his Aâ—â—urances and Promises to preserve the Government both in Church and State as by Law establish'd and vows to hazzaâ—d his own Person as he had formerly done in dâ—fence of the just Liberties and Properties of the Nation But still the Burden of his Song was More Money Which the Parliament willing to engage him if possible by all the Testimonies of their Duty and Loyalty or at least to shâ—w that nothing should â—e wanting on their part readily granted And in regard that Aâ—gyle was said to be Landed under the Notion of a Rebel in Scotland they declareâ— their Resolutions to â—â—anâ— by and assist him wiâ—â— their Lives and Forâ—â—â—es agâ—inst all his Enâ—mies wâ—aâ—ever No less quick were they to gratifâ—e than he to make thâ—â—e Promises which he nâ—vâ—r intended to perform And indeed under the Constâ—rnation the King was then in upon the Landing of Argâ—le in Scotland and the Duke of Monmouth in Englaâ—d both at the same timâ— pâ—â—haps the Parliament might have bound him uâ—â—o what Conditions they pleased had they no 〈◊〉 their Opportunity But those two Storms bâ—â—â— fortunâ—tely blown over the one by ill Coâ—duâ—â— the other by the Treachery of pretended Friendship and both Argyle and the Duke of Monmouâ—h safe in their Graves the King was so puâ—â— up with a petty Victory over a few Club-Men and so wrapt up with a Conceit That he had now Conquer'd the whole Nation that afâ—er he had got as much as he thought he could in Mâ—desty desire or they part withal unless they saw greatâ—r Occasions than they did which neverthelâ—ss were no small Sums in the heat of their obliging Generosity at the Commencement of a Reign he turn`d them off after he had sold them two or three inconsiderable Acts for all their Money And now being freed from any further thoughts of Parliamâ—nts believing himself Impregnableâ— he resolves to be reveng`d upon the Western People for siding with his Capital Enâ—my Monmouth anâ— to that purpoâ—e sendâ— down his Exâ—cutioner in Oâ—dinary Iefferies not to decimate according to the Heathen way of Mercy but with the Bâ—â—o◠〈◊〉 his Cruelties to sweep the Country before 〈◊〉 and to depopulate instead of Punishment At what time acquaintance or Relation of any thatâ— sell in the Field with a slender Circumstance tack`d to either was a Crime sufficient for the Extirpacion of the Family And Young and Old were hangd in Clusters as if the Chief Justice had designâ—d to raise the Price of Halâ—ers besides the great number of those that upon the bare Suspicion were transported beyond Sea and there sold â—or â—laves anâ— the Purchase-Money given away to satisfie the Hunger of needy Papists After Agâ—s will read with Astonishment the barbarous Usage of those poor people of which among many Instances this one may seem sufficient whereby to take the Dimensions of all the rest That when the Sistâ—r of the two Hewlands hung upon the Chief Iusticâ—`s Coach imploring Mercy on the behalf oâ—â—er Brothers the Merciless Judge to make her let go câ—â—sed his Câ—ach-man to cut her Hands and â—â—â—gers with the lash of his Whip Nor would he â—llâ—w the Respite of the Execution but for two Days though the Sister wiâ—h Tears in her Eyes offered a Hundred Pound for so small a Favâ—ur Aâ—d whoever sheltered any of those sorlorn Creâ—tures were hurried to the Slâ—ughtâ—r-House with the same inâ—xorable ouâ—râ—ge without any Consideration of either Age or Sex Witnâ—ss the Execution of the Lady Lisle at Winchester As for Argy'e and the Duke tho' they might die piâ—ied yet could they not be said to be unjustly put to death in regard they had dâ—clared open â—ostiliâ—y and therefore it was no more than they were to expect upon ill Success However since they were betray'd into the Victor's hands before any great harm was done the Crime was not so great that nothing but a Massâ—cre could atone for it more esecially considering what great Advantage the King made of these Rebellions For it gave him a fair Oppertunity â—o encrease the Numebr of his Standing-Forces under pretence That the Militia was not to be depended upon and of the Reputation he had lost of being so miserably unprovided against so wretched an Attempt as Monmouth's was For which Reason he was resolv'd to be better provided henceforward for the Security of the Nation and to croud in his Popish Officers into Commands under the Notion of Persons of Loyalty and therefore such whose Persons he was neither to expose to Disgrace by a Removal nor himself to suffer the want of Cautions and wary of Removing his Popish Commanders but minding not at all to remove the Fears and Jelousies of the Nation However his plausible Promises and this important Nccessity of augmenting his Standing Forces were urg'd upon the Parliament as undeniable Reasons for more Mony So great a Confidence the King had either in the Awe which he had upon the Parliament or that they were so Blind that they could not see through his Cobweb Pretencâ—s But he soon found that he was deceived in his Expectations and therefore perceiving his gilded Hooks could not take they were decently Dismiss'd after ten Days siâ—ting with a Prorogation from October till February ensâ—ing But it seems King Iames was so confidently assur'd That the Bands of Friendship and Alliance between him and the French King were so Indissoluble That whaâ—ever Assistance the Parliament deny`d him in England he should not sail of from his Dear Friend and Confederate in France That the Parliament being call`d for no other Intent or Purpose than to betray the Nation by Furnishing the King to accomplish his Designs of Popery and Arbitrary Government when they refused to be subservient to those Wicked Designs and thought it more Honourable to be true to the Nation whom they Represented than Serviceable to the Encroachment of his Tyranny he laid them aside as things no longer useful for him And therefore like a man cased with their just demial of his Demands he resolves the utter Subversion of English Parliaments the only Remora`s of his ungodly Projects by compleating the Disfranchising of all the Cities and Corporations throughout the Nation so fairly begun in his Brother`s Reign to make way for the Introduction of a French Parliament That should at once have surrender`d all the Ancient Liberty of the Kingdom and the whole Power of the Government into his hands And this to terrifie men into flavish Complyance with his Tyrannical Will and Pleasure the Names of all such Persons as out of Honour and Conscience refused to Coâ—operate with his Popish Ministers towards the Publick Ruin of Liberty and Religion and prostitute their own and the Freedoms of their Posterity to his Arbitrary subiection were Threatned to be return`d up to the Attorney-General to the end of their Persons and Estates might be undone by Illegal Prosecutions In the next place to set himself Paramoumt above all the Controul of Law out of a vain Opinion
this Inuocent Opinion amongst his Neighbours but did as soon as he could possibly by neglecting the Royal Ships and casting Contâ—mpt upon all formerly in Military Imployment the Wingsâ— Nails and Teeth of this Nation to testifie to the World he meant to spoil no People of their Honour Lands Felicity Goods or Laws but only those all Princes celebrated for Wisdom and Gallantry think themselves tied in Nature to preserve by which he entailed Misery upon his Succâ—ssion and without the more Mercy of God Eternal Slavery to c. For by penning up the English Valonr and opening the Fountain of Honour with a Succession of neglect cast upon the Nobility and Commons in their Representatives by denying them their reasonable Demands or deluding them after the Royal assent given by going contrary to what was Enacted these Practises put him upon such low Shifts that he at last having rendered himself uncapable of Trust did send to have the Money given by the Parliament deposited into the hands of Commissioners out of which he did notwithstanding after â—orce it according as his impertinent Expenses demanded Supplies Nor was he more steady faithful or just in his compacts with Foreign Princes who in a small time became so well acquainted with his Complexion that his Promise did not incite them either to Hope or Fear or raise in any of them the Passions of Love or Hatred And this is one of the Reasons thâ—n given why the most Christian King did so far indulge his Prâ—servaâ—ion as to advertise him of tâ—â— former Conspiracy lest he should exchange Herb Iohn for Colâ—quintida Another but in my opinion a very wâ—â—k one for what obligation can restrain a Prince that â—ees an advantage before him was the Fâ—vours received â—rom hence â—uring the Lâ—agâ—e But the most probable was the Advantage Spain was likely to make of it first by reason he had an Army then ready in Flandâ—rs to Land in the huge Mist so black a Cloud must needs have caused over the Nation Nor could his Holiness himâ—elf look upon our Ruine with any affection England being of too great a Consequence to â—all under any other Jurisdiction save her own To conclude whosoever revealâ—d this Conspiracy it cost the King of France his Life not only by questioning the truth of his Conversion but did raise so a high Suspicion of the immense Treasure and mighty Army he had with no less industry than secresie gotten together not one living owning to this day the knowledg of his Design in the Hearts of Spain and Râ—me as they procured his Death His freedom to the King of Great Britain rendring this Silence the more suspected Now to take off the Subjects Eyes from observing the great Indulgency used by King Iames in behalf of the Papists a Quâ—â—rel was revived now â—lmost asleep because it hâ—d long escaped Persecution the Bellows of Schism with a People stiled Puritans who meeting no nearer a definition than the Name of all the Conscientious Men in the Nation shared the Contempt Since under that general term were comprehended not only those as did oppose the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church but such as out of meer honesty refrainâ—d the Vices of the Times were branded by this Title weaved oâ— such a fashion as it became a covering to the Wicked and no better than a Fools Coat to Men truly Conscientious Neither was any charged with it though in the best Relation thought competent for Preferment in Church or Common-weal which made the Wicked glory in their Impiety and such as had not an extraordinary measure of Grace ashamâ—d of any outward profession of Sanctity Court Sermons were fraught with bitter Invectives against thâ—se People whom they seated in a Class far nearer the conâ—ines of Hell than Papists yet the wisest durst not define them To avoid the imputation of Puritanism a greater rub in the way to Preferment than Vice our Divinesâ— for the generality did sacrifice more time to Bacchus than Minerva and being excellent Company drew the most ingenious Laiety into a like excess And for their ordinary Studies they were School-points and pâ—ssionate Expressions as more conversant with the Friâ—rs than the Fathers scorning in their ordinary Diâ—course at Luther and Calvin but especially at the last so as a certain Bishop of this stamp thank'd God he never tho' a good Poâ—t himself had read a Line in Him or Chaucer The same used this simile at Câ—urt That our Religion like the Kiâ—gs-Arms stood bâ—etween two Beasts the Puritan and Papist Nor did the notorious debauchery of the Episcopal Clergy add a little to the Rent of the Church much augmented by the Scottish Propensity to Prâ—sbitery though the chiefest promoters of it in their Doctrine and Example were the Lecturers Vicars and Parsons of inconsiderable Worth and Livings being the readier to oppose Authority as having little to loose becoming by this means the darlings of the Rabble Nor did the suddain Translation of Bishops from less to greater Sees give time to visit sufficiently their respective Charges being more intent upon the receipt of such Taxer as a long abused Custom had estated them in than upon Reformation I have been the more punctual because from the Pulpit came all our future Miseries God not being served there as he ought The Court Sermons informing the King he might as Christ's Vicegerent command all and that the People if they denied him Supplement or inquired after the disposure of it were presumptuous Peepers into the sacred Ark of the State not to be done but under the severest Curse though it appeared likely to fall through the falshood or folly of those at the Helm But on the contrary the other qualified Preachers did sulminate against Non-residency Prophanation of the Lords Day connivance at Popery Persecutioâ— of Gods People â— Now by this time the Nation grew feeble and over-opprest with Impositions Monopolies Aids Privy Seals Concealments pretermitted Customs c. besides all â—orfeitures on Penal Statutes with a â—â—lcituee of tricks more to cheat the English Subject the most if not all unheard of in Queen Elizabeth's Days which were spent upon the Scots by whom nothing was unasked and to whom nothing was denied who for want of honest Traffick did extract Gold out of the Faults of the English whose Pardons they begged and sold at intollerable Ratâ—â— Murder it self not being excepted Nay I dare boldly say one Man might more safely have killed another than a raskal Deer but if a Stag had been known to have miscarried and the Author fled a Proclamation with the Description of the Party had been presently Penned by the Attorney General and the Penalty of His Majesties high Displeasure by which was understood the English Inquisition the Star-Chamber threatned against all that did abet comfort or relieve him Thus Satyrical or if you please Tragical was this Sylvian Prince against Deer-killers and indulgent to Man-slayers This Star Chamber was a Den to Arbitrary Justice
where the Keeper for the time being two Bishops two Judges and as many wise Lords and great Officers Sate as thought fit to come the most of whom though unable to render a reason for their Censure did every Wednesday and Friday in Term-time concur like so many Canibals to tear such as refused to Worship the Minion or to yield to the pretended Royal Prerogative Nor did they scape who were any way Satyrical a thing not to be avoided by the Lovers of Truth Corruption being as common as Execution with which it seldom went other than hand in hand The palpable Partiality that descended from the King to the Scots did estate the whole love of the English upon his Son Henry whom they engaged by so much expectation as it may be doubted whether it ever lay in the Power of any Prince meerly humâ—ne to bring so much Felicity unto a Nation as they dâ—d all his Life propose to themselves at the Death of King Iames. The Government of this Young Princes House was with much Discretion Modesty Sobriety and which was looked upon as too great an upbraiding the contrary proceedings of his Father in an high reverence to Piety not Swearing himself nor keeping any that did through which he came to be advanced beyond an ordinary measure in the Affections of the City to whom he was not only plausible in his Carriage but very just in Payments so far as his Credit out-reached the King 's both in the Exchange and the Church in which the Son could not take so much Felicity as the Father did Discontent to find all the worth he imagined in himself wholly lost in the hopes the People had of this young Gentleman from whence Kings may be concluded far more unhappy than ordinary Men for tho' whilst Children are young they may afford them safety yet when arrive at that Age which used to bring comfort to other Parents they produce only Jealousie and Fear For if Deformed Foolish or Vitious they offend the natural Disposition of a Father who cannot but desire his Issue perfect if they prove otherwise and be excellent that of a Prince because his Reign must needs be thought dim and tedious who hath such a Spark to succeed him as this Henry which in all Mens Judgments appeared more illustrious than his old Father Thus are Kings found as remote from Felicity with Children as from safety without And as the last of these Considerations have tempted some to Acknowledge the Issue of Strangers If the positive Assertions of some as well as common Fame does not out-strip Truth King Iames was by Fear led into great and strange Extreams finding his Son Henry not only averse to any Popish Match but saluted by the Puritans as one prefigured in the Apocalyps for Rome's Destruction insinuating as if the Prince was not kindly dealt by â— should quite have omitted this conjecture and left it wholly to the Decision of the great Tribunal was it not certain that his Father did dread him and that the King though he would not deny him any thing he plainly desired yet it appeared rather the result of Fear and outward Complyance than Love and natural Affection This King 's extravagant Anti-Suppers was a Vanity not heard of in Fore-Fathers time or ever practised since and for ought I have read unpractised by the most Luxurious Tyrants The manner of which was to have the Board covered at the first entrance of the Guest with Dishes seven Foot high filled with the choicest Viands Sea or Land could afford and all this once seen and having seasted the Eyes of the invited was in a manner thrown away and fresh set on to the same height An Attendance on the King Eat at one of these Suppers a whole Pye valued at Ten Pounds Sterling being composed of Ambersgreece Musk c. As no other reason seemed to appear in this Kings choice but handsomness so the love the King shewed waâ— as amorously conveyed as if he had mistaken their Sex and thought them Ladies which Somersâ—t and Buckingham did labour to resemble in the Esâ—eminateness of their Dressings though in wanton Lookâ— and wanton Gestures they exceeded any part of Woman-kind Nor was his Love or what else the World will please to call it carried on with a Discression sufficient to cover a less scandalous Behaviour for the King kissing them after so lascivious a Mode in Publick and upon the Theatre as it were of the World prompted many to imagine things done in the Tiring-House that exceed my Expression no less than they do my Experience Now as to the Poysoning Business of Sir Thomas Overbury on which account King Iames made so many dreadful Imprecations upon himself and Posterity not to spare any that were found Guilty but how he fâ—iled the Relation will inform The Earl of Montgâ—mery declining in his Favour with King Iames Mr. R. Carr a very handsome Gentleman and well bred appear'd upon the Stage who chose for his chief Companion Sir Thomas Overbury a Gentleman of excellent Parts but very Proud and Haughty Now was Carr Knighted and Overbury's Pride rose with the others Honours then was the strife between the Two great Statesmen Salisbury and Suffolk who should most indear themselves with this great Favourites Creature Overbury but he with a kind of scorn neglected both their Friendships Northampton finding himself neglected by so mean a Spark as he thought follow'd Balaam's Counsel by sending a Moabitish Woman unto him in which he made use of one Coppinger a Gentleman who had spent a fair Estate and to supply his necessities was turned a kind of Procurer or what the present Town calls a Cock Bawd This Meabitish Woman was a Daughter of the Earl of Suffolk and Wife to the young Earl of Essex This Train took and the first private Meeting was at Coppinger's House This privacy in their stollen Pleasure made Coppinger a Friend to Northampton and Suffolk though but a Servant to Viscount Rochester for so was Carr now made Overbury was that Iohn Baptist that reproved the Lord for that Sin of using the Lady and abusing the young Earl he would often call her Strumpet and her Mother and Brothers Bawds c. Then to satisfie Overbury and blot out the name of Sin his â—ove led him into a more desperate way by a Resolution to Marry another Man's Wife against this then did Overbury exclaim much louder On which a Council was held to concert about the best means to be rid of him The Plot then was he must be sent a Leidger Ambassador into France which by obeying they should be rid of so great an Eye-sore by disobeying he incurred the Displeasure of his Prince â— Câ—ntempt that he could not expect less than Imprisonment for and by that means be sequâ—stred from his Friends And thus far I do believe the Earl of Somerseâ— for so was he now made was consenting this Stratagem took and Overbury might truly say Video meliora
in about three days For God's sake let me said the King Shall I shall I Then lolled about his Neck slabbering his Cheeks as formerly the Earl was scarcely in his Coach when the King used these very Words I shall never see his Face more Let the Reader judge whether this Motto of Qui nescit dissimilare nescit regnare was not as well performed in this Passage as his Beati Pacifici in the whole course of his Life But before Somerset's approach to London his Countess was apprehended at his Arrival himself Now are in Hold the Earl his Countess Sir Thomas Monson Mrs. Turner Weston and Franklin with some others of less Note the three last Named were immediately Arraigned Tryed and Executed The next that came on the Stage was the Countess and Sir T. Monson but the King being informed that the latter would discover some Secrets of Prince Henry's Death and other Court Intreagues He immediately dispatched an Order to Coke to stop Prosecution And now for the last Act enters Somerset himself on the Stage about whom many Sâ—ratagems were used and the King was put in great Fear before they could get him froâ— the Tower to Westminster to take his Tryal but it was at last affected by a Stratagem of Sir George Moor Lieutenant of the Tower but yet for fear he should flie out into some strange Discovery against the King he had two Servants placed on each side of him with a Cloak on their Arms giving them a peremptory Order if that Somerset did any way stie out on the King they should instantly Hoodwink him with that Cloak and take him violenâ—ly from the Bar But the Earl finding himself thus over-reached recollected a better Temper and went on calmly in his Tryal where he held the Company till Seven at Night But whoever hâ—d seen the King 's resâ—less motion all that Day sending to every Boat he see Landing at Greenwich-Bridge Cursing all that came without Tydings would have easily judged all was not right and there had been some grounds of his Fears of Somerset's Boldness But at last one brings him word he was Condemned and the Passages all was quiet And there were other strong Inducements to believe Somâ—rset knew that by him he desired none other should be partaker of and that all was not Peace within in the Peaceâ—maker himsâ—lf for he ever courâ—ed Somerset to his dying Day and gave him Four Thousand Pounds per Annum for Fee Farm Rents after he was Condemned and the King kept Correspondence Weekly with him by Letters to his Death Some are of Opinion that his Countess and he would both have suffered had it not been for an unhappy Expression of Chief Justice Coke who in a vain glorious Spâ—ech to shew his Vigilancy enters into a Rapture as he sate on the Bench saying God knows what become of that sweet Babâ— Prince Henry But I know somewhat And surely in seâ—rching the Cabinets he lighted on some Papers that spoke plain in that which was ever whispered which had he gone on in a gentle way would have fall'n in of themselves not to have been prevented but this solly of hit Tongue stopt the breath of the Discovery of that so foul a Murther And now begins Villers the new Favorite to Reign without any controulment now he rises in Honour as well as Pride being broken out of the modest bounds that formerly had impailed him to the High-way of Pride and Scorn turning out and putting in all he pleased First he gets the Lord-Admiral turned out and himself made Lord High Admiral Next He procured the Seal to be taken from Egerton Lord â—eeper and procures the place for Bacon who was to pay him a large Pension out of it Heath Attorney General paid a Pension Bargrave Dean paid a Pension with multitudes of otherâ— Foâ—herhy made Bishop of Salisbury paid down 3500 l. for his Bishoprick There were Books of Rates on all Offices Bishopricks Deaneries in England that could tell you what Fines what Pensions all which went to maintain his numerous Beggarly Kindred which otherwise it had been almost impossible to have maintained them with Three Kingdoms Revenue Then must these Women Kindred be Married to Earls and Earls Eldest Sons Barons or chief Gentlemen of greatest Estâ—tes insomuch that the very Female Kindred were so numerous as sufficient to have Peopled any Plantation Nay the very Kitchin-Wenches were Married to Knights Eldest Sons Proposals being made for a Match with the Infanta of Spain and some Progress being made therein it was resolved That Sir John Digby by Commission under the great Seal was authorized to treat and conclude the Marriage and because the matter of Religion was in chief Debate those qualified Articles that were brought out of Spain were sent backâ— signed with the King's Hand They were to this Effect That the Pope's Dispensation be first obtained by the meer Act of the King of Spain That the Children of this Marriage be not constrained to be brought up Protestants nor their Titles to the Crown prejudiced in case they prove Catholicks That the Infanta's Family may be Catholicks and shall have places appointed for their Divine Service according to the Vse of the Church of Rome and that the Iesuits and other Ecclesiasticks and Priests may walk in their proper Habits That she shall have a competent number of Iesuits Priests and Chaplains and a Confessor always attending Her one whereof shall have Power to govern the Family in Religious Matters The People of England having in Memory the intended Cruelty of 88. and hating the Popish Religion generally hated this Match and loathed the thoughts of having the Romish Priests to walk about the Streets in their Habits and would have bought it off at the dearest Rate and what they durst oppos'd it by Speeches Counsels Wishes Prayers but if any one speak louder than his Fellows he was soon put to silence disgraced and crossed in Court Preferments The Roman Catholicks desired the Match above Measure hoping for a Toleration yea a total Restauration of their Religion For besides the publick Articles these following private ones in Favour of the Roman Catholicks were subsrcribed and sworn to by the King they were in substance as followeth I. That particulâ—r Laws made against Roman Catholicks as likewise general Laws under which all are equally comprised if so be they are such which are Repugnant to the Romish Religion shall not hereafter on any Account or Means be put in Execution against them II. That no other Laws shall hereafter be made anew against the said Roman Catholicks but that there shall be a perpetual Toleration of the Roman Catholick Religion III. That We and the Prince of Wales will interpose our Authority and will do as much as in us shall lie That the Parliament shall Approve Corfirm and Ratifie all and singular Articles in Favour of the Roman Catholicks And that hereafter we will not consent that the said Parliament should ever at any time Enact
another part of his Declaration wherein he no less solemnly engaged to maintain the Protestants in all their Properties and Possessions as well of Church as Abby-Lands as of all other their Properties whatsoever Notwithstanding all which how he turned these Gentlemen out of their Legal Freeholâ—s by the Arbitrary Power of his High Commission how he violated the Constitutions of the deceased Founders and with what an embittered rage and fury he rated them like Dogs when they lay prostrate at his Feet more like a Pagan Tyrant than a Christian King is notoriously known and all this to make a Popish Seminary of one of the most noble and best Colledges in the University And this Peters looked upon as one of his great Master-pieces as appears by a Letter of his written to the French King's Confessor Father La Chese wherein he had the vauntidg expression I bave gained a great point in perswading the King to place our Fathers in Magdalen Colledge in Oxford where they will be able to tutor the young Schollars in the Catholick Religion Nor was it thought sufficient to turn the Proprietors out of their Freeholds but under pretence of Disobedience to the King's Commands they were also made uncapable of any Ecclesâ—â—tical Preferment or of the Exercise of Holy Orders and deprived of all those other ways and means of Livelyhood for which their Education had qualified them Which as it was a piece of Inhumanity without Parallel so it was a plain Demonstration of the main drift and design of the King and his Popish Furies first to draw the Protestant Clergy into the snare of Disobedience and then under pretence of Obstinacy and Stubborness totally to suppress and silence them And yet after all this for the King so publickly to give himself the Lie by proclaiming to all the World as he did such a notorious Untruth as That he had never invaded the Property of any Man since his coming to the Crown was such a piece of Dissimulation that Oliver Cromwell himself with all the Irreligion laid to his Charge was never guilty of Unless his Father Confessor designed it for a Miracle to be Recorded among Popish Wonders That he who had done nothing else from the beginning of his Reign but invaded the Liberties and Properties of his Subjects should be so confident as to deny it But whatever through the frailty of his memory he had till then forgot he was resolved it seems for the future to make amends for his Omission To which purpose he was now provided with such a Gun-powder-Plot that had it taken Effect would ere a few months had gone about have blown up all the Properties of the whole Clergy of England without Exception of any Person that had eiâ—her Honour or Conscience and the greatest part of the Bishopricks and Livings of England would have been pronounced void to make way for Saâ—dals and shaved Crowns This was that cunning Declaration for Liberty of Conscience whereby he undertook to dispense with the Laws by the sole vertue of his Prerogative An Attempt wherein his Brother had miscarried being forced to surreeder up and Cancel the Illegal Contrivance he had prepared for a Tryal But King Iames puâ—â—ed up with the great Exploits he had in Person performed upon Hounslow-Heath and the Glorious shew his Army made there Rendezvouzed at the same time in the same place to add terror to his Commands resolved to make all Opposition to bow the Knee to Baal In pursuance of those Resolutions he Orders his Declaration to be Printed requires the Bishops to cause it to be destributed through all their Diocesses and to take Care that it should be Read in all the Churches and Chappels throughout the Nation Upon this the Bishops Petition the King setting forth the Illegality and the ill Consequences of it to the whole Nation both in Church and State and beg the King not to insist upon the Reading it This so inâ—ensed Peters and the rest of the furious Hotspurs and oonsequently provoked the King to that degree That the Court-Lawyers are presently consulted who adjudge the Petition Tumultuary and Libellous and thereupon the Archbishop of Canterbury together with the Bishop of Asaph Ely Chichester Bath and Wells Peterborough and Bristol are first sent to the Tower and then Arraigned and Tryed for Mutiners against the King's Popish Government being Charged with an Information for Publishing a Seditious Pernitious and Scandalous Libel But notwithstanding all that the King's Council and the C. J. Wright and Alibone the Papist could do Judge Holloway and Judge Powel to the Eternal praise stuck so close to their Protestant Principles aud so strongly oppos'd the King's Dispensing Power for which they were turn'd out the next day that the Bishops were acquitted to the general Joy and Satisfaction of the whole Nation and particularly the Soldiers upon Hounslow-Heath whose Shouts and Acclamations upon the News of their Acquital were so harsh and unpleasant in the King's Ear that â—rom thence forward he began to wish he had more Irish and fewer English in his Army But notwithstanding this Fatal Blow the most undanted High Commissioners drove on furiously sending forth their Mandates to the Chancellors Arch-Deacons c. of the several Diocesses to send them an exâ—ct account of all such Ministers as had refused to Read the Declaration And there is no question to be made but thaâ— the severity of that Imperious Court would in a short time have swept the Kingdom clear of all the Protestant Clergy had not indulgent Heaven put a stop to their impetuous Career That which follows is so Romantick that it looks more like a Novel than a Story fit to gain Credit hardly carrying so much Probability with it as the Fable of Bacchus cuâ— out of Iupiter's Thigh and which looks more Romantick than all the rest That the King himself should believeâ— and urge it for an Argument to delude the World That he who had suffered so much for Conscience sake could not be capable of so great a Villany to the prejudice of his Children and in â—orcing the same Argument yet further by saying That it was his Principle to do as he would be done by therefore would rather dye a Thousand Deaths than do â—he least Wrong to his Children When the World was convinced that he could not have suffered such an Affront to have been put upon him but for the very Reason he alledged and that as for his doing as he would be done by it was apparent by all his Actions that he could not speak those Words from his Heart without some Mental Expositions reserved to himself Certainly therefore since it was for the Preservation of the Roman Catholick Religion that the Contrivance was set on foot it argues that his Conscience was under the most dreadful Subjection to his Popish Confessors or that his Zeal was no less strangely Govern'd by an Imperious Woman that for the sake of Popery he should consent to a Conspiracy
quae ut reliqua habet omnia Siveritatem non habet obtinere nomen non Potest THE SECRET HISTORY OF King IAMES I. TIme which puts a period to all things under the Sun began now to sheaâ—â— the Sword of War that had been long disputing the Controversie which Religion and Policy that Princes mix together had for many Years so fiercely maintained The wâ—â—ring out of that old but glorious and most happy Piece of Soveraignty Queen Elizabeth bating the Spaâ—ish Violence and ending with the Irish Rebellion and Submission of the great Earl of Tyrone as if the old Genius of Iron-handed War and a new one Crowned with a Palm of Peace had taken Possession of the English Nation Iames the Sixth King of Scotland was Proclaimed King of England For though Princes that find here a Mortal Felicity love not the noise of a Successor in their Life time yet they are willing for the Peace of their People to have one when they can hear no more of it That which this Blessed Queen could not endure from others She was pleased to express her self and bequeath in her last Will as a Legacy to this then happy Naâ—ion He was Thirty Years of Age when he came to the Crown How dangerous the passage had been from his vâ—ry Infancy to his middle Age is not only written in may Histories but the untamâ—d and untractable Spirits of many of that Nation are a sufficient Witness and Record The wise Queen found many petty Titles but none of that Power any other Hand that should have reacht for the Crown might have caught a Cloud of Confusion and those Supportâ—rs and Props that held up Her Greatness loth to submit to Equals made Scaffolds to his Triumphs In the prosecution of wâ—at I shall remark relating to this Kingâ— I shall avoid all unnecessary Severity and observe moâ—e Duty and Respect than may possibly be thought due by Posterity to the Person of a Prince that after so exact a Pattern as Queen Elizabeth left him did by debauching Parliaments and so often breaking his Word so far irritate no less than impoverish the Subject as his Son was forced to give Concession to one rendâ—red indissolvable but by their own Will A mischief never could have befallen England had King Iames left them in the same blessed Serene temper he found them at the Death of the Queen The News of which was brought him first by Cary after Earl of Monmouth who not able to satisfie such a concourse of Doubâ—s and Questionsâ— as far more resolute Natures than His do oâ—ten muster up on less occasâ—ons the King stood as in a maze being more affected through the fear of Opposition than pleased with the present Report till by a lamer Post He was adverâ—ised of His being joyâ—ully Proclaimed in London by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and of the unquestioned Recepâ—ion His Title in all Places met with no less than that the Hopes of some and Feâ—rs of the major part assisted by the prudent Carriage of the Treasurer and ranting Protestations of the Earl of Northumberland that in all Places vapoured he would bring Him in by the Sword had stopped their Mouths that desired he might be obliged to Articles Amongst these truly Noble Heroick and Publick Spirits was Sir Walter Rawleigh the Lord Cobham Sir Iohn Fortescue c. Who were all afâ—erwards ruined by the King and the Noble Sir Walter most Barbarously câ—t oâ—f This Prince held his Thoughts so intent upon Ease and Pleasure that to aâ—oid any interruption likely to impede any part of the Felicity he had possessed his imagination with from the Union of these Crowns and to fit an Example for his Neighbours imitation whom he desired to bring into the like Resolution he cast himself as it were blindfold into a Peace with Spain far more destructive to England than a War King Iames throughout his whole Reign contenting himself with the humble thought of being a Terror to his own People not valluing that himself or Nation should make any considerable Figure among Forreign Princes At his first coming he was long detained from Westminster by a Plague looked upon as the greatest till exceeded in that which broke out after his Death taken by the ill boding English for a presage of worse Days than they had already seen The good Government of Queen Elizabeth not being in probability likely to bear the Charges without falling into some destructive commotion of Two such Expensive Princes Succession without having one more popular to intervene After the Peace of too much concernment to his Catholick Majesty to afford him leisure to imagine much less to insert so rugged an Article as the performance of any Promise our King had â—ade â—efore his Reception in case the Papists did not oppose which I have found Registred by many and so high as amounted to a Toleration at least if not an Establishing of Popery he then observed in prudence it could not be conceded by this new King having so many of his Subjects Protestants for one of the Romish Profession and being bâ—sides no more Zealous than other Princes that make use of a Religion only for a Fence to immure their Persons and Prerogatives but â—steem it a meer accident where reason of State drives on a Bargain without it These neglects of the Kings of Spain and England the first remaining as careless of his Faith as the other did of the performance of his Word put the Roman Câ—tholicks for the present into so great a Despairâ— that led them into that damned Conspiraâ—y called the Gun powder Treason the account of which in general is so well known that I need not here â—nlarge only give some hints concerning it which is not common to be met with The French Ambassador then resident at Court affirming to some Persons of Quality his Intimates That the first Intimation of the Powder Tâ—eason came from his Master who received it from the Jesuiâ—s of his Faction to the end he might share in our Ruines The Kingdom of England being in the Pope's own Judgment at that time too great an addition to that of Spain where though it was first coined some say during the days of Queen Elizabeth â— yet the Priests that undertook the promoting of it sought to render it the most beneficial they could to their respective Patrons And here I cannot omit that after this happy Discovery his Majesty sent an Agent on purpose to Cougratulate King Iames's great Preservation A Flattery so palpable as the Pope could not refrain laughing in the Face of Cardinal D' Ossat when he first told it him nor he forbear to inform his King of it as may be found in his Printed Letters it being notorious that at King Iames's first assumption to the Throne of England none sought his Destruction more cordiâ—lly than the Spaniard till a continued Tract of Experience had fully acquaiâ—ted him with his Temper Nor was our King himself backward in â—omenting
us and Thanks to themselves then that some of our Countrey-Men Zealous of the Truth though differing from the Religiin which we have sucked from our Infancy should have an Hâ—nourable Occasion of making their abode in the Court of Rome from whom your Holiness may be certainly insormed of the state of our Affairs In this regard We recommend to you the Bishop of Vazion who as he dâ—th impute whatsoever increase of his condition to your Holyness alone so We are earnest Suitors that for our sake especially the Hâ—nour of the Cardinals Cap may be added to his former Advantages By this means the Calumny of our Enemies will cease when such are present with you who may be able to assert the truth of our doing We do not desire any of our Actions should be concealed from just Arbitrators for though We have been bred up in the Truth of that Religion which we now profess yet We have always determined That there is nothing better and safer than piously and without ostentation to endeavour the promoting of those things which really belong to the Gloâ—y of God's Name and laying aside the Goads of Envy and applying the warmth and fomentation of Charity diligently to consider what belongeth not to the empty Name of Religion but to the Holy Symbol of true Piety But because we have discoursed more at large of these things with the Bearer hereof a Man not Vnlâ—arned and indifferently well conversant in our Affairs We have thought best to be no more tedious by a long Letter From Holy Rood Septemb. 24. 1599. Your Holiness's Most Dutiful Son James Rex This Letter was conveyed by Edward Drummond the Lawyer whom the King sent to the Pope the Duke of Tuskany the Duke of Savoy and other Princes and Cardinals First You shall most respectively Salute in Our Namâ— the Pope and those other Prinâ—es and Cardinals and having delivered our Letters of Credence shall signifie That we exceedingly desire to reserve with them the measure of Love and Good VVill which is fitting to remove not only all suspicion but any thing that may be the cause of suspicion That altho we persist in the Religion which we sucked from our Iâ—fancy yet we are not so void of Charity but to think well of all Christians if so be they continue in their Duty first towards God and then towards the Magistrate whose Sâ—bjects they are That we never exercised any Cruelâ—y against the Catholicks for their Religion And because it doth very much concern us that we may be able to assert the Truth by our Friends and Subjects with the same diligence that Slanderers Lye therefore you shall endeavour to the utmost to perswade the Pope aâ— well at our Entreaty as for the desire of thâ—se mâ—st illustrious Princes whom in our Letters we have solicited on our behalf to make the Bishop of Vazion Cardinal wherein if you be successful as soâ—n as we shall be certified thereof we will proceed further You must be cautious not to proceed any farther in this businessâ— either with the Pope or thâ— most Illustrious Cardinals â—â—less there be a certain hope of our wished event THE SECRET HISTORY OF King CHARLES I. THE Misfortunes of this Monarch Son to King Iames with the uncouth dismal and unexpressable Calamities that happened thereupon was in a great measure caused by the imprudent Commissions and voluntary Omissions of King Iames As it may justly be said He like Adam by bringing the Crown into so great a Necessity through profuse Prodigality became the Original of his Sons Fall who was in a manner compell'd to stretch out his Hands towards such Gatherings and Taxes as were contrary to Law by which He fell from the Paradice of a Prince to wit The Hearts of his People though thâ— best Politicians exâ—ant might Miscarry in their Calculation of a Civil-War immediately to follow upon the Death of Queen Elizabeth in Vindication of the numerous Titles and Opinions then current Yet the Beggarly Rabble attending King Iames not only at his first coming out of Scotland but through his whole Reign like a fluent Spring found still câ—ossing the River Tweed did so far justifie the former conjecture as it was only thought mistaken in relation to time The fiâ—st thing this King did after the performing his Father's Funeral Rights was the consummating the Marriâ—ge withâ— Henrietta Maria a Daughter of Fâ—ance whom he had formerly seen in his Journey through that Countrey into Spain The King then call'd a Parliament who met the 11th of Iune following to whom he represented in a short Speech The urgent necessity of raising a Subsidy to â—aâ—ry on the VVar with Spain But the Parliament presented first their Two Petitions concerning Reasâ—ns of Religion and Complaint of their Suffâ—rings which points had been offered to his Father King Iames In both which they at present received Satiâ—faction Upon which the King obtained two Subsidies to be paid by Protestants and four by Papist Laiety and three from the Clergy On the 11th of Iuly 1629. the Parliament was Adjourned â—ill August the 1st when the King declared to them the necessity of setting forâ—h a Fleet for the Recovery of the Palatinate The Lord Treasurer insâ—anced the several Sums of Money King Iames died Indebted to the City of London this occasioned very warm Debates in the House of Commons who alleadged That Evil Councils guided the King's Designs That the Treasury was misimployed That it would be necessary to Petition the King for Honester and Abler Councilâ— Thaâ— it was not usual to grant Subsidies upon Suâ—sidies in one Parliament and no Grievances Redressed with many other of the like nature And being incensed against the Duke of Buckingham they began to think of divesting him â—f his Office and to require an account of the publick Money c. To prevent whichâ— the King Dissolved the Parliament And now the King 's put upon taking up Money upon Loan of such Persons as were thought of Ability to Lend To whom Letters were Issued out in the King's Name to exâ—ite them to it But this not answering the King Summons a Parliament to Siâ— Feb. 6. and being Meâ— they â—ell immediately â—pon Debate of the publick Grievances much the same as the former Then the House of Commons were very busie in searching the Signet Office for the Original of a Leâ—ter under the Signet written to the Mayor of York for Reprieving divers Priests and Jesuits This was Reported by Pim Chair-Man to the Committee for Religion but the King immediately demanded a supply for the English and Irish Forces This was highly resented by the Commons and several sharp Speeches were made in the House But notwiâ—hâ—â—anding the Commons aâ— last Voted Three Subsidies and Three Fifteenâ— and the Bill shall be brought in as soon as the Grievances which were Represented were Redressed But the King observing they did not make the hasâ—e he expectâ—d sends a sharp Message to them complains against their Grievances and
People freely to Elect their Representatives In the Year 1634. The Design of Ship-Money was first set on Foot and Attorney General Noâ— being consulted about he pretends out of some Musty Records to find an Ancient President of raising a Tax on the Nation by the Authority of the King alone for setting out a Navy in case of danger which was thereupon put in Execution though noâ— without great Discontent both among the Clergy and Laiety Discontents in Scotland likewise began to increase and a Book was Printed and Published charging the King with indirect Proceedings and having a tendency to the Rtmish Belief And now to blow up these Scotch Sparks to a Flame C. Richeliâ— sent over his Chaplain and another Gentleman to heighten their Differences And some time aâ—ter viz. the latter end of the Year 1653. great Differences arose about Church-Matters in England chiefly occasioned by A. B. Laud's strict enjoyning many new Ceremonies not formerly insisted on and now vehemently opposed by those called Puritans to whom adhered many of the Episcopal Party Several Gentlemen of Quality had refused to pay the Ship-Money and among the rest Esquire Hambden of Bucks upon which the King refers the whole Business to the Twelve Judges in Michdelmas Term 1636. Ten of whom gave their Judgments against Hambden but Hutton and Cook refused it The King 1637. Issuing out a Proclamation in Scotland Commanding the Use of the Liturgy Surplice Altar c. There occasioned great Disorders and Tumults among the Common People who sometime after with the Genâ—ry entred into a Solemn League and Covenant to preserve the Religion then profest The Covenant the Scots were resolved to maintain and to that purpose they sent privately for General Lesley and other great Officers from beyond Sea providing themselves likewise with Arms c. After this they Elect Commissioners for the general Assembly whom they cite to move the Arch Bishops and Bishops to appear there as guilty Persons which being refused the People present a Bill of Complaint against them to the Presbitery at Edenburg who accordingly warned them to appear at the next General Assembly At their Meeting the Bishops sent in a Protestation against their Assembly which the Covenanters thought not fit to Read And soon after they abolished Episcopacy and then prepared for a War On which the King prepares an Army against them with which Anno. 1639. He Marches in Person into the North but by the Mediation of some Persons a Treaâ—ise of Peace was begun but soon broken off The King therefore confiders how to make Provisions for Men and Money and calling a Secret Cabinet Council consisting only of Lauâ— Strafford and Hamilton it was concluded That for the Kingâ—s Supply a Parliament must be Called in England and another in Ireland The Scots fore-seeing the Storm prepared for their own Defence making Treaties in Swedeâ— Denmark Holland and Poland And the Jesuits who are never â—dle endeavoured to Foment In the Year 1640. and the Sixteenth of the Kings Reign a Parliament was Called in which the King prâ—sses theâ—â—or a speedy Supply to Suppress what he calls the Violences of the Scots buâ— this Parliament not complying with the Kings desire were by the advice of the Iuncto Dissolved having only sate Twenty Two Days Laud by his violent Proceedings against those called Puritans and by his strict enjoyning of old un-observed Ceremonies which by many were thought Popish procured to himself much Hatred from the generality of People That upon May 9. 1640. a Paper was fixt on the Royal Exchange inciting the Prentices to go and Sack his House at Lambeth the Monday aâ—ter but the Arch-Bishop had notice of their Design and provided accordingly that at the time when they came endeavouring to enter his House they were repulsed The King calls a select Juncto to consult about the Scots where the Earl of Strafford delivered his Mind in such terms as afterwards proved his ruine War against them was resolved on and Money was to be procured one way or other The City was invited to Lend but absolutely reâ—used Some of the Gentry contributed indifferent freely So that with their assistance the Army was compleated the King himself being Generalissimo marches his Army into the North where was some Action in which the Scots had the better A Treaty is then set on foot and at last concluded the chief Conditions for the calling a Parliament in England who accordingly Met Nov. 3. 1640. And the King in his Speech tells them That the Scotish Troubles were the cause of their Meetingâ— and therefore requires them to consider of the most expedient means for câ—sting them out and desired a Supply from them for maintaining of his Army The Commons began with the Voting down all Monopolies and all such Members as had any benefit by them were voted out of the House They then voted down Ship-Money with the Opinion of the Judges thereupon to be Illegal and a charge of High Treason was ordered to be drawn up against Eight of them and they begun with the Keeper Finch Decemb. 11. Alderman Pennington and some Hundreds of Citizens presented a Petition subscribed by 15000 Hands against Church Discipline and Ceremonies and then the Commons Voted That the Clergy in a Convocation have no power to make Canons or Laws without Parliaments and that the Canons are against the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the King's Prerogative and the Property of the Subject the Right of Parliaments and tend to Faâ—tion and Sedition In pursuance hereof a Charge was ordered to be drawn up against Arch-Bishop Laud and others and after voted Guilty of High Treason and sent to the Tower The Scâ—ts likewise preferred a Charge against the Arch-Bishop and the Earl of Strafford requiring Justice against them both as the great Incendiaries and Disturbers both of Church and Stâ—te On Monday March 25. 1640. the Earl of Sâ—rafford's Tryal began in Westminâ—ter Hall the King Queen and Prince being present and the Commons being there likewise as a Committee at the managing their Accusation the chief of whom was Pym. The Earl made a long defence but the Commons were resolved to prosecute him to Death and to proceed against him by Bill of Attainder which they proceeded to dispatch And upon the 25th of Apâ—il they passed the Bill and a few days after the Lords did likewise The Bill being finished and the King willing to save the Earl May 21. makes a Speech to both Houses in the Earl's behalf and so Dismissed them to their great Discontent Which was propagated so far that May 23. weâ—e 1000. Citizens most of them Armed came thronging to Westminster crying out for Justice against the Earl of Strafford On Sunday following the King consulted the Judges and several Bishops Mâ—nday May 10. The King gives Commission to several Lords to Pass Two Billsâ— One the Bill of Attainder against Strafford the Other for continuing the Parliament during the Pleasure of Both Houses The next
and the House of Commons Vote That the Kings Person should be dâ—manded of the Scots and that their whole Army return home upon Receiâ—â— of part of thâ—ir Arrears the rest to be sent after them And a Committee is appointed to Treat with the Scotch Commissioners about drawing up Propositions to be sent to the King wherein much time was spent in wrangling whilst the English deny the Scots to have any Right in the Disposal of the King of England and the Scots as stifly alledged He was their King as much as of the English and they had as good Right to dispose of the King in England as the English could Challenge in Scotland But at last they agreed on Sixteen General Propositions which were presented to the King at New-Castle Iuly 27. 1646. But these Propositions were such that the King did not think fit to comply withal The Scots general Assembly sent a Remonstrance to the King desiring him to settle Matters in England according to the Covenants c. But all this did not do and therefore the Scots who had hiâ—herto so sharply disputed about the Disposal of the Kings Person are content upon the Receipt of Two Hundred Thousand Pounds to depart home and leave the King in the Power of the Parliament who Voted him to Holmby-House and sent their Commissioners to receive him from the Scots at New-Castle to whom Feb. 8. 1646. He was accordingly delivered and the Scots returned home Some Petitions from Essex and other Places are presented to the Parliament inveighing against the Proceedings of the Army which much vexed the Soldiers who sharply Apologize for themselves And now the Army to the great Terror of the Parliament march towards London and came as far as St. Alban's notwiâ—hstanding a Message from Both Houses not to come within Twenty Five Miles of the City which the General excused saying That he Army was come thither before they received the Parliaments Desire And here he obtains a Months Pay The Parliament then drew up Propositions of Peace to be sent to the King at Hampton-Court the same in substance with those offered at New Castle and had the like effect The Business of Episcopacy being always the main Objection which the Parliament were resolved to Abolish And the King preferring that before all other Respects would rather loose All than consent thereunto The Scots Commissioners send a Letter Novemb. 6. 1647. to the Speaker of the House of Commons aâ—d require That the King may be admitted to a Personal Treaty or at least That he should not be carried from Hampton-Court violently but that Commissioners of both Parliaments may â—reely pass to and from Him to Treat for the Settlement of the Kingdom After which divers Mesâ—ages past between the King and the Parliament and several Conferrences were set on Foot particularly that of Henderson's but they proving â—ruitless the Parliament with most of the Officers of the Army that joyned with them brought the King to a Tryal by a Judicature of their own setting up which proved his Ruine THE SECRET HISTORY OF King CHARLES II. WHEN Charles the Second was restored to the Thrones of England Scotland and Iroland never any Monarch in the World came to the Possession of so large a Dominion with more Advantages to have done good sor Himself to his Subjects at Home and to his Allies Abroad The People all experienced in Maâ—tial Discipline as having but newly sheathed the Sword of Civil War and Foreign Conquest so that their Valour was dreaded abroad where-ever he should have menaced an Enlargement of his Territories Besides all this he had the Love of his Subjects Equal if not Superior to any Prince that ever Reigned before him And he had the Affection of his Parliament to the highest degree But after all this he was no sooner settled in his Throne but through the Influence of Evil Counsellors upon a Disposition naturally Vitious and easily corrupted with Esseminate Pleasures he abandoned himself to all manner of Softness and Voluptuous Enjoyments and harbouring in his â—osome the worst of Vices base ingratitude betraâ—ed Himself that he might betray his People for where the Constitution of a Nation is such That the Laws of the Land are the Measures both of the Soveraign's Commands and the Obedience of the Subjects whereby it is provided That as the one is not to invade what by Concessions and Stipulâ—tions is granted to the Ruler so the other is not to deprive them of their lawful and determined Rights and Liberties There the Prince who strives to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Society is the Traytor and the Rebel and not the People who endeavour to Preserve and Defend their own Nor must we ascribe the Miscarriages of his Reign altogether to the Remissness of his Nature but to a Principle of Revenge which his Mother had infused into him not so much for the loss of her Hâ—sband but out of her inbred Malice to the Protestant Religion which no where flourished in that Splendor as in England fostered and cherished by the vow'd Enemy of this Nation his Brother the Duke of York who had been openly heard to declare in his Bed-Chamber at St. Iames's That he was resolved to be revenged upon the English Nation for the Death of his Father and what an Ascendant this Brother had over over him the whole Kingdom has felt by sad and woful Experience For indeed the King had all along an Affection for him so entire and baneful to the Nation that he could only be said to Reign while his Brother Ruled With all these Royal Vertues and imbred and fomented Animosisies to render him at his Return a Gracious Soveraign to this Kingdom let us trace him from his Cradle to find out those Princely Endowments which invisibly encreasing with him as he grew in Years dazzled in such a manner the Eyes of doâ—ing Politicians of that Age to recal him against that known and vulgar Maxim of Common Prudence Regnabit sanguine multo Ad Regâ—um quisquis unit â—b eilioâ— When he was but very young he had a very strange and unaccountable Fondness to a Wooden Biâ—let without which in his Arms he would never go abroad nor lie down in his Bed From which the more observing sort of People gathered that when he came to years of Maturity either Oppresâ—ors and Blockheads would be his greatest Favourites or else that when he came to Reign he would either be like Iupiter's Log for every Body to deride and contemn or that he would rather chuse to command his People with a Club than Rule them with a Scepter And indeed They that made the first and last conjectures found in due time they were not altogether in the wrong For the Throne was no sooner empty by the Death of his Father before he could be permitted to sâ—at himself in it but he gave the World a plain Discovery what sort of People they were who when he came to Reign were most
his intriguing Reign there can be nothing sharp enough to penetrate the stupid and besoâ—ted Bigortry of those that stand in his Justification But notwithstanding the willful blindness of such People it is to be hoped that other Men less byassed and having the same just pretences to common Understanding have a greater value for their Reason than to forfeit it to prejudice and an Interest now exploded by all the sober part of the World And having once disintangled their Judgments from the Incumbrances of Iure Divino Nonsense they will then find That the whole course of his Reign was no more than what this Memorial discovers and that the frequent Breaches of his Word and Promises both to his Parliaments and People were but the Effects of the Religion he Professed and owned in his Ambassadors Memorial one of the chief Principles of which it is Not to keep Faith with Hereticks and by which he was obliged to be more faithful to the King of Poland than the King of Heaven Hence it was that notwithstanding his Declaration at Breda design'd and penn'd to obtrude a seeming appearance of Truth and specious Face of Integrity upon the Nation after he came to be restored and settled we found our selves deceiv'd in all that we expected from the Faith and Credit of his Royal Word To which we may subjoin that other Famous Declaration upon shutting up the Exchequer Wherein tho his Sacred Word and Royal Faith were in plain and emphatical Terms laid to pledge for Repayment yet the Events in the Ruine and Impoverishing of so many Families did no way consist with his Gracious and Solemn Promises As for the Covenant whatever the Oath were it matters not here to dispute but they who were Witnesses of his taking it observed that if ever he seemed sincere in what he did it was in binding his Soul by that Soâ—emn Oath and yet he not only openly and avowedly broke it but câ—used it to be burnt in all the Three Nations by the hands of the Common-Hang-man Where can we find a more matchless piece of Dissimulation than in his Signing that Declaration in Scotland which he published under the Title of A Declaration of the King's Majesty to his Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland England and Ireland Charles the II. having long trifled with the Papists his beloved Friends and indeed had so carried himself that neither Papist nor Protestant could tell what to make of him yet the Papists resolved they would be no longer dallied with by him And therefore so soon as he had made all Things ready for his Brother's Exaltation after he had prevented his Exclusion from the Thrâ—ne and put all the Power of his Dominions into his hands to give way for him that truly Reigned while he but only wore the Name of King he was struck with an Appoplexy as it was given out for let the true â—ause be what it will a Prince always dies of some Disease or other in the Physicians Catalogue but such were the Circumstances of his Death that Men began to discover their Suspitions freely to the World before he was cold However it were certain it is that he was Absolved from all his Sins by his great Friend John Huddleston and that the Priests gave him Extream Vnction At what time one of his Relations forcing his way into the Room and seeing them at it could not forbear saying That now they had Oyl`d and Greas'd his Boots they had made him fit for his Journey And this is yet more remarkable That all the while he lay upon his Death-Bed he never spoke to his Brother to put him in mind of preserving the Laws and Religion of his People but only recommended to him the Charitable Care of his Two Câ—ncubines Portsmouth and poor Nelly Nor was it a small Aggravation of the general Suspition to find him hurried to his Grave with such â—n Vngrateful Secrecy in the dead of the Night as if they had feared the Arresting of his Corps for Debt not so much as the mean pomp of the Blue-Coat Bâ—yst Sâ—ng him to Heaven Insomuch that he was hurried by his Brother whom he had so highly obliged with far less decency then was perrmitted for the Funeral of his Father by his Capital Enemies that had beheaded him But that perhaps might be so ordered by Providence to signiâ—ie that he was not worth the publick Lamentation of the People whose Religion and Liberties he had been always designing to subvert THE SECRET HISTORY OF King IAMES II. TO him succeeded Iames the II. not more pernitiously desining but more eagerly bent in the Chase of National Ruine and Destruction He came into England full freighted with his Mothers Religion and her Malice to the People of the Nation but wore at first the same Vizard Mask of Protestantism which his Brother did But tho he were fitter for the Business they both designed yet he understood not how to manage it so well so that had he been the Elder Brother we may undoubtedly presume to say he would have been much sooner thrown out of the Saddle greatly to the saving both the Honour and Treasure of the Nation and the Life of many a worthy Gentleman and true Lover of his Country 'T is well known and a thing confirmed by Two Letters yet to be seen wherein one of the Kings own Chaplains then upon the spot when it was done imparâ—s and laments it to a Bishop That the Duke of York while he was yet but very young made a solemn Renunciation of the Protestant Religiâ—n and was reconciled to the Church of Rome while he sojourned with his Mother in France in hopes by the assistance of the Papists to have defeated his Eldeâ— Brother of his Right of Inheritance tho he had all the Indulgence imaginable to conceal his Convulsion where it might be for his private Advantage and the general good of the Cause And so eaâ—ly was this Ambition of his to supplant his Elder Brother that when â—he Scots were treating with the exil'd King to restore him to the Throne of Scotland That he was at that very time practising with such as remained faithful to the King's Title here that they would renounce his Elder Brother and chuse him for their Sovereign And for that Reasoâ— it was that the Duke forsook him at Bruxels and withdrew into Holland so that the King was necessitated not only to command him upon his Allegiance to return but was constrained to send the Duke of Ormond and some other Pesons of Quality as well to threaten as persuade him before he would go back And as he was an early Traytor to his Brother ' so he did no less treacherously attempt the disowning of his first Wife For finding her extraordinary Chastity to be such that he could not be admitted to her Bed but upon the lawful score of Matrimony he was at last Married to her but so very privately that only the King and some very few
Friends were privy to it After which perceiving that his Brother's Restauration was fully determined in England under pretence that it would be more for his own and the Honour and Interest of his Brother to Marry with some great Princess that would both enrich and strengthen them by the largeness of her Dowry and the graatness of her Relations he would have taken an Occasion from the privacy of the Nuptials to deny her being his Wife` and disavow all Contracts and Ceremonies of Marriage between them But the King detesting so much buseness as being himself a witness of the Marriage would not suffer the Lady to be so heinously abused but constrained him after great reluctancy to declare it publickly to all the World A happy Providence for England which by that ' Conjunction blest us with two Pâ—otestant Princâ—sses matchless in Virtue and Prety and all those other Graces that adorn their Sex to the eldest of which we are beholden â—or our Deliverance from an Inundation of Slavery and Popery under the Auspicious Conduâ—â— oâ— a Sovereign truly meriting the Noble and Ancient Titles of King of Men and Shepherd of the People and the yet more dignified Addition of Defender of the Faith And from the youngest of which we have already the earnest of a hopeful Issue to guard us from the like Invasions Such is the Provision of Providence that many times it happens the most venemous Creatures carry about them the particular Antidote against thier own Poysons Certain it is that the Duke of York would never have pulled off his Protestant Vizard nor have declared himself of the Roman Communion so soon had he not been thereto necessitated by a Stratagem of the King his Brother for the Papists having a long time waited for the Accomplishment of the King's Oathes and Promises for restoring their Religion and having annually contributed large Sums of Money towards the effecting of it at length grew impatiently sullen and would advance no more unless the King or the Duke would openly declare themselves for Popery Which the King thinking no way seasonable for him to do and not being able by all his Arguments and Importunities to prevail with his Brother to do it he at length bethought himself of this Project which was To get the Queen to write a Letter intimating her Intention to withdraw into a Monastery which Letter was to be left upon her Closet-Table that her Priests as it was concerted before-hand might there seize it and seeing the Contents of it carry it forthwith to the Duke Upon which the Duke being Jealous left the King upon the Queens relinquishing her Husband might be induced to marry again and thereby deprive him of the hopes of succeeding than which there was nothing which he thirsted after more upon obtaining a previous Assurance that in case he declared himself a Papist she would not withdraw immediately pulled oâ—f his Mask and renounced Communion with the Church of England Being thus quit of his fears from the King his next work was to did himself of all his Jealousies of the Duke of Monmouth To which purpose he lay day and night at the King to require him to turn Roman Catholick Which the King out of his Tenderness to the Romish Cause as well as to gratifie his Brother undertook to do and accordingly sent him into France with an express Command to reconcile himself to the Church oâ— Rome However the Duke of Monmouth out of an aversion to â—he Fopperies of that Religion failed in his Performance which so incenseâ— the Duke of York that from that time â—orward he studied all the ways imaginable to bring him to Destruction In the mean time having by his publickly declâ—ring himself a Papist engaged all those of the same Religion to his Person and Interest he resolved to drive on Iehu like and to promote the Catholick Cause with all the vigour and swiftness he was able and to make the utmost use of his Brothers good Intentions And such was his Bigottry to the Romish Church That according to the Principles of that Religion he stuck at nothing per fas nefaâ— to bring about his Popish Designs I shall not here dilaâ—e upon his secret Negotiâ—tions at Rome his Correspondencies with Foreign Priests and Jesuites or his private Intrigues with the French King which have been all sufficiently exposed already in Print as for thaâ— whatever has been already said of the King is also to be said of him in general while he was Duke in regard they both drew in the same Yoak for the Ruine of the Nation For this is as certain as the rest that he had a most eager desire to Rule and Rule dispotically which was the Reason he was frequently heard to say He had rather Reign one Month as the King of France than Twenty Years as his Brother the King of England did And besides it was as plain That he had a mortal Autipathy against the Protestant Religion and more particularly against the Professors of it in England but more especially the Dissenters upon the score of revenging his Fathers Death An imbittered hatred which he derived from his Mother who mortally malliced England upon the same Account and which he acknowledged in his Bed-Chamber at St. Iames's where he openly declared That he was resolved to be revenged upon the English Nation â—or his Fathers Death Which if those unthinking People who are so eager to have him agaiâ— would but consider they would not be so forward for his Return For it is in vain for the Church of England â— Men of what degree soever to think that their refusing to swear Allegiance to King VVilliam and Queen Mary would excuse them from that Universal Revenge which he would take upon the Nation were it ever again in his Power Only here was the Difference between the Two Brothers That the King thought to ruine his Enemy by main force and the fair hand of Victory but the Duke hoping to kill two Birds with one Stone made it his business at the same time to ruine the Enemy by force and his own Country by treachery Thus when he had engaged his Brother in the first Holy Dutch War of the Extirpaâ—ion of Hereticks he permits the English at â—irst to exercise all the Bravery of their Skill and Couâ—age to a great probability of Success but then falls asleep in the height of his Conduct to the end the Dutch for want of Orders might have â—n opportunity to wrest the Victory out of the hands of the English on purpose to keep the balâ—â—nce of Destruction on both sides even Thus he â—â—rmitted himself to be surpriz'd at Soul-Bay knowing there were enoâ—gh to maul the Enemy but not enough to preserve those that sought on our ride So that the Dutch may be said to be well â—hrashed and the Eâ—glish to be well sacrificed And as a farther Demonstration oâ— his perâ—idious Soul when he found the Contest would be too tedious between
A Truth so conspicuous as stands in defiance of the Ridiculing Pen of R. L` Estrange to sham it over with the Buffoonry of his bantering Acquirements iâ— cannot be imagined but that so black a Deed of Darkness was carried on by the Contrivâ—rs with all the Secresie that could â—e studied by Humane Wit But never yet was Humane Wit so circumspective but that the most conceal'd of Villanies have been detected by sâ—range and little Accidents which all the Foresight of Humane Sagacity could never prevent More especially after such a curious Inqâ—isition and so much Labour and Industry pursuing the Cry of this innocent Noble-man's Blood Both the Circumstances and Depositions besides the Declarations of others ready to depose are made publick at large to the World and therefore to omit the long-since sifted â—nd winnoed Contradictions of the Witnesses that were made use of to prove the Earl a Felo de se there are three things since discovered that carry a strong Conviction with them of another sort of Murder in the new Deposition of Dorothy Smith detecting the Motives the Author and Contriver the Resolution taken to murder a Noble Protestant Earl the manner concluded and the joy of those Infatuated Bigots when the Deed was penetrated and all this over-heard by the Maid at the Meeting of one Lovet and several other Persons privy to the Plot in the House of one Holmes whom she then served a Trusty Papist seated in a by-corner of the Town and where they thoughi themselves for that Reason in the greatest safety in the World This Meeting was Nine Days before the Earl's Deâ—th where after they had vomitted out their Malice against the Earl in the opprobrious Terms of Villany and Dog and laden him with Curses it was said That he knew so much of their Designs and was so very averse to their Interest that unless he were taken off they should never carry them on Inducements which as they had carried off Sir Edmundbury Godfrey before might be as easily admitted for the Destruction of a more considerable Obstacle more especially harboured in the Breasts of Men that make it pâ—culiar propagate their Religion by Blood and Massacre Therefore to remove this great Obstruction out of the way their grâ—at Oracle the Duke of York was consulted who after some Meditations was for Poysoning the Earl But his Highness being told that manner of Death would not look well There was another who proposed to his Highness that he might be stabbed but that not being approved of neither at length his Highness concluded and ordered his Throat should be cut and promised to be there when it was done To all which there needs no other Comment but that the Earl's Throat was cut soon after and that the Duke was in the Tower separated from the Kingâ— and close by the Earl's Lodging when the Murder was committed After this the Maid goes on and deposes That three days after the same Persons met in the same House and declared That the Cutting the Earl's Throat was concluded on but that it was to be given out that he had done it â—imself and that if any should deny it they would take them up and punish them for it All which being spoken as a thing contriv'd before the Fact was done and verified in every particular after it was committed are Circumstances that would hardly be wrestled with before Impaâ—tial Judges at an Old-Baily Sessions where it would be also considered that the terrible Prosecution of Braddon for making Enquiry into the Murder came all â—rom White-Hall under the Management of Court-Injustice and Corruption But lastly the Maid swears That the same day the Earl died the same Pesons met again at hâ—r Masters House and fell a Caparing about the Room for Ioy at which time one of them striking her Master upon the Back cry'd The Feat was done upon which Holmes demanding whether the Earl's Throat was cut the other answered Yes and added withal That he could not but laugh to think how like a Fool the Earl look'd when they came to cut his Throat Whereupon Holmes asking whether his Highness was there the other replied Yes With which agreed the Informations of several Soldiers that about a quarter of an Hour before the Earl's Death was discovered observed the Duke to separate from the King at what time he beckned to two Persons who coming to him he seâ—t them to the Earl's Lodging from whence they returned smiling in less than a quarter of an hour and told him the business was done as one of them more particularly declared for which particular knowledge of his he was afterward sent out of the World Nor was the Informaâ—ion of the Woman less to be heeded who inâ—orms That as she was walking a little before the Earls Death before the Chamber Window she heard a very great trampling and bustling in the Earl`s Chamber saw three or four Heads move close together and heard a loud and doleful cry of Murder And whereas Floyd the Sentinâ—l denied at Braddon`s Tryal the letting of any Men into the Earlâ—s Lodgings before his Death yet afâ—erwards with great remorse of Conscience he confessed that he did let in Two or Three Men by the Special Order of Hawlâ—y the Warder It will be an un-accountable thing to Posterity that the E. of S. should so readily part with his Money to Holland suspected to be one of the Bloody Rusâ—ians whenâ— ever he went or sent for it though a profâ—â—igate at the same time convicted in Newgate for Robbery upon the High-way It will also seem as strange that Webster an Under Bayliff of St. Katherines and an indigent Ale Draper should of a sudden be Master of Five Hundred Pounds at such an unlucky nick of Time as immediately after the Earl`s Murder But I forbear to enlarge any further upon a Theme already â—o labouriously discussed and Publick to the World Only this is to be added That it might seem strange that after the Murder was done such Care should be taken and such strict Command given for the conveying the News to the Old-Baily till we hear to what end it was done by the King`s Counsel snapping so quickly at it as if they had had their Lesson before and improving it with all their Eloquence to the Destruction of the Lord Russell Nor is it unlikely that Iefferies might be either privy to the Design in some measure at that time or else be more fully acquainâ—ed with it in order to Bâ—addon`s Tryal More especially if it be true which is confidently reported That his Lordship being at some publick Place where he took an occasion to speak largely in praise of the deceased King when he had done However said he whispering a Gentlemâ—n in the Ear Had he liv`d Six Months longer we had been all Hang`d notwithstanding my Encomiums The Discovery of which Alteration of the King by a severe Expression which droâ—t from his Lips upon reading a Letter from a Lord