Scholars The death of Gustavus Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate about the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas A Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Party Colledges Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France over all Europe The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France A Decree upon several Subjects Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Guyenne in certain Cases The Reformed Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres forbid to wear Scarlet Robes The pretended Possession of the Ursulines of Loudun Ridiculous Effects of Exorcisms The death of a Priest pretended to have bewitcht those Nunns New Vixations upon the Subject of Annexes Grand days at Poitiers Terror of the Churches At important Decree upon several Articles Another troublesom Decree about meeting the Sacrament The demolishing of the Church of St. Maixant A Pleading of Omer Talon Advocate General Distinction between the Right of Exercise and the Right of the Church Divers Decrees about grand days against the Reformed Persecution rais'd by Cacherat against the Churches of Normandy Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres The Colledge taken from the Reformed of Loudun Exercise forbid at Paroi and la Chaume Order of the Intendant of Poitou upon the Subject of Annexes The Reformed of Metz forbid to have a Colledge The Duke of Bouillon changes his Religion THere was great rejoycing at Rome for the reducing of this City The Pope sang Mass himself made Prayers on purpose gave plenary Indulgence to some Churches for two days and wrote to the King Breifs cramm'd with Eulogies and Applauses The whole Kingdom resounded with nothing but Congratulations Vows and Returns of Thanks nothing was so talk'd of but the Cause of Heav'n the Interests of God and the Triumphs of the Church Flattery turn'd all Accidents and Events into Miracles and Invention sâ—â—pli'd 'em with all sorts In the mean time the War continu'd in the Upper and Lower Languedoc and the Duke of Rohan held out the best he could against three Armies commanded by the Prince of Condé the Duke of Mommorency and the Duke of Eâ—ernon The Catholics also in all places reviv'd the Cruelties of Charles the Ninth's Reign There was nothing to be seen but Plund'ring Burning Massacr'ng and Executions upon Executions and for an addition of Insulting to Cruelty the People were made believe that the poor Creatures that were hang'd all chang'd their Religion at the Gallows Only to deprive 'em of the desire of recanting or the means and opportunity to contradict what was said of 'em they could not forbear to send 'em to the other world and the People were oblig'd to believe their Conversion upon the Faith of the Monk who had persecuted 'em to death And some Relations are to be seen in Print which aggravate the Barbarity of the Catholics to that degree as to â—ublish 'em guilty of ripping up the Bellies of Women with Child and tearing the half-form'd Embrio's out of their Wombs sometimes also after they had vitiated the Mothers Moreover the Duke of Mommorency having forc'd some of the Reformed who had neither the Courage to retreat or defend themselves took 'em all upon Composition but he would not promise 'em their Lives unless they would oblige the Duke of Rohan to surrender Aimargues a considerable place which he had surpriz'd and because the Duke of Rohan lookt upon the Condition as ridiculous the Duke of Mommorency caus'd no less then Sixscore of his Prisoners of War to be hang'd Thereupon the Duke of Rohan to enforce the Catholics to wage War with more Civility storm'd one of their Fortresses and put all the Garison to the Sword Which Reprisals stopt the Career of those barbarous Executions Nevertheless the Enmity which had bin long between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan broke forth with greater Fury for the Prince wrote very sharp and invective Letters to the Duke and the Duke answer'd him with as much disdain And then it was that the Prince forgetful of his Character reveng'd himself after a manner no way becoming his quality for toward the end of the year he procured a Decree in Council that the Duke's Houses should be demolish'd his Woods cut down and his Goods confiscated and that he might be Master of the Execution he caus'd it to be committed to himself and discharg'd â—…is Trust with an extraordinary exactness nor did he think it beneath himself to get the Confiscation of his Enemy granted to his own use Nor were the Reformed better treated in those places where there was no War then in the Provinces where they were up 〈◊〉 Arms For at Lion the seditious Rabble fell upon 'em a second time and upon a Pretence no less false then ridiculous The Contagion which made great havock in other places was got into this City This Misfortune was attributed to a sort of People who as they said were wont to go about and grease the doors of private persons for which reason those Miscreants were call'd by the name of Greasers or Engraisseurs But in regard the Reformed were they who were to bear the blame of all the Misfortunes which befel the Catholics the Rabble fail'd not to take this opportunity to wreck their Malice upon ' em The Magistracy made strict enquiry after this Crime and seiz'd upon
Thus the Reformed were depriv'd of the principal mark of Honour which was to have bin annex'd to their Dignities though the Edicts of their Creation ascrib'd the same Prerogatives to them as to the Catholics There were many people who took for an Affair of Religion the Comedy that had bin Acted for several Years together at the Vrsulines Nunnery in Loudun That Convent was govern'd by a Priest whose Name was Vrban Grandiâ—r learned a good Preacher and pleasant in Conversation He had also written a Book against the Celibacy of the Priests and spoken somewhat freely of some other Practises of the Romish Church His Enemies therefore bethought themselves of Accusing him with Magic and Witchcraft and particularly of having deliver'd some of the Nuns of that House into the Power of the Evil Spirit The Credulous People fail'd not to believe his Story and so much the more easily because that Possesâ—…ons of the Devil and Exorcisms had bin talk'd of time out of â—…ind But the Authors of this Farce perform'd their parts so â—… and Grandier defended himself so well that 't was a long time before Judges could be found that would be so Complaiant as to determin the Affair to the good-liking of these Bigots The Parlament of Paris that pretends to great Knowledge in â—…e Chapter of Magic and never Sentence any Body to Death or that Reason alone was not thought proper to take Cognizance of that Affair wherein persons that were too upright and sincere were not to be employ'd Therefore they were in a great Quandary what Commissioners to Nominate for the â—earing and Determining this Cause For as there was a necessity of having Ecclesiastics to judge Grandier so there was the same necessity that his Judges should be at the Devotion of others These Difficulties made 'em several times change the Exorcists themselves who were no way so successfully Serâ—iceable as they ought to have bin to the Designs of those who guided this Affair There is nothing which affords more Diâ—eâ—â—isements then to read in the verbal Reports of those Exorciâ—ers the grand Oversights which those ill-instructed Religious Dances every moment made whether it were mistaking one Question for another and so making Answers no less absurd or in pronouncing the Latin words which they were made to get by Heart so ridiculously maim'd and mangl'd as they were or whether it were in altering some Term which made 'em stumble into monstrous Incongruities against all the Rules of Grammar These Buffonries which made all the Spectators â—…ugh put the Exorcists quite beside the Cushion who afforded no less Pastime to those that were present by the Excuses which they alledg'd in Favour of the ill-prepar'd Demon. However at length they found out such people as serv'd their turn to compleat this Farce Grandier was Condemn'd to dye as being Covicted by his own Confession not only of having both Writ and Spoken in Contempt of the Catholic Doctrin but of Magic also by the Depositions of the pretended possest Persons They likewise took for Proof of his being a Magician the Constancy which he shew'd under the Torments of the Rack and at his Death as also the Marks of his Aversion to the Bigotries practis'd by the Romish Church upon the like Occasions which he testify'd upon the Ladder But serious persons who saw him do no more then what the Reformed did when Condemn'd to the same Punishment believ'd that all his Magic consisted only in this that he was half a Heretic and that he had done no other harm to the Nuns then to teach 'em a Doctrin little conformable to that of the Romish Church in reference to Monastic Vows and Celibacy And there were some honest people who pity'd his Condition and murmur'd that the Life of a Man should be Sacrific'd to the Hypocrisie of some certain Villains that made it their Business to gain by Frauds of that nature However they thought fit to keep up some Remains of this Diabolical Possession for sometime after Grandier's death lest people should perceive that the whole Aim of this sacrilegious Play was only to get his Blood But at length the Mischief surceas'd the Nuns appear'd no more upon the Stage and the Missionarics themselves made little or no more noise of the Accident because there happen'd some things in the carrying on of the Comedy the Reproach of which they had not the Impudence to bear On the other side the Persecution began again under the pretence of Annexes and the Bishop of Valence unwilling to be bauk'd in his Enterprize renew'd his Violences in his Diocess The Prior of Aureil also in imitation of him had the boldness by vertue of his own Authority to Arrest Apaix a Minister in those Quarters who came to Preach in other Places besides that of his Residence He lock'd him up first of all in his Priory from whence the Bishop's Almoner remov'd him to the Prison of Valence Nor could he obtain his Liberty till he gave Bail for his forth-coming But at length he was absolutely releas'd and his Bail discharg'd by a Decree of the Privy Council dated Novem. 24. Which Decree might have bin taken for an Act of Justice had it not bin attended eight days after by a more rigorous Declaration then all the Decrees that had bin issu'd forth upon this occasion It was dated from â—… Germans Decem. 12. and forbid the Ministers of Languedoc and all others to Preach or perform any other Exercise of the Reformed Religion in any other Places then where they resided provided that Place too were one of those where the Exercise â—as allow'd And the Penalty of transgressing was to be punish'd as Breakers and Disturbers of the Peace and a Fine of â—…ve hundred Livres which they were to be constrain'd to pay â— Imprisonment of their Bodies and an Arbitrary A merceâ—ent The Pretences for this Severity were that the Tenth article of the Edict of 1561. forbid Ministers to ramble from â—…age to Village to Preach which as they affirm'd was likewise confirm'd by several Decrees 'T was presuppos'd that the â—â—ight of Exercise did not belong to those Places and that the Ministers of Languedoc had broken the Regulation And this declaration was sent to Castres where it was Register'd Jan. 5. â—â— the following Year Nevertheless the Declaration afforded a fair Occasion for the dividing of Voices For it Reviv'd â—â— Edict which was cancell'd by that of Nantes which was â—â— pernicious Consequence in regard that all the Concessions â—â— that Act might be eluded by explaining 'em by the Terms â—â— Other Edicts that were abrogated And indeed this Method â—as found so useful and proper to ruin the Edict of Nantes that they pursu'd it as far as it would go Moreover the Declaration presuppos'd that the Annexes were Places without Right â—â— Exercise but the Reformed never yielded that to be true Nevertheless the Thing being past into a Law the Ministers â—ere reduc'd to a great Streight from
made for above Seventy years and yet never any notice â—…d bin taken of it and we find at this day the same Correction in the Psalms that were printed in 1560 and 1561. Therefore had this bin such a Crime 't is a wonder that the â—â—al of the Catholic Clergy should sleep so long without â—…er taking cognizance of such a Capital Crime But the times were chang'd and the Bishop might say what he â—…as'd against an Unfortunate Party not in a condition to â—…sâ—nd themselves The Third Accusation was grounded upon the Expressions which the Ministers made use of in speaking of the mysteries of the Roman Church The Bishop call'd Drelinâ—…rt Impious and Blasphemer by reason of the disrespectâ—… Expressions which were to be found in his Writings That â—…nister the True Scourge of Controversie-Mongers and Missionaries and who had learnt from Moulin the art of finding â—…t the ridiculous part of Superstition call'd things by their â—…mes with great liberty For he call'd the Church of Rome â—…famus Strumpet and the Idolatrous Babylon He call'd the â—â—crament which the Catholics adore a God of Dow an â—bomination a Wafer which the Priest would make you believe he has turn'd into a Deity after he has blown upâ—… it four or five words He handled the Mass like a piece 〈…〉 Farce and Mummery Moreover the Bishop accus'd him 〈…〉 saying that the Virgin was an Idol and the worshipping â—â—r an Abomination That the Festivals of the Saints were 〈…〉 meer Superstition that their Legends which the Prelate 〈…〉 the History of their Vertues was a Gallimaufrie of Exâ—â—aâ—â—gant Romances and Idle Tales He complain'd that the same Minister had call'd the Pope Antichrist and Captain of the Cut-purses meaning the Bishops and Monks â—…d that he had call'd it in question Whether he were St. Peter's or Magus's Successor Above all things â— ascrib'd to him one thing very Criminal that he had asserteâ— that St. Lewis at the point of death disgusted the Mass Upon which we must observe that one of the most wickeâ— and insnaring Questions which the New Missionaries starteâ— to puzzle silly People was Whether they believ'd thâ— Charlemaigne or St. Lewis or the Reigning King weâ—â— damn'd 'T was High Treason to answer in the Affirmâ—tive and it was dangerous to answer in the Negative Fâ— then the Missionary concluded that men might be sav'd â— the Roman Profession But usually they got rid of this fradulent Question by answering That they made no doubt bâ— that all Princes were sav'd because that God enlighten'd ' eâ— at the hour of death and infus'd into 'em a good liking â— the Romish Superstitions And this Vulgar Error the Bishoâ— laid to Drelincourt's Charge because he had said somethinâ— like it in some of his Works However these Expressioâ— were not particular to himself for that the greatest part â— the Ministers kept up the custom of talking of the Guidâ— and Practises of the Roman Church in such a manner â— the Catholics deem'd not very decent But He stuck clâ—sest upon Drelincourt's Skirts because he instructed the Peâ—ple by his Familiar Writings and arm'd 'em with easy anâ— short Answers against the Sophisms of the Missionaries Sâ— that he was very odious to this new Order of Persecutorâ— who made it their business for thirty years together by aâ— imaginable ways to do him one of their good Turns The Bishop after these Terrible Accusations vaunâ—ed know not by what Figure for it was very singular that hâ— was oblig'd to reserve a Charitable and Judicious Silence iâ— reference to the Language of the Ministers but though hâ— forbore to speak of their Crimes yet he talk'd loud of thâ— Punishment due to 'em of which he demanded a severe Infliction that they should be forbid to pronounce such â—â—â—nous Affronts and Blasphemies against the Church againâ— the Sacraments against the Saints against the Pope and hiâ— â—relates That those Paragraphs wherein the Pope was call'd â—ntichrist might be raz'd out of the Prayers of the Reâ—orm d that the Prayer for the King might be restor'd as â— was That all Innovations contrary to the Edicts might â—e punish'd and chastis'd that Indifferency in Religion â—roach'd by Daillé might be stifl'd in the Birth that his Books â—ight be burnt by the hand of the Common Hangman and â—hat he might be punish d severely as a New Arch-Heretic â—ogether with all those that favour'd his Libertinism Which â—aâ—t Clause had an Eye upon Aubertin Mestrezat and Drelinâ—â—â—rt his Associates who being appointed by the Synod of the Province to overlook the Books had subscrib'd their Approâ—ation of his Works The Bishop at last protested That he â—poke not out of any hatred of Persons because Charity â—orbad him but to destroy Errors and prevent the Erroâ—eous from rendring themselves odious to God unfaithful to â—hâ— King baneful to themselves and unprofitable to the Pubâ—ic This is just pursuing the Motions of a sort of Charity â—ike that of the Inquisition which puts People to death â—fter they have repented for fear lest if they should let â—em live they should expose 'em to the danger of a Relapse The second Article of Complaints touching the Papaphrase â—pon Psalm 20. of an Affair of State became a Business of Critiâ—ism D. Muis Royal Professor of the Oriental Languages at Paris â—pheld the Bishop's Cause and in a new Version of the Psalms wherein he follow'd the Hebrew exactly and in a literal Commentary which he added he thought it best to follow the Vulgar in the Translation of this Verse This man wrote against Daillé who defended himself against the Attacks of the Bishop with as much Vigor as Modesty and answer'd de Muis in such a manner as to win the more unbyass'd sort of people to be of his side or at least so propitious to him as to judge that there was nothing that could give offence in the Alteration which he had made in the Couplet or that hinder'd the Psalm from being an entire Prayer for the King But the third Accusation gave such a Blow that the Consequences of it were soon felt For the King set forth an Edict which was verify'd in the Parlament of Paris March 9. and which condemn Blasphemers of God the Virgin and the Saints For the fourth time inclusively to redoubl'd Fines Forfeitures and Penances For the fifth time to be Pillory'd For the sixth time to have the Upper-Lip cut off For the seventh to lose the Lower-Lip also And for the eighth to have the Tongue pull'd out 'T was an easie thing to extend the Rigor of this Declaration to the Reformed who no sooner taught that the Merits of the Saints were of no benefit to Men or that God never appointed the Holy Mother of Christ a Mediatrix for Sinners nor Queen of Heaven but they were accounted Blasphemers For which Reason it was that upon the noise of this Declaration John de Gap a Capuchin going to hear La Faye a Minister
as well to the Synod as to the Commissioner certain Letters which contain'd the same in Substance that he had said by word of Mouth to the Deputies The Chiefest Favour they obtain'd was Money to defray the Expences of the Synod but the Answer to their Papers was put off till the breaking up of the Assembly The Commissioner was very Importunate with the Synod to break up and by his Earnest insisting upon their Separation it was evident that when the Court beheld the Reformed met together in their Assemblies she was sensible of those Fears which their ancient Union had infus'd into her And indeed there were but few Reasons that could oblige the Assembly to sit any long time for they had finish'd their Business and had appointed General Deputies Which Nomination was done with Little Ceremony The Marquiss of Clermont was continu'd and they joyn'd Marbaud with him for his Associate They had also written to the King upon this Subject and he had promis'd according to Custom to consent to the Nomination after the Synod was broke up Nevertheless the Marquiss of Clermont remain'd alone in the discharge of that Employment and neither Galand who had been appointed by the Preceding Synod nor Marbaud who was nam'd by this were any way concern'd with him But the Synod no way satisfi'd that the Court refus'd to answer their Paper and foreseeing also that so soon as they were once separated their Complaints would be forgot were desirous to take some Course that they might not lose the Benefit of all their Cares To that purpose they thought it proper to joyn Particular with the General Deputies who might solicit the Answer which was promis'd to their Papers and chiefly take care of three Articles which they jud'gd to be of Greatest Importance The Commissioner was desirous to thwart this Resolution and pretended that a Deputaion of that Nature was a Politick Affair with which an Ecclesiastical Assembly had nothing to do to meddle without Express leave But the Synod stood their Ground and having given him to understand that there was nothing of Debate and consultation that their business only was to appoint certain Deputies to carry on an Innocent Solicitation a Liberty which the Laws allow to all men whatever and that it could not be displeasing to the King who had frequently suffer'd the same freedom they then went on with their Design and Deputed Angle and Gigord two Ministers of Great Credit and Authority in their Provinces La Militiere who had already render'd himself very troublesome by his Projects of Re-union address'd his writings to this Synod where they were condemn'd And as for the Behaviour and Writings of Daille who had refuted this Visionary they were approv'd And they wrote moreover to that same Reconciler that if within six Months he did not manifest his Repentance by an Authentick Declaration to the Consistory at Paris they would no longer look upon him as a Member of the Reformed Churches But the Greatest Good this Synod did the Reformed was their appeasing the Dispute which had made a great noise for some years upon the Subject of Vniversal Grace Nothing was ever known more Hot and Violent then the Fury that appear'd in the pro ' and con of this New Controversie And it had certainly Compleated the Ruin of the Churches had not the Synod found out a way to calm the Tempest by obliging the contending Parties to a Mutual Toleration The next Year was not remarkable for any Great Events that concern'd Religion However the Reformed were not a little griev'd to see a Declaration set forth by the King upon the 10th of February by which he put his own Person and his Kingdom under the Protection of the Blessed Virgin The Memory of which was to be perpetuated by a Picture set up on purpose in the Cathedral Church of Paris commonly call'd Nostre Dame This Declaration contain'd in Substance those Expressions which the Reformed persisting in their Sentiments touching the Object of Religious Worship could not choose but look upon as Impious And that alone was enough to blast all their Hopes of expecting any thing Favourable from a Prince whose Zeal for his own Religion transported him to that excess of New Devotion For to put his Kingdom under the Portection of a Creature tho' never so Holy never so Divinely Priviledg'd was evidently to vow the Extermination of those whose Principles enjoyn'd 'em to believe that in seeking such a Protection the King renounc'd the Protection of God The Duke of Rohan dy'd this Year of the Wounds which he receiv'd at the Battel of Rhinseldt Which at first were not lookt upon to be Considerable or at least there was no body that ever beleiv'd they had been Mortal Which was the reason that some People believ'd 'em to have been poyson'd and that the Jealousies the Court had of him had given an occasion to lay hold of this Opportunity to send him out of the World without any Noise And the Chyrurgeons that were sent him under pretence of being serviceable to him were thought to be the Instruments of this black Piece of Politicks 'T is said that the Dukes Journey into Germany to serve the King in the Duke of Weimar's Army whither he went against the Good liking of the Court and where he would not accept of any Command was the Effect of some secret Projects the Consequences of which some People were much afraid of Some believ`d that he held a Strict Corespondence with the Deceas`d King Gustavus that they had joyntly labour`d the Re union of the Lutherans and Reformed that their Intreagues in Order to it had produc`d the Act of the Synod of Charenton That in pursuance of that Act the Reformed in Gustavus`s Army had receiv`d the Communion after the Lutheran Manner and the German Lutherans who serv`d under the the Duke of Rohan in the Country of the Grisons had receiv`d after the manner of the Reformed That those two Aspiring Genius`s built Great designs upon this Re-union that the Death of Gustavus procur`d by those who were desirous to stop the Torrent of his Victories disappointed all the Duke's designs Therefore it was giv`n out that he was about to revive the same Corespondencies with the Duke of Weimar a Prince of vast Courage great Experience and accompted one of the Bravest Captains of his Time Nor had the Duke of Rohan any more then one Daughter who was a transcendent Match and therefore `twas verily thought that he had a design to the end he might procure a stricter Union with the Duke to give him his Daughter in Marriage But that Prince was by no means belov`d in France because he had nothing that was Low or Base in him and for that he knew how to render himself redoubted Besides he had settl`d himself in Germany by his Conquests and this Year he took Brisac more upon his own account then upon the Kings A Person of such
Importance Powerful upon the Frontiers esteem`d among the Protestants respected by all Men would have been too Formidable had he been united with the Duke of Rohan by so strict an Alliance Nor were the Reformed in France become despicable as yet and therefore they were unwilling they should have a Leader of that Fame and Authority as the Duke of Weimar The Hungarians on the other side were grown so strong that their Enemies were constrain'd to grant 'em the Priviledge of being a Fourth Estate in the Kingdom And it was to be fear'd lest the Duke of Rohan who made it his Business to advance the Reformed Party in France should have a design to procure 'em at least the same Priviledges and that under the Pretence of the Marriage of his Daughter he would engage the Duke of Weimar and other German Princes in such an Enterprize These Considerations made it very much to be suspected that the Cardinal who knew very well how to start a great many others was desirous to fend off the Blow by sending the Duke of Rohan into another World as knowing him capable to go through with whatever he undertook 'T is true that Great Men are seldom thought to dy a Natural Death and it is a rare thing to see any one depart this Life without searching for the Causes of his Death in the Politicks of his Enemy However it were the Duke of Rohan dy'd in the sixty eighth year of his Age and his Death was a great Affliction to all the Reformed who had a great Considence in him tho' such Persons among 'em who had been gain'd by the Court would needs perswade 'em that he had sacrific'd the Publick Good of the Churches to his own Interests But above twenty years after his Death they who had seen the Warrs which he had manag'd never mention'd him without tears in their Eyes The 28th of the same Month of April Miron and du Pâ—â— Intendants of Languedoc set forth an Ordinance at Momâ—â—â—â—r which was the Rule and Model of all those which were afterwards issued out against those whom they thought good to call Relapsers They took for their Pretence what happens but too frequently in Truth that both Men and Women who found it for their advantage to marry Catholicks openly profess'd the Catholick Religion when the Catholicks would not so much as hear of the Match upon any other Condition but almost as soon as ever the Marriage was Consummated the Reformed would return to their first Religion and then submitted themselves by a Publick Confession to attone for the Crime of Abjuration which they had committed They made 'em also undergo the same Punishment tho' they had not abjur'd but had onely comply'd so far as to suffer themselves to be married by a Catholick Priest The Clergy were doubly affronted by this in the first Place beholding the Mysteries of their Religion proâ—â—â—'d by such a Piece of Inconstancy and next to see the uncertainty and vanity of their Conquests Thereupon they made thâ—… Complaints to the Intendants aggravating in a most inveterate manner that Profanation of their Catholick Sacraments That Bitterness as well as their Ignorance in Ecclesiastical Antiquity chiefly appear'd by the Comparison which they made between the Reformed and the Jews who were accustom'd said they in the Primitive Times to seign themselves Catholicks and under that Colour went to Communions on purpose to break the Images and profane the sacred Host They pretended that this Prophanation was contrary to all the Edicts which never pardon'd such sort of Crimes Upon these Complaints the Intendants order'd the guilty to be prosecuted But the Custom was too deeply rooted and the Mischief was grown too common to be cur'd by such a Remedy nor do I find that the ordinance wrought any Effect In the Year 1629. the King had erected a Presidial Court at Nerac a City in the Province of Albret where the Reformed were the most Numerous The end of which establishment was to strengthen the Catholick Party by conferring upon 'em the greatest part of the Offices and Employments in that new Court But neither in the City nor in the Province were there Catholicks enow to be found who were capable to supply those Offices So that they were forc'd to send for Graduates to officiate for the present time in expectation of able Persons that were fitly qualifi'd for their Places Nor could they meet with a sufficient Number of Catholick Graduates But at length the Project was brought to perfection this Year by sending for men of Ability from other Places and admitting some of the Reformed into Employments which the rest could not supply At this time also the Sick were continually tormented by the Monks who made an ill use of their infirmities to exâ—ort from 'em some Declaration that might pass for a profession of the Catholick Religion I meet with one remarkable Example during the sickness of Anne Violette a Maid of three or four and twenty Years who liv'd at Poitiers This poor Maid falling sick lost her senses through the Violence of her Distemper Which is confessed by the Monks themselves who wrote the Relation of it in the true style of a Legend An Austin Friar went to Visit this Maid of his own Head and caus'd her to pronounce certain Words from whence he concluded her willing to die a Catholick In the mean time Cottiby Minister of the Place came thither and his Meeting with the Monk having occasion`d a loud Dispute between 'em drew together a great Concourse of People always listning after Novelties and among the rest â—ame the Maior pretending to prevent Disorders But instead of having any Regard to the condition of the sick Person he put all the People out of the Chamber and being Master of the Room caus'd a verbal Answer of the Questions propounded to the poor Creature in a Delirium to be drawn â—p as before himself being a Magistrate to the end report â—ight afterwards be made of it for a certain Truth However the Ravings of that unfortunate Creature ceas'd not â—he had till then most dreadful Dreams and she lay Crying without Intermission that she was damn'd And upon that it was that the Fryar had grounded his Conceit that â—…e would be willing to quit her Religion to rid her self â—f her Fears But after they had made her talk as long and what the Monk pleas'd her Visions and Outcries still continu'd and her Fears of Damnation were still the same Nevertheless the Catholicks would not lose this fair Opportunity to signalize their Zeal and cri'd up the Deliriâ—ms and Ravings of this poor Creature in a high Feaver for a Miraculous Conversion This happen'd toward the end of July The last of the next Month the Duke of Bouillon publish'd an Edict in Favour of the Reformed within his Principality of Sedan and tho' it contain'd no more then eighteen Articles it was as much to their Advantage as could be desir'd
Parlaments whereas formerly they were restrain'd to ten To which end all Patents requisite shall be dispatch'd XXI That at the request of the Chamber of Castres which is compos'd of a President and Eight Catholick Counsellors and as many of the Religion it would please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Counsellors to serve in the Chamber of Nerac where there are but six Counsellors of the same Religion Which is the Cause that by reason of present Refusals there is not a sufficient Number of Judges in the said Chamber And for the said two Offices to provide two Persons gratis at the Nomination of the Churches The XXXI Article of the Edict shall be observ'd But nothing can be changed in the last Establishment of the said Chambers And as to the Election and Nomination of those that are to serve his Majesty will provide with such Consideration that they shall have no occasion to complain XXII And considering the great Animosities of the Parlament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux which have chiefly appear'd since the fatal Accident of the Death of the King deceas'd by the great Number of Divisions of Voices that happen in the Chambers of Castres and Nerac which proceeds from hence that the said Courts send to his Majesty the Nomination of the Catholick Counsellors which are to serve in the said Chambers and Employ the most passionate in the said Courts 't is desired that each of the said Chambers may supply the Number of the Counsellors of the Grand Council and the Surplusage of the said Courts of Parlaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux who may be chosen by your Majesty upon the Register of the said Courts as was practis'd upon the first establishment of the Chamber of Justice in Languedoc in 1579. and not upon the Nomination which is made by the said Parlaments Satisfaction has been given to the Contents of this Article by the Answer to the IV. of the Articles presented by those of the Religion in the Dauphirate in August last and because the Parlament of Grenoble has refus'd to obey it Letters of command shall be sent to cause 'em to verifie it XXIII That in Conformity to what has been granted to the Chambers of the Edict in the Parlaments of Paris Tholouse and Bourdeaux it would please his Majesty to create de novo an Office of Substitute to the Advocate General of the Parliament of Grenoble to serve in the Chamber and take his Conclusions as well at the Hearing as in Process by writing and to provide one of the Religion Gratis at the Nomination of the Churches under the Jurisdiction of the said Chamber The Deceas'd King being engag'd â—â— Promise not to make any new Creation even in the said Province â—â—ere is no Reason for granting the present Article XXIV And that all the Officers of the said Miparty Chamber may be according to the Intention of the Edict and practice of the other Chambers may it please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Secretaries and an Usher in the said Parlament of Grenoble to serve in the said Chamber and to provide Persons of the said Religion Gratis at the Nomination of the said Churches Such course shall be taken that there shall be no occasion for Complaint XXV For the same Reason in regard the two Commissioners of the Registry of the Chamber of Castres are Catholicks that upon the Death or Resignation of one of the said Officers one of the said Religion may supply his Room The XLVI Article of the Edict shall be observ'd and the Vshers and Serjeants shall be enjoin'd to execute all Decrees Commissions and Orders issu'd out of the said Chambers of the Edict and of Grenoble in all places where need shall require upon Pain of being suspended from their Employments and forc'd to pay the Expences Dammages and Interest of the Plaintiffs in the Suits XXVI And for as much as to the prejudice of the LXVII Article of Particulars and the Provision made in consequence of it by Answers to several Writings the Courts of Parlament in Provence Burgundy and Britany make daily Decrees against the Ushers who within their Jurisdictions execute the Decrees of the Chambers of the Edict of Paris and Grenoble so that for that Reason the Royal Serjeants settled in the said Provinces refuse to put the said Decrees in Execution therefore may his Majesty be pleas'd to create de novo two Offices of Serjeants Royal in every Bailiwick and Seneschalship within the Jurisdiction of the said Provinces to be suppli'd by Persons of the said Religion The Catholicks and those of the Religion shall be indifferently receiv'd into the said Offices and as to those places where there are none at present command shall be sent to those that Officiate to receive all Contracts Wills and other Acts which they shall be requir'd to do by those of the said Religion XXVII And for Remedy of the Inconvenience which they of the Religion daily suffer both at Paris and other Places where there are no Royal Notaries to receive Contracts Wills and other Voluntary Acts may it please his Majesty to create de novo in every City two Offices of Royal Notaries and to supply the Places with those of the said Religion The Regulation made at Blois in 1599. shall be observ'd XXVIII That Attestations sent by the Ministers and Elders to justifie themselves in the Chambers of the Edict shall not be oppos'd nor rejected unless it be upon a challenge or exception against the Signing tho' the said Attestations are not made before a Publick Notary and Judges Royal. T is for the King in his Council to appoint Judges Nevertheless his Majesty Grants that in Case of Division of Voices the Chamber where the Process was divided shall Order the Parties to repair to the next Chamber without Addressing to his Majesty But his Pleasure is that in other Things the Orders be observ'd XXIX And to obviate long and troublesom Suits which the Parties are constrain'd to undergo through the Regulations of the Judges of his Majesties Council in the Business of Parentage Recusations and things of the like Nature that the Chambers of the Edict might send to the next Court or where both Parties shall agree the Processes wherein the Presidents or Counsellours in the Causes or their Kindred within the Degree and Number of the Ordinance are either Principal Parties or Garanties as also the Division of Voices happening in the said Chambers which ought to be referr'd to the next Chamber according to the XLVII of the Particular Articles Granted for the time to come and necessary Declarations shall be expedited for that Purpose XXX That in the Explanation of the LIX Article of the Edict the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy be enjoyn'd to set forth by way of long Prescription the Time elaps'd from July 1585. till the Month of February 1599. as is practis'd in other Chambers of the Kingdom The Regulation as to Six Months
seventh of June last And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day they shall particularly enjoy the things contain'd in the Letters Patents which have order'd 'em for that purpose So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counsellours in the Parlament of Tholouse c. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. and twentieth of our Raign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King Phelipeaux Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Tholouse in Parlament August 27. 1629. Sign'd De Malenfant The End of the second Volume A TABLE OF THE MATTERS A. ACcusations odious 521. For violating the Edicts Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things 525. Acts of Injustice at Vitre Dijon Taulignan 424 370 465. Particular Acts of Injustice 465. Affairs Forreign of France in what Condition 314. Aggravation venomous 524. Aire Bishop of his violent Speech 249. Albert de Luines his Original 260 261. His Confidents their Character 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan 264. He Fools the Queen and the Duke of Rohan 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres 382. More of the same 384 385. Made Constable 388. Alets reduc'd 459. Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on 17. Ambrune Bishop of his Speech to the King 339. Amelot Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty 384. d' Ancre Marquiss of hated by the Princes of France 153. They unite against him 154 c. His Death 263. St. Angeli Besieg'd and Reduc'd 309. The Priviledges of the City abolish'd 310. An attempt upon it 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan 123. Annexes the occasion of great Injustice 469 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em 498. New Vexations about 'em 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em 516. St. Antonin tak'n by Assault 334. Apology of the General Assembly 424. Arminians favour'd by the Court 372. Arnoux the Jesuit invective against him 301. His Dilemma 302. Banish'd the Court 319. He succeeds Cotton 272. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur 53. Artifices against Chamier 66. Assemblies why they refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris remov'd to Poitiers thence to Bourdeaux 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 406. Of Notables 433. Assembly at Anduse translated to Nimes 459. Of the Clergy at Paris 464. Assembly of the Clergy 521. Assembly general allow'd for Chastelleraud 22. Remov'd to Saumur 23. Assembly at Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies 52. In which they persist 53. Nominates Commissioners 60. The Assembly resolves to break up 65. They draw up Regulations 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux 92. Assembly at Rochel 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 183. Assembly at Grenoble 201. Sends a Deputation to the King 203. Removes to Nimes 212. They mistrusts the Lords 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace 232 c. Remov'd to Rochel 235. They send Deputies to Loudun 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King 264. And receive an Order to break up 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux and Tonneins repair to Orthez in Bearn and are proscrib'd 308 309. Assembly of Orthez remov'd to Rochel and breaks up 322. Another Assembly at Loudun Ibid. c. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois 330 c. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun 335. Assembly at Anduse 357. Assembly at Gergeau 358 c. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy 360 c. General Assembly at Milhau 361 c. Assembly at Rochel declar'd unlawful 365. Assembly at Rochel 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel 393 c. Defends it self in Writing 410. Reply'd to by the Jesuites 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em 417. The State of it 428. Assignations ill paid 375. Attempts upon the Cities of Security 300. B. BAilliages establish'd with little exactness 270. Basnage the Reformed Minister 482. Bearn forc'd Conversions there 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately 47. Articles in favour of Bearn 85. The State of Bearn falsly represented 276. Reunion of it to the Crown 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it 280 c. Answer to it 285. The Edict of the Reunion publish'd 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow 289. The State of Religion in Bearn 290. Their Writings answer'd 297. Their extream despair 307. More of the Bearnois 313. The whole form of the Government alter'd 346 c. Violences committed there after the Kings Departure 348. The Affair of Bearn cross'd a thousand ways by different Artifices 351. All manner of Succours refus'd to their Deputies 352. Bearn subdu'd 405. Bellujon censur'd by the Assembly 56. Beraud Minister of Montauban 481. Berger a Reformed Counsellour at Paris turns Roman Catholick 162. Breticheres his Politick design 328. Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion 493. Bishop of Orleans's Speech to the King 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech 529. Bishop of Mompellier his Rights over the Vniversity 152. Blasphemies pretended 427 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts 448 450. Bodies of the Reformed digg'd up again 402. Books prosecuted 451. Books that made a noise 85 87. Bouillon Marshal his Letter 313. He treats with Count Mansfield 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed 417. Bouillon Duke of the Son changes his Religion 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady Ibid. Bouillon the Father soon gain'd at Court 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde 17. Gain'd by the Queen 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship 28. Discontented seems reconcil'd to the Duke of Sulli and Interests himself for Senevieres 30 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him 55. His strange Advice 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly but refuses it 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan 118. Reconcil'd 150. He seeks to be reveng'd upon the Queen 180. He labours with the Reformed to joyn with the Reformed 182. Writes to the King 412. He refuses the Place of General 416. Buckingham Duke jealousies between him and the Cardinal 416. He compleats the Ruin of the Reformed 418. Burials disturb'd 439. The Right of Burial violated 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches 431. C. COcherat Minister of Quilleboeuf 513. Candal Duke of embraces the Reformed Religion 215. Castres Vexation of Officers
there 435. The Consistory molested there 437. Refuses to admit the Duke of Rohans Deputies 429. The Counsellours of the Chamber there forbid to wear red Robes 504. Catharinots murder du Cross 335. Sedition against the Catholicks by them rais'd Ibid. Catholicks their enterprizes at Rochel 387. Of the Queen of Englands Houshold indiscreet 417. They Triumph at Campredons Death 423. They endeavour to involve the Ministers in the Duke of Rohans treaty with Spain 424. Great rejoycing among 'em 450. Their Cruelties and Insulting Ibid. Cavils upon the Right of Donations and Legacies 393. A shameful Cavil 495. Chalas Commissioner in Poitou and Saintonge 383. His Compliance 386. Chambers of the Edict their Severity 115. At Paris reverse a Sentence of the Judge of Orleans 152. Character of the Reformed 31. Charenton the Church there burnt 325. Exercise of Religion confirm'd there 10. Charles Prince of Wales design'd to Marry the Infanta of Spain 389. Courted by Richlieu for a Daughter of Henry IV. 390. The Match concluded 391. His Complance for the Catholick Religion 392. Chatillon dismiss'd by the Circle of Lower Languedoc 327. The Reasons why 328. Surrenders Aiguemortes to the King and is made a Marshal of France 346. Engag'd in the Interests of the Court 214. Deals under hand with Montmorency 378. Chatillon the City dishonest Proposals to surprize it 329 330. Children forc'd away 305. Two Examples of it Ibid. 409. More of the same 370. Churches of the County of Foix reduc'd to Misery 268. And those of Provence ill us'd 269. Church-yards Catholicks dispenc'd with allowing 'em at their own Charges 307. Church-yard at Blois 425. Cavil about one 445. Distance between Reformed and Catholick Church-yards 446. Cities Catholick several take Arms 42. Cities of Security yield to the King 158. Clairac Besieg'd and taken 315. Cruelties us'd to the Garrison 316. Clergy grant Money with an ill will 407. The Clergies Papers and the Kings answer 529. Their Prevarication 172. Their Paper presented to the King 173 174 c. Colledges all Hugenots imparty'd 501. Colledge of Loudun taken from the Reformed 515. Colledge at Charenton the Erection of it oppos'd by the Catholicks 329. Condè joins with Car. de Retz c. 329. His Cruelties to the Reformed 345. Quits the Court and retires into Italy 353. His unjust dealings at Sancerre 451. Affronted at Poitiers 157. His unequal Temper 173. Condè loses his Authority by the Prevarication of the Clergy 180. He begins new Intreigues 181. He prepares to hinder the Match with Spain 184. He invites the Assembly of Grenoble to join with him 201. Proclaim'd a Rebel 231. His Condition when Peace was propounded 232. He Signs the Treaty 237. He makes two new demands after all the rest were granted him which much perplex the Queen 248. Imprison'd by the Queen 249. Set at Liberty 321. He deceives the Reformed 334. His wholsome Advice 341. He and others fail in their Garranty to the Reformed 361. The Kings Declaration against the Cities of Rochel and St. John d' Angeli and the effect of it 422. Consistory at Beglè continues the Publick Exercise of their Religion 223. Oppos'd by two Advocates 224. They cite the Advocates who appeal to the Parlament 225. And the proceedings thereupon 226 c. Constable his Death causes great Alterations at Court 329. Consuls indirectly chosen 491. Consulships of Alets 495. Conversions forc'd at Aubenas 433. and St. Amands 434. Pretended of a Person that dy'd of a Fever 452. Of Souldiers taken Prisners 456. Cornulier Bishop of Rennes his passionate Speech 320. Corps of a Reformed Gentleman digg'd up again 116. Cotton the Jesuit disgrac'd 272. Councils Provincial their Functions 70. Court recover their Affairs 406. The Answers given by the Court to the Papers of the Reformed satisfie no Body 64. Makes use of the Doctrine of Patience 120. The wiles and injustices of it 121. Has no regard for the People 184. Disingenuity of the Court upon Sulli's account 237. Break their Words with Lescun 280. Dilatory and Delusive 303. Craft of the Court in reference to Renards ill success in Bearn 310. Croakers 425. Cruelties of the Kings Army at Foix 401. At Privas 455. Cupis Francis his Conversion 538. D. DAille's Books 526. His dispute with Muis 527. Deagean a signal wile of his 386. c. Declaration against Rohan and Soubise 396. The Kings Declaration upon Soubise's taking Arms 397. Declaration confirming the Edict of Nantes 8. And remarkable Expressions in it 9. Declaration of the twenty fourth of April oppos'd by the Deputies General 97 98. New Declaration July 11. 112. Of the fifteenth of December and remarks upon it 141. Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain 144. Of the Kings Majority 167. Declaration of the King upon the Nobilities proposing to Petition him to maintain the Catholick Religion according to his Coronation Oath 179. Declaration of the Court upon Conde's treating with the Assembly of Nimes 218. New Declaration of the King Ibid. Decree about meeting the Sacrament 434. Decrees upon several occasions 503. A troublesome Decree about meeting the Sacrament 509. For demolishing the Church of St. Maixant 510. Forbidding publick Exercise at Paroi and containing several other things 515. Other Decrees against the Reformed 533. And to the Prejudice of Paternal Authority Ibid. A Vexatious Decree of the Privy Council upon several occasions 534. A Decree touching Patents for Offices 535. He will not allow the Ministers to make a separate Body in Councils 73. A Decree authorizing the Jesuits to preach in Mompellier 277. For restoring confiscated Estates confiscated in Bearn 278. Deputies General nominated 487. Obtain favourable answers to their Papers 18. Their Power limited 49. Well receiv'd and flatter'd at Court 50. Afterwards deceiv'd 51. Threaten'd 52. New Deputies General appointed 60. Deputies of the Provinces at Patis sent back with disgrace 96. Dominic de Jesus Maria his Story 322. Dort Imposture put upon the Synod there 374. E. ECclesiasticks seiz'd upon at Montauban 371. Edict new confirming all the rest 414. Edict of Grace 460. Contents of the Edict 461. Against Blasphemers 528. The Consequences of it Ibid. Edict of Blois 238. Embassadours English importunate for the Peace of the Religion 411. They sign an Act ill drawn up 413. England declares against France 438. English Land in the Isle of Re 439. Defeated 442. Set forth two Fleets more 443. England makes a Peace with France Ibid. 457. Espernon Duke of Mortally hates the Reformed 216. Makes War against Rochel 252. His pretence to take Arms 253 c. Espernon Duke of sent into Bearn 402. Examples of Injuries done the Reformed 306. Exercise forbid at Puigenier and Beaulieu 425. Out of the usual Places 431. At St. Sabin and Antibe 446. Prohibited 438. At Gex Sancerre and Chauvigny 444. At Quercy 445. The Right to 'em cavill'd at 468. Forbid 490 495. Forbid 500. Forbid at Paroi 515. At Villiers le Bel 531. At Corbigni Ibid. At St. Silvia 533. In other Places
Ibid. At Clay 536. Forbid in several Places 301. Exorcisms the ridiculous â—ssâ—cls of 'em 505. F. FAvas's Interest 365. Favourites new Intreignes against 'em 337. Fenouilles Bishop of violent against the Reformed 335. Remarks upon his Speech 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed 152. Ferrand the Minister flatters the King 410. Ferrier retires 67. Heavy Accusations against him 102. Quits the Ministry and is receiv'd a Counsellour at Nimes 146. More of him 148 c. His end 150. Flatteries excessive 362. Foix Desolation of the Church there 338. Fontrailles put out of Leitoure 364. La Force corrupted by the King leaves the Reformed 333. La Force Governour of Bearn 279. His unequal temper and the effects of it 292. France Plays foul play with the Confederates 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe set forth by a Sorbon Doctor 502. G. GAland Augustus a Commissioner 371. Admitted into the Synod 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan 442. In vain opposes the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn 483. Gex the Bailliage how us'd 534. Commissioners sent thither 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion 107. Governours of the Towns of Security basely self-interested 423. Grand Assizes several of their Decrees against the Reformed 512. Grievances a large Memoir of 'em 430. Gustavus King of Sweden his Death 497. H. HArdy put in Marrialds Room 427. House of Charity forbid at Paris 536. House of the Propagation of Faith and a remarkable piece of Injustice 537. Huguenots whether to be admitted in the Kings Army 441. Hust the Original of the Word 349. I. JAcobins turn'd out of Mompellier 275. James I. of England his Compliance for the Catholick Religion 390 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate 391. Jeannin his remarkable writing 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bouillon 181. Jesuits receive a great Mortification 93. Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton 13. Inclinations of the Great Men 314. Independency of Kings from the Pope maintain'd 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy and why 170. Injustice extraordinary against the Reformed 435. Instructions of the Commissioners 421. Answer'd by Chauve the Moderator 422. For the Provincial Assembly 23. Continuations of the Instructions 26. Invectives against the Synod of Aletz 357. Joseph a Capuchin his draught of the Reunion 474. K. KIng of England in what sence Garrantee for the Protestants 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace 234. Refus'd by the Council of France Ibid. Knight of Malta Marry'd 432. L. LAnguedoc Lower in Confusion 328. Continue unquiet 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel 376. League powerful against Spain 410. Legacies perverted 432. Lescun Counsellour in the Soveraign Council of Bearn 279. His Remonstrance 290. Lesdiguieres pretends to the Constables Sword and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes 212. Engag'd in the Interest of the Court 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel 381. His small Affection for Religion Ibid. c. Will not hearken to his Friends 386. He remains at Court 388. Lessius put to Death 354. Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders 29. A Letter from Court Authorizing the Inferiour number against the greater 56. Letter suppos'd to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name 366. Lewis XIII Marches into Guyenne 314. Returns to Paris 330. Leaves Paris 332. His success in Poitou Ibid. And Guyenne where he treats with La Force 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville and seizes Tulleburg Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations 339. He makes use of Forraign Catholick Souldiers 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary 413. Returns to Paris 358. His particular Insidelity to the Rochellers 363. His Death 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace 463. The Court surpriz'd at the Kings Death 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided 14. His Temper 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn 343. He arrives at Pau and takes in Navarreins returns to Pau and takes the Oath to the States 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris and removes the Offices of the Receits 401. Lewis XIII born 419. Lion an unfortunate accideent there 326. A new Sedition there 451. Loudun Assembly there justified 301. which produc'd several Complaints and Apologies 302. Answer'd by the King 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace 235. Luson Bishop of made a Cardinal 360. His Character Ibid. His Speech to the King 173. He withdraws from the Queen 272. He writes against the Ministers 274. His ill Counsel 341 c. M. MAcon the Bishop of his Speech to the King 274. Proves ineffectual 277. Remarks upon it 317. Mage the Judge 422. Maine Duke of his Death 322. Mandamus Final to the Soveraign Council of Bearn 311. Attended by Decrees of Council 312. Maniald dies 427. Mansfield Count treats with the Reformed 340. Gain'd by the Court 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations Ibid. Marans Count of his Hostilities against Sancerre 268. Marets Minister of Alets put to Death 494. Marriage of Converted Priests 431. Masuyer's false dealing 423. His Character 373. He writes to the King 374. More of him Ibid. c. Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville ruin'd by Favas 389. Metz the Reformed forbid to erect a Colledge there 517. Milletiere a writing of his 373. His Project about Re-union of the Protestants and Papists 477. Refuted by Daille 478. Turns Catholick through Necessity Ibid. Ministers Forraign a Declaration against 'em 436. Decrees against 'em 503. Ministers Pensioners 121. Allow'd to assist at Political Assemblies 270. Ministers of Charentons Answer 273. The Treachery of some punish'd 354. Miron President his Character 172. Missions and Missionaries 467. Mombazon Duke of his care of the Reformed 324 325. Mompellier besieg'd 344. Holds out stoutly 352. The Kings Infidelity to Her 358. A Cittadel built there contrary to the Treaty 377. The building of it oppos'd by Maniald Ibid. Innovations there 436. The Foundation of it by whom Ibid. Monks converted their Rogueries 271. Monsanglard Minister his Process 532. Montauban defended by La Force 318. The Siege rais'd 319. Reduc'd 463. Moulin in danger of being secur'd 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him 392. Muce Marquiss of condemn'd by the Parlament of Rennes 355. N. NErac a Presidial Court erected there 416. Negrepelisse taken by Assault and great Cruelties there exercis'd 334. Nomination of General Deputies permitted 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it Ibid. O. OAth of Vnion 377. Renew'd by the Assembly of Tonneins 165. Offices 441. The Catholicks combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em Ibid. 448. Talon's manner of Pleading 510. His Distinction between the Right of
Religion confirming the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Dated October 19. 1622. 521. A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers 524. A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches 535. The Kings Declaration providing against the Propounding or Treating of any Affairs in the Assemblies of the Pretended Reformed Religion but such as are permitted by the Edicts Dated April 17. 1623. 536. A Declaration of the Kings good Will to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Verifi'd in Parlament November 27. 1623. 537. A Declaration of the King against the Duke of Soubize and his Adherents Given at Paris Jan. 25. 1626. 539. A writing given by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of England Garranty of the Peace in 1626. 542. An Edict of the King upon the Peace which it pleas'd his Majesty to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Dated March 1626. 543. A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and other Adherents to the Party of the English c. Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. 548. A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris December 15. 1628. 551. The Kings Edict upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize and to all his other Rebellious Subjects of the Cities c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. 553. FINIS The Creasion and Design and Platform of this Work 1517. 1520. The beginning of the Reformation its progress and its causes 1520. It s entrance into France 1523 How it came to be received at Meaux and in Bearn 1523 The Execution of John Clerk and of Lewis Berquin 1529. The state of the Protestant Religion in Germany 1528. The Schism of England The Inclination of Francis I. tâ— the Reformation 1534. 1535. From which the Cardinal de Tournon diverts him 1535. An accommodation proposed 1285. The Synods at Bourges and Paris 1534. The beginning of Calvin's Doctrine 1534. The year of the Placards or Libels 1535. Devotions accompanied with Executions An Edict against the Lutherans 1546. The Council of Trent 1545. 1544. 1547. The Council translated The King's death 1548. Hen. II. persecutes the Protestants 1549. 1551. The King protests against the Removal back of the Council to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois cruel â—â— the Protestants The great Credit of the Clergy 1550. 1545. The affairs of Merindol and Cabrieres 1550. New Executions do but advance the progress of the Reformation 1553. Churches firmâ—d at Paris and many other places 155â— 1556. The Spirit of Moderation prevails over some Judges 1557. A Protestant meeting at Paris The Character of Queen Katharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants Singing of Psalms in publick The Original of the Factions 1559. The couragious behaviour of Andelot And his disgrace 1559. The Counsellers of the Parliament of Paris suspected about their Religion The Death of Henry the 2d The first French Protestant National Synod Francis II. succeeds The state of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues and Characters of the chief persons God assists the first Christian. How Religion came to be conceru'd in those Intrigues Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers erected Abominable Superstitions towards Images A project against Arbitrary Power 1560. The enterprise of Amboise The Cruelty of the Court. The Original of the wâ—rd Huguenot 1560. A false appearance of Moderation The P. of Conde imprison'd The sudden death of Francis II. falsly imputed to the Protestants Charles IX succeeds The Estates assembled who seem to favour the Protestants The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Polisy 1561. 1562. The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the K. of Navar. 1561. A sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre at Vassi after the Edict of January Chief Nobility The strength of the Protestants The French term for Protestant Meeting places The short favour of the Admiral with the Queen The first war undertaken by the Queens Orders and afterwards disown'd The Triple League between the Pope the K. of Spain and the Guises against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monlac and Des Adrets and of the Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreigners called into France The battel of Dreux 1563. The Siege of Orleans The Murther of the Duke of Guise charged upon the Admiral by the Wretch that did it A Peace concluded 1564. The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and its consequences * i. e. Heresy 1568. 1571. 1563. Tythes confirmed to the Roman Clergy A Tholouse 6. 8. March 1640. theâ—3 â—3 Feb. 1658. The re-taking of Havre de Grace The end of the Council of Trent 1563. 1564. 1568. A Revolution in Bearn 1569. 1565. New occasions of jealousy given the Protestants The voyage of the Court and advice given them by the Duke of Alva The progress of the Protestant Churches 1565. 1566. The reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The attempt at Monceaux and its consequences 1568. A peace made before Chartres without any intention to keepit The third War 1569. The death of Andelot and of the Prince of Conde Battels lost The Admiral re-establishes the party 1570. A fraudâ—lent Peace Incredible Artifices of the Court. 1571. 1572. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew â— The Princes change their Religion by force The Inconstancy of des Rosiers Siege of Rochel and Sancerre Factions in France 1574. The Duke of Alenzon Protector of the Reformed and the Politicians The death of the King Henry III. at his return continueth the War 1575. The Princes Retreat 1576. Peace as soon broke as made The League The King's Oath Who notwithstanding makes peace Edict of 1577. Synods 1579. Conference of Nerac and Fleix 1580 The King eludes the Peace and â—et makes a shew of keeping it Outrages done to the King by the League Is forced to a War with the Reformed La Trimouille becomes reformed 1587. The Battle of Coutras Defeats of the Reiters 1588. Thedeath of P. of Conde Edict of Vnion The boldness of the Leaguers The Estates at Blois Death of the D. of Guise and the Curdinal his brother The Duke of Mayenne being escaped relieves the Leaguers party Extremity of the King's affairs The King makes a Truce with the Reformed His affairs grow better He lays siege â—â— Paris Is assassin'd by a Monk Change of Affairs What the Reformed hoped from the dead K. The trouble of the New King The Intreagues of the Army And of the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Prince of the blood The Officers of the laâ—â— King The Catholick Nobles The Reformed And their suspitions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The uncertainty of the King His resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Protestants flatter themselves about the King's Instruction The various affections of the
Benefit of a Monk's place assign'd a Soldier grown impotent and maim'd in the King's Service Attempts upon Paternal Authority A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods National Synod He is admitted in Obedience to the King They send Commissioners to the King Who return laden with Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians Writing of la Milletiere Answer of Tilenus Imposture advanc'd against the Synod of Dort The Obedience of the Synod of Charenton Assignations ill paid Proposals made to the Synod by Galand A new Deputation to the King Oath of Union A Citadel at Mompelier Maniald opposes it in the name of the Reformed Presages of a new War Death of Du Plessis The Commissioners make the condition of the Reformed worse at Gergeau At Remorentin At Tours Commissioners in Poitou and Saintonge He raines the Câ—â—rches under appearanceâ— of Honesty Paper of the Clergy of Saintes The Malice of several Articles Chalas's Complaisance Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel 1624. Cardinal Richlieu's Maxims Proposals for marrying the Prince of Wales to the Infanta Fruitles Marriage concluded upon Conditions advantageous for the Catholics Process of the City of Pamiers against the Bishop Cavils upon the Right of pursuing the Payment of Legacies and Donations Troubles renew'd Enterprise of the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise Discover'd Soubise gets possession of the King's â—â—â—p◠〈…〉 thought lost and disown'd by every body 1625. The King's Declaration upon this occasion Soubise disingages himself Which changes the Face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Dispute about the Privileges of Rochelle Peace discours'd of Cruelties of the Royal Army in Foix. Soubise prospers A Paper of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to their Paper The Reformed not satisfi'd The Court recovers her Affairs An Assembly of the Clergy They give money with an ill will The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace Which retards the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain The Cardinal's Designs Of which he is forc'd to defer the execution The English Embassadors importunate for the Peace of the Religion Rochelle accepts the Conditions somewhat mollify'd Why the Court exacted such Writings All Pass'd by the Embassaders of England In 〈…〉 England was â—… A new Edict confirming all the rest France plays foul with the Confederates Jealousie between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal's blind-side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's menial Servants Conspiracies against the Cardinal The Cardition of Rochel A National Synod The Commissioners Instructions Answers of Chauve the Moderator Masuyer'â— faâ—se dealing The Catholics trâ—â—â—â—â— They would have involv'd the Ministers in the Duke of Rohan's Treaty with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont for the discovery of such as had a hand in the Treaty Which offends all the Charâ—â—es And is disown'd iy the National Synod Leave to nominate General Deputies From which the Synod desires to be exempted And send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes Hardi put in his room The Deputies return with the King's Answers The Synod names General Deputies The Synod names General Deputies Divers Resolutions of the Synod Castres refuses to receive the Duke of Rohan's Deputies A Memoir of Grievances Burial of Gentlemen who were the Founders of Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals A Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated The Assembly of Notables 1627. Forc'd Conversions in Bearn And at Audenas At St. Amand Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier The Foundation of Mompelier Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel still blockt up England declares war The United Provinces send succonr to France The English land in the Isle of Ré The Irresolution of the Rochelois Court Letters intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots were to be suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel Resolves Rochel publishes a Manifesto The Duke of Rohan does the same thing Intrigue of Galand against the Duke 1628. Defeat of the English A second English Fleet of no use to Rochel A third Fleet more useless A Treaty of Peace with England and the surrender of Rochel This City refuses to submit to the English â—â—e Fleet of Spain at the Siege of Rochel Rejoycing among the Catholics Cruelties Insulting and Executions Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed The pretended Conversion of a Sick Person that fell into a Phrensie Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy 1629. The Siege of Privas the Inhabitants of which were betray'd Cruelties exercis'd upon the City The pretences of the Catholics Conversions of soldiers tak'n Pris'ners A Declaration upon the taking of Privas A Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain An Assembly permitted at Anduse and translated to Nimes Peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Edict of Grace Contents of the Edict The King's Letter to Queen Mother about the Peace The Duke of Rohan retires Montauban reduc'd Assembly of the Clergy Particuâ—â—â— Acts of Injustice 1630. Mlssiionaries The Duke of Rohan accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Right of Exercises The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of a Civil War 1631. The Queen withdraws into Flanders Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion With which the Cardinal closes Intreagues of Joseph the Capuchin caught he Pro. How the Synods were to speak Inclinations of the Ministers And the People Difficulties Petit's Projects And Melitiere Difference in their intentions Issue of the Project in general The truth of this Project A National Synod The Commissioners Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded from the Synod The Answer to the Commissioner's Speech The Commissioner in vain opposes the Union of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sâ—nds Deputies to the King Papers The favourable Reception of the Deputies The Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court â—mportant Resolutions of the Synod Annexes Exercise forbid Consulships The Puâ—… Liberty opprâ—… 1632. Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with him The Reformed faithful The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Italy Affairs of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid A shameful Cavil An inconsiderate Curiosity of two Scholars The Death of Gustavus 1633. Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Partiâ—-Colledges 1634. The Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France to all Europe Answer'd The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France Decrees upon several occasions Preâ—â—â—â—â— adjudg'd
the advice of his Son Maximilian a Prince of great wisdom and to satisfie the Protestants who were not at that Assembly design'd to have granted 'em another Conference In order to which the Emperour made choice of George Casâ—ander a person no less moderate than learned in a friendly Conjunction with the Protestant Doctors to examin the Articles of the Confession of Auspurgh that were in Dispute But the Crazie Constitution of that worthy man and the soon ensuing Death both of the one and the other eâ—â—â—'d Germany the Fruit of so Noble a Determination After the Example of the Germans the Nobility of Poland cook the same Course in their Republick 〈◊〉 Immanuel Philibert Duke of 〈◊〉 after he was restor'd to the ancient Possession of his lost Territories by vertue of the Peâ—ce concluded with us having rashly engag'd himself to his great Dammage in a War with the Vaudois of Piemont whether it were to raise his Reputation in Italy or to gratifie others at the Expence of his own Jeopardy it matters not made amends for his mistake by a Timely Repentance granting the free Exercise of their Religion to his otherwise Innocent People and afterwards no less religiously observing the Articles which he had concluded with ' em I now come to what concerns our selves and am going about to handle a sore which I am very much afraid will draw no small inconvenience upon me for only laying my Finger upon it But since I have enter'd into the discourse that I may dispatch in a word I shall take the Liberty allow'd under your Reign frankly and ingenuously to declare That War is by no means a Lawful way to extirpate Heresie out of the Church For the Protestants of this Kingdom whose Number and Credit daily lessen'd in time of Peace have always gather'd strength in times of War and Division and whether out of a preposterous Zeal or through Ambition and a Desire of Innovation it has been the pernicious Errour of our States-men to renew their Designs of extirpating the Protestants by Wars often inauspiciously begun and as frequently unluckily compos'd to the great hazard of our Religion What need of Words The thing it self speaks loud enough For after various Troubles and Commotions and during those innumerable Cities in every Corner of the Kingdom wrested from the Public no sooner was Peace restor'd by the Restitution of those Places in 1563. but 't was a wonder to see what a suddain Serenity once more overspread the Nation How joyful was that Four Years Interval to all Good Men While our Religion sate safely protected and most Excellent Laws of which France will never have cause to repent were made by a most upright Moderator of Justice and Equity But then the Faâ—â— of France again declining we began 〈◊〉 grow weary of the Publick Security establish'd by those wholesom Constitutions and spurning from us Peaceful Counsels threw our selves into a War 〈◊〉 only Fatal to the whole Realm but 〈◊〉 the Advisers of it also They who were present at the Vnfortunate Conference at Baionne are sufficiently sensible what persons I mean For from that 〈◊〉 forward while we were still deluded and cajol'd by foreign Fraud all things weâ—â— carried on by Artifice and Force of Armâ— Then it was that the Duke of Alva being sent with a Potent Army into Flanders after Margaret of Parma who had govern'd those Provinces with Extraordinary Moderation had by tacit compulsion laid down the Regency then it was that Alva mingled all things with Fire and Sword erected Fortresses in every Corner sapp'd the Public Liberty with unheard of Impositions for the support of the War and breaking in upon their Immunities reduc'd opulent Cities to meagre Poverty like strong Bodies emaciated by depriving 'em of Nourishment But these harsh and unadvised Counsels the fruits of Precipitation were attended with the despair of the People and lastly with Revolts Which however for a time appeas'd ended in this at length that the larger and more abounding Part and most commodious for Navigation wherein the Wealth of those Provinces chiefly consists being as it were mangl'd and dismember'd from the rest of the Body acknowledges now no Soveraign Authority but that of the States General and wages auspicious War with all the Force of Spain Which misfortune of the Spaniards Francis Balduin one of the most famous Lawyers of this Century fearing long before adâ—iz'd the Peers of the Low Countries to petition Philip that he would vouchsafe their former Liberty of Conscience to the Protestants every where turmoil'd and harass'd and surâ—ease the Rigour of Torments and Inâ—isitions after suspected Persons And 〈◊〉 this purpose he wrote a Treatise in French whorein he prov'd by dint of â—â—enuous Arguments that the Affairs of Religion disquieted and tormented by restless Controversies would sooner be compos'd by Conferences and an equilibrium observ'd among the Dissenters than by violence and force of Arms. Wherein if they persever'd he foresaw that the strength of the Protestants then but inconsiderable and here and there dispers'd would be united by Factions and that from verbal Contests they would betake themselves to Arms and Revolt I have the more willingly recited this Prophecy of a Low Country-man concerning the Low Countries more especially to your Majesty for that he having at first embrac'd the Protestant Faith yet afterwards upon diligent perusal of the Fathers having alter'd his Opinion nevertheless preserv'd the same Moderation of mind so as not to be transported with an Implacable Hatred as many are against those whose Doctrine he had relinquish'd but by a rare Example of Christian Charity foreign to this Age admonish'd by his own Errour to compassionate the failings of others and to make it his whole Business that what had been done amiss out of precipitancy and desire of innovation might be redress'd by reviving the Practice of better Antiquity With these sentiments and resolutions returning out of Germany into France he found his Counsel no less prudent than pious readily embrac'd by your most serene Father in whose Court he held an honourable Employment sometimes admitted into Council and made choice of to take care of your Natural Brother's Education Away then with those Ostentatious Vaunts to the Dishonour of the Gallick Name so frequent in the mouths of many aspiring to a higher strain of Zeal then other Men and boasting that they never subscrib'd to any Treatise of Peace with Hereticks Let 'em consider what became at length of all their egregious Counsels and lament at leisure the loss of so many Flourishing Provinces and the Ruâ—â—ous Dissipation of their own Estates consum'd by Tumult and Sedition oâ— seâ—uâ—ster'd by Conquest How glad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be now to learn from our Example what with so much Affectation they before detested What would they 〈◊〉 to redeem the Loss of so many Years which had they profitably employ'd against the Common Enemies of Christendom they had expell'd those Infidels long e're this out of Hungary