England I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius and diuers other learned men who said that this discouery hath bene reserued for some noble prince or woorthie man thereby to make himselfe rich and the world happieâ— desiring you to accept in good part this briefe and simple discourse written in haste which if I may perceiue that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe I will then impart vnto you a large discourse which I haue written onely of this discouery And further because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is without abilitie to performe the same I wil at leasure make you partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation wherein I haue not a litle trauelled to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to effect as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards whose common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one like bignesse And haue alâ—o deuised therein a Spherical instrument with a compasse of variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude And a precise order to pricke the sea card together with certaine infallible rules for the shortning of any discouery to know at the first â—ntring of any fret whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth it selfe into the land Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me for the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enterprise for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase shame the pleasure vanisheth but the shame remaineth for euer And therefore to giue me leaue without offence alwayes to liue and die in this mind That he is not worthy to liue at all that for feare or danger of death shunneth his countries seruice and his owne honour seeing death is ineuitable and the fame of vertue immortall Wherefore in this behalfe Mutare vel timere sperno Certaine other reasons or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest learnedly written by M. Richard Willes Gentleman FOure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie Islands which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes continually haunted for gaine and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing These Ilands although they stand East from the Meridian distant almost halfe the length of the worlde in extreame heate vnder the Equinoctiall line possessed of Infidels and Barbarians yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought and from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse vnto vs for like situation Westward as we haue for their vsuall trade with vs for that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other name then Portugall not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof Their voyage is very well vnderstood of all men and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of better knowen and trauelled then that it may seeme needfull to discourse thereof any further The second way lyeth Southwest betweene the West India or South America and the South continent through that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of passed these latter yeeres leauing thereunto therefore his name This way no doubt the Spaniardes would commodiously take for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there could the Easterne current and leuanâ— windes as easily suffer them to returne as speedily therwith they may be carried thither for the which difficultie or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of winde and streame this passage is litle or nothing vsed although it be very well knowen The third way by the Northeast beyond all Europe and Asia that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his perill enforced there to ende his life for colde congealed and frozen to death And truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of Geographers then allowable either in reason or approued by experience as well it may appeare by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree North by the vnlikely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow or at the least continually pestred therewith if happily it be at any time dissolued besides bayes and shelfes the water waxing more shallow toward the East that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire of the vncomfortable nights so neere the Pole fiue moneths long A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid happy Ilands Moluccae sir Humfrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo The enterprise of it selfe being vertuous the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise and whensoeuer it shal be finished the fruits thereof cannot be smal where vertue is guide there is fame a follower fortune a companion But the way is dangerous the passage doubtfull the voiage not throughly knowen and therefore gainesaid by many after this maner First who can assure vs of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the Northeast doe not both wayes lye in equall distance from the North Pole Stand not the North Capes of eyther continent vnder like eleuation Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West then the extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for colde and can you then promise a passenger any better happe by the Northwest Who hath gone for triall sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make profession in Cosmographie Ptolome the father of Geographie and his eldest children will answere by their mappes with a negatiue concluding most of the Sea within the land and making an ende of the world Northward neere the 63. degree The same opinion when learning chiefly florished was receiued in the Romanes time as by their Poets writings it may appeare tibi seruiat vltima Thyle said Virgil being of opinion that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph Moletius an Italian and Mercator a Germaine for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geographers of our time the one in his halfe Spheres of the whole world the other in some of his great globes haue continued the West Indies land euen to the North Pole and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way The same doctors Mercator in other of his globes and mappes Moletius in his sea Carde neuerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former continent haue
nor other beasts Their Emperors Dukes other of their nobles doe abound with silk gold siluer and precious stones Their victuals are al things that may be eaten for we saw some of them eat lice They drinke milke in great quantitie but especially mares milke if they haue it They seeth Mill also in water making it so thinne that they may drinke thereof Euery one of them drinkes off a cupfull or two in a morning and sometime they eate nought else all the day long But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to eate and they drinke the broath thereof Howbeit in summer time when they haue mares milke enough they seldome eate flesh vnles perhaps it be giuen them or they take some beast or bird in hunting Of their manners both good and bad Chap. 5. THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie and partly detestable For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world For they doe highly reuerence them and will deceiue them neither in wordes nor deedes They seldome or neuer fall out among themselues and as for fightings or brawlings wounds or manslaughters they neuer happen among them There are neither theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres If any beast goe astray the finder thereof either lets it goe or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it and without any difficultie receiueth it againe One of them honoureth another exceedingly and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them They are also very hardie and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full In riding they endure much cold and and extreme heat There be in a maner no contentions among them and although they vse commonly to be drunken yet doe they not quarell in their drunkennes Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him as much as conueniently he can Their women are chaste neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words But towards other people the said Tartars be most insolent and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and and ignoble persons whatsoeuer For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia the kings sonne of Georgia and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and estimation among them So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vnto them were they neuer so base would alwaies goe before them and take the vpper hand of them yea and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other people and beyond all measure deceitfull and treacherous towards them They speake fayre in the beginning but in conclusion they sting like scorpions For craftie they are and full of falshood circumuenting all men whom they are able by their sleights Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man they keepe it wonderfully secrete so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe nor find a remedie against their conspiracies They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke and in other actions Drunkennes is honourable among them and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe They are most intollerable exacters most couetous possessours and most nigardly giuers The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them Of their lawes and customes Chap 6. MOreouer they haue this law or custome that whatsoeuer man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery they are punished with death A virgine likewise that hath committed fornication they stay together with her mate Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft is put to death without all pitie Also if any man disclose their secrets especially in time of warre he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado layd on by a tall fellow In like sort when any inferiours offend inought they finde no fauour at their superiours handes but are punished with grieuous stripes They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall yea euen to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother daughter and sister by the mothers side For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely and also the wife of their father after his decease The yonger brother also or some other of his kindred is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased For at the time of our aboad in the countrey a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas was accused before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land and for selling them to others and although it could not be prooued yet was he put to death His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this came made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased brothers wife and the woman also to take him vnto her husband according to the custome of the Tartars She answered that she had rather die then so haynously transgresse the law Howbeit hee deliuered her vnto him although they both refused as much as they could Wherefore carying them to bed they constrained the youth lamenting and weeping to lie downe and commit incest with his brothers wife To be short after the death of their husbands the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in mariage They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes one lawfully begotten called Melich but the other Dauid borne in adulterie at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne Hereupon Melich vnto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother because it was gouerned before time by women went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him Nowe both of them comming to the court and proffering large giftes the sonne of the harlot made suite that he might haue iustice according to the custome of the Tartars Well sentence passed against Melich that Dauid being his elder brother should haue superioritie ouer him and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues each
to death at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie which for the same cause returned home Moreoouer vpon the foresaide Concubine and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced and they were put to death At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal which is a part of Russia deceased For being as it were for honours sake inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother and immediatly after the banquet returning vnto his lodging he fel sicke and within seuen dayes died And after his death his body was of a strange blew colour and it was commonly reported that the said Duke was poisoned to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour gaue and receiued letters Chap. 31. TO be short the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor who when he had heard of them that we were come vnto him coÌ„manded that we should return vnto his mother For he was determined the next day as it is abouesaid to set vp a flag of defiaÌ„ce against al y â— countreis of the West which he would haue vs in no case to know Wherefore returning we staied some few dayes with his mother and so returned baâ—ke again vnto him With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst that we could scarce hold life and soule together For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes was scantly sufficient for one day Neither could we buy vs any sustenance because the market was too farre off Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith named Cosmas who being greatly in the Emperours fauour procured vs some sustenance This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour which hee had made before it was set in the proper place and his seale which he also had framed Afterward the Emperor sent for vs giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary that wee should write downe our messages affaires and should deliuer them vnto him Which thing we performed accordingly Aâ—ter many daies he called for vs againe demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope which vnderstood the Russian the Sarracen or the Tartarian language To whom we answered that we had none of those letters or languages Howbeit that there were certaine Saracens in the land but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope And wee saide that wee thought it most expedient that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs we should diligently translate it into our own tongue and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope Then departed they from vs and went vnto the Emperour And after the day of S. Martine we were called for againe Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire and Chingay and Bala with diuers other Scribes came vnto vs and interpreted the letter word for word And hauing written it in Latine they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence to wit if we had erred in any word And when both letters were written they made vs to reade them ouer twise more least we should haue mistaken ought For they said vnto vs Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright it might breed some inconuenience They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them if need should require How they were licensed to depart Chap. 32. ANd as our Tartars told vs the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit he was desirous as we thought that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man exhorted vs to make the said petition we thought it not good for vs that the Emperor should send his ambassadours Wherfore we gaue him answere that it was not for vs to make any such petition but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them we would diligently by Gods assistance see them conducted in safetie Howbeit we thought it expedient for vs that they should not goe and that for diuers causes First because we feared least they seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly we feared that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions Thirdly we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way For our nations be arrogant and proud For when as those seruants which at the request of the Cardinall attended vpon vs namely the legates of Almaine returned vnto him in the Tartars attire they were almost stoned in the way by the Dutch and were compelled to put off those garments And it is the Tartars custome neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours till they haue reuenged themselues Fourthly least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force Fiftly because there could come no good by their ambassade for they were to haue none other commission or authoritie but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope and to the Princes of Christendome which very same letters wee our selues had and we knew right well that much harme might ensue thereoâ— Wherefore the third day after this namely vpon the feast of Saint Brice they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale sending vs vnto the Emperours mother who gaue vnto eche of vs â— gowne made of Foxe-skinnes with the furre on the outside and a piece of purple And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant they stole the better halfe Which false dealing of theirs we knew well inough but would make no words thereof How they returned homewards Chap. 33. THen taking our iourney to returne we trauailed all Winter long lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon For there were no trees but the plaine champion field And oftentimes in the morning we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension we arriued at the court of Bathy Of whom when wee had enquired what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written And hauing receiued letters for our safe conduct the thirteenth day after Pentecost being Saterday wee were proceeded as farre as Montij with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained which were withheld from vs and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs.
great For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre which are no small number He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie thousand men and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men and towarde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand which is wonder to heare of yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant All his men are horsemen he vseth no footmen but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers which are thirtie thousand The horsemen are all archers with such bowes as the Turkes haue and they ride shore as doe the Turkes Their armour is a coate of plate with a skull on their heads Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold their desire is to be sumptuous in the field and especially the nobles and gentlemen as I haue heard their trimming is very costly and partly I haue seene it or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions which are fayre yet not like vnto his And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys or that strangers come to them they be very gorgious Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell and when he goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland which had at the lest fiue hundred horses their sumptuousnes was aboue measure not onely in themselues but also in their horses as veluet cloth of golde and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant What shall I farther say I neuer heard of nor saâ— men so sumptuous but it is no dayly guise for when they haue not occasion as I sayd before all their doing is but meane And now to the effect of their warres They are men without al order in the field For they runne hurling on heapes and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun for no cold wil hurt them Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and weather and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes from euery man must carie make prouision for himselfe his horse for a moneth or two which is very wonderful For he himselfe shal liue vpon water otemeale mingled together cold and drinke water thereto his horse shal eat green wood such like baggage shal stand open in the cold field without couert yet wil he labour serue him right wel I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with theÌ„ but one moneth I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man beast Now what might be made of these men if they were trained broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make theÌ„ to vnderstand y e things aforesaid I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not wel able to match with him coÌ„sidering the greatnes of his power the hardnes of his people straite liuing both of people and horse and the small charges which his warres stand him in for he giueth no wages except to strangers They haue a yerely sâ—ipend not much As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder shot or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions For there is no man of liuing but hee is bound likewise whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong Also if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters with all Also if there be a richman a fermour or man of liuing which is striken in age or by chance is maimed and be not able to doe the Duke seruice some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice will come to the Duke and complayne saying your Grace hath such an one which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Higâ—nes who hath great abundance of welth and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him and make him to helpe those that want Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth and if it be so proued he shall be called before the Duke and it shall bee sayd vnto him friend you haue too much liuing and are vnseruiceable to your prince lesse will serue you and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on and he may not once repine thereat but for answere he will say that he hath nothing but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces and cannot say as we the common people in England say if wee haue any thing that it is Gods and our owne Men may say that these men are in wonderfull great awe and obedience that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to
thence into Persia and to haue seene the trade of that countrey although I had enformed my selfe sufficiently thereof as well at Astracan as at Boghar and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria but when I should haue taken my iourney that way it was let by diuers occasions the one was the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie and the kings of Tartaria whereby the waies were destroyed and there was a Carauan destroied with rouers theeues which came out of India and Persia by safe conduct and about ten daies iourney from Boghar they were robbed and a great part slaine Also the Metropolitan of Boghar who is greater then the king tooke the Emperors letters of Russia from me without which I should haue bene taken slaue in euery place also all such wares as I had receiued in barter for cloth and as I tooke perforce of the king other his Nobles in paiment of money due vnto me were not vendible in Persia for which causes and diuers others I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium the same way I went so that the eight of March 1559 we departed out of the said Citie of Boghar being a Carauan of 600 Camels and if we had not departed when we did I and my company had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods For ten daies after our departure the king of Samarcand came with an armie besieged the said Citie of Bogâ—ar the king being absent and gone to the wars against another prince his kinsman as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeres For it is maruell if a King reigne there aboue three or foure yeres to the great destruction of the Countrey and marchants The 25 of March we came to the foresayd towne of Vrgence and escaped the danger of 400 rouers which lay in waâ—te for vs backe againe being the most of them of kindred to that company of theeues which we met with going foorth as we perceiued by foure spies which were taken There were in my company and committed to my charge two ambassadors the one from the king of Boghar the other from the king of Balke and were sent vnto the Emperor of Russia And after hauing taried at Vrgence and the Castle of Sellysure eight daies for the assembling and making ready of our Carauan the second of Aprill we departed from thence hauing foure moe Ambassadors in our companie sent from the king of Vrgence and other Soltans his brethren vnto the Emperor of Russia with answere of such letters as I brought them and the same Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge by the sayde Kings and princes to whome I promised most faithfully and swore by our law that they should be well vsed on Rusland and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie according as the Emperor had written also in his letters for they somewhat doubted because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia of long time before The 23 of Aprill we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe where we found our barke which we came in but neither anker cable cocke nor saile neuerthelesse wee brought hempe with vs and spunne a cable our selues with the rest of our tackling and made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll and rigged our barke as well as we could but boate or anker we had none In the meane time being deuising to make an anker of wood of a cart wheele there arriued a barke which came from Astracan with Tartars and Russes which had 2 ankers with whom I agreed for the one and thus being in a readines we set saile and departed I and the two Iohnsons being Master and Mariners our selues hauing in our barke the said sixe ambassadors and 25 Russes which had bene â—â—aues a long time in â—arâ—aria nor euer had before my comming libertie or meanes to get home and these slaues serued to rowe when neede was Thus sailing sometimes along the coast and sometimes out of sight of lande the 13. day of May hauing a contrary winde wee came to an anker being three leagues from the shoare there rose a sore storme which continued 44. houres and our cable being of our owne spinning brake and lost our anker and being off a lee shoare and hauing no boate to helpe vs we hoysed our saile and bare roomer with the said shoare looking for present death but as God prouided for vs we ranne into a creeke ful of oze and so saued our selues with our barke liued in great discomfort for a time For although we should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea yet if our barke had perished we knew we should haue bene either destroyed or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey who liue wildly in the field like beasts without house or habitation Thus when the storme was seased we went out of the creeke againe and hauing set the land with our Compasse and taken certaine markes of the same during the time of the tempest whilest we ridde at our anker we went directly to the place where we ridde with our barke againe and found our anker which wee lost whereat the Tartars much marueiled how we did it While we were in the creeke we made an anker of wood of cart wheeles which we had in our barke which we threw away when wee had found out yron anker againe Within two dayes after there arose another great storme at the Northeast and we lay a trie being driuen far into the sea and had much ado to keepe our barke from sinking the billowe was so great but at the last hauing faire weather we tooke the Sunne and knowing howe the land lay from vs we fel with the Riuer Yaik according to our desire wherof the Tartars were very glad fearing that wee should haue bene driuen to the coast of Persia whose people were vnto them great enemies Note that during the time of our Nauigation wee set vp the redde crosse of S. George in our flagges for honour of the Christians which I suppose was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before We passed in this voyage diuers fortunes notwithstanding the 28. of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan and there remained till the tenth of Iune following as well to prepare vs small boates to goe vp against the streame of Volga with our goods as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie committed vnto me to bee brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia This Caspian sea to say some thing of it is in length about two hundred leagues and in breadth 150. without any issue to other seas to the East part whereof ioyneth the great desert countrey of the Tartars called Turkemen to the West the countreyes of the Chyrcasses the mountaines of Caucasus and the Mare Euxinum which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues To the North is the riuer
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 the chiefe gouernors captaines of theÌ„ being hewen in sunder by the coÌ„mandement of that tyrant Mustafa Basha but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those cruell Turks ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion In the which euill successe comming to vs as I take it for our offences as I lament the generall losse so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querint of both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed the former of them being then as now also he was in this ouerthrow gouernour of Baffo in Cyprus the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece now called Corfu But things past are past amendment and they could neuer die more honourably then in the defence of their countrey Besides that the late blowes which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury in token of Gods wrath against them do much comfort euery Christian heart Moreouer this vniforme preparation which is certainly concluded and forthwith looked for by very many Christian Princes would God by all generally against these barbarous Mahometists whose cruelty and beastly behauiour I partly know and am able to iudge of hauing bene in Turky amongst them more then eight moneths together Whose vnfaithfulnesse also and breach of promise as the Venetians manly courage in defence of themselues and their fortresse your honour may easily reade in this short treatise and small handfull of leaues I hauing set downe also a short description of the Iland of Cyprus for the better vnderstanding of the whole matter The which I not onely most humbly beseech your honour now fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come and of my present good will but with your accustomed goodnesse towards me to defend the same against such persons whose tongues too readily roule sometime against other mens painfull trauels perswading themselues to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort by controlling and ouerdaintie sifting of other mens laboured tasks For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd heerein as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this my poore present wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie vnto whom I haue wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer I crauing pardon for my former boldnesse most humbly thus take my leaue From Lambhith the 23 of March Ann. 1572. Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer William Malim A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus by the which not onely the Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it but also the Turks whereby now he claimeth it may plainly appeare THe Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium Southward with the sea AEgyptium on the East part with the sea Syrium and Northward with the sea called Cilicium The which Iland in time past had diuers names called once Acamantis as Sabellicus witnesseth Philonides maketh mention that it was called sometime Cerasis Xenogoras writeth that is was named Aspelia Amathusa Macaria There were in times past fifteene cities or famous townes in it but now very few amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest strongest situated by the sea side There is also Nicosia which was woont by the traffike of Marchants to be very wealthy besides the city of Baffo Arnica Saline Limisso Melipotamo Episcopia Timosthenes affirmeth that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles and Arthemidorus writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles measuring of it from the East to the West betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta This Iland is thought to be very rich abundant of Wine Oile Graine Pitch Rozin Allum Salt and of diuers precious stones pleasant profitable and necessary for mans vse and much frequented of Marchants of Syria vnto the which it lieth very nere It hath bene as Plinie writeth ioyned sometime with Syria as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy It was a long time subiect vnto the Romans after to the Persians and to the Soldan of AEgypt The selfesame Iland was sometime also English being conquered by king Richard the first in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1192. Who as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English historie being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arriuall there inuaded and conquered the same soone after by force and hauing left behinde him sufficient garrisons to keepe the same departed from thence to Ptolemayda who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan that was the last christened king of Hierusalem for the same kingdome For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem And last of all the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time in this order following In the yeere of our Lord 1470 Iohn king of the sayd Iland â—onne to Ianus of Lusignan had by Helen his wife which was of the Emperiall house of Paleologus one daughter only called Charlotta and a bastard called Iames the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall of whom he had no issue so that he being dead Lewes Duke of Sauoy to whom shee was the second time married sonne to Lewes the second of that name vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertaine had the possession of the same Iames the bastard assoone as his father was dead of a Bishop became a souldiour and with an army wanne the Iland making it his owne by force This Duke of Sauoy hearing these newes with a number of well appointed souldiers arriued shortly after in Cyprus and recouering againe the Iland compelled the bastard to flie foorthwith ouer to the Soldan of AEgypt Who making himselfe his subiect in time so wrought and tempered the matter that the Soldan in person at his request passed ouer into Cyprus besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of Nicosia and at length compelled him to depart leauing his kingdome So that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland who shortly after cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro which Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone after as their daughter This Bishop not long after sickened and died leauing this his wife with child who liued not long after his fathers death By the which meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the law of adoption tooke vnto them the possession of
with them but themselues True it is that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary their â—ouse furniture seruants and all other things in such perfection and plentie that they want nothing Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes throughout the whole Realme Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice and receiuing of rents bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie ech one as it behoueth him Generally all these doe imprison malefactours cause them to be whipped and racked hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord a thing very vsuall there and accompted no shame These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City towne or village Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken and looke euen as they are taken so be they first whipped and afterward layde in prison where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold At that time when we were in prison there died of them aboue threescore and ten If happely any one hauing the meanes to get food do escape he is set with the condemned persons and prouided for as they be by the King in such wise as hereafter it shal be said Their whips be certaine pieces of canes cleft in the middle in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes that the standers by tremble at their crueltie Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed and if they come to the number of one hundred then are they incurable The Louteas obserue moreouer this when any man is brought before them to be examined they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present be the offence neuer so great Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnesse as dayly amongst vs it falleth out This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence and beare witnesse the processe cannot be falsified as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores Gentiles and Iewes haue all their sundry othes the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos the Brachmans by their Fili the rest likewise by the things they do worship The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen by the Moone by the Sunne and by all their Idoles in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one by and by with the least euidence he is tormented so be the witnesses he bringeth if they tell not the trueth or do in any point disagree except they be men of worship and credit who are beleeued without any further matter the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips Besides this order obserued of them in examinations they do feare so much their King and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe that that they dare not once stirre Againe these Louteas as great as they be notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue not trusting any others do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise and that is being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write ne did we stand before them with the vsuall ceremonies of that Countrey yet did they beare with vs so patiently that they caused vs to wonder knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue but we in a heathen Countrey hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne wanting an interpreter ignorant of that Countrey language did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice yea not to escape death for as the rumour goeth they shal be beheaded Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey and first no theft or murther is at any time pardoned adulterers are put in prison and the fact once proued are condemned to die the womans husband must accuse them this order is kept with men women found in that fault but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said where they shortly die for hunger and cold If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate his processe goeth further and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die Sentence being giuen the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot with a boord at his necke one handfull broad in length reaching downe to his knees cleft in two parts and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke the which they incloâ—e vp therein nailing the boord faâ—t together one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die is written in that part of the table that standeth before This ceremony ended he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons the which are found by the king as long as they do liue The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much keeping them both from rest eke letting them to eat coÌ„modiously their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord so that in fine there is no remedy but death In the chiefe Cities of euery shire as we haue erst said there be foure principall houses in ech of them a prison but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest and although in euery City there be many neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die Their death is much prolonged for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere though many die for hunger and cold as we haue seene in this prison Execution is done in this maner The Chian to wit the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice at the yeres end goeth to the head City where he
thicke mist so that we could not see a cable length before vs. And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne and folded in amongst flats and sands amongst which we found shoale and deepe in euery three or foure shippes length after wee began to sound but first we were vpon them vnawares vntill master Cox looking out discerned in his iudgement white cliffes crying land withall though we could not afterward descrie any land it being very likely the breaking of the sea white which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze and and thicke weather Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight to cast about to seaward which being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes was yet formost vpon the breach keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same too late to recouer it for presently the Admirall strooke a ground and had soone after her â—terne and hinder partes beaten in pieces whereupon the rest that is to say the Frigat in which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde cast about Eastsoutheast bearing to the South euen for our liues into the windes eye becâ—use that way caried vs to the seaward Making out from this danger wee sounded one while seuen fadome then fiue fadome then foure fadome and lesse againe deeper immediatly foure fadome then but three fadome the sea going mightily and high At last we recouered God be thanked in some despaire to sea roome enough In this distresse wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall whom wee sawe cast away without power to giue the men succour neither could we espie any of the men that leaped ouerboord to saue themselues either in the same Pinnesse or Cocke or vpon rafters and such like meanes presenting themselues to men in those extremities for we desired to saue the men by euery possible meanes But all in vaine sith God had determined their ruine yet all that day and part of the next we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the wracke as was possible for vs looking out if by good hap we might espie any of them This was a heauy and grieuous euent to lose at one blow our chiefe shippe fraighted with great prouision gathered together with much trauell care long time and difficultie But more was the losse of our men which perished to the number almost of a hundreth soules Amongst whom was drowned a learned man an Hungarian borne in the citie of Buda called thereof Budaeus who of pietie and zeale to good attempts aduentured in this action minding to record in the Latine tongue the gests and things worthy of remembrance happening in this discouerie to the honour of our nation the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator and rare Poet of our time Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and Discouerer of inestimable riches as it was left amongst some of vs in vndoubted hope No lesse heauy was the losse of the Captaine Maurice Browne a vertuous honest and discreete Gentleman ouerseene onely in liberty giuen late before to men that ought to haue bene restrained who shewed himselfe a man resolued and neuer vnprepared for death as by his last act of this tragedie appeared by report of them that escaped this wracke miraculously as shall bee hereafter declared For when all hope was past of recouering the ship and that men began to giue ouer and to saue themselues the Captaine was aduised before to shift also for his life by the Pinnesse at the sterne of the ship but refusing that counsell he would not giue example with the first to leaue the shippe but vsed all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire nor so to leaue off their labour choosing rather to die then to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge which then might be thought to haue perished through his default shewing an ill president vnto his men by leauing the ship first himselfe With this mind hee mounted vpon the highest decke where hee attended imminent death and vnauoidable how long I leaue it to God who withdraweth not his comfort from his seruants at such times In the meane season certaine to the number of foureteene persons leaped into a small Pinnesse the bignes of a Thames barge which was made in the New found land cut off the rope wherewith it was towed and committed themselues to Gods mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes destitute of foode not so much as a droppe of fresh water The boate seeming ouercharged in foule weather with company Edward Headly a valiant souldier and well reputed of his companie preferring the greater to the lesser thought better that some of them perished then all made this motion to cast lots and them to bee throwen ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell thereby to lighten the boate which otherwayes seemed impossible to liue offred himselfe with the first content to take his aduenture gladly which neuertheles Richard Clarke that was Master of the Admirall and one of this number refused aduising to abide Gods pleasure who was able to saue all as well as a few The boate was caried before the wind continuing sixe dayes and nights in the Ocean and arriued at last with the men aliue but weake vpon the New found land sauing that the foresayd Headly who had bene late sicke and another called of vs Brasile of his trauell into those Countreys died by the way famished and lesse able to holde out then those of better health For such was these poore mens extremitie in cold and wet to haue no better sustenance then their owne vrine for sixe dayes together Thus whom God deliuered from drowning hee appointed to be famished who doth giue limits to mans times and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying whom againe he will preserue neither Sea nor famine can confound For those that arriued vpon the Newe found land were brought into France by certaine French men then being vpon that coast After this heauie chance wee continued in beating the sea vp and downe expecting when the weather would cleere vp that we might yet beare in with the land which we iudged not farre off either the continent or some Island For we many times and in sundry places found ground at 50,45,40 fadomes and lesse The ground comming vpon our lead being sometimes oazie sand and otherwhile a broad shell with a little sand about it Our people loss courage dayly after this ill successe the weather continuing thicke and blustering with increase of cold Winter drawing on which tooke from them all hope of amendement setling an assurance of worse weather to grow vpon vs euery day The Leeside of vs lay full of flats and dangers ineuitable if the wind blew hard at South Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Laurence the coast full of dangers and vnto vs vnknowen But aboue all prouision waxed scant and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall Those in
had good store of gold pearles and emraldes but the Spaniards haue destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth and in many of those Ilands there is nothing of any value wherefore I haue small cause to intreate any further of them But Hispaniola is an Iland of great bignesse and hath bene very full of people and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles but now all is wasted away It was at the Spaniards first coming thither as full of inhabitants as any place of that bignesse in the whole world yet now there are none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they murthered themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards for being men vnder so small ciuill gouernement as they were neuer was there any people knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes for oftentimes a great number of them being together ouer night they should be found all dead before the morning such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards that they chose rather to die the death then to indure their insolencies It happened on a time that a Spaniard calling certaine Indians to worke in the mines which labour of all others did most grieue them they rather then they would goe offered to lay violent hands on themselues which the Spaniard perceiuing sayd vnto them seeing you will hang your selues rather then goe and worke I likewise will hang my selfe and will beare your company because I will make you worke in an other world but the Indians hearing this replied we will willingly worke with you here to the intent you may not goe with vs into another world so vnwilling were they of the Spaniards companie So that of all the inhabitantes of this Iland there were none that escaped death satte onely these fewe which came to passe by the meanes of this one Spaniarde otherwise they would haue hanged themselues also Some of these people are yet liuing but very few This Iland of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I le of Sant Domingo because the chiefe citie thereof is so called which was the first citie in all the West Indies that was inhabited There are in this citie aboue eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth This Iland is vnhealthfull for it raineth here the most part of the yeere The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar for here are many Ingenios or sugar-houses and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell there are copper mines also which is the cause that they haue such store of copper-money for their gold mines be all exhausted and the golde which they haue commeth from other places This Iland being as is beforesaide destitute of the first inhabitants and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios and to looke vnto their cattell they were forced to bring Negros thither out of Guinea where they haue so increased that the Iland is nowe as full of them as it was of the naturall inhabitantes so that the Spaniardes carrie Negros from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them The chiefest victuall that they haue in this Iland is a kinde of roote called Iuca which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death but first they boyle it and after presse it and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson howbeit this roote being pressed so dry that there remaineth no moisture in it they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes therof which are very sauory good to eat this is all the bread which they haue in those Ilands There go from hence yerely into Spaine 7 or 8 ships at the least full fraighted with sugar hides Neere vnto Hispaniola lyeth another greater Iland called Cuba it is like vnto Hispaniola although there is not so much sugar The principall towne of this Ilande is called Hauana which hath an excellent harborough belonging thereunto The townesmen are very rich by reason of the fleetes that come from Nueua Espanna and Tierra firma which touch there for the safeguarde of which fleetes and of the towne it selfe there is a castle built neere the said harborough kept with Spanish souldiers neither is there any castle or souldiers in all the Ilands but onely here There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico It is but little yet euery way as plentifull as the other two are and therfore I omit to speake thereof But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes vpon the maine lande Eastwarde and Southward from Margarita there are no townes inhabited by Spaniardes or Portugals till you come to Fernambuck vpon the coast of Brasill notwithstanding that betweene the sayd Iland and Fernambuck runneth the mightie riuer of Marannon whereof both because of the greatnesse and the riches contayned therein I must needes make some relation in regarde I haue promised to speake of euery place that is of any value in all the Indies This riuer is one of the greatest in the world and was first found when as the Spaniardes sought out the other coast but none can passe vp this riuer because of the greatnesse of the current which commeth downe as also there are many shelues of sand lying in the mouth thereof wherby it was long before the riches in and about this riuer were knowen vntill such time as the kingdome of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro passing thorough the countrey of Peru came at length into a lande which they named La Canela because there groweth great store of Smamome but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the East Indies The sayd Captaine proceeding farther into the countrey came at length to a mightie riuer where he sawe the countrey people rowing in their Canoas and bringing golde to buy and sell with the Spaniards Captaine Pizarro seeing this was desirous to finde out the ende of this riuer but he could not trauell by lande because of the high mountaines wherefore he made a small Barke or Pinnesse to goe and discouer from whence the saide Indians brought their golde and sent in the saide Pinnesse a Captaine vnder him called Orellana who with fiftie men went downe the riuer but could not returne to their Generall Pizarro because of the great current which was very strong against them forcing them to passe along the riuer and to enter into the Sea and so they sayled on forwarde to the foresaide Ile of Margarita but as they passed downe this riuer they found it well inhabited with Indians which were possessed of great store of golde These men with their Pinnesse were passing downe this riuer eight monethes for the riuer lyeth very crooked which maketh a long way by water neither durst the Spaniardes euer lande because
Yle He left behinde him three sonnes Lagman Harald and Olauus Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time but being at length taken by Lagman hee was gelt and had his eyes put out Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem in which iourney also he died In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman sent messengers vnto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall vntill Olauus sonne of Godred were come to full age The king most willingly condescended vnto their request and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie hee should gouerne that kingdome which of right belonged not vnto him Howbeit he after he had once attained vnto the kingdome neglecting the commaundement of his lord vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie committing many heinous crimes and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie banded themselues against him and expelled him out of their dominions And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands And being come vnto the Island of Leodus hee sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him commaunding them to assemble themselues and to appoint him to be their King In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting rauished women and virgines and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh And when these things were reported vnto the princes of the Islands who had assembled themselues to chuse him king being mightely incensed thereat they made haste towards him and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company partly with sword and partly with fire In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was founded In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the Christians and a Comet appeared Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Manâ— at Santwat and they of the North obtained the victory In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts The same yeere Magnus king of Norway sonne of Olauus sonne of Harald Harfagre being desirous to view the corps of S. Olauus king and Martyr gaue commaundement that his monument should be opened But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened And when hee had seene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying Chuse I say vnto your selfe one of these two either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe called his Princes and Senatours and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell that with all speed he should depart out of Norway Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney which hee presently subdued and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man where he was no sooner arriued but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island it pleased him exceeding well and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales and finding two Earles therein either of them being called by the name of Hugo he slue the one and the other hee put to flight and so subdued the Island But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace in the sight of his Embassadours that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus Which when the Irishmen heard they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat But the King being better aduised I had rather said he not only beare his shooes but eate his shooes then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement and honourably enterteined his Embassadours Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them and concluded a league But the messengers returning vnto their lord tolde him of the situation of Irland of the beautie thereof of the fruitfulnesse of the soile and of the holesonmesse of the aire Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships being desirous to view the land when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish and was himselfe slaine together with all that were with him almost Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh Hee reigned sixe yeeres After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of Galway of whom he begat Godredus Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus Lagmannus and Haraldus and many daughters whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the Islands He begat
members of one towne the Seashore in Seford Peuenshey Hodeney Winchelsey Rie Ihame Bekesbourne Grenge Northie Bulwerheth Romenal 5. ships in euery ship 21. men and a Garcion To it perteine as members thereof Promhell Lede Eastwestone Dengemareys olde Rumney Hethe 5. ships as Romenal before To it perteineth the Westhethe Douer 21. ships as Hasting before To it perteine Folkstane Feuersham and S. Margarets not concerning the land but for the goods and cattels Sandwich 5. ships as Romenal and Hethe To it perteine Fordwich Reculuer Serre and Dele not for the soile but for the goods Summe of ships 57. Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions This seruice the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the King vpon summons yerely if it happen by the space of 15. dayes together at their owne costs and charges accounting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth and to serue so long after 15. dayes as the King will at his owne pay and wages Thus much out of these ancient notes whereby your selfe may easily discerne the difference but whether the one or the other or by reason of some latter dispensation neither of these haue place at this day I must referre it to them that be priuie and of counsell with the Ports and so leauing this also vndecided holde on the way wherein I am entred This duetie of attendance therefore being deuised for the honourable transportation and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that time performed but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from time to time in sundrie exploits by water as occasion hath bene profered or the necessitie of the Realme required And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance after such time as Lewes the eldest sonne of the French King had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Archbishop and the Nobilitie in the life of King Iohn and had sent into France for new supply of souldiers after his death Hubert of Borough then captaine of Douer following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden walles by the aide of the Port townes armed fortie â—all ships and meeting with eightie saile of French men vpon the high seas gaue them a most couragious encounter in which he tooke some sunke others and discomfited the rest King Henrie the third also after that he came to riper age had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports And king Edward the first in his Chartre maketh their continuall faithfull seruice and especially their good endeuour then lately shewed against the Welshmen the principall cause and motiue of that his liberall grant Furthermore about the midst of the reigne of the same king an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men all which notwithstanding the great oddes of the number they tooke and slew and sunke so many of the Mariners that France was thereby for a long season after in maner destitute both of Seamen and shipping Finally and to conclude this part in the dayes of king Henrie the fourth the nauie of the Fiue Ports vnder the conduct of one Henrie Paye surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships all laden with Salt Iron Oile and no woorse merchandize The priuiledges of these Ports being first granted by Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus Henrie the second Richard the first Henrie the third and king Edward the first be very great considering either the honour and ease or the freedome and exemption that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same Part of an Epistle written by one Yuo of Narbona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaux conteining the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars which had liued long among them and was drawen along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie Recorded by Mathew Paâ—iâ— in the yere of our Lord 1243. THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation by reason of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians is become as it were a destroying enemie and a dreadfull auenger This I may iustly affirme to be true because an huge nation and a barbarous and inhumane people whose law is lawlesse whose wrath is furious euen the rod of Gods anger ouerrunneth and vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes cruelly abolishing all things where they come with fire and sword And this present Summer the foresayd nation being called Tartars departing out of Hungarie which they had surprised by treason layd siege vnto the very same towne wherein I my selfe abode with many thousands of souldiers neither were there in the sayd towne on our part aboue 50. men of warre whom together with 20. crosbowes the captaine had left in garrison All these out of certeine high places beholding the enemies â—aste armie and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince adioyning without any difference or respect of condition fortune lexe or age were by manifolde cruelties all of them destroyed with whose carkeises the Tartarian chieftains and their brutish and sauage followers glutting themselues as with delicious cates left nothing for vultures but the bare bones And a strange thing it is to consider that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined to praye vpon any of the reliques which remained Olde and deformed women they gaue as it were for dayly sustenance vnto their Canibals the beautifull deuoured they not but smothered them lamenting and scriâ—ching with forced and vnnaturall rauishments Like barbarous miscreantâ— they quelled virgins vnto death and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties vnto their magistrates they engorged themselues with their bodies Howbeit their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria the King of Bohemia the Patriarch of Aquileia the Duke of Carinthia and as some report the Earle of Baden with a mightie power and in battell aray approching towards them that accursed crew immediatly vanished and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie who as they came suddenly so they departed also on the sudden which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them But of the sayd fugitiues the prince of Dalmatia tooke eight one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an English man who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed This fellow on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall king of the Tartars had bene twise as a messenger and interpreter
From hence wee trauailed vnto Corrensa to whom requiring gifts the second time at our hands we gaue none because we had not wherewithall And hee appointed vs two Comanians which liued among the common people of the Tartars to be our guides vnto the citie of Kiow in Russia Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars But the other guides namely the Comanians which were giuen vs by Corrensa brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow in the space of sixe dayes And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist. Moreouer the Citizens of Kiow hauing intelligence of our approch came foorth all of them to meete vs with great ioy For they reioyced ouer vs as ouer men that had bene risen from death to life So likewise they did vnto vs throughout all Russia Polonia and Bohemia Daniel and his brother Wasilico made vs a royalâ— feast and interteined vs with them against our willes for the space of eight dayes In the meane time they with their Bishops and other men of account being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars answered vs with common consent saying that they would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father and the Church of Rome for their Lady mistresse confirming likewise al things which they had sent concerning this matter before our comming by their Abbate And for the same purpose they sent their Ambassadours and letters by vs also vnto our Lord the Pope Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum Galli Anno gratie 1253. ad partes Orientales EXcellentissimo Domino Christianissimo Lodouico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri frater Willielmus de Rubruquiâ— in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem semper triumphaâ—e in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico de sapiente In terram alienarum gentium transibit bona mala in omnibus tentabit Hoc opus Domine mi Rex feci sed vtinam vt sapiens non stultus Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens sed non sapienter sed magis stultè de quorum numero timeo me esse Tamen quocunque modo fecerim quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis vt omnia scriberem vobis quaecunque viderem inter Tartaros etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas literas facio quod iniunxistis Cum timore tamen verecundia quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt quae debeam tantae scribere Maiestati Nouerit ergò vestra sancta maiestas quòd anno Domini millesfimo ducentessimo quinquagessimo tertio nonas Maij ingressi â—umus mare Ponti quod Bulgarici vocant Maius Mare habet mille octo milliaria in longum vt didici à mercatoribus distinguitur quasi in duas partes Circa medium enim eius sunt duae prouinciae terrae vna ad Aquilonem alia ad meridiem Illa quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis est castâ—um portus Soldani Turchiae Quae verò ad Aquilonem est est Prouincia quaedam quae nunc dicitur à Latinis Gasaria à Graecis verò qui inhabitant â—am super littus maris dicitur Castaria hoc eâ—t Caesaria Et sunt promontoriâ— quaedam extendentia se in mare contra meridienâ— versus Synopolim Et sunt tre centa milliaria inter Synopolim Cassariam Ita quod sint septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum latum sepringenta versus Orientem hoc est Hiberiam quae est prouincia Georgiae Ad prouinciam Gasariae siue Casariae appliâ—uimus quae est quasi triangularis ad Occidentem habens ciuitatem quae dicitur Kersoua in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus Et nauigantes coraÌ„ ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus praeparatum In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet ciuitatem quae dicitur Soldaia que ex transuerso respicit Synopolim Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares è contrario venientes de Rossia terris Aquilonaribus volentes transire in Turchiam Illi portant varium grisiam alias pelles pretiosas Alij portant telas de cottone siue bombasio pannos sericos species aromaticas Ad OrienteÌ„ verò illius prouinciae est ciuitas quae dicitur Matriga vbi ca dit fluuius Tanais in mare Pontiper orificiumhabens latitudiâ—em duodecem milliarâ—um Ille enim fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti facit quoddam mare versus Aquilonem habens in latitudine longitudine septinginta milliaria nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus vnde magna vasa non ingrediâ—ntur illud Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad praedictam ciuitatem Matertam mitâ—unt barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim vtemant pisces siccaâ—os sturiones thosas borbatas aâ—ios pisces infinitae multitudinis Praedicta verò prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus ad Occidentem scilicet vbi est Kersoua ciuitas Clementis ad meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia ad quam applicuimus quae est cuspis prouinciae ad Orientem Maricandis vbi est ciuitas Materta orificium Tanais Vltra illud orificium est Zikia quae non obedit Tartaris Et Sueui Hiberi ad Orientem qui non obediunt Tartaris Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem qui est de genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum qui obedit Tartaris posteà Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno qui non obedit Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem vsque ad Danubium totum est subditum Etiam vltrà Danubium versus Constantinopolim Valakia quae est terra Assani minor Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes solâ—unt eis tributum Et etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim vnam totum frumentum quod inuenerunt in massa Applicuimus ergò Soldaie in 12. Kalendas Iunij praeuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach Ego tamen predicaueram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam quod non estem nuncius nec vester nec alicuiâ—s sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram Tunc cùm applicuissem monebant me dicti mercatores vt cautè loquerer quia dixerunt me esse nuncium si non dicerem me
languages For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character dialect of both the saide tongues And there were certain Armenian priests which had skil in the Turkish Arabian languages The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake Turkish Arabian tongues Then we departed forth and put off our vestiments and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat caused our letters to be interpreted Which letters being heard he caused our bread wine and fruits to be receiued And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisine because Sartach as he said was desirous to see it and so we gaue it him About euentide Coiat sent for vs saying My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought without the aduise and counâ—ell of his father And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father leauing behind you the two carts which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes said vnto him Sir we will not onely leaue those with you but the two other carts also which we haue in our possession will we commit vnto your custodie You shall not quoth he leaue those behinde you but for the other two carts first named we will satisfie your request I saide that this could not conueniently be done but needes we must leaue all with him Then he asked whether we meant to tarie in the land I answered If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king you know that we are euen so determined Then he replied that we ought to bee patient and lowly and so we departed from him that euening On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs and separated all those things which we had brought the day before vnto the Court from the rest namely the bookes and vestiments and tooke them away with him Howbeit Coiat had commanded that we should carie those vestiments with vs which wee ware in the presence of Sartach that we might put them on before Baatu if neede should require but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence saying thou hast brought them vnto Sartach and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu And when I would haue rendred a reason he answered be not too talkatiue but goe your wayes Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe neither was there any other that would doe vs iustice I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me for when I once perceiued their couetous intent I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible and the sentences and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene because it was too wel known by reason of the golden pictures therein And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste vnto whom I said that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me Which thing he declared vnto Coiat Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him And we did as he commanded And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu the third day we came to Etilia or Volga the streams whereof when I beheld I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend Before we were departed from Sartach the foresaid Coiat with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian but a Moal Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation So great is their pride that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerniâ—g Christ yet will they not bee called Christians being desirous that their owne name that is to say Moal should be exalted aboue all other names Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars For the Tartars were another nation as I was informed by them Howe Sartach and Mangu-Can and Ken-Can doe reuerence vnto Christians Chap. 19. AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions lying thereabouts Con is a proper â—ame Can is a name of authority or dignitie which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them Whereupon their princes are called Can because that vntoâ— them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia that the Turkes seâ—t for aide against the French-men vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catayâ— Kara signifieth blacke and Catay is the name of a countrey So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward ouer against y e Ocean sea concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes by the which I trauailed And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman which were Christians following the sâ—ct of Nestorius After the death of Con Can the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome and they called him King Iohn reporting ten times more of him then was true For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts vse to doe For they blaze abroade great rumors and reports vpon iust nothing Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach that he was become a Christian and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians then they doe of other people and yet in very deede themselues are no Christians So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohnâ— Howbeit when I trauailed along by his
territories there was no man that knew any thing of him but onely a fewe Nestorians In his pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can at whose Court Frier Andrew was And I my selfe passed by it at my returne This Iohn had a brother being a mightie man also and a shepheard like himselfe called Vut and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay being distant from his brother Iohn the space of three weekes iourney He was lord ouer a certain village called Cara Carum hauing people also for his subiects named Crit or Merkit who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius But their Lorde abandoning the worship of Christ followed after idoles reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles who all of them are worshippers of deuils and sorcerers Beyond his pastures some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney were the pastures of Moal who were a poore and beggerly nation without gouernour and without Lawe except their soothsayings and their diuinations vnto the which detestable studies all in those partes doe apply their mindes Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars The foresaid king Iohn died wihout issue male and thereupon his brother Vut was greatly inriched and caused himselfe to be named Can and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the borders of Moal About the same time there was one Cyngis a blacke smith among the people of Moal This Cyngis stole as many cattel from Vut Can as he could possibly get insomuch that the shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an armie and marched vp into the countrey of Moal to seeke for the saide Cyngis But Cyngis fledde among the Tartars and hidde himselfe amongest them And Vut hauing taken some spoiles both from Moal and also from the Tartars returned home Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars and vnto the people of Moal saying Sirs because we are destitute of a gouernour and Captaine you see howe our neighbours do oppresse vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie he brake in suddenly vpon Vut and ouercame him and Vut fledde into Catayaâ— At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken which Cyngis married vnto one of his sonnes by whom she conceiued brought forth the great Can which now reigneth called Mangu-Can Then Cyngis sent y e Tartars before him in al places where he came and thereupon was their name published and spread abroade for in all places the people woulde crie out Loe the Tartars come the Tartars come Howbeit through continuall warres they are nowe all of them in a maner consumed and brought to nought Whereupon the Moals indeuour what they can to extinguish the name of the Tartars that they may exalt their owne name The countrey wherein they first inhabited and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth is called Mancherule But because Tartaria is the region about which they haue obtained their conquests they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe citie and there for the most part doe they elect their great Can. Of the Russians Hungarians and Alanians and of the Caspian Sea Chap. 20. NOw as concerning Sartach whether he beleeues in Christ or no I knowe not This I am sure of that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians He lieth in the way of the Christians as namely of the Russians the Valachians the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesser the Soldaianes the Kerkis and the Alanians who all of them passe by him as they are going to the Court of his father Baatu to carie giftes whereupon he is more in league with them Howbeit if the Saracens come and bring greater giftes then they they are dispatched sooner He hath about him certaine Nestorian Priestes who pray vpon their beades and sing their deuotions Also there is another vnder Baatu called Berta who feedeth his cattell toward Porta ferrea or Derbent where lieth the passage of all those Saracens which come out of Persia and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baatu and passing by they giue rewards vnto him And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene and will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions Howbeit at the time of our returne Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from that place and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga for hee was vnwilling that the Saracens messengers should passe by the saide Berta because he sawe it was not for his profite For the space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach we had not any victuals at all allowed vs but once onely a litle Cosmos And in our iourney betweene him and his father wee traueiled in great feare For certaine Russians Hungarians and Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars of whom they haue great multitudes among them assemble themselues twentie or thirtie in a companie and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home they take bowes and arrowes with them and whomesoeuer they finde in the night season they put him to death hiding themselues in the day time And hauing tired their horses they goe in the night vnto a company of other horses feeding in some pasture and change them for newe taking with them also one or two horses besides to eate them when they stand in neede Our guide therefore was sore afraide least we should haue met with such companions In this iourney wee had died for famine had we not caried some of our bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia or Volga For it is foure times greater then the riuer of Sein and of a wonderfull depth and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater it runneth into a certaine lake or sea which of late they cal the Hircan sea according to the name of a certain citie in Persia standing vpon the shore thereof Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea For it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on the South side thereof and the mountaines of Musihet that is to say of the people called Assassini towards the East which mountaines are conioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines but on the North side thereof lieth the same desert wherein the Tartars doe now inhabite Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine people called Changlae And on that side it receiueth the streams of Etilia which riuer increaseth in Sommer time like vnto the riuer Nilus in AEgypt Upon the West part thereof it hath the mountaines of Alani and Lesgi and Porta ferrea or Derbent and the mountaines of Georgia This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the mountaines but on the North side with plaine grounde Frier Andrew in his iourney traueiled round about two sides therof namely the South and the East sides and I my selfe about other two that is to say the North side in
and subduing the Infidels or els in keeping them vnder their obedience and subiection taken out of Munster THe order of the Dutch knights had their first original at Ierusalem in the yere of our Lorde 1190. within the Hospitall of the blessed Uirgine and the first Master of the saide order was called Henrie of Walpot vnder whome many good things and much wealth and riches were throughout all Germanie and Italie procured vnto the order and the saide Hospitall was remoued from Ierusalem vnto Ptolemais otherwise called Acon and the foresaid Order grew and mightily increased whereof I will hereafter discourse more at large in my Treatise of Syria Henrie of Walpot deceased in the yeere of Christ 1200. The 2. Master was Orâ—o of Kerpen and he continued Master of the Order for the space of sixe yeeres The 3. was Hermannus Bart a godly and deuout person who deceased in the yeere 1210. being interred at Acon as his predecessors were The 4. was Hermannus de Saltza who thirtie yeeres together gouerned the saide Order and managed the first expedition of warre against the infidels of Prussia and ordained another Master also in Prussia to bee his Deputie in the same region In the yeere 1239. the knights of the sword who traueâ—led into Liuonia to conuert the inhabitants thereof vnto Christ seeing they were not of sufficient force to performe that enterprise and that their enemies increased on all sides they vnited themselues vnto the famous Order of the Dutch knights in Prussia that their worthie attempt might bee defended and promoted by the aide and assistance of the saide Duch knights At the very same time the ensiâ—ne of the crosse was exalted throughout all Germanie against the Prussians and a great armie of souldiers was gathered together the Burgraue of Meidenburg being generall of the armie who combining themselues vnto the Dutch knights ioyned battell with the Infidels and slew about fiue hundred Gentiles who beforetime had made horrible inuasions and in-roades into the dominions of Christians wasting all with fire and sword but especially the land of Colm and Lubonia which were the Prouinces of Conradus Duke oâ— Masâ—ouia Nowe the â—oresaide knights hauing made so huge a slaughter built the castle of Reden betweene Pomerania and the land of Colm and so by degrees they gotte footing in the lande and daylie erected more castles as namely Crutzburg Wissenburg Resil Bartenstein Brunsburg and Heilsburg and furnisheâ— them all with garrisons The fift Master of the Order was Conradus Landgrauius the brother of Lodouick which was husband vnto Ladie Elizabeth This Conradus by his fathers inheritance gaue great riches and possessions vnto the Order and caused Ladie Elizabeth to be interred at Marpuâ—g within the religious house of his saide Order Under the gouernment of this Master Acon in the lande of Palestina was subdued vnto the Saracens Moreouer in the yeere 1254. there was another great armie of Souldiers prepared against Prussia by the Princes of Germanie For Octacer aliâs Odoacer king of Bohemia Otto Marques of Brandeburg the Duke of Austria the Marques of Morauia the Bishops of Colen and of Olmutz came marching on with great strength of their Nobles and common souldiers and inuading the lande of Prussia in the Winter season they constrained the inhabitants thereof to receiue the Christian faith and to become obedient vnto the knights After which exploite by the aduise and assistance of king Odoacer there was a castle built vpon a certaine hill of Samogiâ—ia which immediately after grewe to be a great citie being at this day the seate of the Prince of Prussia and it was called by Odoacer Kunigsberg that is to say Kings Mount or Mount royall being finished in the yeere 1255. Due of this fort the knights did bridle and restraine the furie of the Infidels on all sides and compelled them to obedience The sixt Master was called Boppo ab Osterna vnder whom the citie of Kunigsberg was built At the very same instant the knights beeing occupied about the warre of Curland the Prussians conspiring together and abandoning the Christian faith in furious maner armed themselues against y e Christians defaced and burnt down Churches sâ—ew Priests and to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie banished all faithfull people The report of which misdemeanour being published throughout all Germanie an huge armie was leuied and sent for the defence and succour of the knights which marching into the land of Natan made many slaughters through the inconstancie of fortune sometimes woonne and sometimes lost the victorie Also the Infidels besieged these three castles namelyâ— Barstenstein Crutzberg and Kunigsberg and brought extreame famine vpon the Christians contained within the saide fortes Againe in the yeere of our Lord 1262. the Earle of Iuliers with other Princes and great chiualrie came downe and giuing charge vpon the Prussiansâ— put three thousand of them to the edge of the sworde Afterward the Prussians banding themselues together were determined to spoile the castle of Kunigsberg but their confederacie being disclosed they had the repulse And when the knightes had preuailed against them they laide in pledges and yet for all that were not afraid to breake their fidelitie For vpon a certaine time after they had giuen diuers pledges they slewe two noble knights of the Order and so by that meanes incensed the principall of the saide order insomuch that they caused two paire of gallous to be set vp besides the castle thirtie of the Prussians pledges to be hanged therupon Which seueritie so vexed and prouoked the Prussians that in reuenge of the said iniury they renewed bloody and cruel warres slew many Christians yea and put 40. knights with the master of the Order and the Marshal vnto the edge of the sword There was at the same instant in Pomerania a Duke called Suandepolâ—us professing the Christian faith but being ioyned in league with the Prussians he indeuoured for many yeeres not onely to expell the knights but all Christians whatsoeuer out of the lande of Prussia in which warre the foresaide knights of the Order suffered many abuses For they lost almost all their castles and a great number of themselues also were slaine This Suandepolcus put in practise many lewde attempts against religion For albeit he was baptized he did more mischiefe then the very Infidels themselues vntill such time as the knights being assisted by the Princes of Germanie brought the saide Duke and the Prussians also into such straights that maugre their heads they were constrained to sue for peace Afterward Swandepolcus lying at the point of death admonished his sonnes that they should not doe any inâ—urie vnto the knights of the order affirming that himselfe neuer prospered so long as he vrged warre against them Howbeit his sonnes for a certaine time obserued not their fathers counsel vntill at length one of them named Warteslaus was created one of the Order and the other called Samborus bestowed by legacie his goods and possessions
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
The sonnes of Vulodimir were Vuiseslaus Isoslaus Iaroslaus Suatopolcus Borissus Glebus Stoslaus Vulzeuolodus Stanislaus Sudislaus and Podius who died in his childhood Amongst the residue all Russia was diuided by their father who not being contented with their portions but inuading each other were most of them slaine by their mutuall contentions Borissus and Glebus in regard of their holy conuersation were registred for Saints whose feasts are euery yeere celebrated with great solemnitie vpon the twelfth of Nouember At length Iaroslaus only got the Souereigne authoritie into his owne hands and left behind him foure sonnes Vvlodimir Isoslauus Weceslauus and Vuszeuolodus The foresaid Vulodimir sonne of Iaroslaus kept his residence at the ancient citie of Kiow standing vpon the riuer of Boristhenes and after diuers conflicts with his kinsmen hauing subdued all the prouinces vnto himselfe was called Monomachos that is the onely champoin This man for I thinke it not amisse to report those things which their owne Manuscript Chronicles make mention of waged warre against Constantine the Emperour of Constantinople and when he had wasted ouerrun Thracia being returned home with great and rich spoyles and making preparation for new wars Constantine sent Neophytus the Metropolitane of Ephesus and two Bishops with the gouernour of Antiochia and Eustaphius the Abbat of Ierusalem to present rich and magnificent gifts vnto him as namely part of the crosse of our Sauiour Christ a crowne of gold a drinking cup curiously made of Sardonyx stone a cloake set all ouer with precious stones and a golden chaine commaunded them to salute him by the name of Czar which name as it may be prooued by many arguments signifieth a king and not an Emperour and concluded a most inuiolable league of amity and friend ship with him The foresayd Vulodimir begate Vuszeuolodus the second This Vuszeuolodus lefte eight sonnes behind him Miscislaus Isoslaus Stoslaus Teropolcus Weceslaus Romanus Georgius and Andrew The sonnes of George were Roseslaus Andrew Basilius and Demetrius Demetrius begat George who in the yere 1237. was slaine by one Bathy a Tartarian duke which Bathy wasted Moscouia and subdued the same vnto himselfe Since which time the Russians were tributary to the Tartars and were gouerned by such dukes as they pleased to set ouer them Howbeit the Tartars so greatly abused that authoritie that when they sent their ambassadours vnto the prince of Moscouie he was constrained to goe forth and meete with them and as Herbortus Fulstinius in his Polonian historie reporteth to offer them a bason full of mares milk and if they had spilt any whit thereof vpon their horses maines to licke it off with his toung and hauing conducted them into his princely court to stand bareheaded before them while they sate downe and with all reuerence to giue eare and attendance vnto them But by what meanes they shooke off at the length this yoake of seruitude I will forth with declare About the same time almost all Polonia and the dukedome of Silesia were ouerrun by the Tartars with fire and sword Who hauing burnt Presâ—a the chiefe citie of Silesia being come before the citie of Legnitz they fought there a most cruel and bloody field wherin was slain duke Henrie himselfe being sonne vnto the most holy and deuout lady Heduice with many others whose monuments and graues be as yet extant in sundry places and with an infinite multitude of common souldiers insomuch that the Tartars filled nine great sackes with the eares of them which they had slaine The Tartars to the end they might obtaine the victorie presented vnto the view of our souldiers the portrature of a mans head placed by arte magique vpon a banner wherein the letter X. was painted which being shaken and mooued vp and downe breathed foorth a most loathsome stench strooke such a terrour into the hearts of our men that being as it were astonished with the snaky visage of Medusa they were vtterly daunted and dismayed From thence Bathy and his company with the same bloodthirstie intent marched into Hungarie and had almost slaine king Bela the fourth who together with his sonne escaping by slight did scarcely ridde themselues out of the enemies hand And when the whole world almost was exceedingly terrified at the cruell inuasions of this most barbarous nation at length Pope Innocentius the fourth sending ambassadours vnto Bathy obtained peace for fiue yeeres but to forsake his heathenish superstitions and to become a Christian hee would by no meanes bee perswaded For he was by the instigation of the Saracens infected with deuilish opinions of Mahomet as being more agreeable vnto his barbarous rudenes which euen vnto this day the Tartars do maintaine like as the prophane Turkes also This Bathy had a sonne called Tamerlan whome the Moscouites call Temirkutla who likewise as it is recorded in histories attained vnto great renoume For he caried about with him in a cage Baiazet the Turkish Emperour being fettered in golden chaines and made him a laughing stocke vnto all men Let vs now returne vnto the Russians George being slaine Iaroslaus his brother succeeded in his roome and left behinde him three sonnes Theodorus Alexander and Andreas Daniel the sonne of Alexander first established his royall seate in the citie of Mosco and magnificently building the castle which before time had bene obscure he tooke vpon him the title of the great Duke of Russia He had fiue sonnes namely George Alexander Borissus Ophonias and Iohn This Iohn succeeded his father and because he continually caried a scrippe about with him to bestow almes he was sirnamed Kaleta which word signifieth a scrippe His sonnes were Simeon Iohn and Andrew He gaue vnto his sonne Simeon the prouinces of Vvlodimiria and Moscouia which Simeon deceasing without issue his brother Iohn succeeded who begate a sonne called Demetrius This Demerius had seuen sonnes namely Daniel Basilius George Andrew Peter Iohn Constantine Basilius reigned after his fathers death This maÌ„ dishinheriting his sonne which was called after his owne name because he suspected his mother of adulterie at his death surrendred his Dukedome vnto his brother George who kept his nephewe a long time in prison Howbeit at his death though himselfe had two sonnes namely Andrew and Demetrius yet being stricken perhaps with remorse of conscience he bestowed the Dukedome vpon his nephew Basilius Against whom his two cousins bearing a grudge waged warre and at length hauing taken him by a wyly stratageme they put out his eyes Notwithstanding the Boiarens for so the Moscouites call their nobles continued their duetifull alleageance vnto this their blinde Duke whom for his blindnes they called Cziemnox that is to say darke or darkened He left a sonne behinde him called Iuan Vasilowich who brought the Russian common wealth being before his time but obscure vnto great excellencie and renowme Who that he might the better get all the superiority into his owne hands put to death so many
that morning and euening prayer with other common seruices appointed by the kings Maiestie and lawes of this Realme to be read and saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall and the marchant or some other person learned in other ships and the Bible or paraphrases to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly 14 Item that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the particulars of his charge and to render a perfect accompt of the diffraying of the same together with modest temperate dispending of powder shot and vse of all kinde of artillery which is not to be misused but diligently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the fleete and voyage together with due keeping of all instruments of your Nauigation and other requisites 15 Item no liquor to be spilt on the balast nor filthines to be left within boord the cook room and all other places to be kept cleane for the better health of the companie the gromals pages to bee brought vp according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea as well in learning of Nauigation as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth 16 Item the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by the marchants and not to be worne but by the order of the captaine when he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray for the aduancement and honour of the voyage and the liueries to bee redeliuered to the keeping of the marchants vntill it shal be thought conuenient for euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment 17 Item when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body and conseruation of his health the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant at the assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe wherein such needie person shall be at such reasonable price as the same cost without any gaine to be exacted by the marchants the value therof to be entred by the marchant in his booke and the same to be discounted off the parties wages that so shal receiue and weare the same 18 Item the sicke diseased weake and visited person within boord to be tendred relieued comforted and holpen in the time of his infirmitie and euery maner of person without respect to beare anothers burden and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him for the most benefite and publike wealth of the voyage and enterprise to be atchieued exactly 19 Item if any person shal fortune to die or miscary in the voyage such apparell and other goods as he shall haue at the time of his death is to be kept by the order of the captaine and Master of the shippe and an inuentorie to be made of it and conserued to the vse of his wife and children or otherwise according to his mind and wil and the day of his death to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards bookes to the intent it may be knowen what wages he shall haue deserued to his death and what shall rest due to him 20 Item that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes or open their commodities to any forrein princes or any of their subiects without the consent priuitie or agreement of the Captaines the cape Marchants and the assistants or foure of them whereof the captaine generall the Pilot Maior and cape marchant to be three and euery of the pettie marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant when they or any of them shall be required and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie marchants without the assent abouesaid and all wares and commodities trucked bought or giuen to the companie by way of marchandise trucke or any other respect to be booked by the marchants and to be wel ordred packed and conseâ—â—ed in one masse entirely and not to be broken or altered vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges and inuentorie of al goods wares and marchandises so trucked bought or otherwise dispended to be presented to the Gouernor Consuls and Assistants in London in good order to the intent the Kings Maiestie may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited according to our most bound dueties and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto them appertaineth and no embezelment shall be vsed but the truth of the whole voyage to bée opened to the common wealth and benefite of the whole companie and mysterie as appertaineth without guilt fraude or male engine 21 Item no particular person to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke of the company in sale of preferment of his own proper wares and things and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seuerall profite vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furnished and no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents as shal fortune to any one of them by his owne proper policie industrie or chance nor no contention to rise in that behalfe by any occasion of iewel stone pearles precious mettals or other things of the region where it shall chance the same to rise or to be found bought trucked permuted or giuen but euery person to be bounden in such case and vpon such occasion by order and directionâ— as the generall captaine and the Councell shall establish and determine to whose order and discretion the same is left for that of things vncertaine no certaine rules may or can be giuâ—n 22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion but to passe it ouer in silence without any declaration of it seeming to beare with such lawes and rites as the place hath where you shall arriue 23 Item for as much as our people and shippes may appeare vnto them strange and wonderous and theirs also to ours it is to be considered how they may be vsed learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord your ships and there to learne as you may without violence or force and no woman to be tempted or intreated to incontinencie or dishonestie 24 Item the person so taken to be well entertained vsed and apparelled to be set on land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shal know the secrets of his heart 25 Item our people may not passe further into a lande then that they may be able to recouer their pinnesses or ships not to credit the faire words of the strange people which be many times tried
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
happen to disperse and scatter them euery shippe should indeuour his best to goe to Wardhouse a hauen or castell of some name in the kingdome of Norway and that they that arriued there first in safetie should stay and expect the comming of the rest The very same day in the afternoone about foure of the clocke so great a tempest suddenly arose and the Seas were so outragious that the ships could not keepe their intended course but some were perforce driuen one way and some another way to their great perill and hazard The generall with his lowdest voyce cried out to Richard Chanceler and earnestly requested him not to goe farre from him but hâ—e neither would nor could keepe companie with him if he sailed still so fast for the Admirall was of better saile then his shippe But the said Admirall I knowe not by what meanes bearing all his sailes was caried away with so great force and swiftnesse that not long after hee was quite out of sight and the third ship also with the same storme and like rage was dispersed and lost vs. The shippe boate of the Admirall striking against the shippe was ouerwhelmed in the fight and viewe of the Mariners of the Bonauenture and as for them that are already returned and arriued they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them But if it be so that any miserable mishap haue ouertaken them If the rage and furie of the Sea haue deuoured those good men or if as yet they liue and wander vp and downe in strange Countreys I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune and if they beliuing let vs wish them safetie and a good returne but if the crueltie of death hath taken holde of them God send them a Christian graue and Sepulchre Nowe Richard Chanceler with his shippe and company being thus left alone and become very pensiue heauie and sorowfull by this dispersion of the Fleete hee according to the order before taken shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the shippes And being come thither and hauing stayed there the space of 7. dayes and looked in vaine for their comming hee determined at length to proceede alone in the purposed voyage And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart it happened that hee fell in company and speech with certaine Scottishmen who hauing vnderstanding of his intention and wishing well to his actions beganne earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose But hee holding nothing so ignominious and reprochfull as inconstancie and leuitie of minde and perswading himselfe that a man of valour coulde not commit a more dishonourable part then for feare of danger to auoyde and shunne great attempts was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution determining either to bring that to passe which was intended or els to die the death And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his shippe although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde in respect of their doubtfull course yet notwithstanding they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chanceler that they were resolute and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment to make proofe and triall of all aduentures without all feare or mistrust of fuâ—ure dangers Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Captaines carefulnesse for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them feared lest through any errour of his the safetie of the companie should bee indangered To conclude when they sawe their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the shippes to be euery day more and more frustrated they prouided to sea againe and Master Chanceler held on his course towards that vnknowen part of the world and sailed so farre that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearely vpon the huge and mightie Sea And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay which was of one hundreth miles or thereabout ouer Whereinto they entred and somewhat farre within it cast ancre and looking euery way about them it happened that they espied a farre off a certaine fisher boate which Master Chanceler accompanied with a fewe of his men went towards to common with the fishermen that were in it and to knowe of them what Countrey it was and what people and of what maner of liuing they were but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his shippe for in those partes before that time they had neuer seene the like beganne presently to auoyde and to flee but hee still following them at last ouertooke them and being come to them they being in great feare as men halfe dead prostrated themselues before him offering to kisse his feete but hee according to his great and singular courtesie looked pleasantly vpon them comforting them by signes and gestures refusing those dueties and reuerences of theirs and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground And it is strange to consider howe much fauour afterwards in that place this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie whereupon the common people came together offering to these newe-come ghests victuals freely and not refusing to traffique with them except they had bene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome not to buy any forreine commodities without the knowledge and consent of the king By this time our men had learned that this Countrey was called Russia or Moscouie and that Iuan Vasiliwich which was at that time their Kings name ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were and what they came for whereunto answere was made that they were Englishmen sent into those coastes from the most excellent King Edward the sixt hauing from him in commâ—ndement certaine things to deliuer to their King and seeking nothing els but his amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby they doubted not but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both kingdomes The Barbarians heard these things very gladly and promised their aide and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request In the meane time Master Chanceler intreated victuals for his money
Iudge then asketh him as for example in the matter of debt whether he oweth any thing to the plaintife If he denies it then saith the Iudge How canst thou deny it the defendant answereth By anothe thereupon the officer is commaunded to cease from beating of him vntill the matter be further tried Thâ—y haue no Lawyers but euery man is his owne Aduocate and both the complaint of the accuser and the answere of the defendant are in maner of petition deliuered to the Emperourâ— intreating iustice at his hands The Emperour himselfe heareth euery great controuersie and vpon the hearing of it giueth iudgement and that with great equitie which I take to be a thing worthy of speciall commendation in the Maiestie of a Prince But although he doe this with a good purpose of mind yet the corrupt Magistrates do wonderfully peruert the same but if the Emperour take them in any fault he doeth punish them most seuerely Now at the last when ech partie hath defended his cause with his best reasons the Iudge demandeth of the accuser whether he hath any more to say for himselfe he answereth that he will trie the matter in fight by his Champion or else intreateth that in fight betwixt themselues the matter may be ended which being graunted they both fight it out or if both of them or either of them seeme vnfit for that kinde of triall then they haue publike Champions to be hired which liue by ending of quarrels These Champions are armed with yron axes and speares and fight on foote and he whose Champion is ouercome is by and by taken and imprisoned and terribly handled vntill he agree with his aduersarie But if either of them be of any good calling and degree and doe challenge one another to fight the Iudge granteth it in which case they may not vse publike Champions And he that is of any good birth doth contemne the other if he be basely borne and wil not fight with him If a poore man happen to grow in debt his Creditor takes him maketh him pay the debt in working either to himselfe or to some other man whose wages he taketh vp And there are some among them that vse willingly to make themselues their wiues and children bondslaues vnto rich men to haue a little money at the first into their hands and so for euer after content themselues with meate and drinke so little accompt doe they make of libertie Of punishments vpon theeues IF any man be taken vpon coÌ„mitting of theft he is imprisoned and often beaten but not hanged for the first offence as the manner is with vs and this they call the lawe of mercie He that offendeth the second time hath his nose cut off and is burnt in the forehead with a hot yron The third time he is hanged There are many curpurses among them and if the rigour of the Princè did not cut them off they could not be auoyded Of their religion THey maintaine the opinions of the Greeke Church they suffer no grauen images of saints in their Churches but their pictures painted in tables they haue in great abundance which they do adore and offer vnto and burne waxe candles before them and cast holy water vpon them without other honour They say that our images which are set vp in Churches and carued haue no diuinitie in them In their priuate houses they haue images for their houshold saints and for the most part they are put in the darkest place of the house hee that comes into his neighbours house doth first salute his saints although he see them not If any foorme or stoole stand in his way hee oftentimes beateth his browe vpon the same and often ducking downe with his head and body worshippeth the chiefe Image The habite and attire of the Priests and of the Lay men doth nothing at all differ as for marriage it is forbidden so no man onely this is receiued and held amongst them for a rule and custome that if a Priests wife doe die he may not marry againe nor take a second wife and therefore they of secular Priests as they call them are made Monkes to whom then chastitie for euer is commanded Their diuine seruice is all done and said in their owne language that euery man may vnderstand it they receiue the Lords Supper with leauened bread and after the consecration they carry it about the Church in a saucer and prohibite no man from receiuing and taking of it that is willing so to doe They vse both the Olde and the Newe Testament and read both in their owne language but so confusedly that they themselues that doe reade vnderstand not what themselues doe say and while any part of either Testament is read there is â—â—bertie giuen by custome to prottle talke and make a noise but in the time of the rest of the seruice they vse very great silence and reuerence and behaue themselues very modestly and in good sort As touching the Lords praier the tenth man amongst them knowes it not and for the articles of our faith and the ten commandements no man or at the least very fewe of them doe either know them or can say them their opinion is that such secrete and holy things as they are should not rashly and imprudently be communicated with the common people They holde for a Maxime amongst them that the olde Lawe and the commandements also are abolished by the death and blood of Christ all studies and letters of humanitie they vtterly refuse concerning the Latine Greeke and Hebrew tongues they are altogether ignorant in them Euery yeere they celebrate foure seuerall fastes which they call according to the names of the Saints the first beginnes with them at the time that our Lent beginnes The second is called amongst them the fast of S. Peter The third is taken from the day of the Uirgin Marie And the fourth and last begins vpon S. Philips day But as we begin our Lent vpon Wednesday so they begin theirs vpon the Sunday Upon the Saturday they eate flesh whensoeuer any of those fasting feastes doe drawe neere looke what weeke doth immediatly goe before them the same weeke they liue altogether vpon white meates and in their common language they call those weekes the fast of Butter In the time of their fasts the neighbours euery where goe from one to another and visite one another and kisse one another with kisses of peace in token of their mutuall loue and Christian concord and then also they doe more often then at any other time goe to the holy Communion When seuen dayes are past from the beginning of the fast then they doe often either goe to their Churches or keepe themselues at home and vse often prayer and for that seuennight they eate nothing but hearbes but after that seuennights fast is once past then they returne to their old intemperancie of drinking for they are notable tospots As for the keeping of their fasting dayes they doe it very
perpetuall peace betwixt the same great Turke and the Sophie and brought with him a present in golde and faire horses with rich furnitures and other gifts esteemed to be woorth forty thousand pound And thereupon a peace was concluded with ioyfull feasts triumphs and solemnities corroborated with strong othes by their law of Alkaron for either to obserue the same and to liue alwayes after as sworne brethren ayding the one the other against all princes that should warre against them or either of them And vpon this conclusion the Sophy caused the great Turkes sonne named Baiset Soltan a valiant Prince who being fled from his father vnto the Sophie had remained in his Court the space of foure yeeres to be put to death In which time the sayd Turkes sonne had caused mortall warres betwixt the sayd Princes and much preuailed therein the Turke demanded therefore his sonne to be sent vnto him the Sophy refused thereunto to consent But now being slaine according to the Turks will the Sophy sent him his head for a present not a litle desired and acceptable to the vnnaturall father Discoursing at my first arriuall with the king of Shiruan of sundry matters and being intertained as hath bene before declared the sayd king named Obdolocan demaunding whether that we of England had friendship with the Turks or not I answered that we neuer had friendship with them and that therefore they would not suffer vs to passe thorow their countrey into the Sophy his dominions and that there is a nation named the Uenetians not farre distant from vs which are in great league with the sayd Turks who trade into his dominions with our commodities chiefly to barter the same for raw silks which as we vnderstand come from thence and that if it would please the sayd Sophy and other Princes of that countrey to suffer our merchants to trade into those dominions and to giue vs pasport and safe conduct for the same as the sayd Turke hath granted to the sayd Uenetians I doubted not but that it should grow to such a trade to the profit of them as neuer before had beene the like and that they should be both furnished with our commodities and also haue vtterance of theirs although there neuer came Turke into their land perswading with many other wordes for a trade to be had This king vnderstanding the matter liked it marueilously saying that he would write vnto the Sophy concerning the same as he did in very deed assuring me that the Sophy would graunt my request and that at my returne vnto him he would giue me letters of safe conduct and priuiledges The Turks Ambassadour was not then come into the land neither any peace hoped to be concluded but great preparation was made for warre which was like much to haue furthered my purpose but it chanced otherwise For the Turks Ambassadour being arriued and the peace concluded the Turkish merchants there at that time present declared to the same Ambassadour that my comming thither naming me by the name of Franke would in great part destroy their trade and that it should be good for him to perswade the Sophy not to fauour me as his Highnesse meant to obserue the league and friendship with the great Turke his master which request of the Turkish merchants the same Ambassadour earnestly preferred and being afterwards dismissed with great honour he departed out of the Realme with the Turks sonnes head as aforesayd and other presents The 20 day of Nouember aforesayd I was sent for to come before the sayd Sophy otherwise called Shaw Thomas and about three of the clocke at afternoone I came to the Court and in lighting from my horse at the Court gate before my feet touched the ground a paire of the Sophies owne shoes termed in the Persian tongue Basmackes such as hee himselfe weareth when he ariseth in the night to pray as his maner is were put vpon my feet for without the same shoes I might not be suffred to tread vpon his holy ground being a Christian and called amongst them Gower that is vnbeleeuer and vncleane esteeming all to be infidels and Pagans which do not beleeue as they do in their false filthie prophets Mahomet and Murtezalli At the sayd Court gate the things that I brought to present his Maiestie with were deuided by sundry parcels to sundry seruitors of the Court to cary before me for none of my company or seruants might be suffered to enter into the Court with me my interpreter onely excepted Thus comming before his Maiestie with such reuerence as I thought meete to be vsed I deliuered the Queenes Maiesties letters with my present which hee accepting demaunded of mee of what countrey of Franks I was and what affaires I had there to doe Unto whom I answered that I was of the famous Citie of London within the noble Realme of England and that I was sent thither from the most excellent and gracious soueraigne Lady Elizabeth Queene of the saide Realme for to treate of friendship and free passage of our Merchants and people to repaire and traffique within his dominions for to bring in our commodities and to carry away theirs to the honour of both princes the mutuall commoditie of both Realmes and wealth of the Subiects with other wordes here omitted He then demaunded me in what language the letters were written I answered in the Latine Italian and Hebrew well said he we haue none within our Realme that vnderstand those tongues Whereupon I answered that such a famous and worthy prince as hee was wanted not people of all nations within his large dominions to interprete the same Then he questioned with me of the state of our Countreys and of the power of the Emperour of Almaine king Philip and the great Turke and which of them was of most power whom I answered to his contentation not dispraysing the great Turke their late concluded friendship considered Then he reasoned with mee much of Religion demaunding whether I were a Gower that is to say an vnbeleeuer or a Muselman that is of Mahomets lawe Unto whom I answered that I was neither vnbeleeuer nor Mahometan but a Christian. What is that said he vnto the king of the Georgians sonne who being a Christian was fled vnto the said Sophie and he answered that a Christian was he that beleeueth in Iesus Christus affirming him to be the Sonne of God and the greatest Prophet Doest thou beleeue so said the Sophie vnto me Yea that I do said I Oh thou vnbeleeuer said he we haue no neede to haue friendship with the vnbeleeuers and so willed me to depart I being glad thereof did reuerence and went my way being accompanied with many of his gentlemen and others and after me followed a man with a Basanet of sand sifting all the way that I had gone within the said pallace euen from the said Sophies sight vnto the court gate Thus I repaired againe vnto my lodging and the said
sholcaues or foxes which were so busie with them that they tooke their meate and victuals out of their lodgings and deuoured to the bare bones in one night a mighty wilde Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from the gouernour of the countrey Hauing staied here some three or foure daies in prouiding of cariages and other necessaries for their iourney they departed thence and came to Shamaky which is foure dayes iourney from the aforesayd Shauaran In this towne of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter and from thence in April folowing they tooke their iourney towards Ardouil a place of great account and much esteemed by reason of the sepulchres of the Emperours of Persia which for the most partlie there buried and so is growen to bee a place of their superstitious deuotion In this towne of Ardouil they so iourned the space of 5. or 6. moneths finding some traffique and sales but to no purpose the towne being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and noblemen then merchants The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne whiles they remained there for the brother sought the destruction of the brother and the neerest kinsmen rose vp one against another insomuch that one of their company Lionel Plumtree hath seene in one day sometimes 14. slaine in a garboile And he being further desirous to see their maner of fight or rather somewhat more curious to behold then mistrustful of their blowes was like to haue borne a share in their bloodie tragedie being twise wounded with their shot and arrowes although not to the death At this towne the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men to come to his presence at Casbin to whom Thomas Banister failed not to goe although master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardouil and in such case that they almost despaired of his recouerie Hee being come to the Shaugh was receiued and entertained of him with great fauour and speciall countenance and had the most part of all his requests granted him this onely excepted that whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and cary through his dominions certaine horses into India the Shaugh seemed loth to yeeld thereunto and yet did not altogether denie it but referred it to some further time As for the point of traffique he could not make that motioÌ„ or request that was not so soone granted as it was preferred and the Shaugh himselfe bought there of him many karsies and made him as good paiment as any man could wish and oftentimes would send his mony for the wares before the wares were deliuered that he might be the surer of this honourable intended deâ—ling One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember that whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of money to Mecca in Arabia for an offering to Mahomet their prophet hee would not send any money or coyne of his owne but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for theirs according to the value of it yeelding this reason for the same that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes and with good consciences and was therefore woorthie to be made for an oblation to their holy prophâ—t but his owne money was rather gotten by fraud oppression and vnhonest meanes and therefore was not fit to serue for so holie a vse After sixe moneths spent in Casbin the sayde Thomas Banister departed towards the great citie of Tauris where being arriued he found M. Ducket well recouered of his sicknesse whom he had left ill at Ardouil At this Citie the foresayd Master Ducket made sales of the English commodities remaining there to that purpose the space of two yeeres and a halfe And besides other kindes of merchandises of that countrey he bought great store of gals which grow in great abundance at a place within one dayes iourney of the aforesayd Tauris After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris and went to Shamaky to giue order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for England And baning dispatched them away he went there hence to Arrash a towne foure dayes iourney with camels from Shamaky for the buying of rawe silke But there by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the aire and corruption of the waters in the hote time of the yeere he with Lawrence Chapman and some other English men vnhappily died which being knowen of M. Ducket he immediatly came from Tauris to Arrash to take possession of the goods for otherwise by the custome of the countrey if there had bene no merchant or other friend of his to enter vpon that which he left all had fallen into the Shaughs hands which goods notwithstanding could not bee recouered from the officers which had seized and sealed vp the same vntill M. Ducket had bene in person with the Shaugh and had procured his order for the deliuerie thereof Lionel Plumtree in the meane time that M. Ducket was at Casbin in sute for goods vpon the perswasion of certaine Bogharians made prouision for a iourney to Cathaia with cariages and commodities and hauing all things ready departed secretly with a Carauan but being gone forwards on his way sixe dayes iourny some fifty horsemen by the procurement of Humfry Greensell who afterwards being at Ormus in the East Indies was there cruelly burnt in the Inquisition by the Portingals were sent after him in poste from Soltan Erasbec the Shaughs lieutenant to fetch him backe againe not suffering him to passe on so perillous and dangerous a iourney for feare of diuers inconueniences that might follow After this M. Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamaky againe and immediately made preparation for a iourney to Cassan being about foure dayes iourney from Shamaky and caried with him foure mules laden with mony In the way of his trauel he passed through Persepolis sometime the roiall seate of the Emperors of Persia but now altogether ruined and defaced whereof remaine to be seene at this day two gates onely that are distant one from the other the space of 12. miles and some few pinnacles in the mountains and conueiances for fresh water The foresaid Cassan is a towne that consisteth altogether of merchandise and the best trade of all the land is there being greatly frequented by the merchants of India Here our men bought great store of al maner of wrought silkes and sâ—me spices and good store of Turkie stones The towne is much to be commended for the ciuil and good gouernment that is there vsed An idle person is not suffred to liue amongst them The child that is but fiue yeeres old is set to some labour No ill rule disorder or riote by gaming or otherwise is there permitted Playing at Dice or Cards is by the law present death At this Cashan they remained about the space of tenne weekes and then came downe againe to Skamaky and after some time spent in diuers places of the countrey for buying of rawe silke and other
in vse in England which the ambassadour caused to be done accordingly and sent them vnto him who seemed so well to like them as he caused them with much good allowance to be publikely read before diuers of his councell and many others of his nobility Now he drew hotly againe in question to marry some kinsewoman of her Maiesties that he would send againe into England to haue some one of them to wife and if her Maiestie would not vpon his next ambassage send him such a one as he required himselfe would then goe into England and cary his treasure with him and marry one of them there Here you must vnderstand that the yeere before this ambassage he had sent to her Maiesty by his ambassador to haue had the lady Mary Hastings in marriage which intreaty by meanes of her inability of body by occasion of much sicknesse or perhaps of no great liking either of herselfe or friends or both â—ooke no place The ambassador was now so farre growen into the Emperors fauor his affection so great to England as those great counsellers that were the ambassadors great enemies before were now desirous of some publike courtesies at his hands for their aduantage to the Emperour neither durst they now any more interpose themselues twixt the Emperour and him for not long before this the Emperor for abusing the ambassador had to shew his fauor towards him beaten Shalkan the chanceller very grieuously and had sent him word that he would not leaue one of his race aliue Now whilest the ambassador was thus strongly possest of the Emperours fauor he imployed himselfe in all he might not onely for the speedy dispatch of the negotiation he had in hand but laboured also by all the good meanes he might further to benefit his countrey and countreymen and so not long after wanne at the Emperours hands not onely all those things he had in commission to treat for by his instructions but also some other of good and great importance for the benefit of the merchants Priuate sutes obteined of the Emperor by the ambassador LEaue for Richard Fransham an English man and apothecary to the Emperour his wife and children to come home into England and to bring with him all such goods as he had gotten there He obteiâ—ed like leaue for Richard Elmes an Engliâ—hman one of the Emperours surgions He also got leaue for Iane Richards the widow of Doctor Bomelius a Dutchman and physician to the Emperour who for treason practised with the king of Pole against the sayd Emperour was rosted to death at the city of Mosco in the yere 1579. These following he obteined for the behoofe of the merchants HE procured for the merchants promise of recompense for certaine goods taken from their factors by robbery vpon the Volga He obtained likewise the payment of fiue hundred marks which was payd for ten yeeres before his going into Russia into the Emperours receit for a rent of a house that they had at Vologda He also got granted for them the repayment of fifteene hundred marks which had bene exacted of them the two last yeres before his comming thither He got also for them order for the repayment of an olde and desperate debt of three thousand marks a debt so desperate as foure yeeres left out of their accounts and by the opinion of them all not thought fit to be dealt with for too much offending the Emperor or impeaching his other businesse which was thought at least otherwise sufficient and was therefore left out of his instructions from her Maiesty He obteined that all strangers were forbidden to trade any more into Russia and that the passage and trade to all the Emperors Northren coasts and countries from the Wardhouse to the riuer of Ob should be onely free to the English nation Lastly of a great desire he had to do the merchants good without motion either of themselues here or their Agents there or any other of them he obteined of the Emperour the abatement of all their custome which they had long before payd and agreed still to continue which custome the Dutchmen and strangers being remooued as now it was agreed amounted to two thousand pounds yerely All thâ—se were granted some already payd before his comming from Mosco the olde priuilege ratified newly written signed and sealed and was to be deliuered to the ambassadour at his next comming to Court before when the Empeâ—or fell sicke of a surfet and so died After whose death the case was woondrously altered with the ambassador for whereas both in his owne conceit and in all mens opinion els he was in great forwardnes to haue growen a great man with the Emperor what for the loue he bare to her Maiesty and the particular liking he had of himselfe he now fell into the hands of his great enemies Mekita Romanouich and Andre Shalkan the chanceller who after the death of the Emperour tooke the speciall gouernment vpon themselues and so presently caused the ambassadour to be shut vp a close prisoner in his owne house for the space of nine weeks and was so straightly guarded and badly vsed by those that attended him as he dayly suspected some further mischiefe to haue followed for in this time there grew a great vprore in Mosco of nigh twenty thousand persons which remembring that his enemies reigned somewhat amazed the ambassadour but yet afterwards the matter fell out against that great counsellor Bodan Belskoy whom I noted before to be a special man in the old Emperors fauor who was now notwithstanding so outragiously assaulted as that he was forced to seeke the Emperors chamber for his safety and was afterwards sent away to Cazan a place he had in gouernment fiue hundred miles from Mosco where he hath remained euer since and neuer as yet called againe to court at which time the ambassador expected some such like measure and prepared himselfe aswell as he could for his defence yet happily after this was sent for to court to haue his dispatch and to take his leaue of the Emperor whither being conducted not after the woonted maner and brought to the councell chamber came to him onely Shalkan the chanceller and a brother of his who without more adoe tolde him for the summe of his dispatch that this Emperour would not treat of further amity with the Queene his mistresse then such as was betweene his late father and her before his comming thither and would not heare any reply to be made by the ambassadour but presently caused both himselfe and all his company to be disarmed of their weapons and go towards the Emperor In which passage there were such outrages offered him as had he not vsed more patience then his disposition afforded him or the occasion required he had not in likelihood escaped with life but yet at length was brought to the presence of the Emperour who sayd nothing to him but what the chanceller had already done but offered him a
or giue order whereby they be not deceiued by them So likewise I haue gratified them with their house at the sea hauen at the mouth of Podezemsky we haue commanded that they shal not cary their goods from thence to the new caâ—tle S. Michael the archangel but shall ariue and doe as they haue done heretofore with their wares at that their house and shall vnlade their commodities out of their ships and shal lade them againe with Russe commodities euen there at that their house without interruption onely they shal permit our officers of Colmogro sworn men to write vp those commodities both the commodities of England and those of Russeland what the merchants shal declare themselues no otherwise but they shal not ouerlooke their commodities neither shal they vnbind any of their packs And when the English merchants are disposed to send into their owne countrey to wit any of their owne people on land through any other kingdom whatsoeuer they shall not send their people without our kingly knowledge and commandement and which of their people so euer they do meane to send out of our kingdom into their owne countrey then they shal send those their people not without our kingly maiesties knowledge to wit those that go of pleasure without carying any commodities with them and they shall haue a letter of passe giuen vnto them out of the office where the Ambassadors haue alwayes their dispatch And whosoeuer hath any thing to doe with them in matters of controuersie either concerning merchandize or iniuries then they are to be iudged by our treasurers and Secretarie of the Ambassadors office to do iustice between both parties to seek out the trueth of matters in al things and whatsoeuer cannot be found out by the Law shal be tried by othe and lots whose lot soeuer is taken foorth him to haue right And in what place of all our kingdom in what citie soeuer they or their people shall bee and that there happen any matter of controuersie either concerning merchandise iniuries or otherwise that they haue occasion of set vpon any man by lawe or that any seeke vpon them concerning what matter soeuer in all our kingdom and cities then our lieutenants captains and our officers shall giue them Iustice and shall minister all true iustice betweene them seeking out the trueth and what cannot be truly sought by law shal be sought out by othe and lot whose lot soeuer is taken out him to haue right accordingly as before and the Iudges or Iuâ—tices shall take of them no kind of dutie for matters of law no where throughout all our realmes This letter is giuen in our princely palace within the citie of Mosco in the yeere from the foundation of the world seuen thousand fourescore and fifteene in the moneth of February The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Law sent from her Maiestie to Theodor the Emperor of Russia Anno 1588. IN the yeere 1588. was sent Ambassador from her highnesse into the countrey of Russia Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Lawe as well to treat with the new Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich about league and amitie in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich as also for the reestablishing and reducing into order the decaied trade of our Englishmen there Who notwithstanding at his first arriuall at the Mosco found some parts of hard entertainment by meanes of certaine rumors concerning the late nauall victory which was there reported to haue fallen on the Spanish side as also for some dislike conceiued against the priuileged trade of our English merchaÌ„ts Yet in the end he obtained of the Emperour many good equall conditions and was curteously and honourably dismissed by him The principall points which he entreated of and were granted vnto him by the said Emperor were these 1 A continuation of league and amitie betweene her Highnesse and the sayd Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich 2 A confirmation and reestablishment of the former priuileges of the Companie of our English merchants which were infringed and annulled in the principal points with diuers necessary additions to the same for the better ordering of their trade in those countreys hereafter viz. That the state of the priuilege granted before in the names of some priuate and particular men be altered in that point and the same granted by the name and stile of their incorporation viz. To the felowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades 3 That vpon euery surmise and light quarel the said priuilege be not reuoked and annulled as before time it hath bene 4 That iustice shall be administred to the said Companie and their Agent without delay vpon such as shal offer them any despite or iniurie or shal exact or impose vpon them any paiment taxation or imposition whatsoeuer contrary to the freedome of the said grant 5 That the goods commodities of the said Companie be not forcibly taken as before time they had bene by the Emperors officers or people of authoritie either for the vse of the said Emperor or of his officers But in case they haue need of the said commodities the same to be taken at reasonable prices and for ready money 6 That the said Companie be not charged hereafter with the answering of such debts as are made by any Englishman not being of the societie 7 That the Emperors authorized people shall not hereafter repute any Englishman resiant in that countrey to be any factor seruant or dealer in the said Companies affaires but such as the Agent shall inregister by name within the offices where custome is entered in all such places of the land where the sayd Companie haue residencies to traffike 8 That the names of such as shall so be inregistred be no longer continued in record nor themselues reputed as factors or dealers for the said Companie then the Agent shall thinke good But in case the said Agent in his discretion shall thinke meet to strike out of the Register any name of such as haue bene imploied in the Companies seruice the said person to be held as priuate whose acte in bargaining or otherwise shall not charge the said Companie 9 That if any English man within the countrey of Russia be suspected for any notorious crime as felony treason c. the same be not straightwaies set vpoÌ„ the Pudkey nor otherwise tormented till such time as he shall be conuicted by plaine and euident proofes which being done the whole proceeding to be sent ouer to the Queene of England 10 That the said priuilege with the additions shall be published in all townes and partes of the Emperors dominions where the said Companie haue traffike 11 That the said Companie shall be permitted to vse a sole trade through the Emperours countries by the riuer Volga into Media Persia Bogharia and the other the East countries 12 Whereas there was claimed
death or other misfortunes of this life or no. So that it seemeth they haue euer or long time bene of that minde to value things no further then by the vse and necessitie for which they serue For person and complexion they haue broade and flatte visages of a tanned colour into yellowe and blacke fierce and cruell lookes thinne haired vpon the vpper lippe and pitte of the thinne light and nimble bodied with short legges as if they were made naturally for horsemen whereto they practise themselues from their childhood seldome going afoot about anie businesse Their speech is verie sudden and loude speaking as it were out of a deepe hollowe throate When they sing you woulde thinke a kowe lowed or some great bandogge howled Their greatest exercise is shooting wherein they traine vp their children from their verie infancie not suffering them to eate till they haue shot neere the marke within a certaine scantling They are the very same that sometimes were called Scythae Nomades or the Scythian shepheards by the Greekes and Latines Some thinke that the Turks took their beginning from the nation of the Crim Tartars Of which opinion is Laonicus Calcocondylas the Greek Historiographer in his first booke of his Turkish storie Wherein hee followeth diuers verie probable coniectures The first taken from the verie name it selfe for that the worde Turk signifieth a Shepheard or one that followeth a vagarant and wilde kinde of life By which name these Scythian Tartars haue euer beene noted being called by the Greekes 〈…〉 or the Scythian shepheards His second reason because the Turkes in his time that dwelt in Asia the lesse to wit is Lydia Caria Phrygia and Cappadocia spake the very same language that these Tartars did that dwelt betwixt the riuer Tanais or Don and the countrey of Sarmatia which as is well knowen are these Tartars called Crims At this time also the whole nation of the Turkes differ not much in their common speech from the Tartar language Thirdly because the Turke and the Crim Tartar agree so well together as well in religion as in matter of traffique neuer inuading or inurying one another saue that the Turke since Laonicus his time hath encroched vpon some Townes vpon the Euxin Sea that before perteined to the Crim Tartar Fourthly because Ortogules sonne to Oguzalpes and father to Otoman the first of name of the Turkish nation made his first roads out of those parts of Asia vpon the next borderers till hee came towardes the countreys about the hill Taurus where hee ouercame the Greekes that inhabited there and so enlarged the name and territorie of the Turkish nation till hee came to Eubaea and Attica and other partes of Greece This is the opinion of Laonicus who liued among the Turkes in the time of Amurat the sixt Turkish Emperour about the yeere 1400. when the memorie of their originall was more fresh and therefore the likelier hee was to hit the trueth There are diuers other Tartars that border vpon Russia as the Nagayes the Cheremissens the Mordwites the Chircasses and the Shalcans which all differ in name more then in regiment or other condition from the Crim Tartar except the Chircasses that border Southwest towardes Lituania and are farre more ciuill then the rest of the Tartars of a comely person and of a stately behauiour as applying themselues to the fashion of the Polonian Some of them haue subiected themselues to the Kings of Poland and professe Christianitie The Nagay lieth Eastwarde and is reckoned for the best man of warre among all the Tartars but verie sauage and cruell aboue all the rest The Cheremessen Tartar that lieth betwixt the Russe and the Nagay are of two sorts the Lugauoy that is of the valley and the Nagornay or of the hilly countrey These haue much troubled the Emperours of Russia And therefore they are content now to buy peace of theÌ„ vnder pretence of giuing a yeerely pension of Russe commodities to their Morseys or Diuoymorseis that are chiefe of their tribes For which also they are bound to serue them in their wars vnder certaine conditions They are said to be iust and true in their dealings and for that cause they hate the Russe people whom they account to be double and false in al their dealing And therefore the common sort are very vnwilling to keepe agreement with them but that they are kept in by their Morseis or Dukes for their pensions sake The most rude barbarous is counted the Mordwit Tartar that hath many selfe-fashions and strange kinds of behauiour differing from the rest For his religion though he acknowledge one God yet his maner is to worship for God that liuing thing y t he first meeteth in the morning to sweare by it all that whole day whether it be horse dog cat or whatsoeuer els it bee When his friend dieth he killeth his best horse and hauing flayed off the skinne hee carieth it on high vpon a long pole before the corpes to the place of buriall This hee doeth as the Russe saieth that his friend may haue a good horse to carie him in heauen but it is likelier to declare his loue towards his dead friend in that he will haue to die with him the best thing that he hath Next to the kingdome of Astracan that is the farthest part Southeastward of the Russe dominion lyeth the Shalcan and the countrey of Media whither the Russe marchants trade for rawe silkes syndon saphion skinnes and other commodities The chiefe Townes of Media where the Russe tradeth are Derbent built by Alexander the great as the inhabitants say and Zamachi where the staple is kept for rawe silkes Their maner is in the â—pring time to reuiue the silke-wormes that lie dead all the Winter by laying them in the warme sunne and to hasten their quickening that they may sooner goe to worke to put them into bags and so to hang them vnder their childrens armes As for the woorme called Chrinisin as wee call it Chrymson that maketh coloured silke it is bred not in Media but in Assyria This trade to Derbent and Samachi for rawe silkes and other commodities of that Countrey as also into Persia and Bougharia downe the riuer of Volga and through the Caspian sea is permitted aswell to the English as to the Russe merchants by the Emperours last grant at my being there Which he accounteth for a very speciall fauour and might proue indeede very beneficiall to our English merchants if the trade were wel and orderly vsed The whole nation of the Tartars are vtterly voide of all learning and without written Law yet certaine rules they haue which they hold by tradition common to all the Hoords for the practise of their life Which are of this sort First To obey their Emperour and other Magistrates whatsoeuer they commaund about the publike seruice 2 Except for the publike behoofe euery man to be free and out of controlment
receiue or deliuer vnto others opinions grounded vpon no plaine and manifest places of Scripture for certainties and trueths Deut. 4. and 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim. 3. Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius doe grace the Islanders is meerly contrary to Christian religion namely that they make al one reckoning of their whelps and of their children But more of this matter anone in the 7. section So therefore Munster disagreeth with himselfe whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians afterward he maketh to be master-builders of hell Also Krantzius and Munster both together when as those whom they affirme to be engraffed by faith into Christ they exempt from all sense of pietie and honesty in that they write that their sonnes are not dearer vnto them then their whelpes But to returne to the matter In very deed we haue no great thing to say concerning our religion what or of what sort it was when Gentilisme was first put to flight No more I thinke haue other Northern nations neere vnto vs to say concerning y e beginning of their faith For alas we must needs confesse bewaile with deepe sighes that vntill that day which shined vnto vs like the beginning of immortalitie brought vnto vs the pure doctrine of the gospel our countrymen as likewise other churches of the North were ouer-spred with more then Cimmerian darkenesse But we may iustly and religiously thinke thus much that among vs and our neighbors of Norway for I wil not range out of my bounds nor affirme any thing of vnknowen people after heathenish idolatry was rooted out Christian faith religion did florish far more sincere and simple as being lesse infected with the poison of poperie at that time then afterward when as the pestiferous leauen of the see of Rome being augmented the contagious mischiefe growing ripe the poison thereof was dispersed through y e whole world for as it shal afterward appeare Island embraced Christ many yeeres before the new idolatry of the papists began to preuaile and did sound foorth nothing but faith in God the Father the Sonne the holy Ghost like vnto those two most renoumed kings of Norway who as they had one common name so had they one common care and profession to aduance the gospel of Christ. I meane Olaus the sonne of Thryggo who was borne in the yeere of Christ 968. attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. yeere of his age and was the first as we haue heard that offred Christ vnto the Norwegians ouer whom hee reigned fiue yeeres and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus the sonne of Harald who in the yeere of Christ 1013. or thereabout gouerned with more seueritie for the space of 17. yeeres did boldly deliuer the doctrine of Christ. In the yere of Christ 1030. being vniustly slaine by wicked murtherers he shed his blood for y e name of Christ in a town of Norway called Sticfla Stodum Our countrey also had among many other one man of excellent pietie whose name was Nialus who about the yeere of Christ 1000. liued in the village of Berthorsbuol situate in the parish of Island called Landehum who also for his experience in humane affaires for his great wisedome and sage counsell was accompted famous For whereas in his time Island was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies the inhabitants being in subiection to no superiour magistrate he intermedled not in any quarels sauing that by his discreet vertue diligence hee set through and brought to composition a great number hee neuer did nor suffered violence but onely vpon the last day of his life So carefully auoyded he al seditions and strifes and gaue good assistance to others who were desirous also to auoyd and escape them neither did any man euer put in practise his counsel but it turned to his especiall good nor euer any did swerue therefrom but with the danger of his life and possessions The wordes or rather the oracles that came from him were so certaine that it was wonderful from whence any man should haue so great and so sure forecast and counsell of things to come as was found to be in him Whereupon his discreet and prouident wisedome ioyned with counsell became a prouerbe amongst vs Nials byta raden That is to say the counsel of Nialus or the thing is done or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel when any busines was atchieued prudently and with admirable discretion This man when for a slaughter committed by his sonne without his knowledge he was in his owne house beset with a 100. men who had conspired his death and when his enemies began on all sides to set his house on fire seeing his ende approch at length he brake into these words Doubtlesse these things happen by fate that is by the will of God Howbeit I put my hope and confidence in Christ that we meaning his wife and himselfe although this our fraile body shal vndergoe the corruption of death in the fire of our enemies yet that it shal be deliuered from eternal flames And so in the midst of these voyces and in the fury of the flames he with his wife and the manslayer his sonne in the yere of Christ 1010. ended his life A voyce vndoubtedly full well beseeming the sonnes of God arguing the notable comfort of his soule amidst the very pangs of death I therefore added those things to shew by what reason I was moued to thinke that in the very beginning of Christianitie receiued amongst vs mens minds were not so beguiled and ouerwhelmed in the darkenes of errors as of late a little before these our times they haue bene But after the Lord God by Luther and Luthers fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord and by his godly successours did make the doctrine of saluation more manifest and shaking off the heauie slothe and thicke miste of our minds by the finger of his right hand that is by his holy Spirit Matth. 12. v. 28. did plucke the eares of our hearts and opened our eyes that we might behold his sauing health We all and euery of vs do beleeue and confesse that God is a spirit Iohn 4. v. 24. eternal Esay 40. v. 28. infinite Iere. 23. v. 24. Psal. 139. v. 7.8.9 most good Matth. 19. v. 17. almighty Gen. 17. 1. Reuel 1.8 one in being and nature one in prouidence one in the making and gouerning of all things Deut. 6.5 Ephe. 4.5 But distinguished by the persons of the Godhead and their properties the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Matth. 28. 19. 3.17 God the Father the first person of the Godhead creator of heauen and earth and all other things Gen. 1. v. 1. and in those that folow the vpholder gouernor of all Psa. 115.3 Heb. 1.3 Father of our Lord Iesus Christ Psal. 2,7 and verses following and our Father through him Rom. 8. 15. keeper of our soules and bodies Luke 12.12 And that
their first entrance being past presently Christian Religion began to be considered vpon namely about the yeere of our Lord 974. Which thing aboue 20. yeres together was diuersly attempted of many not without notable rebellion amongst the rest there are mentioned two outlandish Bishops who with others diligently laboured in conuerting the Iland to Christian faith the former was one Fridericus a Saxon borne who in the yeere 981. came into Island and behaued himselfe couragiously in the office of preaching and preuailed so much that in the yeere 984. Churches were vsed in Island But the other outlandish Bishop or preacher whom they called Thangbrande came first into Island in the yeere 997. And then after 26. yeeres consulting about Religion at length in the yeere 1000. it was decreed in a generall assembly of all the inhabitants by their whole consent that the worship of heathenish Idoles being abandoned they should embrace Christian Religion Againe in the yeere 1050. it was decreed in a solemne assembly of the inhabitants that temporall or politique lawes the constitutions whereof being brought out of Norwaie were communicated vnto the Islanders by one Vlfliot in the yeere 926. should euery where giue place to the Canon or diuine Lawe In the yere 1056. one Isleif went beyond the seas out of Island to be coÌ„secrated bishop of IslaÌ„d He came home consecrated into Island and entred into the bishopricke of Schalholt in the yeere 1057. He died 1080. in the yeere of his age 74. The 4. of the Kalends of Iuly These things perhaps wil seeme trifiing short and base nor sufficiently worthy to be mentioned together with many other matters which follow but neither doe wee compile the Romane history neither yet shall these things be so trifling but that they may be of sufficient force to conuince the errours of Krantzius and others according to our purpose And vndoubtedly as touching the trueth of our histories it is euident that Saxo Grammaticus attributeth very much vnto them whose words in his preface of Denmarke be these Neither is the diligence of the Thylenses for so he calleth Islanders to be smothered in silence who when as by reason of the natiue barrennes of their soile wanting nourishments of riot they do exercise the duties of continuall sobrietie and vse to bestow all the time of their life in the knowledge of other mens exploits they supply their want by their wit For they esteeme it a pleasure to know and commit vnto memory the famous acts of other natìons reckoning it no lesse praise worthy to discourse of other mens vertues then to practise their owne Whose treasuries replenished with the monuments of historical matters I more curiously searching into haue compiled no smal part of this present worke by following of their relation neither despised I to haue those men for my iudges whom I knew to be skilfull in so great knowledge of antiquitie Thus farre Saxo. Wherefore I thinke it not amisse to proceede in the recitall of the Bishops of Island that the order and descent of them all being so farre foorth as is possible diligently put together out of our yeerely records may make good that which we haue alledged against Krantzius concerning Isleif the first Bishop of Island In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  I. Isleif 1056. Consecrated beyond the seas 1057. Returneth and entereth the Bishops sea of Schalholt 1080. Dieth in the yere of his age 74. the 4. of the Kalends of Iuly  II. Gysserus 1082. Consecrated beyond the sea 1083. Returneth into Island with his Bishopricke 1118. Dieth the 5. of the Kal. of May being tuesday  III. Thorlacus sonne of Runulphus In the yere of his age 32. Consecrated the same yeere wherein The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST I. Ionas sonne of Augmundus  Isleif his disciple  Consecrated beyonde the seas in the yeere of his age 64. his sirname was Sanctus vnto whose memorie the 3. of March was by the inhabitants in old time dedicated 1106. Dieth the 11. of the Kalends of May. 1121. II. Ketillus or Catullus  Consecrated 1122. Dieth 1145. III. Biorno  Being consecrated came into Island 1147. In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  his predecessor Gysserus deceased but yet 30. dayes before his death 1133. Dieth  IIII. Magnus 1134. Consecrated 1148. On the morrowe after the feast of all Saints in his parish towne of Heitardal the house being striken with lightning hee and 70. men with him were consumed with fire  V. Klaingus 1151. Chosen 1152. Entreth the see 1176. Dieth  VI. Thorlacus  Chosen two yeres before the death of his predecessour 1178. Consecrated 1193. Dieth  VII Paulus 1195. Consecrated 1211. Dieth  VIII Magnus 1216. Consecrated  IX Siguardus 1239. Entreth his see 1268. Dieth  X. Arnetus 1269. Entreth his see 1298. Dieth  XI Arnetus sonne of Helgo 1304. Consecrated 1305. Entereth the see 1309. Saileth into Norwaie to craue timber of the king of Norway wherewith the Church of Schalholt might be reedified which the same yere being toucht with lightning was burnt downe 1310. Returneth home 1320. Dieth  XII Ionas Haldorus 1321. Elected 1322. Consecrated the first of August 1322. Entreth his see 1338. Dieth  XIII Ionas sonne of Indrid a Noruagian borne 1339. Entreth his see 1341. Dieth The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST Dieth 1162. IIII. Brandus  Conâ—ecrated 1163. Entreth is Episcopall see 1165. Dieth 1201. V. Gudmundus sirnamed Bonus  Elected and consecrated 1203. Dieth 1237. VI. Botolphus  Returneth consecrated 1239. Dieth 1246. VII Henricus  Entreth the see 1247. Dieth 1260.  VIII Brandus an Abbat Goeth beyond the seas 1262. Entreth the Bishopricke 1263. Dieth 1264. IX Ierundusâ— Â Entreth his see 1267. Dieth 1313. X. Audunnus  Entreth his see 1314. Dieth 1322. XI Laurentius  Elected and consecrated 1324. Dieth in the Ides of April 1331. XII Egillus  Entreth his see 1332. Dieth 1341. XIII Ormus  Entreth his see 1343. Dieth vpon the feast of all Saints 1355. XIIII Ionas sonne of Eticus sirnamed Skalle  Being to enter his sea of Holen came into Island This Ionas being before time consecrated bishop of Gronland obteined licence of the bishop of Rome to enter the See of Holen which was at that time vacant Whereupon comming and not bringing with him the confirmation of this dignitie and function receiued from the Pope hee began to be suspected among the priests of the diocesse of Holen Wherefore he 1358 A Bishop of Gronland 1356. In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  XIIII Ionas sonne of Siguardus 1343. Entreth his see 1348. Dieth on S. Magnus euen  XV. Gyrthus 1349. Consecrated at Aslo in Norway by Salomon bishop of Aslo 1356. Going beyond the seas he was drowned  XVI Thorarinnus 1362. Entreth his see 1364. Dieth  XVII Oddgeirus 1366. Entreth his
nati Seruatoris 1020. sub Canuto Dano The same in English ANdrew Leucander otherwise called Whiteman as Leland reporteth was by profession a Monke and the third Abbat of the Abbey of Ramsie he was exceedingly giuen to the studie of good artes taking paines therein day night and profited greatly thereby And amongst all other things he had an incredible desire to see those places with his eyes wherein Christ our Sauiour performed and wrought all the mysteries of our redemption the names of which places he onely knew before by the reading of the Scriptures Whereupon he began his iourney and went to Ierusalem a witnesse of the miracles preaching and passion of Christ and being againe returned into his countrey he was made the aforesayd Abbat He flourished in the yere of Christ 1020. vnder Canutus the Dane The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno Dom. 1052 recorded by William of Malmsburie lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum Capite 13. SWanus peruersi ingenij infidi in regem multoties a patre fratre Haroldo desciuit pirata factus praedis maritimis virtutes maiorum polluit Postremò pro conscientia Brunonis cognati intetempti vt quidam dicunt fratris Ierosolimam abijt indeque rediens a Saracenis circumuentus ad mortem caesus est The same in English SWanus being of a peruerse disposition and faithlesse to the king often times disagreed with his father and his brother Harold and afterwards proouing a pirate he stained the vertues of his ancestours with his robberies vpon the seas Last of all being guilty vnto himselfe of the murther of his kinseman Bruno and as some do report of his owne brother he trauailed vnto Ierusalem and in his returne home being taken by the Saracens was beaten and wounded vnto death A voyage of three Ambassadours who in the time of K. Edward the Confessor and about the yere of our Lord 1056 were sent vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus together with the occasion of their sending c. recorded by William of Malmesburie lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum capiâ—e 13. DIe sancti paschatis ad mensam apud Westmonasterium â—ssederat diademate fastigaâ—us optimatum turma circumuallatus Cùmque alij longam quadragesimae inediam recentibus cibis compensantes acriter comederent ille a terrenis reuocato animo diuinum quiddam speculatus mentes conuiuantium permouit ampliorem perfusus in risum nulló quo causam lae titiae per quirere praesumente tùnc quidèm ita tacitum donec edendi satietas obsonijs finem imposuit Sed remotis mensis cum in triclinio regalibus exueretur tres optimates eum prose quuti quorum vnus erat comes Haroldus secundus abbas tertius episcopus familiaritatis ausu interrogant quid riserat mirum omnibus nec immeritò videri quarè in tanta serenitate diei negotij tacentibus caeteris scurrilem cachinnum ejecerit Stupenda inquit vidi nec ideo sine causa risi Tum illi vt moris est humani ingenij sciscitari quaerere causam ardentiùs vt supplicibus dignantèr rem impertiatur Ille multùm cunctatus tandem instantibus mira respondit septem dormientes in monte Caelio requiescere iam ducentis annis in dextro iacentes latere sed tunc in hora ipsa risus sui latus inuertisse sinistrum futurum vt septuaginta quatuor annis ita iaceant dirum nimirum miseris mortalibus omen Nam omnia ventura in his septuaginta quatuor annis quae dominus circa finem mundi praedixit discipulis suis gentâ—m contra gentem surrecturam regnum aduersus regnum terraemotus per loca pestilentiam famem terrores de coelo signa magna regnorum mutationes gentilium in Christianos bella item Christicolarum in paganos victorias Talia mirantibus inculcans passionem septem dormientium habitudines corporum singulorum quas nulla docet litera ita promptè disseruit ac sicum eis quotidiano victitaret conâ—ubernio His auditis comes militem episcopus clericum abbas monachum ad veritatem verborum exsculpendam Manicheti Constantinopolitano imperitori misere adiectis regâ—s sui literis muneribus Eosille benignè secum habitos episcopo Ephesi destinauit epistola pariter quam sacram vocant comitante vt ostenderentur â—egatis regis Angliae septem dormientium marturiales exuuiae Factúmâ— est vt vaticinium regis Edwardi Graecis omnibus comprobatum qui se a patribus accepisse iurarent super dextrum illos latus quiescere sed post itroitum Anglorum in speluncam veritatem peregrinae prophetiae contubernalibus suis praedicarunt Nec moram sestinatio malorum fecit quin Agareni Arabes Turci alienae scilicèt a Christo gentes Syriam Lyciam minorem Asiam omnino maioris multas vrbes inter quas Ephesum ipsam etiam Hierosolymam depopulati super Christianos inuaderent The same in English VPon Easterday king Edward the Confessour being crowned with his kingly diademe and accompanied with diuers of his nobles sate at dinner in his pallace at Westminster And when others after their long abstinence in the Lent refreshed themselues with dainty meats and fed thereupon very earnestly he lifting vp his mind from earthly matters and meditating on heauenly visions to the great admiration of those which were present brake forth into an exceeding laughter and no man presuming to enquire the cause of his mirth they all kept silence til dinner was ended But after dinner as hee was in his bed-chamber putting off his solemne roabes three of his Nobles to wit earle Harold an Abbot and a Bishop being more familiar with him then the residue followed him in and bouldly asked him what was the occasion of his laughter for it seemed very strange vnto them all what should moue him at so solemne a time and assembly while others kept silence to laugh so excessiuely I saw quoth he admirable things and therefore laughed I not without occasion Then they as it is the common guise of all men demaunded and enquired the cause more earnestly humbly beseeching him that hee would vouchsafe to impart that secret vnto them Whereupon musing a long while vnto himselfe at length he told them wonderfull things namely that seuen Sleepers had rested in mount Caelius two hundred yeeres lying vpon their right sides but in the very houre of his laughter that they turned themselues on their left sides and that they should continue so lying for the space of 74. yeeres after being a dismal signe of future calamitie vnto mankinde For all things should come to passe within those 74. yeeres which as our Sauiour Christ foretold vnto his disciples were to be fulfilled about the ende of the world namely that nation should rise against nation and kingdome against kingdome and that there should bee in many places earthquakes pestilence and famine terrible apparitions in the heauens
was buried by his brother after Christian maner Chap. 6. AFter the lamentable burials of these so famous Princes the King taking occasion of the death of these principall men of his armic agreed making none priuie thereto to receiue the money which was offered him for his differring off the siege of the citie of Sagiâ—ta yet dissembling to make peace with the Saracens but that he ment to go through with the worke that he had begunne Whereupon sending a message vnto Iaphet hee aduised the English souldiers to come downe to Acres with their fleete and to conferre and consult with him touching the besieging and assaulting of the citie of Sagitta which rising immediatly vpon the kings commaundement and foorthwith hoysing vp the sayles of their shippes aloft with pendants and stremers of purple and diuerse other glorious colours with their flagges of scarlet colour and silke came thither and casting their ancres rode hard by the citie The king the next day calling vnto him such as were priuie acquainted with his dealings opened his griefe vnto the chiefe Captaines of the English men and Danes touching the slaughter of Hugh and the death of his brother and what great confidence he reposed in them concerning these warres and that nowe therefore they being departed and dead he must of necessity differre the besieging of Sagitta for this time dismisse the armie assembled This resolution of the king being spred among the people the armie was dissolued and the Englishmen Danes and Flemings with sailes and oares going aboard their fleete saluted the king and returned home vnto their natiue countries The trauailes of one Athelard an Englishman recorded by master Bale Centur. 2. AThelardus Bathoniensis Coenobij monachus naturalium rerum mysteria causas omnes diligentâ—â—â tam vndecun que exquisitá perserutatus est vt cum aliquibus veteris seculi philoâ—ophis non indignè conferâ—i possit Hic olim spectatae indolis Adolescens vt virente adhuc aetate iuuenile ingenium foecundaret atque adres magnas pararet relicta dulci patria longin quas petijt regiones Cum verò AEgyptum Arabiam peragrans plura inuenisset quae eius desiderabat animus cum magno laborum ac literarum lucro in Angliam tum demùm reuertebatur Claruit anno virginei partus 1130. Henrico primo regnante The same in English AThelard a Monke of the Abbie of Bathe was so diligent a searcher of the secrets and causes of naturall things that he deserueth worthely to be compared with some of the auncient Philosophers This man although young yet being of a good wit and being desirous to increase and enrich the same with the best things and to prepare himselfe as it were for greater matters left his Countrey for a time and trauailed into forreine Regions He went through Egypt and Arabia and found out many things which he desired to his owne priuate contentment and the profite of good letters generally and so being satisfied returned againe into his Countrey he flourished in the yeere 1130. Henry the first being then king of England ¶ The life and trauailes of one VVilliam of Tyre an Englishman Centur. 13. GVlielmus Ecclesiae Dominici sepulchri Hierosolymae Regularium Canonicorum prior natione Anglicus vir vita moribus coÌ„mendabilis Anno Dom. 1128. postquam Tyrorum Ciuitas fidei Christianae restituta est a Guimundo Hierosolymorum patriarcha eidem vrbi primus Archiepiscopus praeficiebatur Est autem Tyrus ciuitas antiquissima Phoeniciae vniuersae Metropolis quae inter Syriae prouincias bonorum omnium penè commoditate incolarum frequentia primum semper obtinuit locum post conscripta quaedam opuscula Epistolas ad Domâ—num migrauit Anâ— Christi 1130. quum duobus tantum sedisset annis in Tyrensi Ecclesia sepelitur The same in English VVIlliam the Prior of the Canons Regular in the Church of Ierusalem called the Lords Sepulchre was an Englishman borne and of a vertuous and good behauiour After that the Citie of Tyre was restored againe to the Christian faith Guimunde the Patriarke of Ierusalem made him the first Archbishop of Tyre in the yeere 1128. Which Tyre is a very ancient Citie the Metropolis of all Phoenicia and hath bene accompted the chiefest Prouince of Syria both for fruitful commodities and multitude of inhabitants This William hauing in his life written many Bookes and Epistles died at last in the yeere 1130. hauing bene Archbishop the space of two yeeres and was buried in the Church of Tyre The trauailes of Robertus Ketenensis RObertus Ketenensis natione cognomine Anglus degusâ—atis primum per Anglorum gymnasia humanarum artium elementis literarijs vltramarinas statim visitare prouincias in animo constituit Peragratis ergò Gallijs Italia Dalmatia Graecia tum demum peruenit in Asiam vbi non paruo labore ac vitae suae periculo inter Saracenos truculentissimum hominum genus Arabicam linguam ad amussim didicit In Hispaniam postea nauigio traductus circa fluuium Hibetum Astrologicae artis studio cum Hermanno quodam Dalmata magni sui itineris comite se totum dedit Claruit anno seruatoris nostri 1143 Stephano regnante Pampilonaâ— sepelitur The same in English THis Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname as he was by birth who after some time spent in the foundations of humanitie and in the elements of good Artes in the Uniuersities of England determined to trauaile to the partes beyond sea and so trauailed through France Italie Dalmatia and Greece and came at last into Asia where he liued in great danger of his life among the cruell Saracens but yet learned perfectly the Arabian tongue Afterwardes he returned by sea into Spaine and there about the riuer Iberus gaue him selfe wholy to the studie of Astrologie with one Hermannus a Dalmatian who had accompanied him in his long voyage He flourished in the yeere 1143. Steuen being then King of England and was buried at Pampilona A voyage of certaine English men vnder the conduct of Lewes king of France vnto the Holy land TAntae expeditionis explicito apparatu vterque princeps iter arripuit exercitu separtito Imperator enim Conradus praecedebat itinere aliquot dierum cum Italorum Germanorum aliarúmque gentium amplissimis copijs Rex vero Lodouicus sequebatur Francorum Flandrensium Normannorum Britonum Anglorum Burgundionum Prouincialium Aquitanorum equestri simul pedestri agmine comitatus Gulielmus Neobrigensis fol. 371. The same in English BOth the princes prouision being made for so great an expedition they seuering their armies entered on their iourney For the Emperour Conradus went before certaine dayes iourney with very great power of Italians Germans and other countreys And king Lewes followed after accompanied with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men Flemmings Normans Britons English men Burgundions men of Prouence and Gascoins The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem ANno
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
Laus tua prima fuit Siculi Cyprus altera Dromo tertia Caruanna quarta suprema Iope Retrusi Siculi Cyprus pessundata Dromo mersus Caruanna capta retenta Iope Epitaphium eiusdem vbi viscera eius requiescunt VIscera Kareolum corpus fons seruat Ebraldi cor Rothomagus magne Richarde tuum The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius sometime Archbishop of Canterbury BAldwinus Deuonius tenui loco Excestriae natus vir ore facundus exactus Philosophus ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inuenie batur Scholarum rector primùm erat tum postea Archidiac onus eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris fuit praeterâ—à Cisterciensis Monachus Abbas Fordensis Coenobij magnus suorum aestimatione ac vniuersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus fuit deinde Wigoâ—niensis praesul fuit mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus ac totius Angliae Primas Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè inuigilans egregium se pastorem exhibuit dominicum semen quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas vnique locorum spargens Richardus Anglorum rex acceptis tunc regui insignijs summo studio classem ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam Palestinam vsque Baldwinus vt esset in tam Sancto vt ipse putabat iâ—inere laborum dolorum ac periculorum particeps Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis Richardum regem in Syriam secutus anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiâ—it vbi sepultus est The same in English BAldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage was a very eloquent man an exact Philosopher and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies He was first of all a Schoolemaster afterwards he became an Archdeacon very famous for his learning wisdom in all his doings He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie and the chiefe of all those that were of his order he grew after this to be bishop of Worâ—ester and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted made Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant shewed himselfe a worthy Pastor sowing the feed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted In his time king Richard with all indeuour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at Ierusalem taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome This Baldwine â—ftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes paines and perils in so holy a voyage Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres but hauing followed the king into Syria in the yeere 1190â— he died at Tyrâ— where he was also buried ¶ An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwine taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinerarium Cambriae lib. â— Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus audita saluatoris salutiâ—â—rae Crucis iniuria nostris proh dolor diebus per Saladinum irrogata cruce â—ignatus in eiusdem obsequâ—js tam remotis finibus quà m propinquis praedicationis officium virilâ—ter assumpsit Et post-modùm iter accipiens nauigiâ—que fungens apud Marsiham transcurso tandem pelagi profundo in portu Tyrensâ—incolumis applicuit inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter obsessum Aconem transiuit vbi multos ex nostris inueniens ferè cunctos principum defectu in summa desolatione iam positos desperatione alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos alios fame inopia grauiter afflictos quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens sumptibus impensis verbis vitae meritis confirmauit The same in English THis Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket after he had heard y e wrong which was done to our Sauiour and the signe of the Crosse by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt taking vpon him the Lords Character he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof as well in farre distant Countreis as at home And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils hauing at length passed y e Leuant sea he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie besieging the Towne and yet as it were besieged it selfe where finding many of our Countreymen and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire through the withdrawing of the Princes some of them tyred with long expectation others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie and others distempered with the heate of the weather being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue he ayded them at his costes and charges and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life ¶ A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Frederike Tilney his ancestor knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour by K. Richard the first as foloweth PErtinult iste liber prâ—ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudae ae anno regis Richardi primi tertio Vir erat iste magnae staturae potens in corpore qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae Eorum miles vltimus â—uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae pater genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri cui modò artineâ— iste liber Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English THis booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first This knight was of a tall stature and strong of body who resteth interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day Also after this mans decease the inheritance of his landes fell successiuely vnto sixteene sundry knights called all
marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum situate vpon the sea coast and taried there that night and the next day they returned againe toward Acra In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cyprus desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians but they would not come saying they would keepe their owne land and go no further Then prince Edward sent vnto them desiring that at hiâ—â—equest they would come and ioyne in ayd with him who immediatly thereupon came vnto him with great preparation furniture for the warres saying that at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse for that his predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land and that they ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England Then the Christians being herewith animated made a third voyage or roadâ— and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri and to S. Georgius and when they had slain certaine there not finding any to make resistance against them they reâ—ired againe from whence they came when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies and that they began to stand in doubt of him they deuised among themselues how by some pollicy they might circumuent him and betray him Whereupon the prince and admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him faining himselfe vnder great deceit willing to become a Christian and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the Christians This talke pleased the prince well and perswaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing againe who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the sâ—me matter whereby no mistrust should spring This messenger sayth mine author was one ex caute nutritis one of the stony hearted that neither feared God nor dreaded death The fift time when this messenger came and was of the princes sâ—ruants searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him as also his purse that not so much as a knife could be seene about him he was had vp into the princes chamber and after his reuerence done he pulled out certaine letters which he deliuered the prince from his lord as he had done others before This was about eight dayes after Whitsuntide vpon a Tuesday somewhat before night at which time the prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed in his ierkin for the great heat and intemperature of the weather When the prince had read the letters it appeared by them that vpon the Saturday next following his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well who drew somewhat backe to consult thereof amongst themselues In the meane time the mâ—ssenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince questioning further with him put his hand to his belt as though he would haue pulled out sâ—me secret letters and suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife thinking to haue stroken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay but the price lifting vp his hand to defend the blow was striken a great wound into the arme and being abouâ— to fetch another stroke at him the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow that he feld him to the ground with that the prince gate him by the hand and with such violence wrasted the knife from him that he hurt himselfe therewith on the forehead and immediatly thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker and slew him The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off hearing the bussing came with great haste running in and finding the messenger lying dead in the floore one of them tooke vp a stoole and beat out his braines whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man and one that was killed before But the rumour of this accident as it was strange so it went soone thorowout all the Court and from thence among the common people for which they were very heauy and greatly discouraged To him came also the Captaine of the Temple and brought him a costly and precious drinke against poison least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely blood and in blaming wise sayd vnto him did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtilty of this people Notwithstanding sayd he let your Grace take a good heart you shall not die of this wound my life for yours But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for and the prince was dressed and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie and the flesh to looke dead and blacke whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselues and were very sad and heauy Which thing he himself perceiuing said vnto them why mutter you thus among your selues what see you in me can I not be healed tell me the trueth be ye not afrayd Whereupon one sayd vnto him and it like your Grace you may be healed we mistrust not but yet it will be very painfull for you to suffer May suffering sayd he againe restore health yea sayth the other on paine of losing my head Then sayd the prince I commit my selfe vnto you doe with me what you thinke good Then sayd one of the Physicians is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust to whom the prince answered Yea naming certeine of the Noble men that stood about him Then sayd the Physician to the two whom the prince first named the Lord Edmund and the lord Iohn Voisie And doe you also faithfully loue your Lord and Prince Who answered both Yea vndoubtedly Then sayth he take you away this gentlewoman and lady meaning his wife and let her not see her lord and husband till such time as I will you thereunto Whereupon they tooke her from the princes presence crying out and wringing her hands Then sayd they vnto her Be you contented good Lady Madame it is better that one woman should weepe a little while then that all the realme of England should weepe a great season Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and inuenimed flesh out of the princes arme and threw it from them and sayd vnto him how cheereth your Grace we promise you within these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horsebacke whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise he made the prince it came to passe to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subiects When the great Souldan heard hereof and that the prince was yet aliue he could scarsely beleeue the same and sending vnto him three of his Nobles and Princes excused himselfe by them calling his god to witnesse
that the same was done neither by him nor his consent Which princes and messengers standing aloofe off from the kings sonne worshipping him fell flat vpon the ground you sayd the prince do reuerence me but yet you loue me not But they vnderstood him not because he spake in English vnto them speaking by an Interpreter neuerthelesse he honourably entertained them and sent them away in peace Thus when prince Edward had beene eighteene moneths in Acra he tooke shipping about the Assumption of our Lady as we call it returning homeward and after seuen weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes and from thence trauailed thorow the middes of Apulia till he came to Rome where he was of the Pope honorably entertained From thence he came into France whose fame and noble prowesse was there much bruted among the common people and enuied of the Nobility especially of the earle of Chalons who thought to haue intrapped him and his company as may appeare in the story but Prince Edward continued foorth his iourney to Paris and was there of the French king honourably entertained and after certaine dayes he went thence into Gascoine where he taried till that he heard of the death of the king his father at which time he came home and was crowned king of England in the yere of our Lord 1274. The trauaile of Robert Turneham RObertus Turneham Franciscanus Theologiae professor insignis Lynnae celebri Irenorum ad ripas Isidis emporio collegio suorum fratrum magnificè praefuit Edwardus Princeps cognomento Longus Henrici textij filius bellicam expeditionem contra Saracenos Assyriam incolentes anno Dom. 1268. parabat Ad quam profectionem quaesitus quoque Orator vehemens qui plebis in causa religionis animos excitaret Turnehamus principi visus vel dignissimus est qui munus hoc obiret Sic tanquam signifer constitutus Assyrios vnà cum Anglico exercitu peâ—ijt ac suum non sine laude praestitit officium Claruit anno salutiferi partus 1280 varia componens sub eodem Edwardo eius nominis primo post Conquestum The fame in English RObert Turneham Franciscan a notable professour of Diuinity was with great dignity Prior of the Colledge of his Order in the famous Mart towne of Linne situate vpon the riuer of Isis in Norfolke Prince Edward surnamed the Long the sonne of Henry the third prepared his warlike voyage against the Saracens dwelling in Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1268. For the which expedition some earnest preacher was sought to stir vp the peoples minds in the cause of religion And this Turneham seemed to the Prince most worthy to performe that office so that he being appointed as it were a standerd bearer went into Syria with the English army and performed his duety with good commendation He flourished in the yeere of Christ 1280 setting foorth diuers works vnder the same king Edward the first of that name after the Conquest Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Hierusalem and confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome in the 34 yere of Edward the first Lelandus ANtonius Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fult regnante Edwardo eius appellationis ab aduentu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo Electus est in patriarcham Hierosolomitanum anno Christi 1305 a Clemente quinto Rom. pontifice confirmatus Splendidus erat supra quâm decebat episcopum Construxit castrum Achelandae quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa Vnduglessi fluuioli Elte shamum etiam vicinum Grencuico ac Somaridunum castellum Lindianae prouinciae ae dificijs illustria reddidit Deinde palatium Londini erexit quod nunc Edwardi principis est Tandem ex splendore nimio potentia conflauit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem inuidiam quam viuens nunquam extinguere potuit Sed de Antonio eius scriptis fusiùs in opere cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis dicemus Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo 1310 Edwardo secundo regnante The same in English ANthony Beck was bishop of Durisine in the time of the reigne of Edward the first of that name after the inuasion of William the great into England This Anthony was elected patriarch of Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord God 1305 and was confirmed by Clement the fift pope of Rome He was of greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop He founded also the castle of Acheland foure miles from Durisme on the shore of a prety riuer called Vnduglesme He much beautified with new buildings Eltham mannor being nere vnto Greenwich and the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey And lastly he built new out of the ground the palace of London which now is in the possession of prince Edward Insomuch that at length through his ouer great magnificence and power he procured to himselfe great enuy among the nobility which he could not asswage during the rest of his life But of this Anthony of his writings we will speake more at large in our booke intitled of the Britain bishops This Anthony finished his life in the yere of our Lord God 1310 and in the reigne of king Edward the second Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum LIcet multa varia de ritibus conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a multis ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro Iulij de portu Vahonis volens ad partes infidelium transfretare magna mira vidi audiui quae possum veracitèr enarrare Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera iuxta CoÌ„stantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam quae antiquitus Pontus vocabatur Haec terra benè situata est sicut scala quaedam Perfarum Medorum eorum qui sunt vltra mare In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit scilicèt hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum Homo autem per terram gradiebatur perdices vero volabant per aëra quas ipse ad quoddam castrum dictum Zauena duxit distans à Trapesunda per tres dieras Hae perdices illius conditionis erant cùm homo ille quiescere voluit omnes se aptabant circa ipsum more pullorum gallinarum per illum modum duxit eas vfque ad Trapesundam vsque ad palatium imperatoris qui de illis sumpsit quot voluit residuas vir ille ad locum vnde venerat adduxit In hac ciuitate requiescit corpus Athanasij supra portam ciuitatis Vltra transiui vsque in Armeniam maiorem ad quandam ciuitatem quae vocatur Azaron quae erat multùm opulenta antiquitùs sed Tartari eam pro magna parte destruxerunt In ea erat abundantia pani carnium aliorum omniuÌ„ victualium preterquam vini fructuum Haec ciuitas est multuÌ„ frigida de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quà m aliqua alia in hoc
maner of shooting is little vsed amongst christian men Howbeit by euident myracle thanked be God the sayd pieces did no great harme and slew not past 24. or 25. persons and the most part women and children and they began to shoot with the said pieces from the 19. day of the â—ame moneth vnto the end of August it was accounted that they shot 2000. times more or lesse Then the enemies were warned by the Iewe that wrote letters to them of all that was done and sayd in the towne that the sayd potgunnes did no harme wherefore they were angry for they thought that they had slaine the third part of our people and they were counselled by him to leaue that shooâ—ing for it was but time lost and pouder wasted and then they shot no more with them It is of a trueth that they shot with the sayd potgunnes 12. or 15. times with bullets of brasse or copper full of wild fire and when they were in the ayre they flamed foorth and in falling on the ground they brake and the fire came out and did some harme But at the last wee knew the malice thereof and the people was warie from comming neere to them and therefore they did hurt no more folke How the captaine Gabriel Martiningo came to the succor of Rhodes and all the slaues were in danger to be slaine THe 24. day of the same moneth a brigantine arriued that was sent afore into Candie wherein came a worthy captaine named Gabriel Martiningo with two other captains And there went to receiue him messieur prou Iohn prior of S. Giles and the prior of Nauarre Then after his honourable receiuing as to him well appertained they brought him before the lord great master that louingly receiued him and he was gladly seene and welcommed of the people as a man that was named very wise and ingenious in feats of warre Then came a Spaniard renâ—gado from the host that gaue vs warning of all that was done in the field and of the approching by the trenches that our enemies made And in likewise there arose a great noise in the towne that the slaues Turks that wrought for vs in the diches had slaine their keepers and would haue fled which was not so Neuerthelesse the rumour was great and they rang alarme wherefore the sayd slaues comming to prison as it was ordeined in al the alarmes were met of the people which in great anger put them to death so that there were slain an hundred moe the same day And if the lord great master had not commanded that none should hurt them they had bene all slaine and there were fifteene hundreth of them which slaues did great seruice in time of the siege for they laboured dayly to make our defences and to cast earth out of the ditches and in all works they were necessary at our needs How the great Turke arriued in person before Rhodes THe 25 day of the sayd moneth many of our men went out for to skinnish in the field and made great murder of Turks and in likewise did our artillery And it is to be noted that the 28 day of the same moneth the great Turke in person passed le Fisco a hauen in the maine land with a galley and a fust and arriued about noone where his army lay the which day may be called vnhappie for Rhodes For his comming his presence and continuall abiding in the fielde is and hath beene cause of the victorie that he hath had When the gallie that he came in was arriued all the other shippes of the hoste hanged banners aloft in their toppes and on their sayle yerdes Soone after that the Turke was arriued he went to land and mounted on his horse and râ—de to his pauilion which was in a high place called Megalandra foure or fiue miles fro the towne out of the danger of the gunne shot And on the morow as it was reported to vs hee came to a Church nigh the towne called Saint Steuen for to viewe the Towne and fortresses whereas they had set vp mantellets for to lay their ordinance THe last day of Iuly one of our brigandines went out with a good company of men arayed as Turkes and some of them could speake Turkish and went by night to lande through the Turkes hoste and demaunded if there were any that would passe ouer into Turkie that they should haste them to come The Turkes weening that they had beene of Turkie there entred a 12. persons the which were carried to Rhodes by whom we knew what they did in the campe The first day of August the Captaine Gabriel Martiningo was made knight of the order of the religion by the lord great Master and was made the first auncient of the Italian nation of the first baliage or priorie that should be vacant And in the meane season the religion should giue him twelue hundred ducates for pension euery yeere and the same day he was receiued to the Councell in the roome of a baylife The fift day of the sayd moneth our master gunner was slaine with a gunne which was great losse for vs at that time The 15. day of the sayd moneth was knowen and taken for a traitor Messire Iohn Baptista the physicion aforesayd which confessed his euill and diuelish doings and had his head striken of Of the marueilous mounts that the Turks made afore the towne and how the capitaines were ordered in the trenches AFter the comming of the great Turke the enemies began to shoote with ordinance of another sort then they did before and specially with harquebushes and handguns and also to make their trenches and approches And also they did more diligence then afore to bring y e earth nigh the towne with spades and pickares And it is to weet that they mooued the earth from halfe a mile off and there were shot out of the towne innumerable strokes with ordinance against the sayd earth and innumerable quantitie of people hid behind the sayd earth were slaine Neuerthelesse they neuer left â—â—rking till they had brought it to the brimmes of the ditches and when it was there they raiâ—eâ— it higher and higher in strengthning it behind And in conclusion the sayd earth was higher then the wals of the towne by 10. or 12. foote and it seemed a hill And it was agaynst the gate of Auuergne and Spaine and beat our men that were at the gates bulwarks in such wise that none durst be seene till certaine defelices and repaires were made of plankes and boards to couer our people and keepe them from the shot And at the gate of Italy was made such another heape and in none other part When the trenches were thus made to the ditches the enemies made holes in the wals of the ditch outward wherethorow they shot infinitely with handgunnes at our men aswell on the walles as on the bulwarks and slew many of them Then the basshas and captaines entred into the trenches ech to
gaue vs the force and power so to doe for they were by estimation a hundred against one Also the 22 day of the same moneth of September they fired a mine betweene Italy and Prouence which did no harme Of the terrible mine at the posterne of Auuergne ANd the 23 day of the same moneth they fired two mines one at the posterne of Spaine and the other by the bulwarke of Auuergne the which mine by Auuergne was so terrible that it made all the towne to shake and made the wall to open from aboue to beneath vnto the plaine ground howbeit it fell not for the mine had vent or breath in two places by one of the countermines and by a rocke vnder the Barbican the which did cleaue and by that cleft the sury and might of the mine had issue And if the sayd two vents had not bene the wall had bene turned vpside downe And for truth as it was reported to vs out of the campe the enemies had great hope in the sayd mine thinking that the wall should haue bene ouerthrowen and then they might haue entred into the towne at their pleasures but when they saw the contrary they were very ill pleased And the captaines determined to giue assault at foure places at once to make vs the more adoo and to haue an entrance into the towne by one of the foure And the sayd day and night they ceased not to shoot artillery and there came in hope of the mine threescore thousand men and moe into the trenches How the bulwarke of Spaine was lost and woonne againe THe 24 day of the same moneth a little before day they gaue assault at the breach of Spaine to the bulwarke of England to the posterne of Prouence and at the plaine ground of Italy all at one houre one time The first that mounted to the breach of Spaine was the Aga of the Ianissaries a valiant man and of great courage with his company and bare three score or three score and tenne banners and signes and pight them in the earth of the breach and then fought with our men and mounted on our repaires making other maner of fray and more rigorous then the other that were passed and the sayd skirmish lasted about sixe houres And forthwith as the assault was giuen a great sort of Turks entred into the bulwarke of Spaine and set vp eight or nine signes or banners vpon it and droue our men out I can not tell how vnwares or otherwise And they were lords of it three houres and more Howbeit there were of our men beneath in the mine of the sayd bulwarke the which bulwarke so lost gaue vs euill hope But incontinently the lord great master being at the defence of the posterne of England hauing knowledge of the sayd losse and that there was great fighting and resistance on both sides at the breach of Spaine marched thither with the banner of the crucifix leauing the charge of the sayd bulwarke in the hands of the bailife de la Moree messieur Mery Combant And the lord mounted on the wall of Spaine whereas then began a great skirmish and euery man layed his handâ—s to worke as well to put the enemies out of the breach as to recouer the bulwarke that was lost And the sayde lord sent a company of men into the bulwarke by the gate of the mine or by the Barbican the which entred at the sayd gate and went vp where they found but few Turkes For the artillery of the posterne of England right against the bulwarke of Spaine had so well met and scattered them that within a while our men had slaine all them that were left And thus the sayde bulwarke was gotten and recouered againe and with all diligence were made new repaires and strengths to the sayd place And in like sort the enemies were put from the breech and few of them escaped and all their banners and signes were left with vs. Surely it may be sayd that after the grace of God the trauerses of Spaine and Auuergne and the small artillery set on the houses right against the sayd breaches as it is sayd with the comming and presence of the lord great master hath giuen vs this dayes victory As touching the murder of the people done by the artillery of the bulwarkes of England and Spaine the quantity was such that a man could not perceiue nor see any ground of the ditches And the stench of the mastifs carions was so grienous that we might not suffer it seuen or eight dayes after And at the last they that might saue themselues did so and withdrew themselues to the trenches and the reuerend lord great master abode victorious of the sayd place and in like sort of the other three assaults the which were but little lesse then that of Spaine for they fought long But in conclusion the enemies beaten on all sides and in so many sorts with artillery were put backe and vanquished that there died that day at all the foure places fifteene or sixteene thousand And the slaughter was so great at the plaine Italy of the cursed enemies that the sea was made redde with their blood And on our side also died to the number of an hundred men or more And of men if dignity in the towne hauing charge died Sir Francis de Frenolz commander of Romania which Sir Francis was chiefe captaine of the great ship of Rhodes and he was slaine at the plaine of Italy wounded with two strokes of harquebushes it was great dammage of his death for he was a worthy man perfect and full of vertues There died also messieur Nastasy de sancta Camilla aforenamed hauing two hundred men vnder him of the lord great masters succours There died also diuers other worthy men that day and many were maimed Among all other that lost any member messieur Iohn de le Touz called Pradines being at the sayd bulwarke with a stroke of artillery had his arme smitten away in great danger to haue lost his life howbeit by the helpe of God he died not In like sort the same day was hurt Sir William Weston abouesayd captaine of the posterne of England and had one of his fingers stricken away with an harquebush which knight behaued himselfe right woorthily at all the assaults Of the Turkes part of great men were two principall captaines slaine vnder the Aga of the Ianissaries and another captaine that was come out of Surey to the campe certaine dayes before with sixe hundred Mamelukes and two or three thousand Moores And of them that were hurt of great men the Beglarby of Natolia had a stroke with an arrow as he was in the trench of Prouence And many other were wounded whose names be not rehearsed here because of shortnesse How the great Turke for anger that he could not get the towne would haue put his chiefe captaine to death and how they made â—1 mines vnder the bulwarke of England DUring this assault the great
Turks was by his pauillion in a place that he had caused to be made and saw all the businesse and â—ow his people were so sharpely put backe and the victory lost on his side was very sore displeased and halfe in despaire and he sent for Mustafa Basha with whom he was angry and â—hid him bitterly saying that he had caused him to come thither and had made him to beleeue that â—e should take the towne in fifteene dayes or a moneth at the furthest and he had beene there already three moneths with his army and yet they had done nothing And after these wordes he was purposed to put him to death in the campe â— but the other Bashas shewed him that he ought not to do iustice in the land of his enemice for it would coÌ„fort them and giue theâ— courage Wherby he did moderate his anger and left him for that time and thought to send him to Cairo least the people there would rebell by occasion of the captaine of Cairo which died a few dayes before Howbeit he departed not so suddenly and or he went he thought to assay if he might do some thing for to please the Turke aswell for his honour as for to saue his person and was maruellous diligent to make mines at the bulwarke of England for to ouerthrow it And by account were made 11 mines aswell to the sayd bulwarke as elswhere beside them spoken of before and that they had fired But the most part of the sayd mines came to no proofe though they put fire in them and many were met with countermines and broken by our men by the good diligence and sollicitude of sir Gabriel Du-chef steward of the housâ— of the lord great master which had the charge of the sayd countermines at the same bulwarke In the which businesse he behaued himselfe well and worthily and spared not his goods to cause the people to worke and trauell but spent thereof largely How the Turks were minded to haue gone their way and of the traitours within the towne and of many great assaults THe Turks seeing that by mining they were nothing furthered nor might not come to their intentions and hauing but small store of gunpowder were in deliberation and minde to haue raised the siege and gone their way And in deed some of them bare their cariages toward the shippes and also certaine number of people went out of the trenches with their standards straight to the ships And it was written vnto vs from the campe how the Ianissaries and other of the host would fight no more and that they were almost all of one opinion for to go away saue some of the captaines of the foresayd Mustafa Bassha or Acmek Bassha And in the meane season the false traitours that were in the towne wrote letters to the campe giuing them knowledge of all that was sayd and done among vs. And also an Albanese fled to the enemies campe and warned them not to go for the gunshot was nigh wasted and that the most part of the knights and people should be theirs shortly In like sort then wrote the abouesayd Chanceller Sir Andrew de Merall whose treason as then was not knowen but when it commeth to the effect of his treason I shall shew the knowledge that he gaue to the enemies at diuers times When the bashas and captaines of the hoste vndestood the sayd warnings they all purposed for to tary and caused those tidings of the towne to be knowen ouer all the army And beganne againe to shoot artillery faster then euer they did for new shot was come into the campe Then Mustafa Bassha being in despaire that he could do nothing by mines by gunshot nor by assaults he being-ready to depart for to goe into Surey by the great Turkes commandement before his departing hee thought once againe to assay his aduenture and made three assaults three dayes together The first was on a Saturday the fourth day of October an houre before night The other on Sunday in the morning And the third on Munday after dinner And the sayd three assaults were made to the bulwarke of England And it was assailed but with stones and bagges full of artificiall fire And at these three assaults many of our men were hurt with the sayd â—ire and with the slones that came as thicke as raine or haile But in the end the enemies got nothing but strokes and returned into their trenches euill contented and murmuring and sware by their Mahomet that Mustafa Bassha shoulde not make them to mount any more to the sayd bulwarke And that it was great folly for them to cause them to be slaine at the will and fantasie of one man These wordes sayd in Greeke by some of the enemies were heard of our men as they went downe from the bulwarke And because as it is sayd that the enemies at the assaults that were made came vp by the earth and stones that fell from the breaches some of our men aduised to clense the barbican and take the earth out of the ditch to the end that the enemies should not easily come vpon the wall And in effect weening that it were well and behoouefull to be done by great diligence night and day by mines they voided the barbican and the most part of the earth that lay in the ditch was brought into the towne she which was hurtfull afterward and was cause that the enemies got the foot of the wall Notwithstanding they had it but scarsely But this cleansing furthered the time and caused them to get it sooner then they should haue done if the earth had lien still but their finall intent was to raise the defence of the bulwarks and then passe at their pleasure and enter into the barbican as they haue done for the enemies seeing that the barbican was clensed thought to get into it by trenches and so they did howbeit they were certaine dayes letted by our handgun shot The enemies seeing that they might not come neere it couered their trenches with tables to saue themselues and then they made a mine whereby they might goe to the barbican So by these two meanes afterward they were repaired with earth and with a certaine wall that they made for to eschew the shot of the bulwarks of Auuergne and Spaine and in the mine they found but two gunners which they slew by force of men By this maner they being couered on all parts and without any danger passed thorow and lept into the barbican and got the foot of the wall which was the 17 day of October an vnhappy day for the poore towne and occasion of the ruine thereof and winning of the same At this point they slept not but lightly and with great delight they began to picke and hew the wall And weening to make remedy therefore and to finde meanes to driue them from the sayde barbican with engins of fire and barrels of gunpowder wee slew many of them but it auailed nothing for the
it himselfe and speake with him and sayd that he had also a letter of the Grand signior for the lord master Upon this he was bidden to go his way and to set him packing they shot after him a piece of artillery The next day after Ballantis Albanese that was fled thorow the breach of Spaine to the campe came from the sayd Genouois proposing such words or like as the other had sayd saying likewise that the Grand signior had sent a letter to the lord master To whom no words were spoken nor answere made for the lord great master as wise and prudent considering that a towne that will heare intreatings is halfe lost defended vpon the paine of death sith that Siotis had spoken these two times that none should be so hardy to speake nor answere them of the campe without his knowledge commandement but seeing they were such ambassadors they reported the words of the sayd Albanese or euer the sayd lord had knowledge of the words of the Siotis The which words spread thorow the towne put many folke in thought and would haue vndone that that the Siotis said the which is no maâ—uell whereas is much people for with good will and most often they regard sooner to saue the liues of them and their children then they doe to the honour of the residue Howbeit not one durst speake a word openly of that businesse but all secretly and some came and spake to certaine lords of the great crosse for to speake to y e lord great master And in effect some lords spake therof to him persuading him that it should be good to thinke thereon seeing that the towne went to losse To whom the sayd lord shewed many things for his honor and the Religion and that no such things ought to be done or thought for any thing in the world but rather he and they to die The lords hearing this answere went their wayes and then returned againe to the sayd lord aduising him more to thinke well on all things and to the saluation of his towne and of his religion And they sayd moreouer that they doubted that the people would rather haue a peace then to die themselues their wiues and children The lord seeing that such words were as things inforced as who should say if thou do it not we shall do it as wise men and prudent willing to make remedies of needfull things by counsell called the lords of his Councell for to haue aduise in these doings and other And when they were assembled the lord proposed the words that were to him denounced and sayd With these termes and wordes came two or three marchants and citizens of the towne that knocked at the doore of the Councell and presented a supplication to the great master and lords of the Councel whereby they required and besought meekely the sayd reuerend lord to haue respect to them and their poore housholds and to make some appointment with the great Turke seeing that the sayd matter was already forward in purpose that he would do it and that it would please him to consider the pitious sorowfull estate that the towne was in that there was no remedy to saue it and at the lest way if the lord would not make appointment to giue them leaue of his goodnesse to haue their wiues and their children out of the Rodes to saue them for they would not haue them slaine nor made slaues to the enemies And the conclusion was that if the sayd lord would not puruey therefore they would puruey for it themselues And there was written in the said request the names of eight or ten of the richest of the towne Which words of the sayd supplication being heard the sayd lord and his councell were abashed and ill content as reason would seeing that it was but a course game and thought on many things to make answere to the sayd citizens for to content and appease them and also to see if they should intend to the appointment as they required and after as the Genouoys had reported and the better to make the sayd answere and to know more plainly in what estate the towne was in all things that is to wit first of gunpowder and then of men of warre and of the katteries Also were demanded and asked the lord of S. Giles pre Iohn which had the charge of the gunpowder and then the captaine Sir Gabriel Martiningo for being ouer their men of warre as it is said as to him that knew the truth if the towne might holde or not or there were any meanes to saue it The sayd lord of S. Giles arose saying and affirming vpon his honour and his conscience that almost all the slaues and labourers were dead and hurt and that scantly there were folke enow to remoue a piece of artillery from one place to another and that it was vnpossible without folke any more to make or set vp the repaires the which euery day were broken and crushed by the great furious and continuall shot of the enemies artillery As for gunpowder the sayd lord sayd that all that was for store in the towne was spent long agone and that which was newly brought was not to serue furnish two assaults And he seeing the great aduantage of the enemies being so farre within the towne without power to put or chase them away for default of men was of the opinion that the towne would be lost and that there was no meanes to saue it The words of the sayd lord finished the captaine Gabriel Martiningo for his discharge sayd and declared to the reuerend lord and them of the Councell that seeing and considering the great beatings of the shot that the towne had suffered and after seeing the entring which the enemies had so large and that they were within the towne by their trenches both endlong and ouerthwart seeing also that in two other places they were at the foot of the wall and that the most part of our knights and men of warre and other were slaine and hurt and the gunpowder wasted and that it was vnpossible for them to resist their enemies any more that without doubt the towne was lost if there came no succors for to helpe and resist the siege The which opinions and reasons of these two woorthy men and expert in such feats vnderstood and pondered by the lord great master and the lords of the Councell they were most part aduised for to accept and take treaty if it were offered for the sauegard of the common people and of the holy reliques of the church as part of the holy crosse the holy throne the hand of S. Iohn and part of his head and diuers other reliques Howbeit the lord great master to whom the businesse belonged very neere and that tooke it most heauily and was more sorrowfull then any of the other as reason required was alway stedfast in his first purpose rather willing to die then to consent to such a thing
together nor writing of letter to the great master he knew nothing Howbeit sith the great master had sent to him for to know his will he bade say to them that the great master should yeeld him the towne And in so doing he promised by his faith for to let him goe with all his knights and all other that would goe with their goods without receiuing any displeasure of his people of the campe And if he accepted not the sayd treatie to certifie him that he would neuer depart from Rhodes till he had taken it and that all his might of Turkie should die there rather then hee would faile of it and that there should neither great nor litle escape but vnto the cats they should be all cut in pieces and sayd that within 3. dayes they should giue him an answere for hee would not that his people should loose time and that during the sayd truce they should make no repaires nor defences within the towne When the great Turke had ended his wordes our ambassadours tooke their leaue of him and returned to the towne and there was giuen to each of them a rich garment of branched veluet with cloth of gold of the Turkish fashion Then Acmek basha tooke sir Passin and led him to his pauillion and intreating him right well caused him to abide all that day and night and in eating and drinking they had many discourses of things done at the siege questioning each with other And among all other things our ambassadour demaunded of Acmek and prayed him to tell for trueth how many men died of the campe while the siege was laied The said Basha sware vpon his faith and certified that there were dead of the campe of violent death that is to say of gunshot and other wayes 64000. men or more beside them that died of sicknesse which were about 40. or 50. thousand How one of the ambassadours made answere of his message and how the Commons would not agree to yeeld the towne REturne we now to our purpose and to the answere that our ambassadours brought to the lord great master The sayd Robert Perruse made the answere and told what the great Turke had sayd certifying that he would haue an answere quickly either yea or nay The which answere after the demaund of the great Turke hath bene purposed and concluded by the whole counsel and his offer treatie accepted howbeit the sayd ambassadours had it not to do so soone nor the first time that they went for good reasons but yet they would not deferre it for feare least he should repent him And vpon these determinations that they would haue sent the sayd Peruse to beare the answere came some of the common people of the towne to the lord great master that was with the lordes of the counsell and sayd that they were aduertised of the appointment that he had made with the great Turke and that he would yeeld the towne with couenaunts by him taken which they supposed ought not to be done without calling of them And because they were not called to it they sayd that they would not agree thereto and that it were better for them to die for the great Turke by some way would put them all to death as was done in Bellegrado in Hungarie How the lord great master sent two ambassadors for the Commons to the great Turke WHen the reuerend lord great master had heard their wordes he sayd graciously to them that as touching the acceptation of the great Turks offer it was needful so to do in the degree that the towne was and the causes wherefore he had done it the counsell had seene and discussed and that it was a thing that might not nor ought not to be sayd nor published in common for reporting of it to the enemies by traitours but be kept still and secret And moreouer that it was concluded to make an answere shortly for to take the great Turke at his word least he repented him For if they had bene called or the answere had bene giuen it had bene ouerlong businesse and in the meane time the Turke might haue changed his mind and that that he had done and concluded with the great Turke the lordes of the counsell had well regarded and considered in all things and for their profite and aduantage as much or more as for that of the Religion And that they would send to the great Turke againe other ambassadours the better to know his will and to be surer of his promise Then the lord great master ordained two other ambassadours for to goe to the great Turke which were two Spaniardes the one named sir Raimon Market and the other messire Lopez at whose issuing entered Sir Passin the first ambassadour and the other two went to the tent of Acmek basha for to leade them to the great Turke And when they were within the Turkes pauillion and had done him reuerence as appertained our ambassadours sayd that the great master had heard and seen his demaund to yeeld the towne And for y t it is a thing of great weight and that he had to doe and say with many men of diuers nations and because the time of answere was so short hee might not doe that that hee demaunded so soone Howbeit hee would speake with his people and then hee would giue him an answere How the Turke began the assault and how the Commons agreed to yeeld the towne WHen the great Turke heard the answere of our ambassadours he sayd nothing but commaunded his Bashas that they should begin the battell againe to the towne the which was done and then the truce was broken and the shot of the enemies was sharper then it was afore And on the other side nothing or very litle for fault of pouder for that that there was left was kept for some great assault or neede Howbeit the sayd Amek Basha kept one of the ambassadours and messire Lopez onely entered The great master seeing the warre begun and the shot thicker then it was afore and the enemies entred hourely by their trenches further into the towne called them that before had sayde to him that they would not the towne should be yeelded but had rather for to die And therefore the sayd lord sayd that he was content for to die with them and that they should dispose them to defend themselues well or to doe their endeuour better then they had done in times past And to the ende that each one of them should haue knowledge of his will for as then he spake but to foure or fiue of them that gaine sayd him he made a cry through all the towne that all they that were holden to be at the posternes or gates should giue attendance and not to come away day nor night on payne of death for afore the Rhodians came but litle there And that the other that were not of the posternes or that were of his succours should goe to the breach of Spaine where the
and the Turke is growen mighty whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont I finde that the Uenetians doe bring those commodities hither and doe sell them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them Wherefore as I am informed by the aboue named men that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe my request is that there may be a shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage and then I will satisfie you at large what is to be done therein And because the Turke as I sayd before is waxen strong and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his owne subiects we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were woont therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a safeconduct if my charges may be borne to goe and come Of the way how this may be done M. Locke can satisfie you at large Moreouer I can informe you more of the trade of that countrey then any other for that I haue bene in those parts these thirty yeeres and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full foure and twenty yeres Furthermore when one of our ships commeth thither they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies so that the custome thereof is profitable for the prince and the returne of them is profitable to the common people for in barter of our wares we tooke the commodities which the poore of that towne made in their houses so that one of our shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines then sixe ships of other nations The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why the Christian rulers were displaced for when they payd not their yerely tribute they were put out by force Touching the ship that must go she must obserue this order she must be a ship of countenance and she must not touch in any part of Spaine for the times are dangerous nor take in any lading there but she must lade in England either goods of our owne or els of strangers and go to Genoa or Legorno where we may be wel intreated and from thence she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to Candia for there both custome exchange are reasonable and not do as the Math. Gonson other ships did in time past who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines and payed for turning their white money into golde after foure and fiue in the hundreth and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carying away their money Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly and not be subiect to these dangers Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar which is but 16 miles from Naples and the ready way to Candia you may lade hoopes which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand which is ducats two and a halfe of Spaine And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundreth thousand hoops so that one thousand ducats will lade her and this is an vsual trade to Candia as M. Michael Locke can testifie Furthermore it is not vnknowen to you that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of Spaine and that very deare and in England we cannot sell them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne I say we may haue good oile and better cheape in diuers places within the streights Wherefore if you thinke good to take this voyage in hand I will informe you more particularly when you please In the meane time I rest your worships to command Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta of the antique writers called Tamassus a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes batteries mines and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse may plainly appeare Englished out of Italian by William Malim To the right honourable and his singular good Lord and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of the honourable order of the Garter one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour IT hath bene a naturall instinct right honourable and mine especiall good lord ingraffed in noble personages hearts much approued and confirmed also by custome for them to seeke from time to time by some meanes in their life by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie least otherwise with their body their fame also altogether might perchance be buried Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages hauing had wealth at will in such sort that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past do still remaine but also the most part of those princes the authours of them do continually by them dwell in our memories As the Pyramides made at Memphis or neere the famous riuer of Nilus by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt the tower called Pharia made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee the walles of Babylon made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia Mausolus toome or sepulchre made by his wife queene of Caria Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes I remember not by what Princes charge but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus and the image of Iupiter made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence and perfect workmanship of the same to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world Since the which time an easier readier and lighâ—er way being also of more continuance then the former hath bene found out namely Letters which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians as we reade and augmented since by others to our great benefit and now last of all no long time past the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses to the greatest perfection of the same men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried in barkes of trees or otherwise perchance as vnreadily By the which benefit of letters now reduced into print we see how easie a thing it is and hath bene for noble persons to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten except Titus Liuiâ—s or â—ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing
should come ouer to him at his owne pleasure for hee was very desirous both to see and know him for his great worthinesse and prowesse that hee had tried to be in him and in the other of his Captaines and Souldiers of whose manhood and courage he would honourably report where soeuer he came as occasion should serue thereunto and to conclude that hee should nothing doubt of any thing because in no maner of condition hee would suffer any violence to be done to those which remained behind within the Citie So I speedily returning made true report of the same and towards night about foure of the clocke the right honourable Bragadino accompanied with the L. Baglione with Signior Aluigi Martinengo with the right worshipfull Signior Gio. Antonio Querini with the right worshipfull Signior Andrea Bragadino with the knight of Haste with the captaine Carlo Ragonasco with captaine Francesco Straco with captaine Hector of Brescia with captaine Girolomo di Sacile and with other gentlemen and fiftie souldiours the Gouernours and Noble men with their swordes and the souldiours with their harquebuzes came foorth of their hold and went vnto the pauillion of Mustafa of whom all they at the beginning were curteously receiued and caused to sit downe by him he reasoning and discoursing with them of diuers things a certaine time and drawing them from one matter to another at the last vpon a sudden picked a quarell vnto them especially burdening that noble Bragadino with an vntrueth laying to his charge y t he had caused certaine of his slaues in the time that the truce continued betweene theÌ„ to be put to death The which thing was most false So that hee being angry therewith suddenly slept foorth and commaunded them to bee bound Thus they being vnarmed not suffered at that time to enter into his pauillion with their former weapons and bound were led one by one into the market place before his pauillion being presently cut and hewen in sunder in his presence and last of all from that woorthy and noble Bragadino who being bound as the rest and being commaunded twise or thrise to stretch foorth his necke as though hee should haue bene beheaded the which most boldly hee did without any sparke of feare his eares were cut off and causing him to bee stretched out most vilely vpon the ground Mustafa talked with him and blasphemed the holy name of our Sauiour demaunding him where is now thy Christ that hee helpeth thee not To all the which no answere at all was giuen of that honourable gentleman The earle Hercole Martinengo which was sent for one of the hostages who was also bound was hidden by one of Mustafas eunuches vntill such time as his furie was past afterward his life being graunted him hee was made the eunuches slaue Three Grecians which were vnder his pauillion were left vntouched All the souldiers which were found in the campe and all sortes of Christians to the number of three hundred were suddenly slaine they nothing mistrusting any such treason or tirannie The Christian souldiers which were embarked a litle before were linked and fettered with iron chaines made slaues all things being taken from them and stripped into their shirtes The second day after this murther was committed which was the 17. of August Mustafa entred the first time into the Citie and caused the valiant and wise gouernour Tiepolo to bee hanged who remained behind waiting the returne of Signior Bragadino I being in the citie at that present when other of my countreymen were thus miserably slaine and made slaues hid my selfe in certaine of the Grecians houses the space of fiue dayes and they not being able to keepe mee in couert any longer for feare of the great penaltie which was proclaimed agaynst such transgressors and concealers I offred and gaue my selfe slaue to one Sangiaccho del Bi r promising him fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome with whom I remained in the Campe. The Friday folowing being the Turkes sabboth day this woorthy and pacient gentleman Bragadino was led still in the presence of that vnfaithfull tirant Mustafa to the batteries made vnto the Citie whereas he being compelled to cary two baskets of earth the one vpon his backe the other in his hand slaue-like to euery sundry battrie being enforced also to kisse the ground as oft as he passed by him was afterward brought vnto the sea side where he being placed in a chaire to leane and stay vpon was winched vp in that chaire and fastened vnto the maineyard of a galley and hoisted vp with a crane to shew him to all the Christian souldiours and slaues which were in the hauen already shipped hee being afterward let downe and brought to the market place the tormenters tooke of his clothes from him and tacked him vnto the pillorie whereas he was most cruelly flaied quicke with so great constancie and faith on his part that he neuer lost or abated any iot of his stedfast courage being so farre from any fainting that hee at that present with most stout heart reproched them and spake much shame of his most traiterous dealing in breaking of his faithfull promise At the last without any kind of alteration of his constancie he recommending his soule vnto almightie God gaue vp the ghost When hee had thus ended his life thanks be to God his skin being taken and filled with strawe was commaunded foorthwith to be hanged vpon the bowsprit of a Foist and to be caried alongst the coast of Syria by the sea side that all the port townes might see and vnderstand who he was This is now so much as I am able to declare to your highnesse by that I sawe my selfe and can remember whilest that I was in the Fortresse that also which by true relation of others I could vnderstand and sawe also my selfe in the campe whilest I was slaue I will likewise briefly vtter vnto you The enemies armie was in number two hundred thousand persons of all sorâ—es and qualities Of souldiers which tooke pay there were 80. thousand besides the which number there were 14. thousand of Giannizzers taken out from all the holdes of Syria Caramania Natolia and part of them also which came from the gate of the great Turke The venturers with the sword were 60. thousand in number The reason why there were so many of this sort was because Mustafa had dispersed a rumour through the Turkes dominion that Famagusta was much more wealthy and rich then the citie of Nicosia was so for that cause and by the commodious and easie passage from Syria ouer into Cyprus these venturers wâ—re easily induced to come thither In 75. dayes all the which time the batterie still continued 140. thousand iâ—on pellets were shot of numbred and seene The chiefe personages which were in their armie neere vnto Mustafa were these following the Bassa of Aleppo the Bassa of Natolia Musafer Bassa of Nicosia the Bassa of Caramania the Aga of the Giannizzers
the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin and from Cochin to Malacca from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes but we were foure moneths and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary in the kingdome of Pegu and these his words were not true but we were as it were in the middle of many Ilands and many vninhabited rockes and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion which is situate on a great riuers side which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion and where this riuer runneth into the sea there is a village called Mirgim in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzina Nypa and Beniamin a few cloues nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa which is an excellent wine which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper Whose liquour they distill and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall good to the mouth and better to the stomake and it hath an excellent gentle vertue that if one were rotten with the french pockes drinking good store of this he shall be whole againe and I haue seene it proued because that when I was in Cochin there was a friend of mine whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines and that he should drinke of the nyper wine night and day as much as he could before it was distilled which at that time is most delicate but after that it is distilled it is more strong and if you drinke much of it it will fume into the head with drunkennesse This man went thither and did so and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies and for that it is brought so farre off it is very deare in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape because it is neerer to the place where they make it and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof And returning to my purpose I say being amongst these rockes and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary with great scarcitie of victuals and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night and all the next day without finding harbour or any signe of good landing and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited together with the shippe and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited desert Ilands where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs but wee could not finde any yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree and they were so hard that we could not chewe them we had water and wood sufficient and as wee rowed we could goe but by flowing water for when it was ebbing water wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes and in these nine dayes that we rowed we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges the which was a great helpe vnto vs these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men a fishing with small barkes and we rowed towardes them with a good cheare for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie that we could scarce stande on our legges Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce when we sawe those fisher men there was left sufficient for foure dayes The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay vnder the king of Pegu whereas we found great store of victuals then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there we would eate but litle meate any of vs and yet for all this we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the kingdome of Pegu are seuentie two miles We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan where in short time we arriued but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water being at an anker with a contrary winde which came very ill to passe because that she wanted her boat a moneth which should haue made her prouision of wood and water the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan The Citie of Martauan WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie and all for this cause that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
our selues with rice butter bisket hony made of dates onions and dates and euery marchant bought a proportion of liue muttons and hired certaine shepheards to driue them with vs we also bought vs tents to lie in and to put our goods vnder and in this our carauan were foure thousand camels laden with spices and other rich marchandises These camels will liue very well two or three dayes without water their feeding is on thistles wormewood magdalene and other strong weeds which they finde vpon the way The gouernment and deciding of all quarels and dueties to be payed the whole carauan committeth to one speciall rich marchant of the company of whose honesty they conceiue best In passing from Babylon to Aleppo we spent forty dayes trauelling twenty or foure and twenty miles a day resting ourselues coÌ„monly from two of the clocke in the afternoone vntil three in the morning at which time we begin to take our iourney Eight dayes iourney from Babylon toward Aleppo were vnto a towne called Heit as we crosse the riuer Euphrates by boates about 3. miles from the town there is a valley wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at great mouths a kind of blacke substance like vnto tarre which serueth all the countrey to make stanch their barkes and boates euery one of these springs maketh a noise like vnto a Smiths forge in the blowing puffing out of this matter which neuer ceaseth night nor day and the noise may be heard a mile off continually This vale swaloweth vp all heauie things that come vpon it The people of the countrey cal it in their language Babil gehenham that is to say Hell doore As we passed through these deserts we saw certaine wild beasts as wild asses all white Roebucks wolfes leopards foxes and many hares whereof we chased and killed many Aborise the king of the wandring Arabians in these deserts hath a dutie of 40. s. sterling vpon euery Camels lode which he sendeth his officers to receiue of the Carauans and in consideration hereof he taketh vpon him to conduct the sayd Carauans if they need his helpe and to defend them against certaine prowling thieues I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo with the Carauan the eleuenth of Iune 1584. where we were ioyfully receiued 20. miles distant from the towne by M. William Barret our Consull accompanied with his people and Ianissaries who fell sicke immediately and departed this life within 8. dayes after and elected before his death M. Anthonie Bate Consul of our English nation in his place who laudably supplied the same roome 3. yeeres In which meane time I made two voyages more vnto Babylon and returned by the way aforesayd ouer the deserts of Arabia And afterwards as one desirous to see other parts of the countrey I went from Aleppo to Antioch which is thence 60. English miles and from thence went downe to Tripolis where going aboord a small vessell I arriued at Ioppe and trauelled to Rama Lycia Gaza Ierusalem Bethleem to the riuer of Iordan and the sea or lake of Zodome and returned backe to Ioppe from thence by sea to Tripolis of which places because many others haue published large discourses I surcease to write Within few dayes after imbarking my selfe at Tripolis the 22. of December I arriued God be thanked in safety here in the riuer of Thames with diuers English marchaÌ„ts the 26. of March 1588 in the Hercules of London which was the richest ship of English marchants goods that euer was knowen to come into this realme The money and measures of Babylon Balsara and the Indies with the customes c. written from Aleppo in Syria An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret BABYLON The weight measure and money currant there and the customes of merchandize A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo I roue 5 ounces and a halfe and 68 manas and three seuenth parts make a quintall of Aleppo which is 494 li. 8 ounces of London and 100 manas is a quintall of Babylon which maketh in Aleppo 146 roues and of London 722 li. and so much is the sayd quintall but the marchants accord is by so much the mana and in the sayd place they bate the tare in all sorts of commodities according to the order of Aleppo touching the tare The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo 21 in y e 100. For bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither there is found but 82 pikes in Babylon so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of Aleppo 121 pikes very litle lesse The currant mony of Babylon are Saies which Say is 5 medines as in Aleppo and 40 medines being 8 Saies make a duckat currant and 47 medines passe in value as the duckat of gold of Venice and the dollars of the best sort are worth 33 medines The roials of plate are sold by the 100 drams at prise according as they be in request but amongst the marchants they bargaine by the 100 metrals which are 150 drams of Aleppo which 150 drams are 135 single roials of plate but in the mint or castle they take theÌ„ by the 100 drams which is 90 roials of plate and those of the mint giue 5 medines lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold among the marchants and make paiment at the â—erme of 40 dayes in Sayes The custome in Babylon as wel inward as outward is in this maner Small wares at 6 per 100 Coral and amber at 5 and a halfe per 100 Venice cloth English cloth Kersies Mockairs Chamblets Silks Ueluets Damasks Sattins such like at 5 per 100 they rate the goods without reason as they lust themselues The Toafo Boabo and other exactions 6 medines per bale all which they pay presently in ready mony according to the custome and vse of the emperor To the Ermin of the mind y e ordinarie vse is to giue 30 Saies in curtesie otherwise he would by authoritie of his office come aboord for despight make such search in the barke that he would turne all things topsie turuie BALSARA The weight measure and money in the citie of Balsara A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces a halfe of Aleppo weight 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara answereth the quintall of Aleppo which is 494 roues 8 ounces English and 20 manas is the quintall of Balsara which is 104 Alepine and of London 514 li. 8 ouÌ„ces and so much is the sayd quintall but the marchants bargaine at so much the mana or wolsene which is all one and they abate the care in euery mana as the sort of spice is and the order taken therefore in that place The measure of Balsara is called a pike which is iust as the measure of Babylon to say 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes vt supra in the rate of Babylon The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth There is a sort of
then dogges would wage them against a grayhound or spaniell and he who woon the wager should euer after holde them as his proper goods and chattels to do with them as he listed being Christians aswell as themselues if they may deserue so good a name As they behaued themselues most vnchristianly toward their brethren so and much more vngodly which I should haue put in the first place did they towards God for as though they were too great standing on foot or kneeling to serue God they would come riding on horsebacke into the church to heare their masse which church now is made a publike basistane or market place for the Turkes to sell commodities in but beholde the iudgement of the righteous God who payeth the sinner measure for measure The Turkes the yeere before the ouerthrowe giuen them at Lepanto by Don Iohn tooke Cyprus These mighty Nimrods fled some into holes some into mountaines to hide themselues whereupon the Turkes made generall proclamation that if they would all come in and yeeld themselues they would restore them to their former reuenues and dignities who not mistrusting the mischieuous pretense of the Turkes assembled together to make themselues knowen whom after the Turkes had in possession they as the Lords executioners put them with their wiues and children all to the sword pretending thereby to cut off all future rebellion so that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen aliue in the Iland onely two or three remaine in Venice but of litle wealth which in the time of the warres escaped After we had stayed in this Iland some thirty dayes we set saile in the foresayd shippe being about the burthen of 900 tunnes hauing in her passingers of diuers nations as Tartars Persians Iewes and sundry Christians Amongst all which I had often conference with a Iew who by reason of his many yeeres education at Saset a place in Iudea neere Ierusalem where they study the Rabbines with some other arts as they thinke good as also for his trauels into Persia and Ormus he seemed to be of good experience in matters abroad who related vnto me such conference as he had with a Bamane at Ormus being one of the Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia This Baniane being a Gentile had skill in Astronomie as many of that nation haue who by his books written in his owne tongue and Characters could tell the time of Eclipses both of Sunne and Moone with the Change and Full and by iudgement in Astrologie gaue answere to any question demanded Being asked concerning his opinion in religion what he thought of God He made answere that they held no other god but the sun to which planet they pray both at the rising and setting as I haue seene sundry doe in Aleppo his reason was drawen from the effects which it worketh in giuing light to the moone other starres and causing all things to grow and encrease vpon the earth answere was made that it did mooue with the rest as the wheeles of a clocke and therefore of force must haue a moouer Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it is manifestly prooued that it is not god for God is altogether goodnesse and brightnesse which can neither be darkened nor receiue detriment or hurt but the Sun receiueth both in the Eclipse as it is apparant to which hee could not answere but so they had receiued from their ancestors that it was without beginning or ende as in any Orbicular or round body neither beginning or end could be found He likewise saydâ— that there were other Gentiles in y e Indies which worship the moone as chiefe and their reason is The moone when she riseth goeth with thousands of starres accompanied like a king and therefore is chiefe but the Sunne goeth alone and therefore not so great Against whom the Banianes reason that it is not true because the Moone and starres receiue their light from the Sunne neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his company but when he lift and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone yet they acknowledge the Moone as Queene or Uiceroy Law they hold none but onely seuen precepts which they say were giuen them from their father Noe not knowing Abraham or any other First to honor father and mother secondly not to steale thirdly not to commit adultery fourthly not to kill any thing liuing fiftly not to eate any thing liuing sixtly not to cut their haire seuenthly to go barefoot in their churches These they hold most strictly by no meanes will breake them but he that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes but for the greatest fault they will kill none neither by a short death nor a long onely he is kept some time in prison with very little meat and hath at the most not aboue twenty or fiue twenty stripes In the yere they haue 16 feasts and then they go to their church where is pictured in a broad table the Sun as we vse to paint it the face of a man with beames round about not hauing any thing els in it At their feast they spot their faces in diuers parts with saffron all yellow and so walke vp and downe the streets and this they doe as a custome They hold there shal be a resurrection and all shall come to iudgâ—ment but the account shal be most streight insomuch that but one of 10000 shal be receiued to fauor and those shall liue againe in this world in great happinesse the rest shal be tormented And because they will escape this iudgement when any man dieth he and his wife be both burnt together euen to ashes and then they are throwen into a riuer and so dispersed as though they had neuer bene If the wife will not burne with her dead husband shee is holden euer after as a whore And by this meanes they hope to escape the iudgement to come As for the soule that goeth to the place from whence it came but where the place is they know not That the body should not be made againe they reason w t the phylosophers saying that of nothing nothing can be made not knowing that God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing but beholding the course of nature that nothing is made but by a meanes as by the seed of a man is made another and by corne cast into the ground there commeth vp new corne so say they man cannot be made except some part of him be left and therefore they burne the whole for if he were buried in the earth they say there is a small bone in the necke which would neuer be consumed or if he were eaten by a beast that bone would not consume but of that bone would come another man and then the soule being restored againe he should come into iudgement whereas now the body being destroyed the soule shall not be iudged for their opinion is that both body and soule must be vnited
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
separated from vs by weather haue sped or what Prizes they haue taken whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete as yet we are able to say nothing And thus expecting your answere and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho I end Plymouth the 24 of October 1591. Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland By Sir Martine Frobisher Sir Richard Greenuile and diuers other English Captaines about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall in the yeeres 1589 1590 1591 c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies cap. 96. 97. and 99. THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening being by the Islands of Flores Coruo we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs which came from vnder the land which put vs in great feare for they came close by our Admirall and shot diuers times at him and at another ship of our companie whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen for they bare an English flagge vpon their main◠tops but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes About Euening they followed after vs and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes although the Moone shined The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y t tooke counsell together whereof one sailed backwards thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany for a time was out of sight but it was not long before it came again to y e other two wherwith they tooke coūsel came all 3 together against our ship because we lay in the lee of al our ships had y e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce thinking to deale so with vs that in y e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore whereof we wanted not much and in that manner with their flagges openly displayed came lustily towardes vs sounding their Trumpets and sayled at the least three times about vs beating vs with Musket and Caliuer and some great pieces and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe but spoyled all our sayles and ropes and to conclude wee were so plagued by them that no man durst put foorth his head and when wee shot off a peece wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe as if we had all bene cast away whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera not looking once behinde them to helpe vs◠doubting they should come too late thither not caring for vs but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes whereby it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other and what order is among them In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs little knowing in what case and feare we were as also because wee were not farre from Tercera left vs which made vs not a litle to reioyce as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life although wee were not well assured neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could on the other side we were in great doubt because we knew not what they did in the Island nor whether they were our friends or enemies and we doubted so much the more because we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal as wee made our accounts to doe that might conuoy vs from thence or giue vs aduise as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts it made vs suspect that it went not well with Spaine they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we for seeing our fleete they thought vs to bee Englishmen and that wee came to ouerrun the Island because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags and came in company with vs for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king for the Indian ships that should come thither Those Caruels came to view vs and perceiuing what we were made after vs whereupon the English ships left vs and made towardes them because the Caruels thought them to be friends and shunned them not as supposing them to bee of our company but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island which they presently did The Englishmen perceiuing that did put forwards into the sea so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse and woulde come vnto those Islands The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do or whether we should saile for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon Those newes put our fleet in great feare and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say as being dangerous for them to put into the road because it lieth open to the sea so that the Indian ships although they had expresse commandement from the king yet they durst not anker there but onely vsed to come thither and to lie to and fro sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted without ankering but being by necessitie compelled thereunto as also by the kings commandement and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre we made necessitie a vertue and entring the road ankered close vnder the Castle staying for aduise and order from the king to performe our voyage it being then the 24. of Iuly and S. Iames day The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war sailed by the Island of Tercera and to their great good fortune passed out of sight so that they dispatched themselues in
her and giue her ouer Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego which is the first high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Straight of Gibraltar where we had very foule weather and the winde scant two dayes together Here we lay off to the sea The Master whose name was George Goodlay being a young man and one which neuer tooke charge before for those parts was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to discharge neither would take any counsel of any of his company but did as he thought best himselfe in the end of the two dayes of foule weather cast about and the winde being faire bare in with the straights mouth The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land then he was bare sayle all that night an houre and an halfe before day had ranne our shippe vpon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel Whereupon being all not a litle astonied the Master said vnto vs I pray you forgiue me for this is my fault and no mans else The company asked him whether they should cut off the maine maste no sayd the Master we will hoyse out our boate But one of our men comming speedily vp sayd Sirs the ship is full of water well sayd the Master then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord which thing we did with all speede But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it but all fled vpon the foremast vp into the shrouds thereof and hung there for a time but seeing nothing but present death approch being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined we committed our selues vnto the Lord and beganne with dolefull time and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme Helpe Lord for good and godly men c. Howbeit before we had finished foure verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men For the foremast with the weight of our men the force of the sea fell downe into the water and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned and onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests gote on shoare which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the ship The master called George Goodley and William Palmer his mate both perished M. Caesar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned none of the officers were saued but the carpenter We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea at our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse At our first comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees praying the Lord most humbly for his mercifull goodnesse Our prayers being done we consulted together what course to take seeing we were fallen into a desert place we trauelled all that day vntill night sometimes one way and sometimes another and could finde no kinde of inhabitants onely we saw where wilde beasts had bene and places where there had bene houses which after we perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals So at night falling into certaine groues of oliue trees we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the danger of lions and other wilde beasts whereof we saw many the next morning The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots then going ouer a mountaine we had sight of Cape Espartel whereby we knew somewhat better which way to trauell and then we went forward vntill we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes we spied and looked ouer it and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen to the number of some fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons And after consultation what we were best to do we concluded to yeeld our selues vnto them being destitute of all meanes of resistance So rising vp we marched toward them who espying vs foorthwith some hundred of them with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they would haue run vs thorow howbeit they onely sâ—rooke vs flatling with their weapons and said that we were Spaniards and we tolde them that we were Englishmen which they would not beleeue yet By and by the conflict being ended and night approching the captaine of the Moores a man of some 56 yeres olde came himselfe vnto vs and by his interpretor which spake Italian asked what we were and from whence we came One Thomas Henmer of our company which could speake Italian declared vnto him that we were marchants and how by great misfortune our ship marchandise the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast But he void of humainity all manhood for all this caused his men to strip vs out of our apparell euen to our shirâ—s to see what money and iewels we had about vs which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe and bread and water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the shore where our shippe was cast away which was some sixteene miles from that place In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues making vs being extreame weake to carry their stuffe and offering to beat vs if we went not so fast as they We asked them why they vsed vs so and they replied that we were their captiues we sayd we were their friends and that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco So we came downe to the ship and lay there with them seuen dayes while they had gotten all the goods they could and then they parted it amongst them After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men wel armed to bring vs vp into y e countrey and the first night we came to the side of a riuer called Alarach where we lay on the grasse all that night so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on a side the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad and that day we went to a towne of â—hirty houses called Totteon there we lay foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water and then we went to a towne called Cassuri and there we were deliuered by those twenty souldiers vnto the Alcaide which examined vs what we were and we tolde him He gaue vs a good answere and sent vs to the Iewes house where we lay seuen dayes In the meane while that we lay here there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land within the Straights about Cape de Gate and
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâ—e lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning â—wo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ„ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâ—iae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
the shore they tooke in their sailes and lay adrift The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed we cast about towards the inward and had sight of land which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights which some of the Fleete and those not the worst Marriners iudged to be the North Foreland howbeit other some were of contrary opinion But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes And by reason of the darke miâ—ts which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous For whereas indeede we thought our selues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast were brought to the South-westwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe The cause whereof we haue since found and it shall be at large hereafter declared Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke but how we should be so farre shoe vp so suddainely within the said straights the eâ—pertest Mariners began to maruell thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouertaken in their accounts or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had obserued And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned someâ—imes round about euen in a moment after the maner of a whirlepoole and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard a farre off then the waterfall of London Bridge But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne whereby to take the height and so to know the true eleuation of the pole and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast the Generall with the Captaines Masters of his ships began doubtfully to question of the matter and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each mans opinion and specially of Iames Beare Master of the Anne Francis who was knowen to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner and hauing bene there the yere before had wel obserued the place and drawen out Cardes of the coast But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers Streits as some of the Fleete supposed and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like that the best Mariners therein may bee deceiued The tenth of Iuly the weather still continuing thicke and darke some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete and wandring to and fro with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea Bay or Streites they knew not or along a coast whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place as commonly in these parts it doth The Uiceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall who was with him in the Thomas Allen hauing lost sight of the Fleete turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with him Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost company of the Fleete and being all alone held it for best to turne it out to sea againe vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place into the open Sea againe being so narrowly distressed by the way by meanes of continuall fogge and yce that they were many times ready to leape vpon an Iland of yce to auoide the present danger and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes and some determined to tie the Hatches of the shipe togither and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous bloodie and Men-eating people The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way passed vp aboue sixtie leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side and a continuance still of an open Sea before them The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error and that this was not the olde straights yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course and knowen straights Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein thâ—n otherwise meaning by that policie being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie to induce the Fleete to follow him to see a further proofe of that place And as some of the companie reported he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea called Mar del Sur and dissolued the long doubâ— of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya 1 Of which mistaken straights considering the circumstance we haue great cause to confirme our opinion to like and hope well of the passage in this place For the foresaid Bay or Sea the further we sayled therein the wider we found it with great likelihood of endlesse continuance And where in other places we were much troubled with yce as in the entrance of the same so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce or other thing at all as in other places we found 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce and other things which doe fleete in the Sea either to the North or Eastwards of the same as by good experience we haue found 3 For here also we met with boordes lathes and diuers other
well for the bringing vp of his Shippe to the Countesses sound as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found which vpon triall made was supposed to be very good The 23. of August the sayd Captaine mette together with the other Captaines Commissioners in counsell with the Generall aboorde the Ayde where they considered and consulted of sundry causes which being particularly registred by the Notarie were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere The 24. of August the Generall with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines in no great numbers But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe and a more number of men they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them But before our men could come neere hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines they conueyed themselues priuily away and left as it should seeme one of their great dartes behinde them for haste which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing Therefore though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England they being now growen more wary by their former losses would not at any time come within our dangers About midnight of the same day the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the streights towards Haâ—tons Hedland being about 15. leagues ouer and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company who long expected his comming where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound where he arriued the 28. of the same By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight the time of the yeere passing suddenly away The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought aground and had 8. great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rocks and yce This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island to the ende we might proue against the next yeere whither the snow could ouerwhelme it the frost breake it vp or the people dismember the same And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes as belles and kniues wherein they specially delight one for the necessary vse and the other for the great pleasure thereof Also pictures of men and women in lead men on horsebacke looking glasses whistles and pipes Also in the house was made an Ouen and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste We buried the timber of our pretended fort Also here we sowed pease corne and other graine to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon which being ended he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers Mariners and Miners with him The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe seale and confirmation of Christs name death and passion euer knowen in these quarters The said M. Wolfall made sermons and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times in seuerall and sundry ships because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his Ships laden with Ore but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discouery of the Countrey which thing to bring to passe hauing sometime therein consulted they found very hard and almost inuincible And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites therefore it could not be sayd but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased as appeared before in the discourse thereof Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised the Captaines were contented and willing as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund to take any enterprise in hand Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward especially for these causes following First the darke foggy mists the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with and now daily euer more and more increased haue no small argument of the Winters drawing neere And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds it was greatly to be feared that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere which being vtterly vnprouided would be their vtter destruction Againe drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was for that the great timber and seacole which lay so waighty vpon the barrels brake bruised and rotted the hoopes insunder Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading that against a day appointed they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward went in a Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island the land was not firme as it was first supposed but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound he began to take order for their returning homeward and
or so short a time may be supposed albeit true in euery particularitie as partly by the former relation may be collected and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes liuing it pleased God to support this company of which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate and long infested the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord beginning continuing and ending the voyage which none els did accomplish either not pleased with the action or impatient of wants or preuented by death Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humfrey Gilbert knight faithfully for so much as I thought meete to be published wherein may alwaies appeare though he be extinguished some sparkes of his vertues he remaining firme and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly as was this to discouer possesse and to reduce vnto the seruice of God and Christian pietie those remote and heathen Countreys of America not actually possessed by Christians and most rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England vnto the which as his zeale deserueth high commendation euen so he may iustly be taxed of temeritie and presumption rather in two respects First when yet there was onely probabilitie not a certaine determinate place of habitation selected neither any demonstration of commoditie there in esse to induce his followers neuertheles he both was too prodigall of his owne patrimony and too careles of other mens expences to imploy both his and their substance vpon a ground imagined good The which felling very like his associates were promised and made it their best reckoning to bee salued some other way which pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation Secondly when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of abilitie and credit to performe his designements as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunitie and meanes which God might raise he thrust himselfe againe into the action for which he was not sit presuming the cause pretended on Gods behalfe would carie him to the desired ende Into which hauing thus made reentrie he could not yeeld againe to withdraw though hee sawe no encouragement to proceed left his credite foyled in his first attempt in a second should vtterly be disgraced Betweene extremities hee made a right aduenture putting all to God and good fortune and which was worst refused not to entertaine euery person and meanes whatsoeuer to furnish out this expedition the successe whereof hath bene declared But such is the infinite bountie of God who from euery euill deriueth good For besides that fruite may growe in time of our trauelling into those Northwest lands the crosses turmoiles and afflictions both in the preparation and execution of this voyage did correct the intemperate humors which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman and made vnsauorie and lesse delightfull his other manifold vertues Then as he was refined and made neerer drawing vnto the image of God so it pleased the diuine will to resume him vnto himselfe whither both his and euery other high and noble minde haue alwayes aspired Ornatissimo viro Magistro Richardo Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio aedis Christi Artium Philosophiae Magistro amico fratri suo SNon statueram ad tescribere cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum Putabaste superiore iam Iunio nos subsecuturum Iraque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum Itaque scribam ad teijsdem ferè verbis quia noua meditari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi hoc tempore non vacat Vndecimo Iunij ex Anglia reuera tandem feriò soluimus portu terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis Classis quinque nauibus constabat maxima quam frater Amiâ—alij accommodauerat ignotum quo coÌ„silio statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim nauigauimus ad 23. Iulij quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti ad gradum circiter 50. cùm vltrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre Insula est ea quam vestri Penguin vocant ab auium eiusdem nominis multitudine Nos tamen nec aues vidimus nec insulam accessimus ventis alio vocantibus Caeterùm conuenimus omnes in éundem locum paulò ante portum in quem communiconsilio omnibus veniendum erat idque intra duas horas magna Dei benignitate nostro gaudio Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia inter 47. 48. gradum Diuum Ioannem vocant Ipse Admiralius propter multitudinem hominum angustiam nauis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit iam duos dysentericis doloribus amisie de caeteris bona spes est Ex nostris nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iuuenime coniunxeram duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt Caeteri salui longè firmiores Ego nunquam sanior In hunc locum terâ—io Augusti appulimus quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam regni Angliae possessionem potestatemque vendicauit latis quibusdam legibus de religione obsequio Reginae Angliae Reâ—icimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs lautiùs Certè enim qualibus ventis vsi simus quà m fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit proinde nihil nobis deerit Nam extra Anglos 20 circiter naues Lusitanicas Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus â—ae nobis impares non patientur nos esurire Angli etsi satis firmi à nobis tuti authoritate regij diplomatis omni obse quio humanitate prosequunturâ— Nunc narrandi erant mores regiones populi Caeterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte quando praeter solitudinem nihil video Piscium inexhausta copia inde huc commeantibus magnus quaestus Vix hamus sundum attigit illicò insignialiquo onustus est Terra vniuersa montana syluestris arbores vt plurimùm pinus cae partim consenuêre partim nunc adolescunt magna pars vetustate collapsa aspectum terrae iter euntium ita impedit vt nusquam progredi liceat Herbae omnes procerae sed rarò à nostris diuerse Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum Inueni enim gramina spicas in similitudinem secales facilè cultura satione in vsum humanum assucfieri posse videntur Rubi in syluìs vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate Visi circa tuguria non-nunquam apparent conficluntur sed albi sunt vt mihi ex pellibus coniicere licuit minores quà m nostri Populus an vllus sic in hac regione incertum est Nec vllum vidi qui testari posset
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
we were not minded to doe to the end wee might shorten our way These two lands lie Northwest and Southeast and are about fiftie leagues one from another The sayd Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a halfe Upon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord we coasted ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island aboue which are large Champaines full of trees and also an enclosed sea whereas we could neither see nor perceiue any gappe or way to enter there into On Friday following being the 27 of the moneth because the wind did change on the coast we came to Brions Island againe where wee stayed till the beginning of Iune and toward the Southeast of this Island wee sawe a lande seeming vnto vs as an Island we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands lying toward the Sande after wee had knowen these things we returned to the Cape of the sayd land which doeth deuide itselfe into two or three very high Capes the waters there are very deepe and the flood of the sea runneth so swift that it cannot possibly be swifter That day we came to Cape Loreine which is in forty seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South on which cape there is a low land and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer but there is no hauen of any worth Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the South we named it Saint Paules Cape it is at 47 degrees and a quarter The Sonday following being the fourth of Iune and Whit sonday wee had notice of the coaste lying Eastsoutheast distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues and because the wind was against vs wee went to a Hauen which wee named S. Spiritus Porte where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence sayling along that coast vntill wee came to Saint Peâ—ers Islands Wee found along the sayd coast many very dangerous Islands and shelues which lye all in the way Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwestâ— about three and twenty leagues into the sea Whilest we were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britaine wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day being the eleuenth of the moneth vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence came to Cape Rase and entred into a Port called Rognoso where wee tooke in fresh water and wood to passe the sea there wee left one of our boates Then vpon Monday being the nineteenth of Iune we went from that Port and with such good and prospâ—rous weather we sailed along the sea in such sorte that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo by the grace of God to whom we pray here ending our Nauâ—gation that of his infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour and in the end bring vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie Amen Here followeth the language of the countrey and kingdomes of Hochelaga and Canada of vs called New France But first the names of their numbers Secada 1 Tigneni 2 Hische 3 Hannaion 4 Ouiscon 5 Indahir 6 Aiaga 7 Addigue 8 Madellon 9 Assâ—m 10 Here follow the names of the chiefest partes of man and other words necessary to be knowen the Head aggonzi the Browe hegueniascon the Eyes higata the Eares abontascon the Mouth esahe the Teeth esgongay the Tongue osnache the Throate agonhon the Beard hebelim the Face hegouascon the Haires aganiscon the Armes aiayascon the Flanckes atssonne the Stomacke aggruascon the Bellie eschehenda the Thighes hetnegradascon the Knees agochinegodascon the Legges agouguenehonde the Feete onchidascon the Hands aignoascon the Fingers agenoga the Nailes agedascon a Mans member aâ—moascon a Womans member eastaigne an Eele esgueny a Snaile vndeguezi a Tortois henlenxinia Woods conda leaues of Trees hoga God cudragny giue me some drink quaz â—hoaquea giue me to breakfast quaso hoa quascaboa giue me my supper quaza hâ—a quat frian let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoâ— a Man aguehâ—m a woman agâ—uaste a Boy addegesta a Wench agniaquesta a Child exiasta a Gowne cabata a Dublet caioza Hosen hemondoha Shooes atha a Shirt amgona a Cappe castrua Corne osizi Bread carraconny Water ame Flesh quahouascon Reisins queion Damsons honnesta Figges absconda Grapes ozoba Nuttes quahoya a Hen sahomgahoa a Lamprey zisto a Salmon ondacon a Whale ainne honne a Goose sadeguenda a Streete adde Cucumber seede casconda to Morrowe achide the Heauen quenhia the Earth damga the Sunne ysmay the Moone assomaha the Starres stagnehoham the Winde cohoha good morrow aâ—gnag let vs go to play casigno caudy come speak with me assigniquaddadiâ— â—ooke vpon me quagathoma hold your peace aista let vs go with y t boat casigno casnouy giue me a knife buazahca agoheda a Hatchet adogne a Bow ahenca a Darte quahetan let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat a Stagge aionnesta a Sheepe asquenondo a Hare Sourbanda a Dogge agaya a Towne canada the Sea agogasy the waues of the sea coda an â—sland cohena an Hill agacha the yce honnesca Snow camsa Colde athau Hotte odazani Fier azista Smoke quea a House canoca Beanes sahe Cinnamom adhotathny my Father addathy my Mother adunahot my Brother addagrim my Sister adhoasseue They of Canada say that it is a moneths sayling to goe to a lande where Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the Newfoundlands by him named New France The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier 1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay KIng Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Uoyages of discouery as wâ—ll by writing as by word of mouth touching that which hee had found and seene in the Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga and hauing also seene and talked with the people which the sayd Cartier had brought out of those Countreys whereof one was king of Canada whose name was Donnacona and others which after that they had bene a long time in France and Britaine were baptized at their owne desire and request and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine And albeit his Maiestie was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought ouer by him which were tenne in number sauing one little girle about tenne yeeres old yet he resolued to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe with Iohn Francis de la Roche Knight Lord of Roberual whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga and the sayd Cartier Captaine generall and leader of the shippes that they might discouer more then was done before
where we had nothing in the world to eate but pottage of Sassafras leaues the like whereof for a meate was neuer vsed before as I thinke The broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and fasting that day the winde blew so strongly and the billow so great that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates This was vpon Easter eue which was fasted very truely Upon Easter day in the morning the winde comming very calme we entred the sound and by foure of the clocke we were at Chipanum whence all the Sauages that we had left there were fled but their weares did yeelde vs some fish as God was pleased not vtterly to suffer vs to be lost for some of our company of the light horsemen were farre spent The next morning wee arriued at our home Roanoak I haue set downe this Uoyage somewhat particularly to the ende it may appeare vnto you as true it is that there wanted no great good will from the most to the least amongst vs to haue perfited this discouerie of the Mine for that the discouery of a good Mine by the goodnesse of God or a passage to the South-sea or some way to it and nothing else can bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation And with the discouery of either of the two aboue shewed it will bee the most sweete and healthfullest climate and therewithall the most fertile soyle being manured in the world and then will Sassafras and many other rootes and gummes there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping which otherwise of themselues will not be worth the fetching Prouided also that there be found out a better harborough then yet there is which must be to the Northward if any there bee which was mine intention to haue spent this Summer in the search of and of the Mine of Chawnis Temoatan the one I would haue done if the barkes that I should haue had of Sir Francis Drake by his honourable courtesie had not bene driuen away by storme the other if your supply of more men and some other necessaries had come to vs in any conuenient sufficiencie For this riuer of Moratico promiseth great things and by the opinion of of M. Hariots the head of it by the description of the Countrey either riseth from the bay of Mexico or els from very neere vnto the same that openeth out into the South sea And touching the Minerall thus doeth M. Youghan affirme that though it be but copper seeing the Sauages are able to melt it it is one of the richest Minerals in the world Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward as before is saide and from thence foure dayes ouerland to the Riuer of Choanoak sconses being raised from whence againe ouer-land through the prouince of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks vp the Riuer of Moratico by the way as also vpon the said Riuer for the defence of our boats like sconses being set in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned and gaine within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least and so passe your discouery into that most notable countrey and to the likeliest parts of the maine with farre greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed Thus Sir I haue though simply yet truely set downe vnto you what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen and poore men of our company not without both paine and perill which the Lord in his mercy many wayes deliuered vs from could yeeld vnto you which might haue bene performed in some more perfection if the Lord had bene pleased that onely that which you had prouided for vs had at the first bene left with vs or that hee had not in his eternall prouidence now at the last set some other course in these things then the wisedome of man coulde looke into which truely the carying away by a most strange vnlooked for storme of all our prouision with Barks Master Mariners and sundry also of mine owne company al hauing bene so courteously supplied by the generall Sir Francis Drake the same hauing bene most sufficient to haue performed the greatest part of the premisses must euer make me to thinke the hand of God onely for some his good purpose to my selfe yet vnknowen to haue bene in the matter The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan the discouery of the same and at the last of our request to depart with Sir Francis Drake for England ENsenore a Sauage father to Pemisapan being the onely friend to our nation that we had amongst them and about the King died the 20. of April 1586. He alone had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against all matters proposed against vs which both the King and all the rest of them after Grangemoes death were very willing to haue preferred And he was not onely by the meere prouidence of God during his life a meane to saue vs from hurt as poysonings and such like but also to doe vs very great good and singularly in this The King was aduised and of himselfe disposed as a ready meane to haue assuredly brought vs to ruine in the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also with all his Sauages to haue runne away from vs and to haue left his ground in the Iland vnsowed which if hee had done there had bene no possibilitie in common reason but by the immediate hande of God that wee coulde haue bene preserued from staruing out of hande For at that time wee had no weares for fish neither coulde our men skill of the making of them neither had wee one graine of Corne for seede to put into the ground In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists and Mangoaks they had raised a brute among themselues that I and my company were part slaine and part starued by the Chaonists and Mangoaks One part of this tale was too true that I and mine were like to be starued but the other false Neuerthelesse vntill my returne iâ— tooke such effect in Pernisapans breast and in those against vs that they grew not onely into contempt of vs but also contrary to their former reuerend opinion in shew of the Almightie God of heauen and Iesus Christ whom wee serue and worship whom before they would acknowledge and confesse the only God now they began to blaspheme and flatly to say that our Lorde God was not God since hee suffered vs to sustaine much hunger and also to be killed of the Renapoaks for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of the whole maine of what prouince soeuer Insomuch as olde Ensenore neither any of his fellowes could for his sake haue no more credite for vs and it came so farre that the king was resolued to haue presently gone away as is aforesaid But euen in the
houses neere which he met his father that had bene dead before who gaue him great charge to goe backe againe and shew his friendes what good they were to doe to enioy the pleasures of that place which when he had done he should after come againe What subtiltie soeuer be in the Wiroances and priâ—stes this opinion worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people that it maketh them haue great respect to their Gouernours and also great care what they doe to auoyd torment after death and to enioy blisse although notwithstanding there is punishment ordeined for malefactours as stealers whoremongers and other sorts of wicked doers some punished with death some with forfeitures some with beating according to the greatnesse of the facts And this is the summe of their Religion which I learned by hauing speciall familiaritie with some of their priests Wherein they were not so sure grounded nor gaue such credite to their traditions and stories but through conuersing with vs they were brought into great doubts of their owne and no small admiration of ours with earnest desire in many to learne more then wee had meanes for want of perfect vtterance in their language to expresse Most things they sawe with vs as Mathematicall instruments sea Compasses the vertue of the load-stone in drawing yron a perspectiue glasse whereby was shewed many strange sights burning glasses wilde firewoorkes gunnes hookes writing and reading spring-clockes that seeme to goe of themselues and many other things that wee had were so strange vnto them and so farre exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and meanes how they should be made and done that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then of men or at the leastwise they had bene giuen and taught vs of the gods Which made many of them to haue such opinion of vs as that if they knew not the trueth of God and Religion already it was rather to bee had from vs whom God so specially loued then from a people that were so simple as they found themselues to be in comparison of vs. Whereupon greater credite was giuen vnto that wee spake of concerning such matters Many times and in euery towne where I came according as I was able I made declaration of the contents of the Bible that therein was set foorth the true and onely God and his mightie workes that therein was conteined the true doctrine of saluation through Christ with many particularities of Miracles and chiefe points of Religion as I was able â—hen to vtter and thought fit for the time And although I told them the booke materially and of it selfe was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceiue but onely the doctrine therein conteined yet would many be glad to touch it to embrace it to kisse it to holde it to their breastes and heads and stroke ouer all their body with it to shew their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of The Wiroans with whom we dwelt called Wingina and many of his people would bee glad many times to be with vs at our Prayers and many times call vpon vs both in his owne towne as also in others whither hee sometimes accompanied vs to pray and sing Psalmes hoping thereby to be partaker of the same effects which we by that meanes also expected Twise this Wiroans was so grieuously sicke that he was like to die and as he lay languishing doubting of any helpe by his owne priestes and thinking hee was in such danger for offending vs and thereby our God sent for some of vs to pray and bee a meanes to our God that it would please him either that he might liue or after death dwell with him in blisse so likewiseâ— were the requests of many others in the like case On a time also when their corne began to wither by reason of a dâ—ought which happened extraordinarily fearing that it had come to passe by reason that in some thing they had displeased vs many would come to vs and desire vs to pray to our God of England that he would preserue their Corne promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the fruit There could at no time happen any strange sicknesse losses hurts or any other crosse vnto them but that they would impute to vs the cause or meanes thereof for offending or not pleasing vs. One other rare and strange accident leauing others wil I mention before I end which moued the whole Countrey that either knew or heard of vs â—o haue vs in wonderfull admiration There was no towne where wee had any subtile deuise practised against vs wee leauing it vnpunished or not reuenged because we sought by all meanes possible to win them by gentlenesse but that wiâ—hin a few dayes after our departure from euery such Towne the people began to die very fast and many in short space in some Townes about twentie in some fourtie and in one sixe score which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers This happened in no place that we could learne but where we had bin where they vsed some practise against vs after such time The disease also was so strange that they neither knewe what it was nor how to cure it the like by report of the oldest men in the Countrey neuer happened before time out of minde A thing specially obserued by vs as also by the naturall inhabitants themselues Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends and especially the Wiroans Wingina had obserued such effects in foure or fiue Townes to followe their wicked practises they were perswaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without weapons and not come neere them And thereupon when it had happened that they had vnderstanding that any of their enemies had abused vs in our iouâ—neys hearing that we had wrought no reuenge with our weapons and fearing vpon some cause the matter should so rest did come and intreate vs that we would be a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with vs might in like sort die alleadging how much it would bee for our credite and profite as also theirs and hoping furthermore that we would doe so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professed them Whose entreaties although wee shewed that they were vngodly affirming that our God would not subiect himselfe to any such prayers and requests of men that indeede all things haue bene and were to be done according to his good pleasure as he had ordeined and that we to shewe our selues his true seruants ought rather to make petition for the contrary that they with them might liue together with vs be made partakers of his trueth and serue him in righteousnesse but notwithstanding in such sort that wee referre that as all other things to bee done according to his diuine
the behalfe of their King whose name was Marracou dwelling from the place of our fort some forty leagues toward the South and tolde mee that there was one in the house of King Onathaqua which was called Barbu or the bearded man and in the house of King Mathiaca another man whose name they knew not which was not of their nation whereupon I conceiued that these might be some Christians Wherefore I sent to all the kings my neighbours to pray them that if there were any Christian dwelling in their countreys they would finde meanes that he might be brought vnto mee and that I would make them double recompense They which loue rewards tooke so much paine that the two men whereof we haue spoken were brought vnto the fort vnto me They were naked wearing their haire long vnto their hammes as the Sauages vse to do and were Spanyards borne yet so well accustomed to the fashion of the countrey that at the first sight they found our maner of apparell strange After that I had questioned of certaine matters with them I caused them to be apparelled and to cut their haire which they would not loose but lapped it vp in a linnen cloth saying that they would cary it into their countrey to be a testimony of the misery that they had indured in the Indies In the haire of one of them was â—ound a little gold hidden to the value of fiue and twenty crownes which he gaue vnto me And examining them of the places where they had bene and how they came thither they answered me that fifteene yeeres past three shippes in one of which they were were cast away ouer against a place named Calos vpon the Flats which are called The Martyres and that the king of Calos recouered the greatest part of the riches which were in the sayd shippes trauelling in such sort that the greatest part of the people was saued and many women among which number there were three or foure women married remaining there yet and their children also with this king of Calos I desired to learne what this king was They answered me that he was the goodliest and the tallest Indian of the country a mighty man a warrier and hauing many subiects vnder his obedience They tolde me moreouer that he had great store of golde and siluer so farre foorth that in a certaine village he had a pit full thereof which was at the least as high as a man and as large as a tunne all which wealth the Spanyards fully perswaded themselues that they could cause me to recouer if I were able to march thither with an hundred shot besides that which I might get of the common people of the countrey which had also great slore thereof They further also aduertised me that the women going to dance did weare about their girdles plates of golde as broad as a sawcer and in such number that the weight did hinder them to dance at their ease and that the men ware the like also The greatest part of these riches was had as they sayd out of the Spanish shippes which commonly were cast away in this straight and the rest by the traffique which this king of Calos had with the other kings of the countrey Finally that he was had in great reuerence of his subiects and that hee made them beleeue that his sorceries and charmes were the causes that made the earth bring foorth her fruit and that hee might the easier perswade them that it was so he retired himselfe once or twise a yeere to a certaine house accompanied with two or three of his most familiar friends where hee vsed certaine inchantments and if any man intruded himselfe to goe to see what they did in this place the king immediatly caused him to be put to death Moreouer they tolde me that euery yeere in the time of haruest this Sauage king sacrificed one man which was kept expresly for this purpose and taken out of the number of the Spanyards which by tempest were cast away vpon that coast One of these two declared vnto me that hee had serued him a long time for a messenger and that often times by his commandement he had visited a king named Oathcaqua distant from Calos foure or fiue dayes iourney which alwayes remained his faithfull friend but that in the midway there was an Island situate â—n a great lake of fresh water named Sarrope about fiue leagues in bignesse abounding with many sorts of fruits specially in Dates which growe on the Palme trees whereof they make a woonderfull traffique yet not so great as of a kinde of root whereof they make a kinde of meale so good to make bread of that it is vnpossible to eate better and that for fifteene leagues about all the countrey is fed therewith which is the cause that the inhabitants of the Isle gaine of their neighbours great wealth and profit for they will not depart with this root without they be well payed for it Besides that they are taken for the most warlike men of all that countrey as they made good proofe when the king of Calos hauing made alliancâ— with Oathcaqua was depriued of Oathcaquaes daughter which he had promised to him in mariage He tolde me the whole matter in this sort As Oathcaqua well accompanied with his people caried one of his daughters exceeding beautifull according to the colour of the countrey vnto king Calos to giue her vnto him for his wife the inhabitants of this Isle aduertised of the matter layed an ambush for him in a place where he should passe and so behaued themselues that Oathcaqua was discomfiâ—ed the betrothed yoong spouse taken and all the damosels that accompanied her which they caried vnto their Isle which thing in all the Indians countrey they esteeme to be the greatest victory for afterward they marry these virgins and loue them aboue all measure The Spanyard that made this relation tolde mee that after this defeat he went to dwell with Oathcaqua and had bene with him full eight yeeres euen vntill the time that he was sent vnto me The place of Calos is situate vpon a riuer which is beyond the Cape of Florida forty or fifty leagues towards the Southwest and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this side the Cape toward the North in a place which we call in the Chart Cannaueral which is in 28 degrees About the fiue and twentieth of Ianuary Paracoussy Satourioüa my neighbour sent me certaine presents by two of his subiects to perswade me to ioyne with him and to make warre vpon Ouae Vtina which was my friend and further besought me to retire certaine of my men which were with Vtina for whom if it had not bene he had often times set vpon him and defeited him He besought me heerein by diuers other kings his allies which for three weekes or a moneths space sent messengers vnto mee to this
Wherupon our souldiers vtterly impatient were oftentimes ready to cut them in pieces and to make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancie Notwithstanding considering the importance hereof I tooke paines to appease the impatient souldier for I would not by any meanes enter into question with the Sauages it suffâ—sed me to delay the time Wherefore I deuised to send vnto Vtina to pray him to deale so farre foorth with his subiects as to succour me with mast and maiz which he did very sparingly sending me 12 or 15 baskets of mast and two of pinocks which are a kind of little greene fruits which grow among the weedes in the riuer and are as big as cheries yea this was not but by giuing of them in exchange twise as much marchandise and apparell as they were worth For the subiectes of Vtina perceiued euidently the necessitie wherein we were began to vse the like speech vnto vs as the others did as it is commonly seene that neede altereth mens affections While these things were in doing a certain breathing space presented it selfe for Vtina gaue me to vnderstand that there was a king his subiect whose name was Astina which he determined to take prisoner and to chastise him for his disobedience that for this cause if I would giue him aide with a certaine number of my souldiers he would bring them to the village of Astina where there was meanes to recouer mast and maiz In the meane season he excused himselfe vnto me because he had sent me no more maiz and sent me word that the little store that he had left was scarsely sufficient for his seede-corne Now being somewhat relieued as I thought by the hope which I had of this offer I would not faile to send him the men which he desired of me which neuerthelesse were very euill intreated for he deceiued them and in stead of leading them against Astina he caused them to march against his other enemies My Lieutenant which had the charge of this enterprise with Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant was determined to be reuenged of Vtina and to cut him in pieces his people and had it not bene that they feared to do any thing against my wil without all doubt they would haue put their enterprise in execution Therfore they would not passe any further without aduertising me thereof Wherefore being come backe againe vnto the Fort angry pricked deepely to the quicke for being so mocked they made their coÌ„plaints vnto me declaring vnto me that they were almost dead for hunger They told the whole matter to the rest of the souldiers which were very glad that they had not entred into that action resolued assembling themselues againe together to let me vnderstand that they did persist in their first deliberation which was to punish the boldnesse and maliciousnes of the Sauages which they could no longer endure were determined to take one of their kings prisoner which thing I was enforced to grant vnto them to y e end to auoid a greater mischiefe and the sedition which I foresaw would ensue if I had made refusall thereof For sayd they what occasion haue you to deny vs considering the necessitie wherein we are and the small account that they make of vs. Shall it not be lawfull for vs to punish them for the wrongs which they doe vnto vs besides that we know apparantly how little they respect vs Is not this sufficient although there were no necessitie at all since they thus delude vs and haue broken promise with vs After I had therefore resolued with them to seaze on the person of Vtina which besides that he had giuen vs occasion hereof was also most able to help vs to recouer victuals I departed with fiftie of my best souldiers all embarked in two Barkes we arriued in the dominions of Vtina distant from our Fort about 40 or 50 leagues then going on shore we drew towards his village situated 6 great leagues from the riuer where we tooke him prisoner howbeit not without great cries and alarmes and led him away in our barkes hauing first signified vnto his Father in law and his chiefe subiects that in that I had taken him it was not for any desire that I had to doe him any harme but onely to relieue my necessitie and want of victuals which oppressed me and that in case they would helpe me to some I would find meanes to set him againe at libertie that in the meane space I would retire my selfe into my Barkes for I feared least they would there assemble themselues together and that some mischiefe might thereof insue where I would stay for him two dayes to receiue his answere notwithstanding that my meaning was not to haue any thing without exchange of marchandise This they promised they would doe And in very deede the very same euening his wife accompanied with all the women of the village came vnto the Riuers brinke and cryed vnto me to enter into the barke to see her husband and her sonne which I held both prisoners I discouered the next day fiue or siâ—e hundred Indian archers which drew neere vnto the riuer side and came to me to signifie vnto me how that during the absence of their king their enemie Potanou bâ—ing thereof aduertised was entred into their village and had set all on fire They prayed me that I would succour them neuerthelesse in the meane while they had one part of their troope in ambush with intent to set vpon me if I had come on land which was easie for mee to discerne For seeing that I refused so to doe they greatly doubted that they were discouered and sought by all meanes to remooue out of my minde that euill opinion which I had conceiued of them They brought mee therefore fish in their little boates and of their meale of Mast they made also of their drinke which they call cassine which they sent to Vtina and me Now albeit I had gotten this point of them that I held their king prisoner yet neuerthelesse I could not get any great quantitie of victuals for the present the reason was because they thought that after I had drawen victuals from them I would put their king to death For they measured my will according to their custome whereby they put to death all the men prisoners that they take in warre And thus being out of all hope of his libertie they assembled themselues in the great house and hauing called all the people together they proposed the election of a new King at which time the Father in lawe of Vtina set one of the kings young sonnes vpon the Royall throne and tooke such paynes that euery man did him homage by the maior part of the voyces This election had like to haue bene the cause of great troubles among them For there was a kinsman of the kings neere adioyning which pretended a Title to the kingdome and in
these townes they found a pie in a cage after the maner of Castile and certaine shadowes or canopies like vnto those which are brought from China wherein were painted the Sunne the Moone and many Starres Where hauing taken the height of the pole-starre they found themselues to be in 37 degrees and ½ of Northerly latitude They departed out of this prouince and keeping still the same NORTHERLY course foureteene leagues from thence they found another prouince called The Cunames where they saw other fiue townes the greatest whereof was called Cia being so large that it conteined eight market-places the houses whereof being plaistered and painted with diuers colours were better then any which they had seene in the prouinces before mentioned the people which they heere saw they esteemed to be aboue twenty thousand persons They presented to our men many curious mantles and victuals excellently well dressed so that our men deemed this nation to be more curious and of greater ciuility and better gouernment then any other that hitherto they had seene They shewed them rich metals and the mountaines also not farre off whereout they digged them Heere our people heard of another prouince standing toward the Northwest wherevnto they purposed to goe Hauing trauelled about sixe leagues they came to the sayd prouince the people whereof were called Ameies wherin were seven very great townes conteining to their iudgement aboue thirty thousand soules They reported that one of the seuen townes was very great and faire which our men would not go to see both because it stood behinde a mountaine and also for feare of some mishappe if in case they should be separated one from another This people are like vnto their neighbours of the former prouince being as well prouided of all necessaries as they and of as good gouernment About fifteene leagues from this prouince trauelling alwayes toward the West they found a great towne called Acoma conteining aboue sixe thousand persons and situate vpon an high rocke which was aboue fifty paces hie hauing no other entrance but by a ladder or paire of staires he wen into the same rocke whereat our people maruelled not a little all the water of this towne was kept in cisternes The chiefe men of this towne came peaceably to visit the Spanyards bringing them many mantles and chamois-skinnes excellently dressed and great plenty of victuals Their corne-fields are two leagues from thence and they fetch water out of a small riuer nere thereunto to water the same on the brinks whereof they saw many great banks of Roses like those of Castile Here are many mountaines that beare shewes of mettals but they went not to see them because the Indians dwelling vpon them are many in number and very warlike Our men remained in this place three dayes vpon one of the which the inhabitants made before them a very solemne dance comming foorth in the same with gallant apparell vsing very witty sports wherewith our men were exceedingly delighted Twenty foure leagues from hence toward the West they came to a certaine prouince called by the inhabitants themselues Zuny by the Spanyards Cibola containing great numbers of Indians in which prouince Francisco Vazquez de Coronado had bene and had erected many crosses and other tokens of Christianity which remained as yet standing Heere also they found three Indian Christians which had remained there euer since the said iourny whose names were Andrew de Culiacan Gaspar de Mexico and Antonio de Guadalajara who had almost forgotten their owne language but could speake that countrey speech very well howbeit after some small conference with our men they easily vnderstood one another By these three Indians they were informed that threescore dayes iourney from this place there was a very mighty lake vpon the bankes where of stood many great and good townes and that the inhabitants of the same had plenty of golde an euident argument wherof was their wearing of golden bracelets earrings and also that after the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado had perfect intelligence thereof hee departed out of this prouince of Cibola to goe thither and that hauing proceeded twelue dayes iourney he began to want water and thereupon determined to returne as he did indeed with intention to make a second voyage thither at his better opportunity which afterward he performed not being preuented of his determined iourney by death Upon the newes of these riches the sayd Captaine Antony de Espcio was desirous to go thither and though some of his companions were of his opinion yet the greater part and the frier were of the contrary saying that it was now high time to returne home vnto New Biscay from whence they came to giue account of that which they had seene which the sayd greater part within few dayes put in execution leauing the captaine with nine companions onely that willingly followed him who after hee had fully certified himselfe of the riches abouesayd and of the great quantity of excellent mettals that were about that lake departed out of this prouince of Cibola with his companions and trauelling directly toward the West after hee had passed 28 leagues he foūd another very great prouince which by estimation conteined aboue 50000 soules the inhabitants whereof assoone as they vnderstood of their approch sent them word vpon paine of death to come no neerer to their townes whereto the captaine answered that their comming was in no wise to hurt them as they should well perceiue and therefore requested them not to molest him in his intended voyage and withall gaue to the messenger are ward of such things as they brought with them who there upon made so good report of our people and so appeased the troubled minds of the Indians that they granted them free accesse vnto their townes and so they went thither with 15. Indians their friends of the prouince of Cibola aforesaid and the three Mexican Indians before mentioned When they were come within a league of the first towne there came forth to meete them aboue 2000. Indians laden with victuals whom the Captaine rewarded with some things of small value which they made great accompt of and esteemed more precious then gold As they approched neere vnto the towne which was named Zaguato a great multitude of Indians came forth to meete them and among the rest their Caçiques with so great demonstration of ioy and gladnes that they cast much meale of Maiz vpon the ground for the horses to tread vpon with this triumph they entred the towne where they were very wel lodged and much made of which the Captaine did in part requite giuing to the chiefest among them hats and beads of glasse with many such trifles which he caried with him for the like purpose The said Caçiques presently gaue notice to the whole prouince of the arriual of these new guests whom they reported to bee a courteous people and such as offered
company neere vnto vs which we saw not by meanes of the great fogge which hearing the sound of the piece vnderstanding some of the company to be in great extremitie began to make towards vs and when they came within hearing of vs we desired them for the loue of God to helpe to saue vs for that we were all like to perish They willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could make towards them for they would do their best to saue vs and so we did And we had no sooner hoised our foresaile but there came a gale of winde a piece of a sea strooke in the foresaile and caried saile maste all ouerboord so that then we thought there was no hope of life And then we began to imbrace one another euery man his friend euery wife her husband and the children their fathers and mothers committing our soules to Almighty God thinking neuer to escape aliue yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past to aide vs with his helping hand and caused the winde a little to cease so that within two houres after the other ship was able to come aboord vs tooke into her with her boat man woman and child naked without hose or shoe vpon many of our fecte I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a yong sucking child in her armes lept too short and fell into the sea and was a good while vnder the water before the boat could come to rescue her and with the spreading of her clothes rose aboue water againe and was caught by the coat pulled into the boate hauing still her childe vnder her arme both of them halfe drowned and yet her naturall loue towards her child would not let her let the childe goe And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast vnder her arme still that two men were scant able to get it out So we departed out of our ship left it in the sea it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats ship goods when we left it And within three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New Spaine I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this foule weather in the night there came vpon the toppe of our maine yarde and maine maste a certaine little light much like vnto the light of a little candle which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo and saide it was S. Elmo whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers At the which fight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and worshipped it praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment and saue them from the perill that they were in with promising him that at their comming on land they would repaire vnto his Chappell and there cause Masses to be saide and other ceremonies to be done The friers cast reliques into the sea to cause the sea to be still and likewise said Gospels with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the storme to cease which as they said did much good to weaken the furie of the storme But I could not perceiue it nor gaue no credite to it till it pleased God to send vs the remedie deliuered vs from the rage of the â—ame His Name be praised therefore This light continued aboord our ship about three houres flying from maste to maste from top to top and sometime it would be in two or three places at once I informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be and they said that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather which flying in the winde many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of the ships that are at sea in foule weather And in trueth I do take it to be so for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea and in sundry ships at once By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes as God to whom all honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call vpon the liuing God who is the giuer of all good things The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arriued at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine very naked and distressed of apparell and all other things by meanes of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods and from thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruzâ— fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua marching still by the sea side where wee found lying vpon the sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes and all some of them of foure fiue and sixe cart load by our estimation which as the people tolde vs were in the great stormy weather which we indured at sea rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida which is three hundreth leagues ouer by Sea and brought thither So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz where wee remained a moneth and there the said Iohn Field chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordoua a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz Who hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family and of hiâ— misfortune by Sea came vnto him and receiued him and all his houshold into his house and kept vs there a whole moneth making vs very good cheere and giuing vs good intertainement and also gaue vs that were in all eight persons of the said Iohn Fields house double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth coates cloakes hose shirts smocks gownes for the women hose shooes and al other necessary apparel and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico horses moiles and men and money in our purses for the expences by the way which by our accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes And after wee were entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey I the saide Robert Tomson fell so sicke of an ague that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes from thence to Mexico And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of Mexico the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke and within three dayes after we arriued at the said Citie hee died And presently sickened one of his children and two more of his houshold people and within eight dayes died So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of Mexico of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company there remained but foure aliue and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way which
continued with mee the space of sixe moneths At the ende of which time it pleased Almightie God to restore me my health againe although weake and greatly disabled And being some thing strong I procured to seeke meanes to liue and to seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the Countrey seeing it had pleased God to sende vs thither in safetie Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a Scottishman borne who had dwelt and had bene married in the said Citie aboue twentie yeeres before I came to the saide Citie I was preferred to the seruice of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there a man of great wealth and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo with whom I dwelt twelue moneths and a halfe At the ende of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters of Religion and so apprehended and caried to prison where I lay close prisoner seuen moneths without speaking to any creature but to the Iailer that kept the said prison when he brought me my meat and drinke In the meane time was brought into the saide prison one Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters of Religion who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the Citie of Mexico At the ende of the said seuen moneths we were both caried to the high Church of Mexico to doe open penance vpon an high scaffold made before the high Altar vpon a Sunday in the presence of a very great number of people who were at the least fiue or sixe thousand For there were that come one hundreth mile off to see the saide Auto as they call it for that there were neuer none before that had done the like in the said Countrey nor could not tell what Lutheranes were nor what it meant for they neuer heard of any such thing before We were brought into the Church euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe which is halfe a yard of yellow cloth with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest and cast ouâ—r a mans head both fâ—aps hang one before and another behinde and in the middest of euery flap a S. Andrewes crosse made of red cloth sowed on vpon the same and that is called S. Benito The common people before they sawe the penitents come into the Church were giuen to vnderstand that wee were heretiques infidels and people that did despise God and his workes and that wee had bene more like deuils then men and thought wee had had the fauour of some monsters or heathen people And when they saw vs come into the Church in our players coates the women and children beganne to cry out and made such a noise that it was strange to see and heare saying that they neuer sawe goodlier men in all their liues and that it was not possible that there could be in vs so much euill as was reported of vs and that we were more like Angels among men then such persons of such euill Religion as by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be and that it was great pitie that wee should bee so vsed for so small an offence So that being brought into the saide high Church and set vpon the scaffold which was made before the high Altar in the presence of all the people vntill high Masse was done and the sermon made by a frier concerning our matter they did put vs in all the disgrace they could to cause the people not to take so much compassion vpon vs for that wee were heretiques people that were seduced of the deuill had forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of Rome with diuers other reprochfull wordes which were too long to recite in this place High Masse and Sermon being done our offences as they called them were recited euery man what he had said and done and presently was the sentence pronounced against vs. That was that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to weare his S. Benito all the dayes of his life and put into perpetuall prison where hee should fulfill the same and all his goods confiscated and lost And I the saide Tomson to weare the S. Benito for three yeeres and then to be set at libertie And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation we must be presently sent downe from Mexico to Vera Cruz and from thence to S. Iohn de Vllua and there to be shipped for Spaine which was 65. leagues by land with strait commandement that vpon paine of 1000. duckets the Masters euery one should looke straitly vnto vs and carry vs to Spaine and deliuer vs vnto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill that they should put vs in the places where we should fulfill our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had enioyned vnto vs by his sentence there giuen For performance of the which we were sent downe from Mexico to the Sea side which was 65. leagues with fetters vpon our feete and there deliuered to the Masters of the ships to be caried for Spaine as before is said And it was so that the Italian fearing that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the Inquisitors that they would haue burned him to preuent that danger when wee were comming homeward and were arriued at the yland of Terçera one of the ysles of the Açores the first night that we came into the said port to an ancker about midnight he found the meanes to get him naked out of the ship into the sea swam naked a shoare and so presently got him to the further side of the yland where hee found a little Caruel ready to depart for Portugal in the which he came to Lisbone and passed into France and so into England where hee ended his life in the Citie of London And I for my part kept still aboord the ship and came into Spaine and was deliuered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill where they kept me in close prison till I had fulfilled the three yeeres of my penance Which time being expired I was freely put out of prison and set at libertie and being in the Citie of Siuil a casher of one Hugh Typton an English marchant of great doing by the space of one yeere it fortuned that there came out of the Citie of Mexico a Spaniard called Iohn de la Barrera that had bene long time in the Indies and had got great summes of golde and siluer and with one onely daughter shipped himselfe for to come for Spaine and by the way chanced to die and gaue all that hee had vnto his onely daughter whose name was Marie de la Barrera and being arriued at the Citie of Siuil it was my chance to marry with her The marriage was worth to mee 2500. pounds in barres of golde and siluer besides iewels of great price This I thought good to speake of to shew the goodnes of God to all them that put their trust in him that I being brought
come in that order did perswade vs to submit and yeelde our selues vnto them for being naked as we at this time were and without weapon we could not make any resistance whose bidding we obeied and vpon the yeelding of our selues they perceiued vs to be Christians and did call for more Canoas and caried vs ouer by foure and foure in a boaâ—â— and being come on the other side they vnderstanding by our captaine how long we had bene without meate imparted between two and two a loafe of bread made of that countrey wheat which the Spaniards call Maiz of the bignesse of our halfepenie loaues which bread is named in the Indian tongue Clashacally This bread was very sweete and pleasant vnto vs for we had not eaten any in a long time before and what is it that hunger doth not make to haue a sauory and a delicate taste And hauing thus parted the bread amongst vs those which were men they sent afore to the towne hauing also many Indians inhabitants of that place to garde them they which were yong as boyes and some such also as were feeble they tooke vp vpon their horses behind thâ—m and so caried vs to the towne where they dwelt which was very neere distant a mile from the place where we came ouer This towne is well situated and well replenished with all kindes of fruits as Orenges Limons Pomegranates Apricoks and Peaches and sundry others and is inhabited with a great number of tame Indians or Mexicans and had in it also at that time about the number of two hundred Spaniards men women and children besides Negros Of their Salines which lie vpon the West side of the riuer more then a mile distant from thence they make a great profit for it is an excellent good merchandize there the Indians doe buy much thereof and carie it vp into the countrey and there sell it to their owne countrey people in doubling the price Also much of the Salt made in this place is transported from thence by sea to sundry other places as to Cuba S. Iohn de Vllua and the other ports of Tamiago and Tamachos which are two barred hauens West and by South aboue threescore leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua When we were all come to the towne the Gouernour there shewed himselfe very seuere vnto vs and threatned to hang vs all and then he demanded what money wee had which in trueth was very little for the Indians which we first met withall had in a maner taken all from vs and of that which they left the Spaniards which brought vs ouer tooke away a good part also howbeit from Anthony Godard the Gouernour here had a chaine of gold which was giuen vnto him at Carthagena by the Gouernour there and from others he had some small store of money so that wee accounted that amongst vs all he had the number of fiue hundred Pezos besides the chaine of gold And hauing thus satisfied himselfe when he had taken all that we had he caused vs to be put into a little house much like a hogstie where we were almost smoothered and before we were thus shut vp into that little coat they gaue vs some of the countrey wheate called Mayz sodden which they feede their hogs withall But many of our men which had bene hurt by the Indians at our first comming on land whose wounds were very sore and grieuous desired to haue the helpe of their Surgeons to cure their wounds The gouernour and most of them all answered that wee should haue none other Surgeon but the hangman which should sufficiently heale vs of all our griefes and thus reuiling vs and calling vs English dogs and Lutheran heretikes we remained the space of three dayes in this miserable state not knowing what should become of vs waiting every houre to be bereaued of our liues Chap. 4. Wherin is shewed how we were vsed in Panuco and in what feare of death we were there and how we were caried to Mexico to the Viceroy and of our imprisonment there and at Tescuco with the courtesies and cruelties wee receiued during that time and how in the end wee were by proclamation giuen to serue as slaues to sundry gentlemen Spaniards VPon the fourth day after our comming thither and there remaining in a perplexitie looking euery houre when we should suffer death there came a great number of Indians and Spaniards weaponed to fetch vs out of the house and amongst them wee espied one that brought a great many of new halters at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed and made no other account but that we should presently haue suffered death and so crying and calling to God for mercie and forgiuenesse of our sinnes we prepared our selues making vs ready to die yet in the end as the sequel shewed their meaning was not so for when wee were come out of the house with those halters they bound our armes behind vs and so coupling vs two and two together they commanded vs to march on through the towne and so along the countrey from place to place toward the citie of Mexico which is distant from Panuco West and by South the space of ninetie leagues hauing onely but two Spaniards to conduct vs they being accompanied with a great number of Indians warding on either side with bowes and arrowes lest we should escape from them And trauelling in this order vpon the second day at night we came vnto a towne which the Indians call Nohele and the Spaniards call it Santa Maria in which towne there is a house of white friers which did very courteously vse vs and gaue vs hote meat as mutton and broth and garments also to couer our selues withal made of white bayes we fed very greedily of the meat and of the Indian fruit called Nochole which fruit is long and small much like in fashion to a little cucumber Our greedy feeding caused vs to fall sicke of hote burning agues And here at this place one Thomas Baker one of our men died of a hurt for he had bene before shot with an arrow into the throat at the first incounter The next morrow about ten of the clocke we departed from thence bound two two together and garded as before and so trauailed on our way toward Mexico till we came to a towne within forty leagues of Mexico named Mestitlan where is a house of blacke friers and in this towne there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards both men women and children The friers sent vs meat from the house ready dressed and the friers and the men and women vsed vs very courteously and gaue vs some shirts and other such things as we lacked Here our men were very sicke of their agues and with eating of another fruit called in the Indian tongue Guiaccos which fruit did binde vs so sore that for the space of tenne or twelue dayes we could not ease our selues The next morning we departed from thence with our two
did so whereupon they returned to the viceroy and told him that we were good Christians and that they liked vs well and then they brought vs much reliefe with clothes our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals where many were cured and many died From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans place where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide and not to come into the citie thither we had all things necessary brought vs on Sundayes and holy dayes much people came and brought vs great reliefe The viceroy practised to hang vs and caused a paire of new gallowes to be set vp to haue executed vs wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not consent but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise brought newes from the king of Spaine what should be done with vs for they said they could not find any thing by vs whereby they might lawfully put vs to death The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico who sent foure priests to the Island to examine and confesse vs who said that the viceroy would burne vs when wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey They returned to the Bishop and told him that we were very good Christians The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions and said that wee were good Christians therefore he would not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret whom he kept prisoner in his pallace vntill the fleete was departed for Spayne The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico called Tescuco to card wooll among the Indian slaues which drudgery we disdained and concluded to beat our masters and so wee did wherefore they sent to the viceroy desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies to send for vs for they would not keepe vs any longer they said that we were deuils and no men The viceroy sent for vs and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico from thence he sent Anthony Goddard some other of our company with him into Spaine with Luçon the General that tooke vs the rest of vs staied in Mexico two yeres after and then were sent prisoners into Spaine with Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre admirall and generall of the Spanish fleet who caried with him in his ship to be presented to the K. of Spaine the anatomie of a giant which was sert from China to Mexico to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez to bee sent to the king of Spaine for a great wonder It did appeare by the anatomie that he was of a monstrous size the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel his necke-bones shoulder-plates arme-bones and all other lineaments of his other partes were huge and monstrous to behold the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his wast and of bignesse accordingly At this time and in this ship were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them which were also sent from China to be sent to the king of Spaine The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like vnto the blades of wild garlicke which they cut euery fifteene dayes they vse to water them twise a day as we doe our herbes here in England they put the blades in their pottage and vse them in their other meates whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull and procureth a good appetite When we were shipped in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his cabbin asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea we said that we would not fight against our Crowne but if we met with any other we would do what we were able He said if we had said otherwise he would not haue beleeued vs and for that we should be the better vsed and haue allowance as other men had and he gaue a charge to euery one of vs according vnto our knowledge Robert Barret was placed with the pilote I was put in the gunners roome William Cawse with the boat-swaine Iohn Beare with the quarter-masters Edward Rider Geffrey Giles with the ordinary mariners Richard the masters boy attended on him and the pilote shortly after we departed from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine for the port called Hauana wee were 26. dayes sayling thither There wee came in ankered tooke in fresh water and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete of Nombre de Dios which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes After his comming when he had watred his ships both the fleetes ioyned in one and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of both the fleets who turning through the chanell of Bahama his pilote had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called Cannaueral which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop our master Robert Barret for I being in the second watch escried land and called to Robert Barret bidding him looke ouer boord for I saw land vnder the lee-bow of the ship he called to the boat-swaine bid him let flie the fore saile sheat and lay the helm vpon the lee and cast the ship about When we were cast about we were but in seuen fathome water we shot off a piece giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about and so they did For this we were beloued of the Generall and all the fleet The Generall was in a great rage and swore by the king that he would hang his pilote for he said that twise before he had almost cast away the Admirall When it was day he commanded a piece to be shot off to call to councill the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him and asked what the matter was he said that his pilote had cast away his ship and all the fleet had it not bene for two of the Englishmâ—n and therefore he would hang him The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded him to the contrary When we came in the height of Bermuda we discouered a monster in the sea who shewed himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards in which parts hee was proportioned like a man of the complection of a Mulato or tawny Indian The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in writing and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof Presently after this for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule weather and then God sent vs a faire wind vntill such time as we discouered the Iland called Faial On S. Iames day we made
straight cutte his throate as hee afterwardes was found by his fellowes who came to the place for him and there found him naked The two and twentieth the Captaine went into the Riuer called Callowsa with the two Barkes and the Iohns Pinnesse and the Salomons boate leauing at anker in the Riuers mouth the two shippes the Riuer being twenty leagues in where the Portugals roade hee came thither the fiue and twentieth and dispatched his businesse and so returned with two Carauels loaden with Negros The 27. the Captaine was aduertised by the Portugals of a towne of the Negros called Bymbaâ— being in the way as they returned where was not onely great quantitie of golde but also so that there were not aboue fortie men and an hundred women and children in the Towne so that if hee would giue the aduenture vpon the same hee might gette an hundreth slaues with the which tydings hee being gladde because the Portugals shoulde not thinke him to bee of so base a courage but that hee durst giue them that and greater attempts and being thereunto also the more prouoked with the prosperous successe hee had in other Islands adiacent where he had put them all to flight and taken in one boate twentie together determined to stay before the Towne three or foure houres to see what hee could doe and thereupon prepared his men in armour and weapon together to the number of fortie men well appointed hauing to their guides certaine Portugals in a boat who brought some of them to their death wee landing boat after boat and diuers of our men scattering themselues contrary to the Captaines will by one or two in a company for the hope that they had to finde golde in their houses ransacking the same in the meane time the Negros came vpon them and hurte many being thus scattered whereas if fiue or sixe had bene together they had bene able as their companions did to giue the ouerthrow to 40 of them and being driuen downe to take their boates were followed to hardly by a route of Negros who by that tooke courage to pursue them to their boates that not onely some of them but others standing on shore not looking for any such matter by meanes that the Negros did flee at the first and our companie remained in the towne were suddenly so set vpon that some with great hurt recouered their boates othersome not able to recouer the same tooke the water and perished by meanes of the oaze While this was doing the Captaine who with a dosen men went through the towne returned finding 200 Negros at the waters side shooting at them in the boates and cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water at whole comming they ranne all away so he entred his boates and before he could put off from the shore they returned againe and shot very fiercely and hurt diuers of them Thus wee returned backe some what discomforted although the Captaine in a singular wise maner caried himselfe with countenance very cheerefull outwardly as though hee did litle weigh the death of his men nor yet the great hurt of the rest although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it done to this ende that the Portugals being with him should not presume to resist against him nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hinderance for the death of our men hauing gotten by our going ten Negros and lost seuen of our best men whereof M. Field Captaine of the Salomon was one and we had 27 of our men hurt In the same houre while this was doing there happened at the same instant a marueilous miracle to them in the shippes who road ten leagues to sea-ward by many sharkes or Tiburons who came about the ships among which one was taken by the Iesus and foure by the Salomon and one very sore hurâ— escaped and so it fell out of our men whereof one of the Iesus men and foure of the Salomons were killed and the fift hauing twentie wounds was rescued and scaped with much adoe The 28 they came to their ships the Iesus and the Salomon and the 30 departed from thence to Taggarin The first of Ianuary the two barkes and both the boates forsooke the ships and went into a riuer called the Casterroes and the 6 hauing dispatched their businesse the two barkes returned and came to Taggarin where the two ships were at anker Not two dayes after the comming of the two ships thither they put their water caske a shore and filled it with water to season the same thinking to haue filled it with fresh water afterward and while their men were some on shore and some at their boates the Negros set vpon them in the boates and hurt diuers of them and came to the caskes and cut of the hoopes of twelue buts which lost vs 4 or 5 dayes tune besides great want we had of the same soiourning at Taggarinâ— the Swallow went vp the riuer about her trafficke where they saw great townes of the Negros and Canoas that had threescore men in a piece there they vnderstood by the Portugals of a great battell betweene them of Sierra Leona side and them of Taggarin they of Sierra Leona had prepared three hundred Canoas to inuade the other The time was appointed not past sixe dayes after our departure from thence which we would haue seene to the intent we might haue taken some of them had it not bene for the death and sickenesse of our men which came by the contagiouâ—nes of the place which made vs to make hast away The 18 of Ianuarie at night wee departed from Taggarin being bound for the West Indies before which departure certaine of the Salomons men went on shore to fill water in the night and as they came on shore with their boat being ready to leape on land one of them espied an Negro in a white coate standing vpon a rocke being ready to haue receiued theÌ„ when they came on shore hauing in sight of his fellowes also eight or nine some in one place leaping out and some in another but they hid themselues streight againe whereupon our men doubting they had bene a great companie and sought to haue taken them at more aduantage as God would departed to their ships not thinking there had bene such a mischiefe pretended toward them as then was in deede Which the next day we vnderstood of a Portugal that came downe to vs who had trafficked with the Negros by whom hee vnderstood that the king of Sierra Leona had made all the power hee could to take some of vs partly for the desire he had to see what kinde of people we were that had spoiled his people at the Idols whereof he had newes before our comming and as I iudge also vpon other occasions prouoked by the Tangomangos but sure we were that the armie was come downe by meanes that in the euening wee saw such a
onely one halfe houre the Minion was made readie to auoide and so leesing her hedfaâ—ls and hayling away by the sterâ—â—fastes she was gotten out tâ—us with Gods helpâ— she dâ—fendeâ— the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men The Minion being past out they came aboâ—rd the Iesus which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men were defended and kept out Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Iesus at the same instant so that she had hard getting loose but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and gotten out by the sterne-fastes Nowe when the Iesus and the Minion were gottâ—n about two shippes length from the Spanish fleete the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke their Uiceadmirall burned and one other of their principall ships supposed to be sunke so that the shippes were little able to annoy vs. Then is it to be vnderstood that all the Ordinance vpon the Ilande was in the Spaniardes handes which did vs so great annoyance that it cut all the mastes and yardes of the Iesus in such sort that there was no hope to carrie her away also it sunke our small shippes wereupon we determined to place the Iesus on that side of the Minion that she might abide all the batterie from the land and so be a defence for the Minion till night and then to take such reliefe of victuall and other necessaries from the Iesus as the time would suffer vs and to leaue her As we were thus determining and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great shippes which were comming directly with vs and hâ—uing no meanes to auoide the fire it bredde among our men a maruellous feare so that some sayd let vs depart with the Minion other said let vs see whither the winde will carrie the fire from vs. But to be short the Minions men which had alwayes theâ—r sayles in a readinesse thouâ—ht to make sure worke and so without either consent of the Captâ—ine or Master cut therâ— saile so that very hardly I was receiued into the Minion The most part of the men that were left a liue in the Iesus made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat the rest which the little bâ—ate was not able â—o receiue were inforâ—â—d â—â— abide the mercie of the Spaniards which I doubt was very little so with the Minion only and the â—udith a small barke of 50 tunne we escaped which barke the same night forsooke vs in our great miserie we were now remooued with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shâ—oâ—es and there rode all that night the next morning we recouered aâ— Iland a mile from the Spaniardes where there tooke vs a North winde and being left onely with two ankers and two cables for in this conflict we lost three cables and two ankers we thought alwayes vpon death which euer was present but God preserued vs to a longer time The weather waxed reasonable and the Saturday we set saile and hauing a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse some desired to yeeld to the Spaniards some rather desired to obtaine a place where they might giue themselues to the Infidels and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at Sea so thus with many sorowfull hearts we wandred in an vnknowen Sea by the space of 14 dayes till hunger inforced vs to seeke the land for hides were thought very good meat rats cats mice and dogs none escaped that might be gotten parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price were thought there very profitable if they serued the turne one dâ—nner thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the boâ—ome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a halfe where we hoped to haue found inhabitants of the Spaniards reliefe of victuals and place for the repaire of our ship which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and brused with shooting off our owne ordinance that our wearie and weake armes were scarce able to defende and keâ—pe out water But all things happened to the contrary for we found neither people victuall nor hauen of reliefe but a place where hauing faire weather with some perill we might land a boat our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land whereunto I consented And such as were willing to land I put them apart and such as were desirous to goe homewardes I put a part so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place before said which being landed we determined there to take in fresh water and so with our little remaine of vâ—ctuals to take the sea The next day hauing a land with me fiftie of our hundreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboord there arose an extreame storme so that in three dayes we could by no meanes repaire aboord our ship the ship also was in such perill that euery houre we looked for shipwracke But yet God againe had mercie on vs and sent faire weather we had aboord our water and departâ—d the siâ—teenth day of October after which day we had faire and prosperous weather till the siâ—teenth day of Nouâ—mber which day God be praysed we were cleere from the coast of the Indies and out of â—hâ— chanell and gulfe of Bahama which is betweene the Cape of Florida and the Ilandes of Iucayo After this growing neere to the colde countrey our men being oppressed with famine died continually and they that were left grew into such weaknesse that we were scantly able to manage our shippe and the winde being alwayes ill for vs to recouer England we determined to goe with Galicia in Spaine with intent there to relieue our companie and other extreame wantes And being arriued the last day of December in a place neere vnto Vigo called Ponce Vedra our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into miserable disseases and died a great part of them This matter was borne out as long as it might be but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to goe a land yet by accesse of the Spaniards our feeblenesse was knowen to them Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by all meanes to betray vs but with all speede possible we departed to Vigo where we had some helpe of certaine English ships and twelue fresh mâ—n wherewith we repaired our wants as we might and departing the 20 day of Ianuary 1568 arriued in Mounts bay in Cornewall the 25 of the same moneth praised be God therefore If all the miseries and troublesome affâ—ires of this sorowfull voyage
otherwise must haue bene done by resting But as we came within some two miles of the towne their horsemen which were some hundred met vs and taking the alarme retired to their town ward againe vpon the first volley of our shot that was giuen them for the place where wee encountred being wooddy and bushy euen to the water side was vnmeete for their seruice At this instant we might heare some pieces of Artillerie discharged with diuers small shot towards the harbour which gaue vs to vnderstand according to the order set downe in the Euening before by our Generall that the Uice-admirall accompanied with Captaine Venner Captaine White and Captaine Crosse with other sea Captaines and with diuers Pinnesses and boates should giue some attempt vnto the litle Fort standing on the entrie of the inner Hauen neere adioyning to the towne though to small purpose for that the place was strong and the entry very narrow was chainedouer so as there could be nothing gotten by the attempt more then the giuing of them an alarme on that other side of the Hauen being a mile and a halfe from the place we now were at In which attempt the Uice-admirall had the rudder of his skiffe stroken through with a Saker shot and a litle or no harme receiued elsewhere The troopes being now in their march halfe amyle behither the Towne or lesse the ground we were on grewe to bee streight and not aboue fiftie paces ouer hauing the maine Sea on the one side of it and the harbour-water or inner sea as you may tearme it on the other side which in the plot is plainely shewed This streight was fortified cleane ouer with a stone wall and a ditch without it the sayd wall being as orderly built with flanking in euery part as can be set downe There was onely so much of this streight vnwalled as might serue for the issuing of the horsemen or the passing of caryage in time of neede but this vnwalled part was not without a very good Barricado of wine-buts or pipes filled with earth full and thicke as they might stand on ende one by another some part of them standing euen within the maine sea This place of strength was furnished with sixe great peeces Demi-culuerius and Sakers which shette directly in front vpon vs as wee approched Now without this wall vpon the inner side of the streight they had brought likewise two great Gallies with their prowes to the shore hauing planted in them eleuen peeces oâ— ordinance which did beate all crosse the streight and flanked our comming on In these two Galleis were planted three or foure hundred small shot and on the land in the guard onely of this place three hundred shot and pikes They in this their full readinesse to receiue vs spared not their shot both great and small But our Leiutenant generall taking the aduantage of the darke the day light as yer not broken out approched by the lowest ground according to the expresse direction which himselfe haâ— formerly giuen the same being the sea-wash shore where the water was somewhat fallen so as most of all their shot was in vaine Our Lieutenant generall commanded our shot to forbeare shooâ—ing vntill we were come to the wall side â—nd so with pikes roundly together we approched the place where we soone found out the Barricados of pipes or buts to be the meetest place for our assault which notwithstanding it was well furnished with pikes and shot was without staying attempted by vs downe went the buts of earth and yell mell came our swordes and pikes together after our shot had first giuen their volley euen at the enemies nose Our pikes were somewhat longer then theirs and our bodies better armed for very few of them were armed with which aduantage our swordes and pikes grew too hard for them and they driuen to giue place In this surious entry the Lieutenant generall siew with his owne hands the chiefe Ensigne bearer of the Spaniards who fought very manfully to his liâ—es end We followed into the towne with them and giuing them no leasure to breath we wanne the Market-place albeit they made head and fought a while before we got it and so wee being once seazed and assured of that they were content to suffer vs to lodge within their towne and themselues to goe to their wiues whom they had caryed into other places of the countrey before our comming thither At euery streetes end they had rassed vâ—â—y fine Baricados of earth-workes wich trenches without them as well made as euer we saw any worke done at the entring whereof was some litle resistance but soone ouercome it was with few slaine or hurt They had ioyned with them many Indians whom they had placed in corners of aduantage all bowmen with their arrowes most villariously empoysoned so as if they did but breake the skinne the partie so touched died without great maruell some they flew of our people with their arrowes some they likewise mischieued to death with certaine pricks of small sticks sharply pointed of a foote and a halfe long the one ende put into the ground the other empoysoned sticking fast vp right against our comming in the way as we should approch from our landing towardes the towne whereof they had planted a wonderfull number in the ordinaire way but our keeping the sea-wash shore missed the greatest part of them very happily I ouerpasse many particular matters as the hurting of Captaine Sampson at sword blowes in the first entring vnto whom was committed the charge of the pikes of the Uantguard by his lot and turne as also of the taking of Alonso Brauo the chiefe commander of the place by Captaine Goring after the said captaine had first hurt him with his sword vnto which Captaine was committed the charge of the shot of the sayd Uantguard Captaine Winter was likewise by his turne of the â—antguard in this attempt where also the Lieutenant generall marched himselfe the said Captaine Winter through a great desire to serue by land hauing now exchanged his charge by sea with Captaine Cecil for his band of footemen Captaine Powel the Sergeant maior had by his turne the charge of the foure companies which made the battaile Captaine Morgan who at S. Domingo was of the Uantguard had now by turne his charge vpon the companies of the Rereward Euery man as well of one part as of another came so willingly on to the seruice as the enemie was not able to endure the furie of such hot assault We stayed here sixe weekes and the sicknesse with mortalitie before spoken of still continued among vs though not with the same furie as at the first and such as were touched with the sayde sicknesse escaping death very few or almost none could recouer their strenght yea many of them were much decayed in their memorie insomuch that it was growen an ordinarie iudgement when one was heard to speake foolishly to say he had bene sicke of the Calâ—ntura
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
a man sorrowe to death For true it is sir Francis Drake died of the fluxe which hee had growen vpon him eight dayes before his death and yeelded vp his spirit like a Christian to his creatour quietly in his cabbin And when the Generall shall suruey his losse he shall finde it more then the losse of the English and the most of his destroyed by the bullet but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort vnto the Spaniard that it was thought to be a sufficient amendes although their whole fleete had beene vtterly lost Thirdly the Generall doth say of his owne credite and not by intelligence from any Indian or other that on the eleuenth of March last he met the English fleete at the I le of Pinos being fourteene good shippes who although they had the winde of him yet he set vpon them three times with all their shippes but the English fleete fled and refused to fight shooting now and then a shot but especially the Viceadmirall THis third lie of the Generall Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda whose name for the proliritie thereof may be drawen somewhat neere the length of a cable hath no colour of protection but it hath a iust proportion in measure to the lies of olde Bernardino de Mendoça his countreyman concerning the ouerthrowe of hir Maiesties Nauie in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and eight For except Don Bernaldino the Generall did purpose to winne the wheâ—stone from Don Bernardino de Mendoça the olde Spanish lyer I cannot coâ—iecture why he should write to his countrey for a truth that he chased the English Nauie with nine shippes and did three seuerall times giue the onset to the English fleete who being fourteene good shippes as he saith did flie and refuse to fight considering that the Spanish Uiceadmirall if he be liuing and many other can witnesse the contrarie who fighting like a true valiant man departed from the fight with a torne and battered shippe to saue her from sinking Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish fleete Don Bernaldino excepted that will say they were lesse then twentie sayle of shippes when they met the English fleete and the Spanish Nauie can witnesse that they receiued such store of bullets from the English fleete that they were glad to depart and in despight of them the English nauie did holde their determined course And taking a viewe of the Spanish fleete the next day their number was not aboue thirteene ships which did argue that they were either sunke or fled to harbour to saue themselues Fourthly the General saith that the English fleete fled away and left their oares for haft behind them in the sea IT was strange that they should leaue behinde them oares in the sea suhence there was not in the English fleete either Galley or Galliasse which required the vse of oares as for the oares of their ship-boates and other such small vessels they had slowed them aboord their shippes and were no impediment vnto them but most necessarie for them to vse and therefore not likely they would cast them ouerboord But it is more likely that the Generall fell into some pleasant dreanie at Sea wherein he did see a false apparition of victorie against the English and for lacke of matter did set this downe in his letter for newes of his countrey It is sinne to belie the Deuill and therefore the Generall shall haue his right the letter is so well contriued and yet with no great eloquence but with such art that there are not many more lines then there are lies which shewed that there are wonderfull and extraordinarie gifts in the Generall but I am perswaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should haue beene printed he would haue omitted many things conteined in the letter for the Doctor did vse him somewhat hardly in the wing the letter openly and more in suffering it to bee printed for friendes may like good fellowes send lies one to the other for recreation and feed their friends with some small taste thereof so it be kept close without danger to incurre the title of a lying Generall But as the matter is now handled through the simplicitie of the Doctor I cannot see but the Generall Don Bernaldino is like to carrie the title equally twixt both his shoulders Fiftly the Generall doth say in his printed letter that notwithstanding all the diligence he could vse he could not cause the English fleete to stay nor come neere them nor discharge one harquebuze or peece of artillerie but fled away as fast as they could ANd this lie also he doth not receiue by intelligence from any other but himselfe was an eye-witnesse in the action which made him bold to sende this with the rest into his countrey for current newes but herein Don Bernaldino was more bolde then wise for the torne and battered sides of his Galeons being compared with her Maiesties shippes and others that serued in that fight doe declare that his ships receiued at least two bullets for one Neither can it be concealed but his owne countreymen if any do fauour truth may easily see the losse and late reparations done vnto the kings fleete sithence they did encounter with the English Nauie whensoeuer they that remaine shall arriue in Spaine But the Generall seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession and wareth somewhat bold treading the true steps of olde Bernardino de Mendoça and yet Mendoça was somewhat more warie in his lies for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadowe them but the Generall growing from boldnesse to impudencie maketh no scruple to say that the English Nauie fled as fast as they could without discharging any harquebuze or peece of artillerie when as the battered sides of his ships doe returne the lie to his face For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behaue himselfe so valiantly that he was alwayes farthest off in the fight and had so great care of his owne person that he stoode cleare from the danger of musket or any small shot and durst not approch whereas our Generall was the foremost and so helde his place vntill by order of fight other shippes were to haue their turnes according to his former direction who wisely and politikely had so ordered his vangarde and rereward that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the Spaniarde so might they haue bene without all hope of victorie if their Generall had bene a man of any iudgement in sea-fights I knowe no reason why the English Nauie should flie from him for the Spaniarde may put all the gaine in his eye that euer he did winne from the English Peraduenture some silly nouice of our countrey meeting the Generall in Spaine and hearing a repetition of so many sillables in one name as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda might thinke them to be wordes of
coniuration and for feare of raysing a spirit might flie from him as from the Deuill or some simple Indian slaue hearing the like repetition of his long and tedious name might suppose it to be an armie of Spaniards and for feare runne away but the commanders and captaines of the English Nauie were men of such resolution that no Spanish bragges could dismay them for they haue often met them with their Pikes in their Spanish beardes nor the countenance of Don Bernaldino quaile them although hee were acowered in his gilt leather buskins and his Toledo rapier Sixtly the Generall saith in his letter that notwithstanding their flying away so fast the English left them one good ship well manned who tolde him that Drake dyed in Nombre de Dios in which ship were one hundred and fortie men and fifteene noble captaines of the best sort THe Generall Don Bernaldino like a resolute Spaniarde hauing already gone ouer his shooes maketh no danger to wade ouer his bootes also and as he hath begunne so hee both conclude I maruaile that he did not in writing his discourse remember this old saying that is A liar ought to haue a good memorie It were much better for him in mine opinion to reuoke the testimonie which he saith he had from the Englishmen concerning Sir Francis Drake his death at Nombre de Dios and stand to the intelligence receiued from the silly Indian slaue as it appeareth in his first lie for without all doubt there is no English man that will say if he haue his right senses that he dyed at Nombre de Dios for they all knowe the contrarie neither can the General auouch that he receiued intelligence from any English man that after the death of Sir Francis Drake they did elect for Generall Colonel Quebraran as he doth most falsely affirme in the latter ende of his vaine and friuolous letter seeing that this name was strange vnknowen to any in the English Nauie Neither do I imagine that any of those which the Generall saith he hath taken were so forgetfull as not to remember their Generals name But without all doubt this addition of so new and strange a name to the English Generall doth prooue that Don Bernaldino is not vnfurnished of a forge and storehouse of lies from whence as froÌ„ an euerflowing fouÌ„taine he sendeth forth lies of al sorts sufficient for his own store and great plentie to furnish his friends the Generall was much beholding to his godfathers who gaue him the name Bernaldino which we in English doe take to be plaine Barnard which name hath as it were a kinde of priuilege from being sharpely reprehended when the partie is thought to erre for it is a common saying amongst the schoolemen that Bernardus non videt omma viz. Barnard seeth not all things when he doth dissent from their opinions the which fauour we could be content to yeeld to Bernaldino for the name sake if he were not taken with so many manifest and impudent lies neither doe I thinke that Sennor Bernaldino will say that he sawe all that he hath written be it spoken in councell for shaming the Generall for is there any man so voide of reason as to thinke that any Englishman being demanded of his Generals name would write or spâ—ake Quebraran for Baskeruil So much difference there is in the sound of the sillables as there is no affinitie at all or likelihood of truth But such are the Generals rare gifts be it â—pokâ—n to his small prayse that we Englishmen must of force confesse that the Generall hath giuen a proud onset to carrie the whetstone from Sennor Bernardino de Mendoça neither will the hundred and fortie men and fifteene noble Captaines which he saith he did take of whom he might haue benâ— rightly informed of their Generals name acquit him of lying forgerie for giuing the name of Quebraran to the English Generall As for the good shippe well manned which he saith the English left them after the fight I am perswaded he hath no man to witnesse that lie for the ship was separated by weather from the English fleete in the night thirteene dayes before the fight with the Spanish Nauie and neuer to any mans knowledge came more in sight of the English fleete If the Spanish ship by chance did take the saide well manned ship as they call her I doubt not but they haue the ship the hundred and forty men and the fifteene noble Captaines to shew But euermore I gesse the Spanish reckoning will fall short when it is examined for the fifteene noble Captaines will prooue as I take it but three whose losse I grieue to thinke on Neither did the Spaniards gaine them by valour or we loose or leaue them for cowardise as most vntruely this bragging lier hath certified But the Generall like a prouident man to make his fame and credite the greater with his Prince and countrey taketh vpon him amongst other his miracles performed before the English fleete by way of amplification to make small matters seeme great as a little shooe to serue a great foote and finding that it can hardly be brought to passe he doth so stretch the leather with his teeth that it is readie to breake and yet notwithstanding al this will not serue his purpose for the printing of the letter doth marre the play and bringeth such matter in question as the Generall doth wish might be concealed and were he not of so drie and cholerick a complexion as commonly Spaniards are he would blush for very shame in publishing so impudently such manifest vntruthes For sithence his meeting with the English fleete at the I le of Pinos there hath bene by the worthie English Generals an honourable expedition from England into the Continent of Spaine where amongst other exploites hauing taken the citie of Cadiz in the sacke thereof was found some of Don Bernaldino his printed letters which comming to the handes of a captaine that serued in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the West Indies he hath thought very fit in regard of the slanders to the English Nauie contained in the saide letter to quote the errors that the trueth onely may appeare to all such as haue a desire to be rightly informed of such accidents as befell them in this late voyage to the West Indies and this may suffise to show Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda his great iudgement in amplyfying small matters or of nothing to make in shewe somewhat And now hauing thus farre informed you of the trueth in reproofe of the slanderous false and vntrue reports of this glorious lying Generall with a true disproofe to some of the grossest of his lies I will leaue him with the rest of his lying letter and the circumstances therein contained to your censures who in discretion may easily discerne the same And haue here following plainely and truely set downe the course and order of our whole
and beyond it and betweene it and the maine of Guiana runneth a thirde branch of Orenoque called Arraroopana all three are goodly branches and all nauigable for great ships I iudge the riuer in this place to be at least thirty miles brode reckoning the ylands which deuide the branches in it for afterwards I sought also both the other branches After wâ—e reached to thâ— head of the yland called Assapana a little to the Westward on the right hand there opened a riuer which came from the North called Europa and fel into the great Riuer and beyond it on the same side wee anckered for that night by another ylâ—nd sixe mâ—les long and two miles broade which they call Ocaywita From hence in the morning wee landed two Guianians which wee found in the Towne of Toparimaca that came with vs who went to giue notice of our comming to the Lord of that countrey called Putyma a follower of Topiawari chiefe Lord of Aromaia who succeeded Morequito whom as you haue heard 〈◊〉 Berreo put to deaâ—h but his towne being farre within the land he came not vnto vs that day so â—â— we ankered againe that night neere the bankes of another yland of bignesse much like the other which they call Putapayma ouer against which yland on the maine lande was a very high mountaine called Oecope we â—ouered to ancker rather by these ylands in the Riuer then by the maine because of the Tortugas egges which our people found on them in great abundance and also because the ground serued beâ—ter for vs to cast our nets for fish the maine bankes being for the most part stonie and high and the rocks of a blew metalline colour like vnto the best steele-ore which I assuredly take it to be of the same blew stone are also diuers great mountaines which bordâ—r this riuer in many places The next morning towards nine of the clocke wee weighed ancker and the brize increasing we sailed alwayes Wâ—st vp the riuer and after a while opening the land on the right side the countrey appeared to bee champaine and the bankes shâ—wed very perfect red I therâ—fore sent two of the little barges with Captaine Gifford and with him Captaine Thyn Captaine Calfield my cosen Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert Captaine Eynus Master Edward Porter â—nd my cosen Butshead Gorges with some fewe souldiers to march ouâ—r the bankes of that red land and to discouer what mâ—nâ—r of countrey it was on the othâ—r side wâ—o at thâ—iâ— retâ—rne found it all a plaine leuell as farre as they went or could discerne from the â—ighest tree they câ—uld get vpon And my old Pilot a man of great trauell brother to the Casique I oparimica tolde mee that those were called the plaines of the Sayma and that the same leuell reachâ—d to Cumaná and Caracas in the West Indies which are a hundreth and twentie leagues to the Nortâ— and that there inhaâ—ited foure principall nations The first were the Sayma â—he next Asâ—awai tâ—e thirde and greatest the Wikiri by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa â—eâ—ore mentioned was ouerthrowen as hee passed with three hundred horse from Cumaná towâ—â—ds Orenoque in his enterprize of Guiana the fourth are called Aroras and are as blâ—cke as Negros but haue smooth haire and these are very vallant or rather desperate people and hauâ— the most strong poâ—son on their arrowes and most dangerous of all nations of wâ—ich poyson I will speake somewhat being a digression not vnnecessary There was nothing whereof I was more curious then tâ— finde â—ut the true remedies of these poysoned arrowâ—s for besides the mortaliâ—ie of the wounâ— thâ—y make the partie shotte indureth the most insufferable torment in the wâ—rld and abideth a most vgly and lamentable death sometimes dying starke mad sometimes â—here bowels â—reakâ—ng out of their â—ellies which are presently discoloured as blacke as pitch and so vnsâ—uâ—ry as no man can endure to cuâ—e or to atteâ—d them And it is more strange to know that in all this time there was neuer Spaniâ—rd eitâ—â—r by gifâ— or torment that could aâ—teinâ— to the tâ—ue knowledâ—e of the cure although they haue martyred and put to inuented torture I knâ—w not how many of â—hem But euery one of these Indians know iâ— not no not one among thouâ—ands but their â—oothsayers and priestes who doe conceale it and onely teach it but from the father to the sonne Those medicines which are vulgar and serue for the ordinarie poyson are made of the iuice of a roote called Tupara the same also quencheth marueilâ—usly the heate of burning feauers and healeth inward wounds and brokâ—n veines that bleed within the body But I was mâ—re beholding to the Guiâ—nians then aâ—y other for Anthonio de Berreo tolde mee that hee could neuer attaine to the knowledge thereof and yâ—t they taught mee the best way of healing as well thereof as of all other poysons Some of the Spaniards haue bene cured in ordinary wounds of the common poysoned arrowes with the iuice of garlike but this is a generall rule for all men that shall hereafter trauel the Indies where poisoned arrowes are vsed that they must abstaine from drinke for if they take any licour into their body as they shall bee marueilously prouoked thereunto by drought I say if they drinke before the wound bee dressed or soone vpon it there is no way with them but present death And so I will returne againe to our iourney which for this thirde day we finished and cast ancker againe neere the continent or the left hand betweene two mountaines the one called Aroami and the other Aio I made no stay here but till midnight for I feared hourely least any raine should fall and then it had bene impossible to haue gone any further vp notwithstanding that there is euery day a very strong brize and Easterly winde I deferred the search of the countrey on Guiana-siâ—e till my returne downe the riuer The next day we sailed by a great yland in the middle of the riuer called Manoripano and as wee walked a while on the yland while the Galley got a head of vs there came for vs from the maine a small Canoa with seuen or eight Guianians to inuite vs to ancker at their port but I deferred till my returne It was that Casique to whom those Nepoios went which came with vs from the towne of â—oparimaca and so the fift day we reached as high vp as the prouince of Aromaia the countrey of Morequito whom Berreo executed and ankered to the West of an yland called Murrecotima tenne miles long and fiue broad and that night the Casique Aramâ—ary to whose towne we made our long and hungry voyage out of the riuer of Amana passed by vs. The next day wee arriued at the port of Morequito and anckered there sending away one of our Pilots to seeke the king of Aromaia vncle to Morequito slaine by Berreo as aforesaid The
next day following before noone hee came to vs on foote from his house which was foureteene English miles himselfe being a hundreth and tenne yeeres olde and returned on foote the same day and with him many of the borderers with many women and children that came to wonder at our nation and to bring vs downe victuall which they did in great plentie as venison porke hennes chickens foule fish with diuers sorts of excellent fruites and rootes and great abundance of Pinas the princes of fruites that grow vnder the Sunne especially those of Guiana They brought vs also store of bread and of their wine and a sort of Paraquitos no bigger then wrennes and of all other sorts both small and great one of them gaue mee a beast called by the Spaniards Armadilla which they call Cassicam which seemeâ—h to be all barred ouer with smal plates somewhat like to a Rinoceros with a white horne growing in his hinder parts as bigge a great hunting horne which they vse to winde in stead of a trumpet Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horne put into the eare cureth deafenesse After this olde King had rested a while in a little tent that I caused to bee set vp I beganne by my interpreter â—o discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessour and afterward of the Spaniards and ere I went any farther I made him knowe the cause of my comming thither whose seruant I was and that the Queenes pleasure was I should vndertake the voyage for their defence and to deliuer them from the tyrannie of the Spaniards dilating at large as I had done before to those of Trinidad her Maiesties greatnesse her iustice her chaâ—â—teâ— to all oppressed nations with as many of the rest of her beauties and vertues as either I could expresse or they conceiue all which being with great admiration attentiuely heard and marueilously admired I beganne to sound the olde man as touching Guiana and the state thereof what sort of common wealth it was who gouerned of what strength and policie howe farre it extended and what nations were friendes or enemies adioyning and finally of the distance and way to enter the same hee tolde mee that himselfe and his people with all those downe the Riuer towards the Sea as farre as Emeria the prouince of Carapana were of Guiana but that they called themselues Orenoqueponi and that all the nations betweene the riuer and those mountaines in sight called Wacaâ—iâ—a were of the same cast and appellation and that on the other side of those mountaines of Wacatima there was a large plaine which after I discouered in my returne called the valley of Amariocapana in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the farther side of those mountaines beyond the valley of Amariocapana hee answered with a great sign as a man which had inward feeling of the losse of his Countrey and libertie especially for that his eldest sonne was sleine in a battell on that side of the mountaines whom hee most entirely loued that hee remembred in his fathers lifetime when hee was very olde and himselfe a yong man that there came downe into that large valley of Guiana a nation from so farre off as the Sunne slept for such were his owne wordes with so great a multitude as they coulde not bee numbred nor resisted and that they were large coates and hattes of crimson colour which colour hee expressed by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent was supported and that they were called Orejones and Epuremei those that had slaine and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaues in the wood vpon all the trees and had nowe made themselues Lords of all euen to that mountaine foote called Curaaâ— sauing onely of two nations the one called Awarawaqueri and the other Cassipagotos and that in the last battell fought betweene the Epuremei and the Iwarawaqueri his eldest sonne was chosen to carry to the aide of the Iwarawaqueri a great troupe of the Orenoqueponi and was there slaine with all his people and friendes and that hee had now remayning but one sonne and farther tolde mee that those Epuremei had built a great Towne called Macureguarai at the said mountaine foote at the beginning of the great plaines of Guiana which haue no ende and that their houses haue many roomes one ouer the other and that therein the great King of the Orejones and Epuremei kept three thousande men to defend the borders against them and withall dayly to inuade and slay them but that of late yeeres since the Christians offered to inuade his territories and those frontiers they were all at peace and traded one with another sauing onely the Iwarawaqueri and those other nations vpon the head of the riuer of Caroli called Cassipagotos which we afterwards discouered each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemie After hee had answered thus farre he desired leaue to depart saying that hee had farre to goe that hee was olde and weake and was euery day called for by death which was also his owne phrase I desired him to rest with vs that night but I could not intreate him but hee tolde mee that at my returne from the countrey aboue hee would againe come to vs and in the meane time prouide for vs the best he could of all that his countrey yeelded the same night hee returned to Orocotona his owne towne so as hee went that day eight and twentie miles the weather being very hot the countrey being situate betweene foure and fiue degrees of the Equinoctial This Topiawari is helde for the prowdest and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi and so hee behaued himselfe towardes mee in all his answeres at my returne as I marueiled to finde a man of that grauitie and iudgement and of so good discourse that had no helpe of learning nor breede The next morning we also left the port and sailed Westward vp to the Riuer to view the famous Riuer called Caroli as well because it was marueilous of it selfe as also for that I vnderstoode it ledde to the strongest nations of all the frontiers that were enemies to the Epuremei which are subiects to Inga Emperour of Guiana and Manoa and that night we anckered at another yland called Caiama of some fiue or sixe miles in length and the next day arriued at the mouth of Caroli When we were short of it as lowe or further downe as the port of Morequito wee heard the great rore and fall of the Riuer but when wee came to enter with our barge and whirries thinking to haue gone vp some fourtie miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos wee were not able with a barge of eight oares to row one stones cast in an houre and yet the Riuer is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich and wee tried both sides and the middle and
liue vnited for the most part towards the riuer of Amazones But the especiall cause of his present remooue was because two or three yeeres past twentie Spaniards came to his towne and sought to take his best wife from him but before they carried her away hee at time and place of aduantage killed halfe of them the rest fledde most of them sore hurt Now in this case hee thought it best to dwell farre ynough from them Your Indian pilot Ferdinando who conducted you by Amana and now abideth neere the head of Desâ—ekebe is one of this mans subiects By whom as it may seeme hee hath taken good notice of our princesse and countrey For hee descended more particularly to inquire what forces were come with vs assuring me of the Spaniards beeing in Trinidad and that the Indians our friendes betwixt hope and feare haue earnestly expected our returne from England these foure or fiue moneths When I had answered him that at our departure we left no Spaniards aliue to annoy them that we now came only to discouer and trade with them and that if her Maiestie should haue sent a power of men where no enemie was to resist the Indians might perhaps imagine that wee came rather to inuade then to defend them He replied that this course very wel sorted with the report which they had heard of our Princesse iustice rare graces and vertues the fame of whose power in beeing able to vanguish the Spaniards and singular goodnesse in vndertaking to succour and defend the afflicted Indians was now so generall that the nations farre and neere were all agreed to ioyne with vs and by all meanes possible to assâ—st vs in expelling and rooting out the Spaniards from all parts of the land and that we were deceiued if wee thought this countrey not large ynough to receiue vs without molestation or intâ—usion vpon the Indians who wanted not choise of dwelling places if they forsooke one to liue in another but stoode in neede of our presence at all times to ayde them and maintaine their libertie which to them is deerer then land or liuing He then farther desired that he with his people might haue our fauour against the Arwaccas who not being content to enioy their groundes and houses had taken from them many of their wiues and children the best of whose fortune was if they liued to liue in perpetuall slauerie vnder the Spaniards Wee put him in good hope and comfort thereof And hee to deserue some part of this friendship commended vnto vs an elderly man to be our Pilote in bringing vs to Raleana When we were ready to depart he demanded whether we wanted any Vrapo which is the wood that is vsually carried from these parts to Trinidad in Canoas and is there sold to the French for trade he offered if we would bring our ship neere his port to put in her lading thereof But because most of our caske was not yron-bound and in making stowage-way to remooue it would haue bene the losse of our Sider and other drinke I therefore referred the taking of any quantity to fitter opportunitie thinking it sufficient at this time to haue only my boats lading therof which afterwards in extremitie of foule weather before we could get aboord our ship wee were inforced in a darke night to heaue all ouerboord thinking our selues happy to haue recouered thither at seuen dayes ende with safetie of life onely All which time wee could no where set foote on shore but rested day and night wet and weather beaten in our couertlesse boate which was sometimes ready to sinke vnder vs. For wee had in this place without comparison more raine wind and gustes then else where at any time To bee briefe my men became weake and sicke and if wee had stayed any longer time out I doubt whether the greatest part of vs had euer come aboord againe I afterwards vnderstood by my Indian pilot that this weather is for most part of the yeere vsuall neere the Island Oncaiarie which lyeth North from the riuer Capurwacka some sixe leagues into the sea and that they hold opinion how this Iland is kept by some euil spirit for they verily beleeue that to sleepe in the day time neere it except it be after much drinke is present death The only season wherein little raine doth fal there is as I gathered by their speech they diuiding al times by their Moones at our Winter Solstice The mother-wind of this coast is for the most part to the Northward of the East except when the Sunne is on this side of the Equinoctiall for then it often beares Southerly but most in the night This our guid is of the Iaos who doe al marke themselues thereby to bee knowen from other nations after this maner With the tooth of a small beast like a Rat they race some their faces some their bodies after diuers formes as if it were with the scratch of a pin the print of which rasure can neuer bee done away againe during life When he had sometime conuersed with our Indians that went from England with vs hee became willing to see our countrey His sufficiencie trustinesse and knowledge is such that if the pretended voyage for Guiana doe take place you shall I doubt not find him many wayes able to steed your Lordship in your designes and purposes For besides his precise knowledge of all the coast and of the Indian townes and dwellings he speaketh all their languages was bred in Guiana is a sworne brother to Puâ—ima who slewe the Spaniards in their returne from Manoa can direct vs to many golde mines and in nothing will vndertake more then hee assuredly will performe To the Westward this Bay hath many good roads vnder small Islands whereof the greatest named Gowateri is inhabited by the Shebaios and besides the plenty of foule fish fruits wilde â—orks and deere which are there to be had where Caiane falles into the sea for it standeth in the mouthes of Wâ—a and Caiane it yeeldes safe and good harbour in foure and fiue fathome for ships of great burthen On all that coast we found not any like it wee therefore honoured this place by the name of Port Howard The road vnder Triangle Islands which are the Westermost from the rest and stand in fiue degrees which haue also store of â—ish foule deere and Iwanas is good but not comparable with this other where in all windes and weather shippes though they be many may all riâ—e securely The hils and high lands are limits to this bay on ech side for to the Eastward beyond it appeare none at all and to the Westward of mount Hobbeigh very â—ew Where the mountaines faile there Brasill wood is no farther to bee sought for but in all parts cotton pepper silke and Balsamum trees doe grow in abundance The rootes of the herbe Wiapassa are here most plentifull I finde them in taste nothing different from good ginger and in
Enterlude vanished and in Canoas recouered Margarita and Cumana againe Eighteene of the said ships leaâ—ing all things in good order departed from Trinadad to follow their others directions ten doe yet remaine fortifying at Conquerabia and expecting our comming This particular relation I had from an Indian seruant to Berreo that could speake Spanish whom I tooke in the riuer He is of the nation of the Iaos and from a child bred vp with Berreo I gaue him trade to buy him a Canoa to returne into his countrey and so left him glad that hee had met with vs. Now the Indians of Moruga being chased from their dwellings doe seeke by all meanes possible to accord all the nations in one so to inuade the Arwaccas who were guides to the Spaniards in shewing their townes and betraying them For they are fully perswaded that by driuing these Arwaccas who serue the Spaniards for a great part of this nation doth also hate or not know them out of their territories and Trinidad the Spaniards for want of bread will bee inforced to seeke habitation farther off or at the least in time consume and be wasted The 6. day of Aprill we came to an anker within the mouth of the riuer Raleana hauing spent twentie and three dayes in discouerie vpon this coast The chanell of this riuer hath sixe or seuen fathome depth nine or ten miles off at sea the barre lyeth farther out and at low water hath not full two fathome It highes not aboue fiue foote except at a spring tyde Wee ankered in ten fathome the first night the next morning twelue Canoas came vnto vs furnished and prouided of victuals after their maner for the warres Their Captaines names were Anwara and Aparwa These Cassiques when the Spaniards made the lâ—st inrode in those parts were in the inland amongst the Iwarewakeri their neighbours by which occasion hauing lost some of their wiues for notwithstanding their profession of Christianitie some of these Spaniards keepe ten or twelue women thinking themselues wel and surely blessed howsoeuer they liue if their towne and houses be religiously crossed they kept together 30. Canoas hoping at our comming which they had now long expected to recouer this losse vpon them and the Arwaccas who in their absence had done this wrong They shewed me this their purpose requâ—red to be ioyned in league of frindship with vs against our enemies When of them I had learned so much of the present estate of the countrey as they did know they demanded whether we had brought no more forces with vs but onely one ship I answered them as before I did the others that wee now came only to trade not knowing vntil this present that any Spaniards were in Guiana that vpon our returne our whole fleete will hasten to set forwardes and that in the meane time wee would now visite our friendes and helpe them so farre as wee could in any thing that wee should finde needefull presently to bee done After long discourse for their chiefe man stayed with mee all night when hee had caused mee to spit in my right hand with many other ceremonies which they vse in confirming friendshippe hee went to the shoare and one of his Canoas hee sent to bring forwardes the other twentie one other hee caused to goe vp the riuer before vs to bring intelligence Then calling together the chiefe of his companie they made small fyers and sitting in their Hamacas or Indian beddes each one sorted himselfe with his companion recounting amongst themâ—elues the worthiest deedes and deaths of their Ancestours execrating their enemies most despitefully and magnifying their friendes with all titles of prayses and honour that may bee deuised Thus they sitte talking and taking Tabacco some two houres and vntill their pipes bee all spent for by them they measure the time of this their solemne conference no man must interrupt or disturbe them in any sort for this is their religion and prayers which they now celebrated keeping a precise fast one whole day in honour of the great Princes of the North their Patronesse and defender Their Canoas being made ready they accompanyed vs and in their way shewed vs where the shoaldes of the riuer doe lye By this Captaine I learned that Muchikeri is the name of the Countrey where Macureguerai the first towne of the Empire of Guiana that lyeth towardes Raleana is seated in a fayre and exceeding large plaine belowe the high mountaines that beare Northwesterly from it that it is but three dayes iourney distant from Carapana his Porte and that Manoa is but sixe dayes farther That they themselues doe passe in three dayes into the Countrey of the Iwarewakeri by the Riuer Amacur which though it bee not the directest yet it is the readiest way to Macureguerai for that which leadeth to Carapana his dwelling is in some places dificult and mountainous That a nation of clothed people called Cassanari doe dwell not farre from the place where the Riuer doeth first take the name of Orenoque and that farre within they border vpon a Sea of salt water named Parime That a great Riuer called Macurwini passeth through their Countrey into Orenoque That Manoa standeth twentie dayes iourney from the mouth Wiapoco sixeteene dayes from Barima thirteene dayes from Amacur and tenne dayes from Aratoori That the best way vnto it is not by Macureguerai That of all others the Charibes that dwell high vp in Orenoque knowe most of the inlande and of those nations and they speake no other language then such as Iohn your Interpreter doeth well vnderstand Hee certified mee of the headlesse men and that their mouthes in their breastes are exceeding wide The name of their nation in the Charibes language is Chiparemai and the Guianians call them Ewiapanomos What I haue heard of â— sorte of people more monstrous I omit to mention because it is no matter of difficultie to get one of them and the report otherwise will appeare fabulous Lastly hee tolde mee of an inland Riuer named Cawrooma adioyning to Aratoori and that the Quepyn mountaines where Carapana dwelleth are hardly accessible That the Amapagotos haue images of gold of incredible bignesse and great store of vnmanned horses of the Caracas breed and they dwell fiue dayes iourney vp the Riuer about Caroli Wee with our fleete of Canoas were now not farre from Carapanas Port when our intelligencer returned and inâ—ormed vs that tenne Spaniardes were lately gone with much trade to Barima where these Indians dwelt to buy Cassaui bread and that within one day two other Canoas of Spaniards were appointed to come by the Riuer Amana to Carapana his Port. Upon this occasion they tooke counsell and in the ende desired to returne to their houses least the Spaniardes finding them from home and imagining that they did purposely absent themselues shoulde take away their wiues and spoyle their dwellings They farther resolued if it were possible to cut them off which
afteâ—wardes they did perfourme For when they were dispersed in their houses seeking Cassaui suddenly at one time in all places they were assaulted and not one of them escaped Carapana whose hand was in laying this plot sent vs this newes as wee returned downe the Riuer The two other Canoas that came from Trinidad by Amana notwithstanding that wee kept a league before the shippe with our boates sawe the shippe before wee had sight of them and presently with all speede went to Berreo to aduertize him of our comming Hee foorthwith dispatched two or three messengers to Trinidad One of his Canoas mette with our spie whome the Indians of Barima had left to goe with vs they rifled him of his victuals gaue him kniues and dismissed him In eight dayes sayling still before a winde wee arriued at Topiawaries Porte in all which time no Indian that wee knewe came abourd vs. For the time of our returne promised at your Lordshippes departure from thence being expired they in dispaire seuered themselues amongst the other nations Here the Spaniardes haue seated their Rancheria of some twentie or thirtie houses The high rockie Island that lyeth in the middest of the Riuer against the mouth of Caroli is their Forte or refuge when they misdoubt safetie in their Towne or hauing notice of any practise against them but now leauing both Towne and Island they ioyned them selues altogether and retiring to the mouth of the Riuer Caroli placed there a secret ambush to defend the passage to those mines from whence your Oare and white stones were taken the last yeere Wee all not without griefe to see our selues thus defeated and our hungry hopes made voyde were witnesses of this their remooue As we road at an ancor within musket shot of their Towne an Indian came vnto vs with leane cheekes thuâ—â—â— haire and a squint eye to informe vs that they were very strong that Berreo his sonne was with him that they had but two small Pinnisses at Trinidad which they dayly looked for to come vp the Riuer and lastly to view our shippe well and our prouision but especially to learne whether Gualtero Topiawarie his sonne were with vs. This Informers very countenance gaue him to bee suspected and therefore partlie by threatning partlie by promise of rewarde wee wonne him to confesse the truth Which hee did assuring vs that Berreo had not full fiftie fiue men with him whereof twentie came lately from Trinidad twentie from Nueuo Reyno and the rest hee brought with him about sixe moneths since when hee fledde from Carapana his Porte and was driuen with his small companie to keepe the aforesaide Island neere Caroli And that though nowe his number is thus increased yet dareth hee not aduenture at any time to leaue the fast woodes and to goe but halfe a league from his holde into the plaines That some fewe of the Arwaccas are abiding with him That hee dayly looketh for his sonne from Nueuo Reyno for his Campe-master from Trinidad and for horses from the Caraccas That Topiawarie is dead the Indians of that coast all fledde and dispersed excepting the sonne of one Curmatoi and another woman of account whome the Spaniardes holde prisoners for consenting to the death of their nine men and the holy Fryer in Morekito his time This Cuâ—matoi is fledde towardes Guanipaâ— and is a man of speciall note amongst the Indians That Iwiakanarie Gualâ—ero his neere kinsman hath helde the Countrey to his vse by his fathers appointment euer since your being in the Riuer That there are tenne ships and many Spaniardes at Trinidad That the Indians our friendes did feare least you with your company were all slaine and your shippes â—unke at Cumana for so the Spaniardes noysed it amongst them that some of Gualtero his friendes with Putijma were in the mountaines not farre from the hill Aio And that Berreo had sent for sixe peeces of ordinance which he meant to plant where they might best command the Riuer When wee had stayed here two dayes considering that where no hope was left of doing good to abide there in harmes way doing nothing would be bootlesse I resolued to seeke Putijma in the mountaines and turning downe the Riuer with the force of the streame some twentie miles in sixe houres the next morning with ten shot I went ashoare intending if the Indians should thinke themselues too weake with our helpe to displant the Spaniardes to set some of them on worke for hatchets and kniues to returne vs golde graines and white sâ—ones from such places as they should be directed vnto When wee came to the place of their vsuall abode wee â—awe that they lately had bene there but could speake with none of them It may be that feare which is easie of beliefe perswaded them that we were Spaniards Giâ—bert my Pilot here offered to bring vs either to the myne of white stones neere Winicapora or else to a gold myne which Putijma had shewed him being but one dayes iourney ouerland from the place whâ—re we now stayed at an ancor I sawe farre off the mountaine adioyning to this gold myne and hauing measured their pathes neere the same place this last yeere could not iudge it to bee fifteene miles from vs. I doe well remember howe comming that way with Putijma the yeere before he pointed to this same mountaine making siâ—nes to haue me goe with him thither I vnderstood his signes and mâ—rked the place but mistooke his meaning imagining that he would haue shewed mee the ouerfall of the Riuer Curwera from the mountaines My Indian shewed me in what sort without digging they gather the gold in the sand of a small riuer named Macawini that springeth and falleth from the rockes where this myne is And farther tolde me that hee was with Putijma at what time Morâ—kito was to be executed by the Spaniardes and that then the chiefe of Morekito his friends were in consultation to shewe this myne vnto them if so they might redeeme their Captaines life but vpon better aduise supposing them in this case to bee implacable and that this might proouâ— a meanes to loose not onely their king but their Countrey also they haue to this day concealed it from them being of all others the richest and most plentifull The aged sort to keepe this from common knowledge haue deuised a fable of a dangerous Dragon that haunteth this place and deuoureth all that come neere it But our Indian if when we returne we doe bring store of strong wine which they loue beyond measure with it will vndertake so to charme this Dragon that he shall doe vs no harme I that for this ende came from home and in this iourney had taken much more paines to lesse purpose would very gladly from this mountaine haue taken so good a proofe to witnes my being in the Countrey but withall considering that not one Indian of our knowne friends came vnto vs that Don Iuan the cousin of
from Rochel It were good that your Maiestie would send into France to knowe the certainetie thereof The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Canibals of Petiguar haue ioyned themselues in companie with certaine Frenchmen which were cast away in two ships vpon this coast The one of these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles and the other ship was this mans And those Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne themselues with those Canibals which did â—eâ—â—l and did diuide themselues into two squadrons So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he should send me aide and munition But he sent me word againe that he had none to spare and that he did purpose with all speede to goe himselfe to Rio Grande and that he was not able to furnish himselfe so well as he could wish nor to bring his souldiers into the field for lacke of shot powder and other munition which he did want Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched to the enemies campe and there ioyning battell with the Indian rebels which were ioyned with the Frenchmen that â—â—ce their leaders I did set vpon them and slew great store of them and tooke fourteene of them prisoners They doe report the very same newes which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio Grande and how their pretence was to haue come and haue taken vs and spoyled the countrey But now being put to flight and hauing receiued the ouerthrow they can get no victuals to victuall their shippes which hath bene the cause that they are mightily hindered in their intent and dare not come any more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed that in haste they will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen So by these meanes of necessitie the Indians must submit themselues vnto vs considering they are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a long time Likewise they haue enformed me touching the siluer mines which are found that it is most true For those french shippes which were in Rio Grande haue laden great store of the oare Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens newes and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make readie foure ships and three hundred souldiers and so to take the harbour of Rio Grande being now cleered and voyde of the enemie and to search out the situation of the place and where were best to fortifie and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer where neede shall require Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word that when he went himselfe and found it true which hath beene reported touching the siluer mines that then he would send both men and ships Therefore your Maiestie must giue order that the rest of the Gouernours shall ayde and assist me in these warres otherwise of my selfe I am not able to doe more then I haue alreadie done in defending of this countrey against our enemies which are many It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised that from time to time I haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general of this realme who is in Baia as concerning these Frenchmen of warre but he will not answere me to any purpose because I do write vnto him for such things as I doe want which are shot powder men and munition requisite for your Maiesties seruice safegard of this captaineship For here are neither shot powder nor any thing els to defend vs from our enemies nor any that wil put to their helping hands for the defence of this countrey the seruice of your Maiestie And therfore it were needfull that your Maiesty should commit the charge and gouernment into the hands of Diego Sierua with expresse charge that all the captaines commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at all times to aide and assist him in your seruice Otherwise this countrey cannot be kept and maintained hauing so great warres continually as we haue and are troubled withall For this Diego Sierua is a very good souldier and hath good experience and is fit to gouerne this countrey Your Highnesse is also to send him Commission with expresse coÌ„mandement to follow these wars otherwise this countrey cannot be kept but daily they will rebell For here are none that will serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do who wil haue a great care in any thing which shal coÌ„cerne your Maiestes seruice touching the estate of this countrey For the Gouernour Sousa doth spend your Maiesties treasure in building his owne Ingenios or sugar-milles And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send hither must bring with them shot powder and all kind of weapons furniture and munition for the defence and safegarde of this countrey and for the conquest of Rio Grande For there is no kind of munition in al this câ—untrey to be had if occasion should serue It were also good that your Maiestie should send order for the building of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabodelo for they be very needefull for the defence of the enemie which dayly doth warre against this Captaineship For that man which shall gouerne this countrey if he be no more fortunate then I haue bene hitherto shall not misse one time or another but he shall loose all the countrey If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent mee those two hundred and fiftie souldiers which I did send for which were in garison in the castle of Arâ—ecife which doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals and treasure and had not sent them to Baiha where there was no neede these warres of Petiguar had bene ended long agone and had saued your Maiesty a great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this conquest of Rio Grande I haue chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas Cardoso to be Gouernour of Cabodelo who is a very sufficient man Furthermore it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the chiefest Friers of this Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on me to the lord Gouernour generall and haue caused great strife and debate betweene him and me touching the gouernment and rule of these Indian townes For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians and their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temperall causes as touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders But I haue resisted them in your Maiesties name and haue alleaged that none but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their countrey and that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie and not vnto the Friers But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the Friers behalfe which is this The King our master hath sent a decree and certaine statutes touching the good gouernment and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian townes and that vpon sight hereof I shall presently
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
some because they durst not say to the contrary and others of their good will and so in the end they all agreed vnto his determined purpose Then made they Fernando de Gusman their head Agira was made a captaine This done because the people should the better hold their opinion he did as great a villany as euer any Spaniard coÌ„mitted for he made an altar wheron he and all the souldiers renounced their seruice vnto the king of Spaine so as people without a king those the said Don Fernando to be their king and did homage vnto him These matters being thus finished they consulted among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru For they could not goe vp the riuer by which they came downe in regarde of the strong current and going backe ouerland they should be very weake for want of horsemen wherefore they determined to goe downe the riuer Then saide Lopez de Agira that they would carry nothing with them but the pinnesses souldiers which should fight and that it were best to leaue behind them all the Indians which they brought from Peru with the women and the sicke men Whereunto the Generall Don Ferdinando would not agree because he knew that when they were gone the people of the countrey would kill them all Lopez de Agira hearing this and longing to be chiefe gouernour himselfe tooke vnto him 30 of his owne countreymen of his disposition and on the sudden slew Don Fernando whom not many dayes before he had sworne to obey now by his subtill practices being withall eloquent in his talke he caused the souldiers to appoint himselfe their gouernour made them beleeue that all the cruelties committed were for their saueguard neither did the tyrannie of this wretched man here ende He was borne in Biskay a countrey neere vnto France wherefore I beleeue him rather to haue beene a Frenchman then a Spaniard for that in the heart of a Spaniard could not be so much crueltie as this man shewed Now being readie to goe his way he determined not to carry with him any gentlemen or persons of qualitie and therefore he slew all such persons and then departing onely with the common souldiers he left behind him all the Spanish women and sicke men with all other creatures If I should rehearse all the cruell murthers of this wicked man one by one I should be ouer tedious vnto you Onely in fewe words I say that this man proceeded downe the riuer hauing with him onely foure hundred men but before he passed the riuer and was come to Margarita he had no more left but two hundred and thirty men for the rest hee had put to death and left on shore among the people of the countrey all which tyranny he vsed because he euer stood in feare of his life for had he seene at any time but two souldiers talking together he would streight suspect that they were conspiring of his death and therefore he vsed the practises abouesaide And he neuer went any way but that hee had in his company thirtie Biscaines of his owne will and minde readie to execute his cruell purposes As these souldiers with their Captaine came downe the riuer they sawe many Canoas with golde in them passing too and fro and people on both sides of the riuer and in their passage many times they landed and got good store of golde and victuals Now also did they finde that to be true which Orellana had reported namely that there were Amazones that is to say women that fight in the warres with bowes and arrowes but these women fight to aide their husbands and not by themselues alone without the companie of men as Orellana reported There were of these women vpon diuers partes of this riuer who seeing the Spaniardes fighting with their husbandes came in to succour them and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbandes for which cause it was named The riuer of Amazones The Spaniardes intent was onely to passe downe the riuer neither sought they at all to discouer the Inland and yet they tooke good store of golde putting it into one of their Pinnesses where Lopez de Agira himselfe was embarked which Pinnesse at the mouth of the riuer was cast away but he himselfe escaped because he had not as yet fulfilled his bloodie minde And when he was come to the Ilande of Margarita the Gouernour thereof supposing he had bene one of the kings loyall captaines receiued him with pinnesses and brought good store of victuals vnto him But he putting the sayd Gouernour immediatly to death landed on the Iland and â—ooke it and two shippes that were there and constrained likewise an hundred and fiftie men which he there found to goe with him besides others that went voluntarily carrying from thence good store of victuales and many horses also And then he returned to the maine land saying that with his small forces hee would subdue the whole Indias imagining belike that all the olde souldiers and poore people at the first sight of him would turne to his side and take his part Howbeit he was foulely deceiued for before he had marched two dayes iourney vp into the land the Gouernour of Nueua Granada came against him with a power of men but Lopez de Agira hoping that other souldiers would haue ioyned themselues vnto him whereby his strength might haue beene the more was quite frustrate of his expectation for euen his owne men left him and tooke part with the kings Captaine Nowe seeing himselfe thus left destitute of his souldiers and voide of all helpe he committed a more vnnaturall bloodie act then euer Nero the tyrant did for he murthered his owne daughter being but sixeteene yeeres of age which he had brought with him out of Peru the cause why he killed her was that she might not become a concubine to villaines nor be called the daughter of a traytor and these words â—e vsed vnto her so soone as he had giuen her her deaths wound but before he could finish this cruell act the souldiers came vpon him and cut him in pieces also his daughter died of her wound in that place Thus haue your heard the miserable ende of this bloodie caiâ—ife in regarde of whose treacherous and mischieuous dealing the king would neuer since suffer this riuer to bee throughly discouered so that the riches and treasure of the said riuer remaine vnknowen euen vntill this present day Now leauing to discourse any longer of this riuer of Marannon all the coast betweene the saide riuer and the riuer of Plate is called The coast of Brasill taking that name from a kinde of wood in the same countrey called Brasill-wood whereof there is great store in those partes This coast of Brasill was first discouered by Pedro Aluarez Cabral in the second voyage which the king of Portugall caused to be made to the East Indies and the foresayde
the moisture of the cloudes vnto it selfe that no raine falleth vpon the vallies of Peru. From these mountaines issue great store of riuers into the South sea with the waters whereof drawen by certaine sâ—uces and chanels they moisten their vineyardes and corne-fields and by this meanes the land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these mountaines and the mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Streits of Magellan lyeth a plaine of 60 leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victuals This countrey of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of gold and more of siluer as also great store of copper and tâ—â—ne-mines with abundance of saltpeter and of brimstone to make gun-pouder There are likewise cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel but no bigger then a steere of a yeere olde they serue to carry burthens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of al others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this countrey with horses kine sheepe and goates and likewise with plentie of wheat So that in fewe words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past kings of this land which were mightie Monarchs whose dominions stretched 1200. leagues and their lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this land there were two brethren of the blood royall which stroue who should haue the kingdome the one called Guascar and the other Aâ—abalipa Nowe Guascar had possession of all the mountaines and the lands within them and Atabalipa was lord of all the sea coast and of the valleys situate betweene the said mountaines and the sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shore called them Vera coche which in their language signifieth The fome of the sea Also Atabalipa the Indian prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answere that they were the messengers of a great lord and that they came to speake with the prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the sea side Whither being come they found the Indian prince sitting in a chariot of gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue 60000 Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards tolde them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that land to conuert them vnto the Christian faith Whereunto Aâ—abalipa answered that hee would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no â—ase with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two field-peeces and their caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant Iago The Indians hearing the noise of the ordinance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had bene come downe from heauen vpon them whereupon they fledde and left their prince as a booty for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for golde and siluer During the time of Altabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his brother Guascaâ— and had subdued all the mountaines and plaine couâ—â—reys Upon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hâ—e would gâ—ue them all that they should demaund This communication hauing continued a whole day â—t length a souldier named Soto sayd vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereunto the souldier replied thou shalt giue vs this house full of gold and siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making â— stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa sayde that if they would grant him respite to send into his kingdome he would fulfill thâ—ir demand Whereat the Spaniards much marueiling gauâ— him three moneths time but he had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter 〈◊〉 credible yet most tâ—â—e for I know aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue tenne millions of gold and siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become lords of the whole land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to dye by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Upon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabitâ—â— many places in this countrey The king in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresayd partners appoynted Diego de Almagro gouernour of halfe the land and Francisco Piçarro of the other halfe whom also hee made a Marques But these two consorts in parting of a land belonging vnto other men fell at â—ariance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Piçarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Piçarro continued not long for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of â—is fathers death slew Piçarro for which acte he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Piçarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there dyed in prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Piçarro rebelled with the whole countrey and became a cruell tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the countrey in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the ende ouercome hee lost his head like a traitour And thus dyed they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent king Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the gentlemen that conquered their land other some to others and the residue to the king and these Indians pay eche man for his tribute seuen pezos of fine golde which is about tenne ducats and a halfe There are in this countrey aboue fortie cities and townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine bishopricks and one archbishopricke Now after this countrey was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowy
indured most furious weather so that one of our two cables brake whereby we were hopeles of life Yet it pleased God to calme the storme and wee vnriued our sheates tackes halliers and other ropes and mored our ship to the trees close by the rockes We laboured to recouer our ankor againe but could not by any means it lay so deepe in the water and as we thinke cleane couered with oaze Now had we but one ankor which had but one whole Flouke a cable spliced in two places and a piece of an olde cable In the middest of these our troubles it pleased God that the wind came faire the first of October whereupon with all expedition wee loosed our morings and weighed our ankor and so towed off into the chanel for wee had mended our boate in Port Desire and had fiue oares of the pinnesse When we had weighed our ankor we found our cable broken onely one strand helde then wee praysed God for we saw apparantly his mercies in preseruing vs. Being in the chanel we riued our ropes againe rigged our ship no mans hand was idle but all laboured euen for the last gaspe of life Here our company was deuided some desired to go againe for Port Desire and there to be set on shore where they might trauell for their liues and some stood with the Captaine Master to proceed Whereupon the Captaine sayd to the Master Master you see the wonderfull extremitie of our estate and the great doubts among our companie of the truth of your reports as touching reliefe to be had in the South sea some say in secret as I am informed that we vndertake these desperate attempts through blind affection that we beare to the General For mine owne part I plainely make knowen vnto you that the loue which I bare to the Generall caused mee 〈◊〉 to enter into this action whereby I haue not onely heaped vpon my head this bitter calamity now present but also haue in some sort procured the dislike of my best friends in England as it is not vnknowen to some in this company But now being thus intangled by the prouidence of God for my former offences no doubt I desire that it may please his diuine Maiestie to shew vs such mercifull fauourâ— that we may rather proceed then otherwise or if it be his wil that our mortall being shal now take an ende I rather desire that it may bee in proceeding then in returning And because I see in reason that the limits of our time are now drawing to an end I do in Christian charity intreat you all first to forgiue me in whatsoeuer I haue bin grieuous vnto you secondly that you wil rather pray for our General then vse hard speeches of him and let vs be fully perswaded that not for his cause negligence but for our own offences against the diuine Maiesty we are presently punished lastly let vs forgiue one another and be reconciled as children in loue charity and not think vpon the vanities of this life so shall we in leauing this life liue with our glorious redeemer or abiding in this life find fauour with God And now good master for asmuch as you haue bin in this voyage once before with your master the general satisfie the coÌ„pany of such truths as are to you best knowen you the rest of the generals men which likewise haue bin with him in his first voyage if you heare any thing contrary to the truth spare not to reprooue it I pray you And so I beseech the Lord to bestow his mercy vpon vs. Then the master began in these speeches Captain your request is very reasonable I referre to your iudgment my honest care great pains taken in the generals seruice my loue towards him in what sort I haue discharged my duety from the first day to this houre I was commanded by the general to follow your directions which hitherto I haue perfourmed You all knowe that when I was extreamely sicke the General was lost in my mates watch as you haue well examined siâ—hens which time in what anguish and griefe of minde I haue liued God onely knoweth and you are in some part a witnesse And nowe if you thinke good to returne I will not gaine say it but this I assure you if life may be preserued by any meanes it is in proceeding For at the Isle of Santa Maria I doe assure you of wheate porke and rootes enough Also I will bring you to an Isle where Pelicans bee in great abundance and at Santos wee shall haue meale in great plenty besides all our possibilitie of intercepting some shippes vpon the coast of Chili and Peru. But if wee returne there is nothing but death to be hoped for therefore doe as you like I am ready but my desire is to proceede These his speeches being confirmed by others that were in the former voyage there was a generall consent of proceeding and so the second of October we put into the South sea and were free of all land This night the winde began to blowe very much at Westnorthwest and still increased in fury so that wee were in great doubt what course to take to put into the Streights wee durst not for lacke of ground-tackle to beare sayle wee doubted the tempest was so furious and our sayles so bad The pinnesse came roome with vs and tolde vs that â—hee had receiued many grieuous Seas and that her ropes did euery houre fayle her so as they could not tell what shift to make wee being vnable in any sort to helpe them stood vnder our coarses in view of the lee-shore still expecting our ruinous end The fourth of October the storme growing beyond all reason furious the pinnesse being in the winde of vs strake suddenly ahull so that we thought shee had receiued some grieuous sea or sprung a leake or that her sayles failed her because she came not with vs but we durst not hull in that vnmercifull storme but sometimes tried vnder our maine coarse sometime with a haddock of our sayle for our ship was very lee ward and most laboursome in the sea This night wee lost the pinnesse and neuer saw her againe The fift our foresayle was split and all to torne then our Master tooke the mizzen and brought it to the foremast to make our ship worke and with our spritsaile we mended our fore-sayle the storme continuing without all reason in fury with haile snowe raine and winde such and so mighty as that in nature it could not possibly be more the seas such and so lofty with continuall breach that many times we were doubtfull whether our ship did sinke or swimme The tenth of October being by the accompt of our Captaine and Master very neere the shore the weather darke the storme furious and most of our men hauing giuen ouer to trauell we yeelded our selues to death without further hope of succour Our captaine sitting in the
Corayans issuing foorth of the woods Many of the Corayans also haue retired themselues vnto the neighbour-islands from whence with numbers of great ships to the mighty losse of the Iaponians they assaile their small and weake ones and haue already sunke many of them Wherefore all the Iaponian lords which remaine in Coray haue written vnto Quabacondono that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remooue from the place where it is â—or auoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incurre Upon these aduertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his iourney to Coray to diuide the whole kingdome was hindred from his purpose and sent most friâ—ndly letters to all his nobles willing them to be of good cheere for that he would not deale about altering of their estates till 3. yeres were expired whereupon they were cased of eâ—ceeding great care and griefe For albeit there is no great trust to be giuen to his words yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle what he wil doe afterward God knoweth In Coray at this present there are aboue 200000â— Iaponian souldiers who at the commandement of Quabacondono are diuided throughout the whole kingdom Augustine lieth vpon the very extreame frontiers of China but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty riuer of 3. leagues broad and abound with great ships and haue planted innumerable troopes of men vpon the shore the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and vncertaine Neither doe wee know whether the Iaponians will proceede any farther this yeere or no. The third testimony of Coray signifying amongst other notable and politicall obseruations the later successe of the warres of Iapan against Coray and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that kingdome Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano bearing date from Iapan Anno 1594. THe whole Empire of Iapan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono and which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof there is not the bredth of one foote throughâ—ut all the whole Island which is not absolutely subiect vnto him And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie that if his successors follow the same course of gouernment there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbaâ—ion in any of the kingdoms And doubtles the meanes which he vseth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Iaponians are very great and effectuall One is that after he hath passed his publique promise he neuer putteth any of his aduersaries to death which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not for he hauing subdued any kingdom would put all the lords and gouernours to the sword But this king granteth vnto them not only life but also yerely reuenues whereby to maintaine themsâ—lues in an honest and meane estate in which regarde they all rest contented and willingly submit themselues Anoâ—her is in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants by whose assistance wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort sustâ—ined vnto such extreme pouerty that they haue scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together as likewise hee hath bereaued them of all kinde of weapons The third is because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions seditions frayes and skirmishes For whosoeuer be found culpable of this crime they dye euery mâ—n of them on both parties If any escape by flightâ— their kinsefolks are punished in their stead and for lacke of them their seruants and for defalt of both their next neighbours If many were guilty many are punished and suffer death but hence it commeth to passe that many innocent persons are constrained to die And this seueritie is the cause why there are at this present so seldome frayes and contentions in Iapan The fourth is that in administring of iustice hee is most vpright without all respect either to his owne kinred or to his ancient captaines or the blood royall or any of the Bonzij bee they neuer so famous and being once aduertized of a crime hee pardoneth no man And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to womâ—n yet will he permit none of his subiects to haue any concubines For which cause not many dayes agoe hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth being in alliance and dignitie most neere vnto himselfe And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines hee would haue put them all to death had not the gouernour of Miacó promised that hee would vndertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzij euery moneth to bee sworne that they should liue honestly vpon paine of death as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses vnder paine of death â—o giue vp their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime Hence it is that all of them if you regard their outward estate liue in exâ—reme feare The fift is for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers nor his great lordes to liue in idlenesse If there be no warrâ—s for their imployment hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces and in raising new forâ—râ—sses or in repairing and strengthening of olde and also in performing other notable workes to the ornament of Iapan and to his owne lasting honour So that at this present neere vnto Miacó there are thirtiâ— thousand men imployed about the building of one castle and in the citie of Bozacca aboue an hundred thousand which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions The sixt is his altering of gouernments for hee remooueth his gouernours from one extreme part of Iapan to another The seuenth for that vnto his souldiers besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted vnto them for their seruice in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes Wherof it commeth to passe that hee effecteth whatsoeuer hee thinkes good by their meanes Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre wherein his enemie was not vanquished according to his owne desire this late warre of China onely excepted which farre surmounted all his forces Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great garisoâ—s as well to keepe his honour as to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace The eighth is in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes who as hee coniectureth after his death might worke some innouatioâ—s in the common wealth or disturbe the kingdomes The ninth is because hee hath on no side within foure or fiue dayes iourney of Miacó any mightie or industrious captaine or gouernour The tenth and last is for that hee hath brought his yeerely râ—uenues to two millions of gold By these courses and meanes wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes and also that a fit way will be prepared for the conuersion of all the great lordes vnto Christian religion A briefe note concerning an extreme Northerne
Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam Tabin suspicatur A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats whereinto mighty riuers descend The best course to be taken in discoueries The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu Upon the obseruations of the tides depend great speculations May. Iune Kene an Island of Norway The North cape doubled Wardhouse Iuly Willoughbies land â—0 leagues from Kegor A sight of perfect land 70. deg 3. min. An Island The maine land Bearebay 70. deg 26. min. The supposed maine of Noua Zembla Many ouerfals The bay of Pechora They had sight of Vaygatz In Island hauing store of wood water â— faire islands An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues The William and the George meete againe Their returâ—e The currant runneth with the winde August A whole land of yce 70. degr 4. min. Frost The appearing of the starres signe of Winter Much snow Great store of snowe 69 degrees 49 minutes Then are thwart against Vaigats The Islands Shoales off Colgoyeue They lost the William here The land of Hugry The bay of Morezouets The towne of Hungon They double the North Cape in their returne Fowlenesse Lowfoote The sound of Romesal October Moore soundâ— Berozoua Vstia The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. 1582 Doctor Iacob Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors â—mbassadour The Hollanders intrude into our trade ‖ M. Coâ—e The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorouich ‖ The Emperours house of recreation Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then yong and with his brother in this first voyage Newnox is froÌ„ the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles Note Anno 1554. Anno 1555. The King and Queenes letters M. Killingworths beard of a marueâ—lous length Anno 1556. Anno 1557. Loghar voyage 1560. The first trade to the Narue 1560. Alcock slaine in Persia. Edwards died at Astracanâ— Bannister died in Media ‖ Or Theodor. The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. â— Boris adopted as the Emperors third sonne The old Empresse her father and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets The day of Pheodor his coronation Iohn de Wale Chare Siberskâ— prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanoâ—ich his letters and requests to the Queene M. Horseis voiage froÌ„ Mosco to England ouerland 1586 * It is rosting to death Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr. Gen. 10. Ioseph l. 1 ca,14 The borders of Russia The Shires of Russia The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest The breadth and length of the Countrey Pechinga The colde of Russia The chiefe Riuers of Russia The fruits and graine of Russia The chiefe commodities of the Countrey 1 Furres These Rats are in Canada Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzaiâ— 2 Waxe 3 Hony 4 Tallow 5 Hide 6 Trane oyle The maner of hunting the Seale fish 7 Ickary 8 Hempe and Flaxe 9 Salt Nonocks 10 Tarre 11 Ribazuba 12 Slude 13 Saltpeter and brimstone 14 Iron The strange beasâ—es fish foule c. that breed in Russia Mosco Nouograd Iaruslaue Saxo Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. â—87 The maner of Russe building Souldiers by birth and inheritance Degrees of horsemen 1. â—raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000. Two other troupes to the number of 65000. Horsemen in continuall pay 80000. Footmen in continual pay 12000. StraÌ„gers mercenaries in pay 4300. The chief captains or leaders 1. The Voiauod or General 2. Lieutenant general 3. Marshals of the field foure Foure marshals deputies right Fiue Coronels vnder Captains Sixe Masters of the Artillery The walking Captaine Their order of mustering The horsemaÌ„s furniture The footmans furniture Prouision of victual Horsemens drummes The horsâ—mans maner of charging The footmans charge The walking Castle 1580. Reward for valure 1580. Lituania Narue Siberia and Ob. Conquest of a 1000 miles Permia and Pechora Means of holding chiefe townes Meanes of holding the countries of Pechora Permia and Siberia Siberia The kings brother of Siberia 1588. The PoloniaÌ„s called Laches by the Russe The Chrim Tartar The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar in the yeare 1571. Homage done bâ— the Russe to the Chrim Tartar The maner of the Tartars fight and armour The subtiltiâ— of the Tartar The Tartar religion The Tartar nobilitie The Tartar diet 1588. The Tartars dwelling Pachymerius Laonicus Calcocondylas 1400 The Nagay Tartar the cruellest The Chircasce the câ—uâ—llest Tartar The Cheremissen Tartar of two sorts the Lugauoy and the Nagornay The Mordwit Tartar y e most barbarous of the rest The reuiuing of silkwormes Chrinisin a kind of silkworme Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea No stranger without pasport admitted The Permians The Samoits The Samoits religion Slata Baba or the goldeÌ„ Hag. A fable The Sea Fishing oâ— sea The Samoits habit and behauiour The people of Meta Incognita such The â—appes The mart at Cola. Sleds drawen with Deere The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia Vologda Verst Vstiug Suchana Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame Pienega Nicholai Kuluio The regions by the North sea Pieza Piescoia Rubicho Czircho Czilma Petzora Pustosero Vssa * Cingulus mundâ— Stzuchogora Potzscheriema Camenipoias Samoged Foules and beasts Wilde people Poiassa Camen Artawischa Sibut Lepin Sossa Obi. Kitaisko Vuogolici Irtische Ierom. Tumen Grustina Kitai Blacke men without speech Serponow Lucomoria Men that yerely die and reuiue Obi. Calami Riuers Aureâ— Anus Obdora Cossin Cassima Tachnin a great riuer People of moÌ„strous shape A fish like a man Plinie writeth of the like fish The end of the iournall Mountaines The great Can of Cathay Moria is the sea Lucomoria Tumen Petzora Papin High mountaines supposed to be Hyperborei and Khipphet Cathay The fâ—uitâ—ull prouince of Rezan Iâ—â—oslaue Hony La regione della Cine. Confini delli vâ—rimi Tartariâ— Alcune Terre Incognite Confini Settentrionall della Russia The Countrey of China The coasts of the vttermost Tartaâ—s Certaine vnknowne Countrees The Northern coasts oâ— Russia The Northwest Master of the Horse The L. Steward The â— Treasurer Controller Chamberlaine Tasters Harbengers Gentlemen of the chamber The Gard. Groomes Constitution of their bodies Their diet An admirable induring of extreme heat and colde at one and the same time The Noble mans attire The Gentlemans apparel The Noble womans attire The Mousickâ— or common mans attire The Emperors stile increased The English Marchants complaints English Marchants in great fauour with the Emperor Halfe the debt of Aâ—tony Marsh remitted Ann. Dom. 1590. 1590 1585 The Emperor seised our merâ—â—ants goods 1591 This is a new poâ—t The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. 1591 1592 The Emperors â—â—ile lately enlarged This is a damty meat made of the roâ—d of sturgeons M. Thomas Lind. 1592 The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter M. Francis Cherie Anno Domini 1592. After our accompt 1596. 10. Febr. 1597. Prince Boris Pheodorowich by