On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
gave them all great summes of money for Severus had left great treasure and made them sweare they would be faithfull unto him So that when after they knew the deed done and found themselves all gained and corrupted with silver they obeyed him without contradiction as to one sole emperour And what came of all this Bassianus not ignorant that the Senate of Rome would find this murder very strange that he had committed of his brother desired that great lawyer Papinian who was his kinsman and had beene as the Chancellor or great maister under the Emperour Severus that he would goe to the Senate and make his excuses by an Oration well set out That he had done well to slay his brother and that he had reason and occasion to doe it Papinian who was a good man answered him That it was not so easie to excuse a parricide as it was to commit it Bassianus greeved at this refusall caused one of his attendants straight to cut off his head After this willing to shew to the Senate and to the people that he greeved because he had slaine his brother and that they might see it was done by evill counsell he caused also his Marmoset Laetus his head to be cut off who had counselled him to doe that murder he caused also to die all them which helped him in that businesse which were culpable thereof saying that they were cause thereof This notwithstanding to the end Geta his friends should enterprise nothing against him he made die as many as he could catch of them So that under that title of being a friend servant or favourer of Geta his brother he made die many great and noble persons yea he slew all such as caried themselves betwixt them two as neuter and reconciliators I pray you what was the cause of all this great and horrible butcherie was it not the mortall enmitie which these Marmosets had sowne betwixt the brethren In the time of the Emperour Commodus there happened a like thing and because Dion Lamprid. in Commod Herod lib. 1. the hystorie is memorable I would rehearse it a little at length Marcus Antonius the Emperour was surnamed the Philosopher because he was a prince wise and studious and a lover of good letters In his time there were great plentie of wise and learned men because commonly saith Herodian men doe imitate their prince and give themselves to such things as the Prince loveth There was alwaies about him a great number of good and learned people for his privie Counsell which hee called his faithfull friends as the king of Fraunce also at this day dooth call his privie Counsellors in his pattents This good emperour being in Hungarie at the warre with Commodus his sonne fell into a disease whereof he died But before his death hee caused his Counsell to assemble and to recommend his sonne unto them made a little remonstrance worthy of such a Prince in this manner I doubt not my good friends that you are not anguished and sorrowfull to see me of this disposition For humanitie causeth that easily wee have compassion of mens adversities but especially when we see them with our eyes But yet in my regard there is a more speciall reason for I doubt not but you beare mee alike good will to that which I have ever borne you But now is the time for me to thanke you that you have alwayes been unto me good and faithfull Friends and Counsellors And I pray you also not to forget the honour and amitie which I have borne you You see my son which you your selves have nourished who now entreth into the flower of his youth who as he that entreth into an high sea had need of good Patrones and Governours least by ignorance and evill conduction hee stray from the right way and so come into perill I pray you then my friends whereas he had no more fathers but one in me be you many fathers unto him that he may be alwaies made better by your good counsels For truly neither the force of silver and treasures nor the multitude of guarders can maintaine a prince and make him be obeyed unlesse the subjects which owe obedience doe beare him good affection and benevolence And assuredly they onely raigne long and assuredly which ingrave and instill in their subjects hearts not a feare by crueltie but a love by bountie For they ought not to bee any thing suspected to a prince in that they doe or suffer which are drawne to obedience by their owne will and not by constrained servitude And subjects will never refuse obedience unlesse they bee handled by violence and contumelie Very true it is That it cannot bee but hard for a soveraigne prince who is at his full libertie moderately to guide and bridle his affections But if you alwayes admonish him to doe well and to remember the words which hee heareth now of me that am his father I hope you shall find him a good prince towards you and all others And in thus doing you shall manifestly shew That you alwayes have mee in remembrance by which onely meanes you may make mee immortall Vpon this speech his heart and his word failed with languishment and then all his Counsellors which were there begun to weepe lament yea some could not containe from crying for great sadnesse and bitternesse of heart that they had to see so good a prince faile After his death Commodus his sonne and successor in the empire governed himselfe some little time by the good people and auncient Counsellors of his father but this continued not long for there were straight Marmosets which found subtill meanes and entries to get into him which when they saw their time begun to say unto him What meane you to tarie in this base and barraine countrey of Hungarie better it were for you to bee at Rome to have all the pleasures in the world you have no cause to beleeve these tutors which your father left you you are no child to bee governed by tutors Commodus who was a faire young prince and one that desired nothing but his pleasures and who yet had no great resolution although his father had taken great paines to instruct him wel begun to let himself to be led with Marmosets which never spoke anything unto him but of merry and pleasant things So made he a shamefull and dishonorable peace with the Barbarians against whom his father had commenced warre and retired to Rome being there he begun to become cruell especially against the good and auncient counsellors of his fathers which hee caused almost all to die at the instigation of his Marmosets which reported unto him that they bore him no good will that they blamed his actions and controuled his pleasures He caused also many Senatours to die which his reporters for the same reason disgraced Amongst other Marmosets he had one called Perennis which persuaded him to care for nothing to take his pleasures and to
Christ and understanding of his miracles he required of the Senat that they would cause him to be enrolled in the Letanie of their gods at Rome but the Senat would not Moreover credible it is that in the time of our Lord Iesus Christ when amongst the Paynims the fame was dispersed of Christs miracles as to raise to life the dead from their graves to make see such as were borne blind to heale Paralatike persons and such like that they beleeved that he was God for upon lesse reasons they beleeved others And because he called himselfe the true shepheard and the shepheard of shepheards it is very likely that the Paynims understanding this would divine and gather that it must needs bee the god Pan which they said to bee the god of shepheards and because also that hee said that hee was sent of god his father to preach to men his will they sometimes also gave him the name of Mercurie whom they said to be the messenger and deliverer of the will of the great god Iupiter This may be gathered by Dion the hystoriographer who saith That the emperour Antoninus making warre against the Marcommans obtained raine from heaven of the Dion Capitol in Marco Antonino god Mercurie And Capitolinus speaking of the same matter saith That the Emperour Antoninus to obtaine raine had recourse to a strange Religion but Mercurie was no strange god to those Paynims so that we must needs understand that saying of Dion of another Mercurie than they knew yet gave they him that name as it is likely because they had heard say he was sent from God to signifie and preach his will To come againe then to our purpose the aforesaid learned men that were about Tiberius the emperour hearing it spoken that so many miracles were done by Iesus Christ they easily resolved that he was a god understanding he called himself the great shepheard they concluded thereof that hee was Pan hearing also that he said he was sent to deliver out the will of God and that he was borne of a virgin they made this illation as is to be presumed that he must then needs bee the sonne of Mercurie messenger of the great Iupiter and of some chast woman such as was Penelope for as is likely they could never beleeve that hee was a virgins sonne because it repugned the order of nature that a virgin should bring forth a child And therefore of all those conjectures laid together those wise men or rather ignorant which were about the emperour gathered the aforesaid answere which they made him That the god Pan which died at that time was the sonne of Mercurie and of Penelope applying that to their gods which they had heard spoken of our Lord Iesus Christ Behold then how this hystorie drawne from the Paynims is a perfect witnesse that by the death of Christ came the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles and indeed wee find in no hystories that since his death Oracles have been of any account or fame as they were before True it is that the men and women priests of those gods which answered by Oracles seeing that their master abandoned and forsooke them yet delivered answeres themselves of their own devices but their trumperies deceits and fictions were soone discovered by the divulgement and dispersion of Christian Religion in such sort as the Oracles and the Oracle deliverers became greatly discredited Nero himselfe discovering the abuse overthrew one Dion in Nerone of the temples of Apollo wherein were delivered Oracles and slew all the priests belonging thereunto For a resolution then I hold That at the comming of our Saviour Iesus Christ Oracles failed as the comming of the Sunne causeth darkenesse to depart from the At the comming of Christ the world was amended earth at his comming hee preached the true and pure heavenly doctrine to men and after him his Apostles and Disciples preached it also so that by the doctrine of Iesus Christ and of his Apostles Disciples all Christians were instructed to feare love and honour God above all things and to serve him according to his commandements in puritie and simplicitie rejecting all idolatries superstitions and divine services invented by men Moreover they are in true doctrine taught good maners to love their neighbours as themselves and none to doe to another that which hee would not to be done to himselfe to use towards his the like same charitie that each one would should be used to him to obey superiors and magistrates to live contented every one in the vocation whereunto God hath called him yea generally Christians were taught in all true vertue whereas before the Paynims did teach nothing as I may say but the maske and resemblance of vertue For Christ his Apostles taught men to be just charitable temperant gentle obedient pitifull loving good shunning evill and they taught not so to be outwardly onely but inwardly also without feignednesse or any dissimulation of heart whereas the Paynims cared not to be inwardly vertuous and mannerly so that in outward appearance they shew so to The vertue of the Paynims in outward appearance be to obtaine honour glorie and advauncement unto greatnesse which was the marke and end for which commonly they desired vertue and not for conscience sake nor to please God The examples of Caesar of Pompey of Cicero and generally of all the old Romanes which have had any great reputation of vertue doe prove that this is true and that they never aspired to verrue but to obtaine honour and to encrease their greatnesse Cato likewise of Vtica which seemed in all his behaviors to despise honour wherefore slew he himselfe Was it to please God or to satisfie his conscience It is very certaine that no for he was not so ignorant but he knew well that murder displeased God and that no man should murder himselfe more than another Nothing could move his conscience to incite him to slay himselfe for he felt not himselfe culpable of any thing that deserved it How then Wherefore should he murder himselfe For this not to receive that dishonour to fall alive into the hands of Caesar although he knew well ynough that there needed no more but a little humiliation to have his life goods and dignities saved as hee himselfe confessed and declared to his son and to his friends a little before he slew himselfe but his heart was so sore swolne with glorie and honour that he loved better to slay himselfe than to humble himselfe to Caesar Here behold how those Paynims aspired not to have vertue but for honour and an outward shew whereas the doctrine of Christ teacheth us To desire and to lust after vertues not only to bring them unto outward appearance but also to adorne our hearts and our consciences inwardly therwith and so to please God Moreover also we have heretofore shewed That the Christian doctrine comprehendeth much more perfectly the vertues of good maners than the Paynims
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
was no great warriour But the cause why the Romanes delivered so great and honourable a charge unto him was because the great Scipio the Affrican his brother had declared that if Lucius his brother were chosen generall captaine to goe against Antiochus he should be there as his lieutenant As then they both were in Greece with the Romane armie making warre upon that king it so happened that the only sonne of Scipio the Affrican was taken prisoner by Antiochus souldiers Antiochus having this young lord in his hands entertained and used him very honourably knowing that that great Scipio was of such Clemencie that he would never forget that the pleasure and that the amitie of so great a personage might stand him in good stead in some great necessities as losse of a battaile or of a captivitie or such like Not long after Scipio fell sicke whereof Antiochus hearing he sent him his sonne without ransome fearing Scipio would die with greefe and melancholie by whose death he doubted to leese a good refuge For that king saith Titus Livius trusted more in the Clemencie and authoritie of Scipio alone for the uncertaine and doubtfull haps of warre than in his armie of 60000 footmen and 12000 horsemen Is not here thinke you an admirable effect of Clemencie that an enemie dooth better assure his estate upon his enemies Clemencie than upon his owne forces But what need we any more to amplifie by examples or authorities this point doth not ordinarie experience shew and ever hath done that all good and clement princes have alwaies been very assured in their estates as Augustus Vespasian Traian Adrian the Antonines and many other Romane emperours and the most part of our kings of Fraunce which were clement and debonaire doe fully proove this which I say for they raigned very peaceably died of naturall deaths and after their deaths were greatly lamented of the people Here I may not forget a notable sentence of the emperour Antonius Pius which hee received from Scipio the Affrican Capit. in Pio. Sueâ— in August cap. 35. which was this That hee loved better to preserve one of his subjects than to sley a thousand of his enemies Assuredly a sentence of a good and clement prince who delighted not in shedding of blood as our Machiavelists doe at this day which are so covetous of such blood as they account their enemies that whensoever any of marke fals into their hands they will not give him for an hundred pounds They may well say contrary to Scipio and the emperor Pius that they had rather slay an enemie than save an hundred friends Are not these people worthie to commaund Neither make they any account more of their princes subjects than of slaves which men may beat scourge or sley at their pleasure as beasts as indeed there hath been lately a burne-paper-fellow a writer for wages one of these Machiavelists who durst publish by writing That the authority of a prince over his subjects is like that which a lord hath over his villaine and slave having power over death and life to sley and massacre them at their pleasure without forme of justice and so to despoile them of their goods And how comes this Thinkes this sot that the office of a king is like to the office of a gally captaine to hold his subjects in chaines and every day to whip them with scourges Surely they which hold that opinion doe merit to be so handled yea that some good gally captaine would twice or thrice a day practise that goodly doctrine upon their shoulders but how much more notable and humane is the doctrine wee learne of the life of Augustus Caesar who so much feared that men had such an opinion of him that he would not take away but onely diminish the libertie of the people that he could never abide and suffer to be called Dominus that is to say Lord but abhorred it as an injurious name full of opprobry because it hath some relation to Servus which is to say servant or slave he being farre from the affectation of such great and magnificall names as many great men have since well liked of without shewing the effect of them The third point now remaineth which is to shew That the Clemencie of a prince A prince by Clemencie encreaseth his domination Dionis Halic lib. 2. Plutarke in Caesar Alexand is cause of the encreasement of his domination Hereupon we reade a memorable hystorie of Romulus who was so clement soft and gentle towards his people which he vanquished and subjugated that not only many particulars but the whole multitude of people submitted themselves voluntarily and unconstrainedly under his obedience The same vertue was also cause that Iulius Caesar vanquished the Gaulois for he was so soft and gracious unto them and so easie to pardon and used them every way so well farre from all oppression that many of that nation voluntarily joyned themselves unto him and by them he vanquished the others When Alexander the Great made great conquests in Asia most commonly the citizens of all great cities met him to present unto him the keyes of the townes for he dealt with them in such Clemencie and kindnesse without in any thing altering their estates that they liked better to be his than their owne Anniball having taken the towne of Saguntum in Spaine was so feared and redoubted Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. that the most part of Spaine submitted themselves under his obedience and abandoned the Romane societie because they had not aided Saguntum against Anniball The Romanes to repaire their fault whereat they tooke much greefe sent great forces into Spaine under the conduction of Publius Scipio father of the African and of Cneius his uncle Anniball to containe in obedience the Spaniards tooke in hostage their children their brethren or parents of all the nobilitie of the countrey and the notablest citizens of the good townes and set them under guard at Saguntum under the charge of some small number of souldiers God would that those hostages should find meanes to escape from their prison yet it was their haps to fall into the hands of the Scipioes The Scipioes having possession of them in place to revenge themselves upon them as they feared for the fault they and their parents had made by their revoltment from the Romanes they welcommed and dealt with them very graciously and sent them all to their parents and houses This Clemencie and kindnesse of the Scipioes was cause that soone after all Spaine forsook the obedience of Anniball and the Carthaginians and fell under the government of the Romans which they would never have done if these hostages had been dealt with after the counsels and precepts of Machiavell Yet the example of Clemencie in Scipio the Affrican is more notable than this Titus Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. of his father and uncle After the deaths of his said father and uncle this young lord full of all
shuld the imposition have continued But certaine it is that this consent delivered by the said Estates concerned only the English warres which ending the said consent finished yet afterward the said consent and accord of the Estates was drawne into a custome In the time of king Charles the eight the Estates generall at Tours were convocated as well to provide for the government of the king and of the kingdome for his majestie was under age as also for Aydes and Subsidies which were freely graunted by the said Estates although the people of Fraunce were then very poore and ruinated And the abovenamed Comines sheweth one thing that is very true That the holding of the said Estates is very good and profitable for a king of France whereby he is both stronger and better obeyed but he complaines That in his time there were men as there are at this day unworthie to possesse those offices which they held who all they could hindered the holding of the Estates least their evill behaviors and incapacities should be espied and knowne Such men are of like humors as the unworthie Emperours Caligula Maximinius Commodus others whereof we have spoken above which hated the Senat of Rome because they would not have such correctors and controulers Let us now come to Machiavell to proove his Maxime which we have aboue The counsell of many is better than the counsell of oâ—e alone confuted by good reasons and examples He alleadgeth two reasons The one is that if a Prince governe himselfe by one Counsell alone it would proove dangerous for feare that the Counsellor seeke to occupie the Estate Whereunto I answere that that were considerable if principalities were at this day given by tumultuarie elections of souldiers as in times past the Romane Empire was given for he that could obtaine the favour of the men of warre either by love or money carried it away But in our time principalities are hereditarie or are given by grave and deliberate election of more staid and discreet people than were the Praetorian souldiers of Rome Yet doe not I approove that a Prince should be governed by one alone when he may have a greater number of good Counsellors for they that have so done in times past have found it evill and have repented it as more fully shall be shewed in the next Maxime The reason also is evident because one alone cannot so well by his wisdome examine and search out a matter or cause nor so well can prevent difficulties occurrents consequents that may happen as many can do Therfore also the wise Salomon approveth the counsell which is compounded of many The other second reason of Machiavell is that he saith That in a Counsell compounded Discordant opinions comming to one end is not to be feared of many there are alwaies discordances and contrarieties of opinions that they cannot accord Whereunto I answer That if a Counsell be compounded of good and fit men they will alwaies sufficiently agree in their opinions as experience sheweth it in the Counsels of many Princes and in the body of Common-weales although they disagree in motives reasons allegations and in other circumstances These discordances are often very profitable and necessarie if so be they all looke to one end which is the good of the Commonwealth As happened in the Counsell of the Senate which was held at Rome about that horrible and straunge conspiration of Catiline who with his companions went about to destroy his countrey with fire and sword For in that Counsell Caesar reasoned so gently as it seemed he made small account of the matter and in respect of his authoritie others after him reasoned in like manner so mildly and gently as Catiline and his partakers were in a good way to have been absolved But when it came to Cato his ranke he reasoned in another sort yea even plainely to rebuke such as spoke before him Great pitie it is sayth he that we are in such a time when men attribute the name of wicked things to such as are good Now is it accounted liberalitie to give the goods of another man it is magnanimitie to use violence and boldnesse it is mercie and clemencie to plucke criminall and condemned persons out of a Iustices hands And I pray you is it so small a thing to have conspired our destruction and the effusion of our bloud Another crime might be punished after it should be committed but who should punish Catiline after the execution of his conspiration and that we shal be all dead They which before have delivered their opinions seeme to be very liberall of our blouds and of the bloud of so many good men within Rome to spare that of a sort of wicked conspirators If they be not afraid of this conspiration so much the more my masters have we cause to feare to watch hold us upon our guards without too much trusting them which are in such assurance For our auncestors have made themselves great by diligence justice by good counsell free from all covetousnesse and viciousnesse Vnto them which are vigilant take paines and use good counsell all things succeed well but sluggards and cowards had need implore aid of the gods for no doubt they are both contrarie and angry with them And therefore my advise is that they which have confessed the fault should die the death of their desert Cato in this manner reasoning against the advise of others which had been before him greatly to his commendation drew the rest at the last to his opinion yet not more to his honour than to the dishonour of Caesar So then it is not ever evill that in a Counsell there should be sometimes Catoes and Appius Caludius and such like persons which often hold strong against others for affaires and businesses are so much the better cleared and boulted out It also holds other better in order which otherwise by too great facilitie and fear to contradict suffer themselves to be carried after the first opinion without debate or due consideration And truly in all Counsels there are but too many such as were Valerius Publicola Maenenius Agrippa Servilius Pompeius Caesar and such like which alwaies reasoned gently and mildly in all things but too few Catons Appius Claudius Quintus Cincinnatus and such like which in Senates hold rigorous opinions For although for the most part such rigorous opinions ought not to be followed yet they being mingled and dispersed amongst others they r serve well to bring to passe a good resolution and so doe make a good and sweet harmonie in a Counsell or Senat as Titus Livius sheweth in many places And therefore contradictions of opinions whereof Machiavell speaketh are not so much to be feared in Princes Counsels Against whose Maxime I conclude That the Prince which governeth himselfe by the counsell of men that be wise honest and experienced shall prosper in all good he that ruleth himselfe by his own head shall ruinate himselfe
for Senators and Lawyers may as well be flatterers as others although they should shew better example because commonly they are wiser You must then vnderstand that in the time of the Emperour Tiberius many were accused for light matters said or done towards the Emperour because they knew he tooke pleasure in such accusations Amongst others one day there was accused Vitellio Sueton in Top. 5. in a full Senate of treason a Romane Knight called Lucius Ennius because he had melted a silver image of his owne which represented the Emperours image to make some other worke for his owne vse you may thinke what an huge crime this was and how men should find it evill for a man to do with his owne at his owne pleasure The Emperour Tiberius seeing that this accusation had no colour in it and that it was but a mockerie to call it a crime much lesse a crime of treason he forbad that the Knight should be criminalized for it Yet Atteius Capito a Senator and a great Lawyer but a very flatterer rose up and as upon a free libertie of speech he used these words to the Emperour Sir we are here assembled in the Senate where every one hath libertie freely to vtter his opinion for the good and utilitie of the common-wealth we beseech you not to take from us the power that we haue to punish such as commit crimes against the common-wealth and pardon not you alone that injurie which is done to all For what a despight and contempt is this for Ennius that he dare found and cast into the fire a Princes image ought not he rather to have kept it by him as an holy and sacred thing to have reverenced it for the honor of him whose representation it was this shews what heart and affection he beares towards his Prince and that if he could he would do as much vnto him as he doth to his Image For he that reverenceth the gods reverenceth also their images Had he not otherwise enough whereof to make his silver vessel but to melt for it this sacred Image hee would not do so much with the images of Brutus and Cassius for he honoureth them in his heart and would well at this day find the like which might enterprise the like disloyaltie against our good Prince as they did against Caesar Our Lawes will that in crimes of treason the least apparant suspition sufficeth to condemne the accused And it is the great interest and profit for the common-wealth rigorously to punish such as never so little attempt against the Prince vnlesse a man will say that the body hath not to do neither needeth to care when the head is wounded and offended And therfore I conclude that justice be executed vpon Ennius as a man attainted and culpable of treason The Emperour Tiberius although he was cruell in such matters knew well that this faire opinion of the Lawyer Capito was but a meere flatterie which he vnderstood better then he vttered therefore notwithstanding the said Capito his remonstrance and opinion he persisted in the Inhibitions before made that the knight Ennius should be no more vexed nor endangered about that matter And the abovesaid Tacitus saith that Capito by this his goodly opinion acquired a great infamy and evill reputation to himselfe greatly dishonouring both the knowledge of the civile Law humane and good letters wherewith he was excellently endowed Vpon this point I note that which master Philip de Comines well saith That Lawyers and great learned Comines lib. 1. cap. 24. men are very fit to be about a Prince and of his Counsell if they be good men but being otherwise they are very dangerous For they can so wel paint and set out their language alledging lawes and histories which every man understandeth not that often they take euill conclusions But when they be good men they may marueilously order and conduct matters which are handled in Counsell and bring them to a good resolution as may be proved by infinit examples out of Titus Livius and other Hystoriographers which I will not here accumulate because it is from our determined purpose In the ranke of janglers may well be placed the Poets of our time which by their Poesies full of flatteries and lies seeke to hooke in some abbotship or priorship or Poets janglers some other such gift in recompence of their adulations I confesse that a Poet may and should take more libertie to write the praises of some one man than an Oratour or an Hystoriographer but when praises are so hyperbolicall as they rather fall out to be the dishonour than the honour of him of whome they are written then are they not any thing tollerable I will take for example but the Epitaphes which were imprinted at Paris a little after the death of king Charles the ninth There those goodly Poets say That the king before he died overthrew more monsters than ever did Hercules in shedding so much bloud of his rebellious subjects That he died like Sampson who at his death pulled downe and overthrew the pillers which hee had in his armes and the house upon himselfe so in Fraunce justice pietie and religion died with him That France had been his stepmother That there was in him an exceeding great cunning in all arts and sciences and that he was also very expert in divers handicrafts That the king Henry his brother that now raignes succeeded him as Castor to Pollux as one god to another god That king Charles died a martyr of Iesus Christ and that from thenceforth he ought to be invocated as a Saint I pray you is there any man of sober judgement which doth not plainly see that such speeches become rather men void of wit and understanding by some extreame affection of flatterie than these gallant Poets which are drawne on and led with a generous and right Poeticall spirit for meaning unmeasurably to praise there escapes from them that they speake things redounding to their dispraise and if the dead king were alive he would not thanke them for such praises For a good Prince as Horace saith of Augustus ever rejecteth such foolish praises To purpose ill shall never goe my verse To Caesars eare for as his deeds appeare So would he I his praises should rehearse Too much his praise detesteth hâ— to heare And indeed it is common to all good and vertuous people not onely to reject excessive praises but also to hate as flatterers and liers all such as use them as Euripides witnesseth saying A good man praise too great cannot abide But hates that thing which puffes him so with pride If those goodly Poets before they had made their Epitaphs had well read Virgil and Horace they should have found that these two excellent Poets writ in many Aenead 6. Hora. lib. 4. Carm. Ode 5. 15. places the praises of Augustus But wherefore do they praise him For that he established a good peace in all the Romane Empire
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
make warre upon them The duke of Bourbon assembled the greatest lords of the armie to resolve what answer to make to the herauld After by the advice of all it was answered That they Christians made warre upon them to revenge the death of Christ the sonne of God and a true Prophet which their generation had put to death and crucified The Turkes understanding this answere sent againe to the duke of Bourbon and the lords of France that they had by some received evill information upon that matter for they were the Iewes which crucified Iesus Christ and not their predecessors and if the children must needs suffer for their auncestors faults they should then take the Iewes which were then amongst them and upon them revenge the death of their Iesus Christ Our Frenchmen knew not what to answere hereunto yet they continued the warre where was done no notable exploit but by contagion of the aire they were constrained to returne after they had lost the most part of their armie Likewise in the yeare 1453 the Pope having proclaimed a Croisado in Christendome to run over Turkie to avenge the death of our Lord Iesus Christ and to constraine the Turkes to be christened the Turke writ letters unto him wherein he signified that they were the Iewes which crucified Christ And as for him hee descended not of the Iewes but of the Trojans blood whereof hee understood the Italians were likewise descended And that their dutie were rather both one of us and the other to restore rather the great Troy and to revenge the death of Hector their auncestor against the Grecians than to make warre one upon another as for his part he was readie to doe having alreadie subjugated the most part of Greece And that he beleeved that Iesus Christ was a great Prophet but that he never commanded as he was given to understand that men should beleeve in his law by force and by armes as also on his part he so constrained no man to beleeve in the law of Mahomet Behold the substance of the Turkes letter to the Pope which seemed to bee as wel yea better founded upon reasons than the Popes buls For verily Iesus Christ would that by preaching his law should be received into the world and not by force of armes In the time when Christendome was devided into Clementines and Vrbanists by reason of a schisme of Popes we may well presuppose that the one thought the Froisar lib. 2 cap. 132. 133 lib. 3. cap 24. other to be altogether out of the way of salvation and our hystorians say That the one part called the other dogs miscreants infidels c. Their reason was because they said that as there was but one God in heaven so there ought to bee but one on earth and the aforesaid Clementines held assuredly That Pope Clement was the true god on earth and Pope Vrbane the false god and that the Vrbanists beleeved in a false god and by consequent that they all strayed from the faith For as no religion can stand without beleeving in God so esteemed they that they which beleeved not in the true earthly god were altogether without all religion as dogs miscreants our hystoriographers which held that opinion as well as the other said That from that time the faith was shaken and readie to fall to the ground The same opinion had the Vrbanists of the Clementines as the Clementines had of the Vrbanists We have before in another place said That under colour of this diversitie in religion the king of England who was an Vrbanist enterprised to make warre upon the kings of France and Castile Clementines Likewise also the Clementines enterprised no lesse against the Vrbanists yea against the Pope Vrbane himselfe whom they besieged in the towne of Peronse where he was in great danger to have been taken yet in the end he saved himselfe at Rome The king of Fraunce determined to have passed into Italie by warre to have destroyed the Vrbanists but in the end he tooke another resolution which was to cause the schisme to cease so he caused to convocate a great and notable assembly in the towne of Rhemes in Campaigne whither in person resorted the emperour Sigismund and there a conclusion was made to exhort the two Popes to submit themselves to the new election of a Pope wherein their right should bee conserved unto them and if they would not submit themselves thereunto that the Christian princes and their subjects should withdraw themselves from the obedience both of the one and the other After this subtraction was made because the said Popes would not obey the exhortation that was made there was a new election of a Pope in a Counsell held at Pise by the emperors and the kings authorities called Pope Alexander the fift a Frier minor and the other two Antipopes were cursed as is said in another place And thus ceased the warres for Religion in all Christendome To this purpose also you must know That during the said schisme of the Clementines Froisar lib. 4 cap. 33. and Vrbanists the duke of Bretaigne had peace with the king of Fraunce and a great assembly was made betwixt them in the towne of Tours The duke appearing there some of the kings Counsell shewed him that hee was disobedient to the king being of another religion than the king was for the king was a Clementine and the duke an Vrbanist and it was not meet that the vassale should be of another religion than his soveraigne lord The abovesaid duke aunswered wisely That it could not bee called a rebellion or disobedience for no man ought to judge of his conscience but only God who is the soveraigne and only judge of such a matter and that he beleeved in Pope Vrban because his election was before Pope Clements Some of the kings Counsell of the meanest sort made a great matter of this diversitie of religion but the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne the kings uncles were opinioned that it was not a sufficient point to stand upon to put by an accord with the duke of Bretaigne insomuch that following their advice an accord was concluded yea a mariage of one of the kings daughters with the said duke of Bretaigne This example and advice of these two good dukes mee thinkes all Christian princes should follow and not cease to agree together for diversitie of Religion but to remit the judgement thereof unto God who alone can compound and agree the differences of the same And not onely amongst princes the bond of amitie ought not to bee broken for difference of Religion but also princes ought not to use armes against their subjects to force them unto a Religion but they ought to assay all other meanes to demonstrate unto them by lively reasons their errors and so bring them to a good way and if it appeare not that their subjects doe erre and stray they ought to maintaine them and not persecute them at the
florishing I know well that every one layeth the fault upon his adversary that every one saith that hee it is which fighteth for his countrey which they of the contrary part will needes ruinate but easie it is to judge for him whose judgement is free of passion who is in the wrong for they who seekes not another mans who demands but their owne and that the kingdome bee reformed by their owne lawes and brought into her auncient splendour and renowne can they bee called enemies of the countrey Is there any thing in the world that is more ours than our soule our conscience and our lives That is true will some Messier say you may have assurance of your lives every one also may have libertie of his conscience but to speake of reformation is treason Yea but what assurance of life will be given us even an assurance that shall be under the safegard and protection of the first wicked man which will conspire a massacre who shall be invited to enterprise it by the impunitie of former massacres What libertie of conscience can we have unlesse it be of Machiavels religion that is to say to be without religion without pietie without the power of a franke and free conscience to serve God Call you it libertie of conscience to be without religion or without exercise of religion nay it is rather a very slavish servitude But if it be treason to speake of reforming abuses and corruptions which are in the kingdome it followeth that they are guiltie of treason which procure and purchase the commonwealth against which both reason and all lawes do pronounce If therefore the world at this day esteeme enemies of their country such as seeke nothing but the good thereof and that they may have left them their soules consciences and lives God and his veritie shall have the victorie and cause them that come after us to judge otherwise Although the horrors and calamities of civile warres are sufficiently knowne in this time yet will I breefely rehearse two most notable examples The civile warre which was in the Romane empire betwixt Marius and Silla was an horrible and fearefull butcherie which filled Rome and all Italie with blood For both of them were masters of Rome and all Italie one after another and so being they did not cease all they could to kill and massacre one anothers friends and partakers insomuch that in a manner all men of qualitie and all good people were slain for there was no notable man but he held of the one or the other Amongst other memorable things happening in this warre this especially concerneth our cause in hand which fell in the battaile that Pompeius the lieutenant of Silla obtained against Florus lib. 79 Cinna the partener of Marius for one of Pompeius souldiers having stroken dead to the ground one of Cinna his souldiers hee disarmed him thinking to spoile him of all he had but then finding him to be his own brother this poore soldier fell in a great rage and almost to a madnesse that he had so slaine his owne brother yet straight he caused a great fire of wood to bee made to turne his brothers bodie into ashes after the manner of the Paynims then and making great lamentations and sorrowfull exclamations he laid his brothers bodie upon the wood then he put fire unto it and as soone as it was well kindled he cast himselfe into the fire also and was burned with his brothers bodie insomuch as death united the ashes of those two brethren which the civile warres had disunited But yet a farre worse and greater civile warre happened soone after betwixt Pompeius and Caesar and it endured and continued all the time of the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus against Cassius and Brutus and ended betwixt Antonius Flor. lib. 120. and Octavius This warre endured two and thirtie yeares and spread it selfe almost through all the world which then was in subjection to the Romane Plutarch in Caesar empire yea even the people of the East West North and South felt their greevous part of this civile warre It was verefied That in this unnaturall civile warre from the beginning till the fourth Consulship of Caesar only there died of the citizens of Rome the number of one hundred and seventie thousand And you may very well beleeve that many were after slaine also that tenne times as many died in so many provinces as belonged to the Romane empire insomuch as these detestable warres swallowed up many millions of men But the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus was a most detestable union which accorded to take unto them all the governement of the commonweale and to slay all their enemies But because it often came to passe that he which was friend of one of the three was the others enemie when one would have him slaine as an enemie the other would lay hold of him to defend him as his friend yet the abovesaid crueltie so surmounted all humanitie and the desire of vengeance so vanquished all amitie that these aforesaid captains entred into this detestable complot that they sold their friends one to another to have an enemie in exchange as that wicked Anthonius to have Cicero his enemie whom Octavius favoured as his friend was content in exchange to deliver his owne uncle by the mothers side called Lucius Caesar to Octavius his enemie so that the one was exchanged for the other and they both died Can there possibly in the world bee conspired a more barbarous disloyaltie Is it not a strange thing to heare that a friend should be betraied to death to have that cruell pleasure to slay his enemie Yet by this course and complot died an hundred and thirtie Senators besides many other persons of other qualitie Antonius also the deviser of this barbarous exchange received his due reward even by Octavius himselfe whom hee had induced to commit such cruelties For in the end they were enemies and Antonius being vanquished in the navall battaile at Actium slew himselfe so turning upon and against himselfe that barbarous crueltie which hee had exercised against Cicero and others And it needs not seeme strange if these civile warres of Rome endured so long time as two and thirtie yeares for the civile warres betwixt the houses of Burgoigne Monstr lib. 1. ca. 79. 80 81 159 191 198. and Orleance in France endured threescore yeares being continued from father to sonne for two generatious And as for cruelties me thinkes greater cannot be imagined than them which the Parisians the duke of Bourgoignes parteners committed within the towne of Paris For they massacred the Constable and Chancellor of France whom they drew and trayled through the towne most filthily and murdered also many other great Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates and more than three thousand other persons as well gentlemen as other notable people which by force they drew out of prisons to murder and massacre them as they did The captaine
so ruled in him that as soone as any spoke unto him any word that displeased him he changed colour voice and gate and could not commaund himselfe nor keepe from committing many cruelties and injustices his judgement was so with choller oppressed Finally it was the cause of his death For one day the Quadians demanded peace of him and by their embassadors excusing themselves of a rebellion he began to speak to those embassadors in so great anger rehearsing his kindnesse humanitie before used unto them that at once his voice and words failed him as if he had been strucken with a deadly blow and withall begun to send out a mortall sweat he was incontinent carried to a chamber and laid upon a bed and by the advice of one of his physicians a veine was opened but it was not possible to draw a drop of blood out the said choller had so burned and dried his inward parts so he died A notable example for princes to take that consideration of their health that they never suffer choller nor crueltie to abide in them for such passions once taking an habit in them they burne rost their entrailes and so will not suffer them to live long But they ought further to consider that such vices also doe soile and defile the reputation of that generositie and magnanimitie that ought to be in a prince For we have seene and doe ordinarily see that chollericke and cruell men have almost alwayes been and are cowards and fearefull but generous and valiant men are gentle and full of humanitie Princes ought further to consider that if they be once spotted with crueltie they never make good end and God will have it so because he that committeth crueltie violateth the divine law which forbiddeth to shed mans bloud and to sley but by forme of justice He also violateth the law of nature for he destroyeth his like which nature hath produced and which hath given that instinct even to brute beasts not to destroy beasts of their own kind there is also a precept of the law of nature not to offend another Hee likewise violateth the civile law whereby is forbidden all murder and homicide upon paine of death Is it then any marveile if sanguinarie and bloodie princes have commonly evill ends seeing they violate the divine naturall and civile lawes approved of all people and nations There was never a more cruell nor a more cowardly man than Caligula the emperour for he quaked and trembled as he went to warre to heare speake onely of his Sueton in Calig cap. 45. 46. 47. â—2 58 59. enemies without seeing them Making warre in Almaigne in a forrest nigh unto him he caused certaine Apostata Almaignes to lie in ambush and commaunded one of them when hee was at dinner to declare unto him that the enemie was discovered in the said forrest As soone as he heard this hee incontinent sounded the trumpet and placing his battaile in array he caused them to assault that poore forrest which he made to be cut all downe and having so obtained this goodly victorie against this forrest he came backe againe with great vaunt and fiercenesse taxing and reproching the cowardise of such as remained behind and were not present at this great overthrow Was not this an act of a generous a valiant prince Another time he caused to ordaine and place his battaile strong and in good order to fight and commanded that every one should march in his ranke and that al their artillerie and all other furniture for an assault should be prepared for a ready fight yet no man knew his intent what hee would doe When his armie had marched in order of battaile to the shore of the great Ocean sea which was nigh hee then commanded al his souldiers and men of warre to fish gather into their hose bosomes and murrions as many oysters as they could carrie saying it was the spoile and bootie conquered from the Ocean which hee would have to bee carried to the Capitoll of Rome in signe of that notable victorie obtained against that great Ocean Also he caused to be builded upon this shore an high tower for a memoriall of this happie journey After hee sent to Rome to prepare against his comming a goodly triumph as could be to triumph upon the great Ocean which he had so valiantly vanquished and the spoiles thereof did bring to the Capitoll Are not these heroicall acts to overthrow a forrest and fish for oysters For crueltie whereof this monster was full I will say no other thing but that he had alwayes a servant expert in cutting off of heads which ordinarily at his dinners and suppers beheaded poore prisoners in his presence and for his pleasure I leave to speake of so many good people as he brought to their deaths for I should never have done to rehearse all his cruelties His end was that his people conspired against him taking for their watchword Redoubles when they all fell upon him and massacred him with thirtie blows in his age of 29 yeares after he had raigned three yeares and ten months The crueltie of Nero which caused to be slaine Agrippine his mother Britannicus his brother Octavia his wife Seneca his master and all the most vertuous and good people of Rome even of the Senate are notorious ynough and should bee too long to recite And never man was more feminine and cowardly than he for he was never found in any warre But he had good and valiant lieutenants which acquited themselves well whilest he played upon the citheron amongst singers and common players of enterludes His death was strange For being abandoned of all the world but of some four or five servants he sought to hide himselfe in a litle house of pleasure in the fields which appertained to Phaon one whom he had enfranchised being there his men pressed him to slay himselfe quickly least he fell alive into the hands of his enemies for none of them would doe him the pleasure as to slay him Then he commanded them to make for him a grave and laid him downe upon the earth for a measure thereof but whilest they were making of the grave behold a lacquey of Phaons came who brought a decree from the Senat whereby Nero was declared an enemie of the Commonwealth with commandement to seeke him out to punish him as a publick enemie After he had read this decree he took his two daggers and proved whether they both were sharpe ynough after hee put them in the sheath saying his houre was not yet come yet straight hee prayed his men that they would begin a little to weep lament Soon after he desired that some of them would shew him by example how hee should sley himselfe But perceiving knights arriving and doubting they came to take him hee gave himselfe a stroke with his dagger in the throat with the help of Secretarie Epaphroditus he being yet alive there entred a centenier which
fained that he came to succour him unto whom hee answered that it was too late the last word that he spake was Voila la foy See what faith He died at the age of 30 yeares And it was an admirable thing that he which had caused so many others to be slaine in his time could never find a person that in a need would sley him but was forced to doe it himselfe A thing also worthie it is to be marked that at his last sigh hee complained that none kept faith with him with him I say that was full of all disloyaltie And wherfore should they do tyrants think that men will keepe faith with them seeing they themselves breake it with every one If they so thinke they are deceived For to abandon a tyrant and not any way to support him is to observe faith to his countrey and to the Commonweale We have before in another place discovered the cruelties and unhappie ends of Commodus of Bassianus Caracalla both which were faint-hearted cowardly princes never performing any warlike act or which tasted of any generositie or courage Wee may number with them Didius Iulianus Heliogabalus Gallienus Maxentius Philippus Phocas Carinus Zeno and many other sluggish and faint-hearted princes that never did any good thing which also by their crueltie have brought themselves to miserable ends for they died violent deaths and raigned not long We may also adde to those examples of princes or rather tyrants which were very cruell of litle generositie the example of Herodes crueltie towards his children whereof wee have spoken before The example also of the emperor Tiberius who constrained men to die by languishing in prison by no means willing to accelerate their deaths though Sueto in Tib. cap. 6. they praied him he tooke from them their sollace to studie reade or to talke with any person The examples also of the emperours Otho Vitellius Domitianus Macrinus and other like all which were very cruell and little generositie in them they all in small time finished their lives and by the sword But for as much as the death of Domitian is worthy the noting to shew That tyrants cannot shun the divine justice I will here recite how he was massacred First wee must understand that this cruell tyrant Sueto in Domitian cap. 10 13 14 15 16 17 c. caused many great lords to die which were the principall senators of Rome and even some which had had the consularie dignitie yet had they done nothing that merited so much as a reprehension as Cerecalis Salvidienus Glabrio which he caused to die saying that they were enterprisers of novelties without either proofe or vailable conjecture He made also to die Aelius Lamia whose wife Domitia Longina he had taken from him only because he spoke these words Alas I say not a word Salvius Cocceanus because he celebrated the day of the nativitie of the emperour Otho his uncle Metius Pomposianus because there was a brute that he was born in a royall constellation and going to a certaine place he caried with him a figure of the world and the orations of kings and captaines which he found in Titus Livius and because he imposed those names Mago and Anniball to certain his slaves He also caused to die Salustius Lucullus because he had invented a new forme of halberds which hee called Lucullienes and Iunin Rusticus because he had written the praises of two very good men deceased called Taetus Trasea and Elvidius Priscus whom Rusticus had called most holy persons and therefore were all philosophers banished both Rome and Italie He caused his cosin Flavius Sabinus to die because the trumpeter or common criet had according to custome openly proclaimed That he was chosen new emperour he should have said new consull he put to death also Flavius Clemens another cousin for a light matter of suspition many other great cruelties towards good people and men of qualitie which for prolixitie I rehearse not yet will I say that to make himselfe be the more feared and reverenced and to heape up his execrable wickednesse when his officers made any publicke crie or sent any command to the people the subscription was alwayes thus Your Lord and God commands it so to be done In the end seeing himselfe evill beloved of all the world he would needs Admirable meanes of Domitians death know of the divines and astrologers what should be his end hee sent for a very famous astrologer called Ascletarion of whom hee demaunded when and how hee should die Ascletarion answered him Sir not to hide any thing I know by art and I find that you shall be soone slaine And thou said Domitian of what death shalt thou die Sir answered he I find by art I shall be eaten with dogs Well replied Domitian I will keepe thee well from that adventure and straight to convince him of a lie he commanded him to be slain to be buried after his body to be burnt into ashes according as the Romanes used to burie their dead But it happened after hee was slaine as they thought to have burnt his bodie into ashes in a publicke place the fire being lighted to burne the body there suddenly arose a great tempest which ejected the bodie halfe burnt out of the fire which incontinent was torne in pieces and eaten of dogs This beeing reported to Domitian hee was much afraid of this hap So that as well for that Ascletarion had said unto him as for that other diviners had told him the day and houre he should be slaine he thought it good to stand upon his guard and the better to see them which came behind him he caused to floore all his gallerie where he most often walked with a kind of shining stone from which as in a glasse there proceeded such a brightnesse as hee might easily see whatsoever was behind him The foretold-day being come and the houre approching which was five he asked what of the clocke it was one expressely answered him that it was six of the clocke to assure him that the danger was past but about that houre of five there knocked at his chamber dore one Stephanus his chamberlaine who was one of the conspirators against him his left arme hanging in a scarfe as if it had been hurt signifying to him that he would declare the conjuration entended against him This was the cause that Domitian suffered him to enter who straight after his entry after reverence presented unto him a request containing the discourse of the conjuration whereof he let him reade a good part at which seeing him astonished he stabbed a poinard in his bellie wounded as he was he would faine have revenged himselfe but his other houshold servants entered to massacre him giving him seven mortall wounds Behold an admirable example to shew that there is no prudence nor humane foresight that can hinder that the judgements of God be not executed upon tyrants
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
forsakers of knighthood but who can more forsake knighthood than he which forsakes his king who is the chiefe of all knighthood The second authoritie is That it is lawfull to kill theeves and robbers by high wayes It is lawfull then to kill a tyrant which continually watcheth and intendeth the death of his soveraigne lord I come now to three authorities of the holy Scripture The first is that of Moses who without authoritie slew the Aegyptian who tyrannized over the people of Irael For at that time Moses had not the authoritie of a judge over the people of Israel which was delivered unto him nigh fortie yeares after that he had slaine the Aegyptian The second authoritie is the example of Phineas who without any commandement slew the duke Zambry because he allied him selfe by carnall love with a Sarracene woman whereupon Phineas was commended and reverenced in three things in love honour and riches The third authoritie is that of S. Michael the archangell who without the commandement of God or any other fought against the tyrant Lucifer so disloyall to God his soveraigne who went about to usurpe the seignorie of God The said S. Michael was favourably rewarded in three things that is in honour love and riches in love because God loved him more than any other Angell in honour because God made him a perpetuall prince of the heavenly hoast in riches because God gave him riches as much as he desired or could carrie away so it appeareth that my third Veritie is well proved by twelve reasons in the name of the twelve Apostles of which reasons three are taken from the holy Theologians three from Moralists and three from Legists and the three last from the holy Scripture and they goe alwaies from three to three My fourth Veritie is this It is more meritorious and honourable that a tyrant be slaine by the kings parents than by a stranger and by a duke than by a countie and by a barron than by a simple vassale because therein shineth more the love obedience of the sleyer and is more honourable to the king to be revenged of a great man than a base and meane man My fift Veritie is That alliances promises othes or confederations ought not to be kept if for keeping them there come any prejudice to the prince or to the commonweale but to keep them is to do against the morall naturall and divine lawes I proove this Veritie by thus arguing Whensoever two contrarie obligations are concurrent a man must keepe and observe the greatest and breake the least But in this case the bond unto the prince and commonwealth is greater than any other promise or consideration Ergo then wee must observe the obligation towards the prince and commonwealth and breake all other obligations othes and confederations Also in arguing thus Whensoever a man doth a thing better than that which he sweares to do he is not perjured in doing that better thing omitting that thing which he swore to doe as expressely the master saith of Sentences in the last of the third but in this propounded case it is better to kill a tyrant although a man have sworne not to kill him than to let him live as hath been above shewed Ergo then it is no perjurie nor evill done to sley a tyrant against his sworne promise alliance or confederation that he hath with him Also Isiodorus in his booke of soveraigne good sayth That wee must not observe an oth whereby a man shall bee forced rashly to commit an evill but in our case a man shall bee forced to an evill by such a promise and oth Ergo he must then not observe it The sixt Veritie is That if so it happen that the alliances othes or confederations turne to the prejudice of one of the promisers hee is in nothing bound to keep them This veritie is prooved in thus arguing The end of every commaundement is charitie as the Apostle saith but the cheefe charitie beginneth at our selves Ergo the commandement to observe the faith and promise ought not to bee observed if it be contrarie to the charitie which we ought to have towards our selves according to that which is said of the Cannonists Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Hee that breakes faith faith ought to be broken to him againe Also in all promises that are made every man must include If it please God But certaine it is it pleaseth not God that we should do any thing against the law and order of charitie Ergo c. The seventh Veritie is That to every subject it is lawfull honourable and meritorious to kill a tyrant by deceits speculations and dissimulations I proove it first by the authoritie of the morall philosopher Boccace above alledged Also by the example of king Iehu who dissembled to approve the service of Baal to trap the sacrificers for which he was praised Also by the example of Ioiada who by treason caused Athalia to be slaine for which he was praised Also of Iudith who slew Holofernes by dissimulation whereupon she is praised And this is the fittest death for tyrants to die on that is to be slaine villanously by watchings and espiements The eight Truth is That every subject which enterpriseth and worketh against his soveraigne lord by Necromancie and invocation of devils for covetousnesse to have the crowne is a violator of the Catholicke faith and worthie of double death the first and the second For S. Bonaventure in his second book Distinction the sixt saith That the divell never pleaseth the will of such men but first idolatrie and infidelitie are mingled together For as faith serveth much to the operation of the miracles of God so infidelitie is as requisit in the operation of divellish things The divell also will doe nothing for such men unlesse they agree to yeeld him the domination over them whereof he is very desirous Also that great doctor in the ninth article in Secunda Secundae saith and affirmeth That invocations of devils never come to effect without a fore-going of a corruption of faith idolatrie and an expresse compact with divels And this opinion doe the venerable doctors Alexander de Hales Richard de Mivile and Astensis hold and commonly all the other doctours which have writ of this matter Here you see my eight Verities well proved I come now to eight Correlatives The first is If it come to passe that in the case aforesaid these invocators of devils and traitoâ—â—â—o the king be imprisoned and some of their partakers deliver or cause to deliver them hee ought to bee punished with the same punishment as they are themselves namely with the first and second death Secondly every subject that maketh a bargaine with any man to empoyson his soveraigne lord although the enterprise come not to effect is also well worthie of death Thirdly every subject that by dissimulation of pastime causeth apparrell to be made to put on his soveraigne lord and to put
fire therein thinking to burne him is also worthie of double death Fourthly every subject making alliance with the mortall enemies of the king the kingdome is also worthie of death Fiftly every subject which fraudulently setteth dissention betwixt the king and the queene making the queene understand that the king hateth her and counselling her to goe out of the realme she and her children offering safely to conduct her out is worthie of the like death as above Sixtly every subject that giveth the Pope to understand false things as to make him understand that his king and lord is not worthie to hold the crowne nor his children after him is worthy of like death Seventhly the tyrant that hindereth the union of the church and the deliberations of the Cleargie for the utilitie of the holy mother Church ought to be punished as an hereticke and schismaticke and meriteth that the earth should open and swallowe him as Dathan Core and Abiron Eightly the subject which by empoysonments and viands seekes to cause the king or his children to die is worthie of the aforesaid death The last is that every subject which with souldiers causeth the people and countrey of his soveraigne to bee eaten up and exiled and which taketh and distributeth his money at his pleasure and makes it serve his turne to procure alliances with his lords enemies ought to be punished as a very tyrant with the first and second death And here I make an end of my Maior of the justification of Monsieur the duke of Bourgoigne But I come now to declare my Minor wherin I have shewed That Lewis late duke of Orleance was so much embraced with ladie Covetousnesse of the honours and riches of this world that hee would have taken away the seignorie and crowne of Fraunce from the king his brother and his children by temptation of the enemie of hell using the aforesaid meanes for he found an Apostata monke expert in the divellish art unto whom he gave a ring and a sword to consecrate them to the divell This monke went into a solitarie place behind a bush where he put off all his garments to his shirt and fell on his knees so invocating devils Straight there appeared two devils apparelled in darke greene whereof the one was called Hernias and the other Estramain Then this monke did unto them as great reverence honour as he could doe to God our Saviour and one of the devils tooke the ring and the other the sword and after vanished away the monke went away also Hee returned into that place againe and there found the ring having a red colour and the sword wherewith he thought to have slaine the king but by the helpe of God and of the most excellent ladies of Berry and Bourgoigne the king escaped Also the said duke of Orleance made an alliance and confederation with the duke of Lancaster who in like manner warred against king Richard of England his lord as is abovesaid Item He went about to have carried away the queene and her children which hee meant to have carried into the countie of Luxembrough to take his will of her which the queene would not agree to Item Hee practised to make Monseignior le Daulphin eat an impoysoned apple which was given to a child who was charged to give it to none but to the said Daulphin but it so happened that the child gave it to one of the sonnes of the said duke of Orleance who diâ—d thereof Item The said duke hath alwayes favoured the Pope in the extraction of money out of the kingdome to obtaine of him a declaration against the king and his generation of inhabilitie to hold the kingdome and to give it unto him Item He hath held armed men in the fields by the space of 14 or 15 yeares which did nothing but pill exile rob ransack and sley the poore people and force women and maids Item He laid tallages upon the kings subjects and emploied the silver in making alliances with our enemies to come to the crowne and besides hee hath committed many great crimes which my said Monseignior le Bourgoigne reserveth to declare in time and place It followeth then by good consequence that my said lord of Bourgoigne Conclusion ought not to be blamed for sleying the said duke of Orleance and that the king should like that deed well and to authorize the same as much as were needfull And besides he ought to be rewarded in three especiall things that is in Love Honour and Riches as were S. Michaell the archangell and the most valiant Phineas that is to say as I thinke in my grosse and rude understanding That the king our lord ought more than before to beare amitie loyaltie and good reputation to my said lord of Bourgoigne and to cause to be published letters patents through all the realme God graunt it may bee so who bee blessed world without end Amen Here is in substance the Oration of that venerable doctor in Theologie unto which I have not added one word onely I have shortened certaine long and reiterated allegations whereby might be seene the beastlinesse of this our master a man hired to justifie one of the most execrable murders that ever was committed Very notable is the rhethoricke and art of this venerable doctors Oration which in the Exordium or beginning to obtaine benevolence confesseth that he is an ignorant man without sence or memorie And to make a reason why hee hath enterprised to be in these causes advocate he saith it is for a pension which the duke of Burgoigne gave him towards his living After for proofe of his Maior he alleadgeth places of Scripture so evill applied as children at this day will discover his follie And for notable authors he alledgeth a sort of sottish scholasticall sophisters of Theologie as Alexander de Hales Salceber Mivile and other like His Correlatives and his Minor are the false imputations wherewith the duke of Bourgoigne charged the duke of Orleance Moreover this Oration was reviewed by the masters of the facultie of Sorbonne with the bishop of Paris and the Inquisitor of faith and there were condemned for heresies these propositions following Every tyrant may be slaine by his vassale and subject without commandement of justice Secondly S. Michael slew Lucifer without Gods commandement Thirdly Phineas killed Zambry without the commandement of God Fourthly Moses slew the Egyptian without the commandement of God Fifthly Iudith sinned not in flattering Holofernes nor Iohn in lying that he would honour Baal Sixtly it is not alwaies perjurie when a man dooth that which he hath sworne not to doe Which articles having been declared hereticall they were condemned to be burnt publickely as also M. Iohn Petits bones who had maintained them for he was at this judgement dead and buried at Hesdin and the said articles were executed and put into the fire but not the doctors bones for they could not be gotten because the duke of Bourgoigne then
from that which is good And heere that manner of electing friends which Augustus Caesar observed is worthie observation for hee did not easily retaine every man in his friendship and familiaritie but ever tooke time to proove and finde their Sueton. in Aug. lib. 66. vertues fidelitie and loyaltie Such as hee knew to bee vertuous people and which would freely tell him the truth of all things as did that good and wise Maecenas and which would not flatter him but would employ their good wills sincerely in the charges he gave them after he had well prooved them then would he acknowledge them his friends but as hee was long and difficile to receive men into familiar amitie so they which hee had once retained for friends hee would never forsake them but alwaies continued constantly his friendship towards them Adversitie also is a true touchstone to proove who are fained or true friends For when a man feeleth laborinthes of troubles fall on him dissembling friends depart from him and such as are good abide with him as saith Euripides Adversitie the best and certain'st friends doth get Prosperitie both good and evill alike doth fit 11. Maxime A prince which would have any man to dye hee must seeke out some apparent colour thereof and then hee shall not bee blamed if so bee that hee leave his inheritance and goods to his children WHen a prince saith master Nicholas will pursue the death Cap. 17. Of the prince of any man he ought to colour it with some iust colour and when hee puts him to death hee must abstaine from the confiscation of his goods for his children which abide behinde will sooner forget the death of their father than the losse of their patrimonie And withall let him know That nothing makes a prince so much hated as when hee comes to touch the goods and wives of his subiects THis is also another tyrannicall precept like to the former For it Corne. Taci Annales lib. 1 and 4. is a custome with tyrants to impose false accusations and blames against such as they will cause to die sometime before the execution sometimes after Wee have shewed before an example of Domitian who for light and no causes tooke occasion to make many great Romane lords to dye which were of him suspected as to tyrants all good and vertuous men are ordinarily which are better than themselves The emperour Tiberius saith Tacitus at the beginning of his raigne hated men of eminent vertue and such also as were extreamely vicious suspecting the vertue of some and fearing to be dishonoured and despised by the vicious But after he came to the fulnesse of all vices and loved most such as were most vicious hee practised too much this principle of Machiavell against many vertuous and honourable men for hee caused to dye a learned and most excellent man called Cremutius Cordus because hee writ an hystorie wherein hee praised Cassius and Brutus He slew also Aemylius Scaurus for writing a tragoedie which pleased him not and many other like railors whereby hee sought to cover his tyrannie Nero likewise after hee had slaine his mother writ lies to the Senat to bee published all over how he had discovered a great conspiration that his mother had intended against him to cause his death and that hee was constrained to sley her to prevent her In like sort Caracalla after hee had slaine Geta his brother caused a fame to bee spred all over that hee himselfe escaped faire for his brorher would have slaine him Briefely all tyrants use to doe so practising their cruelties and vengeances ever under some pretext or false coulour as Machiavell teacheth And there are none at this day which cannot examplifie this position with many late and fresh examples in our time For the massacres of Paris executed on S. Bartholomewes day and the execution after made of captaine Briquemand of Maistre Arnand of Carignes of contie Mongomery and of the lord of Monbrum and other like were all coloured with false imputations by these Messers Machiavellists and by wicked judges their slaves as every one knoweth And as for that which Machiavell saith That the children of such as are unjustly caused to die take no care if so bee their goods bee not taken from them Dion in Neroue and in Aâ—to Carac I beleeve few men will accord with him in this point for every one which hath a good mans hart will sooner make account of honour and life than of goods But certaine it is if the successor his sonne or other kinsman despise and make no account to pursue by lawfull meanes that justice bee done for the unjust death of the slaine men whom hee succeedeth that he leeseth his honour and by the civile lawes is culpable and unworthie of the succession Moreover the injurie done in the person of the father is reputed done to the sonne himselfe and the contrarie As also every man esteemes himselfe to suffer injurie when any of his parents or friends doe suffer it Insomuch as such violent executions are without doubt more intollerable than the losse of goods and do much more stronglie wound the hearts of men which are not destitute of naturall love towards their bloud and such as have their honour in any recommendation than all other losses and damages that they can suffer and although the Machiavellists hold for a Maxime That a dead man biteth not or makes no warre yet the death of a man oftentimes is the cause of many deaths and of great effusion of blood as more at large shall be said in another place 12. Maxime A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lyon and of the Fox not of the one without the other YOu must understand saith this Florentine that men fight in two manners the one with lawes when matters Cap. 18. 19. Of the prince are handled by reason the other with force The first is proper to men which have the use of reason The second appertaineth to beasts which have neither reason nor intelligence But because the first is not sufficient to keepe men and to maintaine them in inioying of things belonging unto them they must needes oftentimes have recourse to the second which is force Wherefore it is needefull that a prince can well play the beast and the man together as our elders have taught when they writ that Chiron the Centaure halfe a man and halfe a beast was given as an instructor for the prince Achilles For heereby hee gave to understand that a prince ought to shew himselfe a man and a beast together A prince then beeing constrained well to know hovv to counterfet the beast hee ought amongst all beasts to chuse the complexion of the Fox and of the Lyon together and not of the one without the other for the Fox is subtill to keepe himselfe from snares yet he is too weake to guard himselfe from vvolves and the Lyon is strong enough to guard himselfe from vvolves
theft and they wicked men as they are although most subtillie they play the Foxes according to their masters doctrine yet in the end they wil be alwaies known Murder is alwaies murder to whatsoever end it bee done for Foxes And though they sometimes deceive before they bee knowne they are therefore after double punished in regard of the profit they get by deceiving when none will beleeve or trust them in any manner no not even then when they have an intention and will not to deceive at all For alwaies men presume of them as men ought to presume of deceivers and wicked men which are without faith and promise for men hold them for such and they can bee held for no other in regard of their actions and behaviours of their lives past This then is the first evill proceeding from Machiavells doctrine which is that they themselves which practise it bring evill to themselves and are discryed hated and evill beloved of all men The other inconvenience which followeth this Maxime is that if the prince permit Crueltie overthroweth justice men to commit murders under colour of a good intent and end hee shall breake the order of justice which hee ought to observe in the punishment of offenders and so shall turne all upside downe and bring his estate and countrey into confusion and perill for when justice goeth evill all goes evill when well all goes well as in another place shall bee shewed more at full Murders and massacres also never remaine long unpunished for God incontinent sendes them their reward as came to Romulus Machiavells owne example who was an unjust murtherer and in the end was murdered himselfe And in our time wee see examples enough and I beleeve wee shall see more in such as the hand of God hath not yet touched But amongst these evills and inconveniences which ordinarily lay hold of these murderers and follow them even to their graves with furies feares and torments which vexe their consciences I could heere alledge for a confirmation of this Maxime that which S. Paul saith That we must not doe evill that good may come thereof But I have alreadie said in another place thar I will not imploy the sacred armour of the holy scripture to fight against this profane and wicked Atheist but I will still give him this advantage to contend with his owne armes namely with profane authors which were not Christians and which heerein alone resemble him for in other things hee holds nothing of them and especially in the matter whereof wee speake they have beene most farre from his detestable doctrine When Tarquin the proude king of Rome saw that hee had so behaved himselfe Titus Livius lib. 1. 21. Dec. as he had utterly lost the amitie of his subjects then resolved to cause himselfe to be obeyed by feare and to bring it to passe hee tooke to himselfe the knowledge of capitall causes against great men which before appertained to the Senate to make himselfe the better feared and obeyed and so hee put to death such as he thought good under certaine pretextes and colours thinking thereby the better to assure his estate But how did hee assure it Thus hee so practised this doctrine of Machiavell that hee became extreamely hated of all men in such sort as his subjects not being able to beare his tyrannie did drive him out of his kingdome where hee miserably died And so much there wanteth that the ancient Romanes delighted in massacring and slaying that they hated even the too rigorous punishments of offenders as the punishment of Metius Suffetius Albanois who was with foure horses drawne to death for a strange and damnable treason by him entended For although he merited to bee so handled yet the Romanes had the crueltie of the punishment in so great disdaine and detestation that every body turned away their eyes saith Titus Livius seeing so villanous a spectable And it was the first and last time that ever they used that rigorous punishment Likewise it greatly displeased the Romanes that some thinking to doe well caused to bee slaine a Tribune of the people a very seditious man called Genutius who ceased not to trouble the commonwealth by divisions whereby hee stirred the common people to uproares If Genutius had had his lawfull tryall it is likely hee would have beene condemned but therein there was this mischiefe that none durst lay hold upon him for the reverence of his estate during that yeere but hee must needes have beene suffered either to doe what hee would or els to resist his dessignes by other meanes then by accusation and not at all to condemne him before hee were out of his office This seemed a goodly colour to dispatch him to shun seditions and troubles which this Tribune raised yet the execution which was made without course of law was found nought and of an evill example and consequence and was the cause of great mischiefes and broyles which followed after And as for that which Machiavell writeth that Romulus caused to slay Tatius Dioni Halic lib. 2. Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 8. his companion in the kingdome the better to rule and governe the towne of Rome this is false for histories doe witnesse that after hee had caused this execution to be made hee became cruell and proud towards the Senators exercising tyrannie in many things insomuch as the Senators themselves slew him even in the senat house and cut him in little pieces whereof every man tooke one piece in his bosome so that the bodie of Romulus was not found for they hired one to say that hee did see the bodie flie into heaven and the said Senators helping this bruite and report Plutarch in Romulo placed him in the letanie of their Gods and persuaded the people that hee ascended into the heavens both in body and soule But they gave Romulus his reward for the murdering of his brother Remus and his companion Tatius and they murdered him as hee had done them For briefely it is a generall rule that murderers are alwaies murdered which rule hath seldome any exceptions But whereas Machiavell saith That well to rule and governe a common wealth there would bee but one person to medle therein there hath beene alwaies the contrarie Tituâ— Livi. lib. 3. Dec. 8. practised When the Romanes thought it good by good lawes and ordinances to governe the estate of their common weale they considered that the number of two Consuls which were their soveraigne magistrates were too few and therefore they abrogated and tooke them cleane away and elected ren men in their places Dionisius 14 Halic lib. 10 unto which they gave the same authoritie which the Consuls before had and especially gave them power and expresse charge to make lawes and ordinances for the pollicie government and justice of the common weale They made the lawes of the twelve tables which endured long after them yea at this day some of these are
tyrannie as contrary none can love tyrannie but hee must needes bee an enemie to the common weale For tyrannie draweth all to himselfe and dispoileth subjects of their goods and commodities to apropriate all to himselfe making his particular good of that which belongeth to all men and applying to his owne private profit and use that which should serve to all men in Tyrants draw all to themselves generall So that it followeth that whosoever loveth the profit of a tyrant by consequent hateth the profit of his subjects and hee that loveth the common good of subjects hateth also the particular profit of a tyrant But thus speaking I doe not meane of tributes which are lawfully levied upon subjects for the exaction of taxes may well bee the worke of a prince and of a just ruler but wee speake of the proper and particular actions of tyrants Surely indeede if there bee any proper and meete meane to maintaine a tyrannie it seemes well that that which Machiavell teacheth is one To maintaine subjects Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. in partialities and devisions For as Quintius saith when he exhorted the townes of Greece to accord amongst themselves Against a people which are in a good unitie amongst themselves tyrants can doe nothing but if there bee discord amongst them an overture is straight made for him to doe what hee will I freelie then confesse if I would deny it experience prooves it that in this point Machiavell is a true doctor who well understands the science of tyrannie no man can set downe more proper precepts for so wicked a thing than such as this Maxime containeth namely to sley all lovers of the commonwealth and amongst other subjects to maintaine partialities Surely if anything serve to maintaine a tyrannie these seeme most proper and covenable for they are made from the same mould that tyrannie it selfe is and drawne from one same spring of most execrable wickednesse and impietie But yet I will hold that neither these tyrannicall precepts nor any others can long maintaine a tyrant or a tyrannie For the ordinance of God being farre Tyrants are impious stronger than the detestable precepts of Machiavell repugneth them and never suffereth tyrannie to bee of any long endurance as wee have before shewed by the examples of Nero Caligula Caracalla and Domitian as Sophocles saith No man did ever see Sopho. in Aâ—ac Flagel A tyrant once to proove godlie And because tyrants are alwaies full of impietie God with whom they strive brings his justice upon them yea commonly he makes them passe the edge of the sword or else to die some other strange and violent death For as Iuvenall saith A tyrant seldome life doth end But by the sword which God doth send Corneli Taci Annales 5. And besides that God brings them to a tragicall and miserable end even during their lives are they continually tormented in their consciences with feares distrusts and furies which so trouble them day and night that they obtaine no rest To this purpose Tacitus rehearseth That when the emperour Tiberius was come to the highest degree of his tyrannie remaining in a place nigh to Rome called Cheurieres he writ a letter to the Senat which shewed that he felt himselfe every day more and more tormented and troubled in conscience because of the cruelties and injustices which he exercised This is then not without cause addeth Tacitus that an excellent wise man affirmeth meaning Plato That if tyrants soules might be seene uncovered a man should see them torne and wounded with blowes of crueltie riotousnesse and wicked counsell as we see bodies ulcerated with rods and cudgels What pleasure could Denis the tyrant of Sicilie have who trusted none Also when one day a certaine philosopher told him that he could not be but happie who was so rich so well served at his table and had so goodly a pallace to dwell in and so richly furnished he answered him Well I will shew thee how happie I am and withall hee led that philosopher into a chamber gallantly hanged with tapistrie and caused him to be laid on a guilded rich bed to repose himselfe there were also brought him exquisit and delicate viands and excellent wines but whilest certaine servants made these provisions for Monsieur the philosopher who was so desirous of a tyrannicall felicitie another varlet fastened by the hilts to the upper bed feeling a bright shining sharpe sword and this sword was hung only in a horse haire the point of it right over the philosophers face so newly happy who incontinent as he saw the sword hang by so small a thread and so right over his visage lost all his appetite to eat drinke or to muse at or contemplate the excessive riches of the tyrant but continually cast his sight upon that sword And in the end he prayed Denis to take him from the supposed beatitude wherin he was laid saying That he had rather be a poore philosopher than in that manner to bee happie Did not I then say well to thee answered the tyrant That we tyrants are not so happie as men thinke for our lives depend alwayes upon a small thread What repose could Nero also have who confessed that often the likenesse of his mother whome hee slew appeared to him which tormented and afflicted him Sueto in Nero cap. 34. and that furies beat him with rods and tormented him with burning torches What delicatenesse or sweetnesse of life could Caligula and Caracalla have which caused alwaies to be carried certaine coffers full of all manner of poysons as well to poyson Tyrants tormented of furies others as themselves in cases of necessitie for feare they should fall alive into the hands of their enemies Heliogabalus also what comfort had he in the world who provided alwayes cords of silke to hang himselfe in and brave poynards and golden swords exceeding sharpe in like manner at a need to sley him And indeed it is one of the greatest wisdomes that can be in a tyrant to take a good course for his death when it is necessarie and expedient for him for they are often troubled doe come short therein as we see of Nero who in his need could find no man that would sley him but he was forced to sley himselfe True it is that his secretarie held his hand that with more strength and lesse feare he might dash the dagger into his throat yet neither his secretarie nor any other person would of themselves attempt it If this secretarie had been one of Machiavels schollers it is likely he would have prooved more hardie But we have to note as well upon this Maxime as upon the former that as by his precepts here Machiavell tendeth and goeth about to forme a tyrant that also we ought to hold for a true tyrant every prince and ruler which useth these precepts Markes of tyrants and practiseth them that is hee which useth the cruelties before commended
by Machiavell which maintaineth his subjects in division and partialitie and which seekes to sley all them which love the commonweale and which desire a good reformation a good policie in the commonweale There are also other tokens and markes whereby to know a tyrant as them which wee have before alledged out of doctor Bartolus and them also which hystoriographers have marked to have been in Tarquin the proud For they say when he changed his just and royall domination Dioni Halic lib. 4. into a tyrannicall government he became a contemner and a despiser of al his subjects as well the meane people as the nobilitie and Patritians he brought a confusion and a corruption into justice he tooke a greater number of waiting servants into his guard than his predecessors had he tooke away the authoritie from the assembly of the Senate which it alwaies before had moreover hee dispatched criminall and civile causes after his fancie and not according to right hee cruelly punished such as complained of that change of estate as conspirators against him he caused many great and notable persons to die secretly without any forme of justice hee imposed tributes upon the people against the auncient forme and regalitie to the impoverishing and oppression of some more than of others hee had also spies to discover what was said of him and afterward punished rigorously such as had blamed either him or his government These be the colours wherewith the hystories do paint Tarquin when of a king he became a tyrant and these are ordinarily the colours and liverie of all tyrants banners whereby they may be knowne It seemeth that Tarquin forgot nothing of all that a tyrant could doe but that he slew not Brutus which was a fault in the art of tyrannie as learnedly Machiavell noteth it which fell to bee his ruin But the cause hereof was that Brutus in the court counterfeted the foole wherby Tarquin had no suspition of him For none but wise men and good people are suspect and greevous to tyrants but as for counterfeting fooles unthrifts flatterers bauds murderers inventors of imposts and such like dregs and vermine of the people they are best welcome into tyrants courts yet even amongst them are not tyrants alwaies without danger for amongst such fooles sometimes happeneth a Brutus who at last will plat out their ends so that ever their lives hangs by a small thred as Denis the tyrant sayth But the example of Hieronimus another tyrant of Sicilie is to this purpose well to be noted This Hieronimus was the sonne of a good and wise king called Hiero whom also they well called tyrant because he came not to that estate by a legitimate title although he exercised it sincerely and in good justice who when he died left this Hieronimus his sonne very young and under age For the government therefore of him and of his affaires he gave him fifteene tutors and amongst them Andronodorus and Zoilus his sonnes in law and one Thraso which he charged to maintaine the countrey of Sicilie in peace as he himselfe had done by the space of fiftie yeares of his raigne but especially that they should maintaine the treatie and confederation which he had all the length of his time duly observed with the Romanes The said tutors promised to performe his request and to change nothing in the estate but altogether to follow his footsteps Straight after Hiero was dead Andronodorus being angry because of so many tutors caused the king who was then but 15 yeares old to be proclaimed of sufficient age to bee dismissed of tutors and so dispatched himselfe as well as others of that dutifull care they ought to have had of their king and countrey After he got to himselfe alone the government of the kingdome and to make himselfe to bee feared under the kings authoritie hee tooke to him a great number of waiters for his guard and to weare purple garments and a diademe upon his head and to goe in a coach drawne with white horses altogether after the manner of Denis the tyrant and contrary to the use of Hieronimus yet was not this the worst for besides all this Adronodorus caused the yong king his brother in law to bee instructed in pride and arrogancie to contemne every man to give audience to no man to bee quarelous and to take advantage at words of hard accesse given to all new fashions of effeminacie and riotousnesse and to bee unmeasurable cruell thirstie after bloud After Andronodorus had thus framed to his minde this yong king a conspiration was made against him unto which Andronodorus was consenting to dispatch and sley him but it was discovered but yet executed which A conjuration discovered yet executed was strange For one Theodorus was accused and confessed himselfe to bee one of the conspiracie but being tortured and racked to confesse his complices and parteners in that conspiracie knowing he must needs die and by that meanes desiring to be revenged of that yong tyrant he accused the most faithfull and trustiest servants of the king This young tyrant rash inconsiderat straight put to death his friends and principal servants by the counsell of Andronodorus who desired nothing more because they hindered his deseignes This execution performed incontinent this yong tyrant was massacred and slain upon a straight way by the conspirators themselves which before had made the conjuration the execution whereof was the more easie by the discoverie thereof because as is said the tyrants most faithfull friends and servants were slaine Soone after the tyrants death Andronodorus obtained the fortresse of Siracuse a towne of Sicilie but the tumults and stirres which he raised in the countrey as he thought for his owne profit fell out so contrarie to his expectation that finally he his wife and all their race and the race of Hieronimus were extermined as well such as were innocent as they that were culpable And so doth it ordinarily happen to all young princes which by corruption are degenerated into tyrants So fals it out also to all them which are corrupters of princes to draw them into habits of all wickednesse Lastly here would not bee omitted altogether this wickednesse of Machiavell who confounding good and evill together yeeldeth the title of Vertuous unto a tyrant Is not this as much as to call darkenesse full lightsome and bright vice good and honourable and ignorance learned But it pleaseth this wicked man thus to say to plucke out of the hearts of men all hatred horror and indignation which they might have against tyrannie and to cause princes to esteeme tyrannie good honorable and desirable 16. Maxime A Prince may as well be hated for his vertue as for his vice THe emperour Pertinax saith Machiavell vvas elected emperor Cap. 19. Of the prince against the vvils of his men of vvarre vvhich before had customably lived licentiously in all vices and dissolutenesse under the emperour Commodus his predecessor
that which Machiavell prescribeth for by oppressing and causing to die al the conjurators and enemies and all their friends and allies he made himselfe so feared and redoubted that there was not in Rome great or little but he trembled for feare only to heare the name of Nero Such great men whose friends and parents were put to death came and fell downe on their knees before him and thanked him for the good and honour he had done them to have purged and cleansed their parentage and alliance from so wicked men as those he had slaine Others in signe of joy for the death of their friends and parents caused their houses to be hung with lawrell and made sacrifices to the gods to give them thankes for so great a good as was happened unto them They celebrated also great feasts of joy as they had been mariages The Senate also for their part being also in a great terrour ordained there should be processions and publicke sacrifices to yeeld thankes to the gods that this conjuration was discovered yea they caused to be builded and consecrated a chappell to the Sunne in the house where the conjuration was made because it shined to the discoverie therof They builded also a temple to the goddesse Health Nero thinking that all these joyes were true and unfained yet were they but simulations exercised still more and more his butcherie and in the end made himselfe so assured by reason he was feared and redoubted of all the world that he was of opinion that he had obtained the upperhand of all his enemies but it was cleane contrarie For by this strange slaughter with so many other wickednesses whereof hee was full hee brought himselfe into a deadly hatred of all the world insomuch as the provinces of the empire revolted from his obedience one after another and in the end he was abandoned of every man unlesse it were of some foure or five of his meanest servants which kept him companie in his flight untill he had slaine himselfe as is said in another place therfore Nero needed to take no thought how to nourish enemies against himselfe as Machiavell teacheth in this Maxime for hee never wanted a great number as all tyrants have ordinarily And how should not tyrants have good store of enemies seeing even good De Com. lib. 1. cap. 107 108 109 100 111. and wise princes doe not want them To this purpose master Phillip de Comines makes a very good discourse saying That it pleased God to give to all princes kingdomes and common weales an opposit and contrary unto them that both the one and the other might the rather bee held in their duties as England hath Fraunce Scotland hath England Portugall hath Castile Grenado hath Portugall the princes and common weales of Italie are contrarie one to another and so it is of all God hath giveÌ„ to every seignorie his opposit countries and seignories of the earth For if there bee any prince or common-weale which wants his opposite to hould him in feare straight one shall see him fall to a tyrannie and luxuriousnesse Therefore God by his wise providence hath given to every seignorie and to every prince his opposit that one by the feare of an other might be stirred up to a modest and temperate carriage And there is indeed nothing saith hee that better holdeth a prince in his duetie nor which causeth him to walke more upright than the feare of his opposit and contrary For the feare of God nor the love of his neighbour nor reason whereof commonly hee hath no care nor justice for there is none above himselfe nor any other like thing can hold him in his duetie but onely the feare of his contrary After that Comines had dispatched this question hee entreth into another which dependeth heereof What is the cause saith hee that commonly princes and great lords have Princes have not the feare of God nor of charitie for want of Faith not the feare of God nor love to their neighbours He answereth the want of Faith for if a prince beleeved verely the paines of hell to bee such as indeed they are hee would doe no wrong to noe man nor retaine an others goods unjustly For if they beleeved assuredly as it is true and certaine that they are damned in hell and are never like to enter into paradise which retaine other mens goods without making satisfaction or that doe any wrong to any without amends unto him It is not likely there would bee found a prince or princesse in the world or any other person which would with-hold anothers goods were it of his subjects vassailes or neighbour in good earnest or would put any to death wrongfully no not to hold them in prison nor take from one to give to another nor procure any dishonest thing against any person If then they had a firme faith and beleeved the paines of hell to bee horrible and great without other end or remission for the damned knowing againe the shortnesse of this life they would not doe that they doe And for example saith hee when a king or a prince is a prisoner and that hee feareth to die in prison is there any thing so deere in the world which hee would not give to come out Certainely hee would give both his owne and his subjects goods altogether As wee have seene king Iohn of France being taken prisoner by the prince of Wales at the battaile of Poitiers who paied 3000000 of franks for his ransome and acquited to the English all Aquitane or at least as much as they then held and many other cities townes and places all which came to the third part of the kingdome which was thereby brought into great povertie that no coine was there currant but it was made of leather with a little naile of silver in the middest of it And all this gave king Iohn and Charles the sage his sonne for the said kings deliverance out of prison And if they would have given nothing yet the English would not have put him to death but at the worst have kept him in prison And yet if they had caused him to die the paine that hee had suffered had not beene comparable to the thousand part of the least paine in hell Why then did king Iohn give all that hath beene said and so overthrew his children and the subjects of his kingdome because hee beleeved that which hee saw and knew well that otherwise hee could hot bee delivered But you shall not finde a prince or else very few that if hee had a towne of his neighâ—ours would yeeld it for the feare of God or the paines of hell It is then the want of faith because princes beleeve not that God will punish the wrongs they doe to another and that they doe not also beleeve that the paines of hell are horrible and eternall as they are Yet is this certaine that god will punish them as well as other men though not
Lacedaemonians insomuch as the Corcyrians feeling themselves weake practised to enter into league and societie with the Athenians shewing them that they might receive them into their societie The Corinthians on the contrary demonstrated to the Athenians That if they received the Corcyrians into their societie to aid them in this warre against them it were to doe against the said article the which was to bee understood in the wholesomest and best sence and not to the detriment and ruine of the confederates and that such as would so interprete it That it were lawfull for the Athenians to receive the Corcyrians into their societie for them to warre upon the Lacedaemonians Corinthians and other confederates comprehended in the said treatie should be an interpretation to an evill sence too easily making an overture to breake the said treatie of peace after the appetite of a third which was no confederate And that therefore the said article must of necessitie bee understood in such manner as the reception of new associates might bee without the domage and prejudice of such as were comprehended in that confederation The Corcyrians replied That although in the said article be not expressed that it should be lawfull to receive associates to make warre against confederates or others yet must it be so understood especially when new associates make warre for a good right and just quarrell as ours is said they against the Corinthians and that the treatie could not be violated neither is the interpretation contrary to equitie whensoever men will maintaine right and reason The Athenians made no account of the interpretation of the said treatie which the Corinthians set before them although it was conformable and agreeing to the sence and equitie of that confederation but rather held it better to sticke unto the Corcyrians On the other side the Lacedaemonians banded themselves for the Corinthians their associates as reason required and by that meanes those two great commonweales were brought to the skirmish of warre one against another by meanes of the Corcyrians and Corinthians which set them together by the eares After the Athenians and Lacedaemonians entred warres together they drew after them all the rest of Greece or the most part into the same skirmish some of the one part some of the other but this Peloponnesiack warre was great cruell long and such as had almost utterly overthrowne the estate of Greece upside downe and all this came upon the captious interpretation contrarie to all equitie and reason which the Corcyrians made of the foresaid article of the treatie of confederation In like manner was the subtill disputation of such as caused Pompeius that famous Plutarch in Pomp. captaine to die After Pompeius had lost the battaile of Pharsalia against Caesar he embarked on the sea with his wife certain of his friends hoovering about Aegypt hoping there to be welcome and entertained by the young king Ptolomaeus in consideration of the pleasures which hee had sometimes done to his father At his approching the land of Aegypt he sent a messenger in a boat to that young king who was in the towne of Pelusium to know if he would receive him in assurance But indeed the kings affaires were then managed by three base persons which understood nothing lesse than well to governe affaires of State whereof the first was a meane chamberlaine of his and the other two Theodotus the Rhetorician his schoolemaster and Achillas his domesticall servant These three venerable persons fel to counsell to deliberate what answere the king their master should make to Pompeius At the beginning they differed in opinion one saying that it were good to receive him and the other not But in the end al three accorded in the worst opinion they could have taken which was to receive Pompey and to slay him Which opinion this goodly Rhetorician Theodotus persuaded to the other two by his subtile reasons If we receive Pompeius saith he certaine it is wee shall have Caesar for an enemie and Pompeius for a master If we receive him not they will be both our enemies Pompey for rejecting him and Caesar because we have not stayed him But if we receive him and put him to death Caesar will thanke us and Pompeius cannot revenge himselfe upon us nor endammage us for a dead man is no warrior Vpon these goodly reasons of that subtile rhetorician the conclusion was taken by these three bad people to put to death this great person Pompeius who had had so many triumphs and victories in his life who had seene to wait on him sometimes five or six great kings at once to entreat him as an arbitror of their contentions and differencies If these bad Counsellors had considered the greatnesse of Pompeius who had so many parents and friends vertuous and great lords as also the magnanimitie of Caesar which would vanquish by true force and not by perfidies and treasons they would never have staied upon the cold and foolish subtilties of this gentle Rhetorician and they would not have concluded the death of so great a man But yet they concluded it and executed their conclusion causing Pompey to die as soone as he had taken port in Aegypt But it was not long ere they received the reward of their perfidie founded upon that subtiltie for Caesar soone after arrived in Aegypt unto whom Pothinus and Achillas presented the head of Pompeius thinking greatly to pleasure him Caesar turned his face backward because he would not see him and begun to weepe and withall commanded to put Pothinus and Achillas to death which had profered him that present which was presently done And that subtile reason of Theodotus who persuaded them that Caesar would thanke them for their murder was not found true Theodotus seeing this execution and finding himselfe very culpable fled and yet lived certaine yeares miserably wandring and begging here and there fearing being known to be massacred of the world which every where had him in execration But in the end after the death of Caesar Brutus by chaunce light upon him and caused him to die miserably after he had made him endure infinit torments Behold the end of those three Counsellors of that young king Ptolomaeus who also by their evill conduction made but a poore end for he was slaine in a battell nigh Nile and none could ever find his bodie Would to God such as resemble at this day these three Counsellors might receive semblable guerdon and reward as they did to learne them to conclude the committing of massacres and the use of perfidies and treasons which will not faile them in the end for God is just But the skoffe which Theodotus alledged in the fore-mentioned counsell That a dead man makes no warre is at this day ordinarily in the mouthes of our Italianized courtiers thereupon they ground their counsels to sley and massacre all such as they hate We must say they sley this and that man it is good to dispatch them for a
king is good and Plutarch in Apo. excellent when kings use it well but because there were farre more kings which abuse their powers than that use them well he provided for himselfe and his successors certaine Censors and correctors to reprehend them of their faults which were called Ephori Certaine then said unto Theopompus that by this establishment of Ephori he had lessened and enfeeblished his power Nay then said he I have fortified it and made it perdurable meaning to say as true it is that there is nothing which better fortifieth nor which makes more firme and stable a princes estate than when he governes himselfe with such a sweet moderation that even he submits himselfe to the observation of lawes and censures The emperour Severus otherwise endowed with Spart Dion in Carac many great vertues had not this good to be debonaire and clement but rather was rigorous and cruell yet he knew well and himselfe confessed that Clemencie is a vertue most worthie of a prince and he much desired to bee so esteemed although his actions were contrarie I know well that here the Machiavellists may reply upon me that he faigned and only made a shew to esteeme of Clemencie upon a certain kind of playing the Fox and dissimulation which Machiavell holdeth to be convenient for a prince Here unto I make a double answere And I say suppose in this place Severus meant to play the Fox yet when he so much praiseth Clemencie and so faine would seeme clement he therby seemes to approve that vertue as both lowable and good Secondly I say that it is credible that Severus although he was exceeding sanguinarie and cruell during his raigne yet in the end he found that it had been better for him if he had been Clement for with his owne eyes he saw Plautianus his greatest and especiallest friend and Bassianus his eldest son whom with himselfe he associated in the empire both of them though not together conspire to slay him insomuch as he durst not punish them because they had learned of him to be sanguinarie and cruell and at the end of his dayes the last words hee spake were That he left the empire firme and assured to his Antonines meaning Bassianus and Geta which he named Antonines that they might be beloved provided that they proved good princes but if they were wicked and cruell then he left them weak and evill assured And indeede these last words were as a prophecie to his children For Bassianus his eldest sonne who succeeded him in the empire was as cruell as he and begun to exercise his crueltie in slaying with his owne hand Geta his brother and after continued it upon his friends and other notable people a great number which he brought to their deaths and therefore was not his foot long in the empire but according as his father prophecied of his death hee was soone despoyled thereof and of his life withall for he was slaine by Macrinus his lieutenant and lived but nine and twentie yeares whereof he raigned sixe The emperour Domitian also was a very cruell prince yet he greatly praised Clemencie in a prince and ordinarily when he reasoned upon any affaire in the Senat he often enterlaced amongst his speeches some commendations of his owne Clemencie although he was most cruell and wicked And breefely we may say and conclude that this vertue of Clemencie is so excellent and lowable of it selfe that even the wicked which reject it are notwithstanding constrained to have it in estimation and to confesse it is a vertue worthie of a prince From the beginning that Rome was reduced into the forme of a commonweale and delivered from the tyrannie of the Tarquins the people were sent to the warre Dioni Halic lib. 5. without wages and whilest they were at the warre for the commonweale the interests and usuries which they ought to the rich for alwaies the poore are debters to the rich left not to encrease and multiplie insomuch as when the souldiers returned from the warre some being maimed and wounded in stead to have rest in their houses they had the usurers on their backs which demanded the usuries run on during the time of the warre Hereupon arose there in the towne a great sedition for the poore amongst the people could not suffer this rude handling that they thus should be tormented with seisures and pawning of their goods and with imprisonments of their persons for the interests growing during the warre and being in the common-wealths service This cause finally comming in deliberation in the Senate house Valerius Publicola who was one of them which helped away the tyrant from Rome spoke thus This the usurers rigorous dealing is but a new tyrannie and it is but a small thing for us to have expulsed from Rome the tyrannie of the Tarquins if now wee will establish another that it was too unreasonable that souldiers should pay interests running on whilest they served the commonwealth since also they served without wages Therefore he exhorted the Senate to releeve the people of those interests for their content and that afterward they might with so much the better will serve the commonweale at a need For els saith he certaine it is if there be a continuance of this rigorous dealing it will bring the people into a great disobedience a sedition into the commonwealth the estate wherof by this means may be shrewdly shaken and hazarded But if the people be kindly and graciously used in acquiting them of the said interests by this meanes you shall make most assured the estate of the citie The Senate followed this advice of Publicola knowing well that the firmitie and assurednesse of the publicke State is founded upon Clemencie and Gentlenesse Anniball making warre in Italie meaning to goe to Capua commanded one of Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. the prisoners he held to guide him to a place called Casin which was in the way to Capua This prisoner supposing Anniball had bidden him guide him to Casilin and that because Anniball spoke not well the Latine language hee conducted his armie on that side to Casilin farre from the way to Capua Anniball perceiving hee was evill guided caused to whip and hang the prisoner which had done this before he would heare any excuse This rigorous execution and other cruelties that he used never caused such as were allied with the Romanes to breake from them although on every side they saw themselves in great perill because saith Titus Livius they knew that they were commanded by a just and a moderate government and by good people that hated crueltie therefore refused they not to obey which is the true bond of Faith the best most prudent and humane Antiochus king of Syria and a great dominator in Levant having enterprised a Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 3. warre against the Romanes they sent against him Lucius Scipio for captaine generall of their armie although otherwise he