with all the Noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any suddaine or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was very curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and marshall the field should touch any part of the listes upon paine of death This proclamation being ended another Herald cried Behold here Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes Royall to doe his devoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant upon paine to bee accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was hovering on horseback at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson velvet embroadered richly with lions of silver and mulbery trees and when hee had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was just and true hee entred the field boldly crying aloud God aid him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and sat downe in a Chaire of crimson velvet curtained about with red and white Damaske and placed at the other end of the Lists The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare hee carried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the traverses and chaires of the combattants should bee removed commanding them in the Kings name to mount on horseback and addresse themselves to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beavieres and cast their speares into the rests Then the trumpets sounded and the Duke of Hereford set forth towards his enemy about six or seaven paces but before the Duke of Norfolke beganne to put forward the King cast downe his Warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to bee taken from them and commanded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained above two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his Councell what was fittest to bee done At last the Herralds cried silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a Secretary of State with a loud voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his Councell out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the Lists Royall and declared themselves valiant and hardy Champions being not only ready but forward and desirous to dare in the battell but because this was a matter of great consequence and import the King with the advice of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Henry Duke of Hereford because hee had displeased the King and for divers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the Tearme of tenne yeares without the Kings especiall licence upon paine of death When this judgement was heard a confused noise was raised among the people some lamenting either the desert or the injury of the Duke of Hereford whom they exceedingly favoured others laughing at the conceit of the King first in causing and afterwards in frustrating so great an expectation wherein hee seemed to doe not much unlike Caligula who lying in France with a great army neere the Sea shoare gave the signe of battell set his men in array marched forth as if it had beene to some great piece of service and suddenly commanded them all to gather cockles Then the Herralds cried againe ô Yes and the Secretary did read on how the King had likewise ordained that Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke because hee had sowen sedition by words whereof hee could make no proofe should avoid the Realme of England and never returne againe upon paine of death and that the King would take the profits and revenues of his lands untill hee had received such summes of money as the Duke had taken up for wages of the garrison of Calis which was still unpaid and that the King prohibited upon paine of his grievous displeasure that any man should make suit or intreaty to him on the behalfe of either of these two Dukes Those sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oath That they should not converse together in forraine Regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their Common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to revenge But this policy was over weake for this purpose for oaths are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or revenge and if their united forces was so much to bee regarded their seperate powers was not altogether to bee contemned Therefore the latter Princes of this Realme have with more safety wholly abolished the use of abjuration and exile and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great Offenders from entring into desperate and dangerous attempts which men in misery and disgrace have more vehemency to beginne and more obstinacy to continue When the Samnites had once so enclosed the Romane Legions within certain streights that they left them neither space to fight nor way to fly but without force enforced them to yeeld they sent to Herennius Pontius an aged Ruler of their state for his advise what were best for them to doe his answer was that the Romans should be permitted to depâ—rt without any hurt losse or scorne This pleased not such as were either covetous for spoyle or cruell for blood and therefore they sent unto him the second time who then returned answer that the Romans should be put to the sword and not one man suffered to escape The contrariety of these two counsels brought the old man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the Campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which he thought best would by unexpected favour provoke the Romans to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recover strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followed Yes said the Samnites to grant them their lives yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victory doe lay upon them This is the way answered Herennius which neither winneth friends nor weakneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against us and nothing diminish the force And even so in matters of more particularity that course of punishment is out of course which doth neither reclaime the mind of men nor restraine the might from mischievous endeavours But again to our purpose The Duke of Norfolke having
either safe quiet or dangerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolve upon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things Frist whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henry bee with good judgement or justice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a King being lawfully and fully instituted by any just title may upon impution either of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subjects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which hee should deserve so heavy judgement I will not speake what may be done in a popular state or in a Consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet hee hath not supreme power of Majestie but in the one the people have the highest Empire in the other the Nobility and chiefe men of estate in neither the Prince Of the first sort was the common-wealth of the Lacedaemoans who after the form of government which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petty Kings of every Citie in France who were many times arraigned upon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power over the people then the people had over them Of the second condition were the Roman Emperours at the first of whom some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were suddenly surprized by judgement and authority of the Senate and such are now the Emperors of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not only restraine but sometimes also remove from their Imperiall state such are also the Kings of Denmarke and Sweveland who are many times by the Nobility dejected either into prison or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flaunders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power never pertained to his dignity In these and such like governments the Prince hath not regall rights but is himselfe subject to that power which is greater then his whether it bee in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soveraigne Majesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdome of Iudea and Israel and is now in the kingdomes of England France Spaine Scotland Muscovia Turky Tartaria Persia Ethiopia and almost all the kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he be unprofitable to the subjects yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neither harme his person nor hazard his power whether by judgement or else by force for neither one nor all Magistrates have any authority over the Prince from whom all authority is derived and whose only presence doth silence and suspend all inferiour jurisdiction and power As for force what subject can attempt or assist or counsaile or conceale violence against his Prince and not incurre the high and hainous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeed from punishment of secular lawes except by word or deed it breake forth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred Majesty of a Prince without attempt without endeavour have beene adjudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession have discovered their treacherous devises against the person of their Prince have afterwards been executed for the same All Lawes doe exempt a mad man from punishment because their actions are not governed by their will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neither can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious mind yet if a mad man draw his sword upon his King it hath beene adjudged to deserve death And lest any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of their owne safety and soveraignety are the onely Authors of these judgements let us a little consider the Patternes and Preceprs of Holy Scripture Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria wasted all Palestine with fire and sword oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slâ—e the King burnt the Temple tooke away the Holy Vessels and Treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his unmercifull souldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citie after the glut of this bloody butchery the people which remayned he led captive into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commanded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fiery Furnace What cruelty what injustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant and promiseth hyre and wages for his service and the Prophets Ieremiah and Baruch did write unto the Iewes to pray for the life of him and of Baltazar his sonne that their dayes might bee upon earth as the dayes of Heaven and Ezechiel with bitter termes abhorteth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he revolted from Nebuchadnezzar whose homager and tributary he was What shall we say of Saul did hee not put all the Priests to execution because one of them did relieve holy and harmelesse David did hee not violently persecute that his most faithfull servant and dutifull sonne in law during which pursuit he fell twice into the power of David who did not only spare but also protect the King and reproved the Pretorian souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lap of his garment and afterwards caused the Messenger to bee slaine who upon request and for pitty had lent his hand as hee said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slew Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israel and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle and revelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other particular and priviledged Commandement but in the generall Precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also and our very thoughts are strictly charged with duty and obedience unto Princes whether they bee good or evill the law of God ordaineth That hee which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet David forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord raile upon the Iudges neither speake evill against the Ruler of the people And the Apostles doe demand further that even our thoughts and soules be obedient to higher powers And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away
a spectacle both lamentable and ugly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peices heads and quarters of unfortunate dismembred wretches putrifying above ground not all for desert but many to satisfie either the malice or want of King Henries friends insomuch as many grave men openly gave forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard againe as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to live where nothing then where any thing might bee permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head the confederacy began hearing of these adventures as hee was going betwene his Monastery and his Mansion fell sodainely into a palsie and shortly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprise fortune gave policie the check and by a strange accident which wisdome could not foresee overturned the devise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling along was like to have turned King Henry out of his seate The Bishop of Caerliel was condemned upon this treason but the extremity of his feare and griefe closed up his dayes and prevented the violence and shame of publike execution And now King Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enjoy that sweet security which hee did vainely expect and first all his goods which he did give in satisfaction of the injuries that he had done were brought to division share amongst his enemies shortly after he was removed froÌ„ the tower to the castle of leeds in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the end that by often changing he might either more secretly be dispatched or more uncertainely found here being kept in streight prison both innocent and ignorant of this offence hee was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiving that the Lords so farre prevailed with their late stratagem that if their stomack had beene answerable to their strength and their bold beginning had not ended in faintnesse and sloath they might have driven him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to bee put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloak open rebellion under the colour of following sides nor countenance his conspiracy either with the persoÌ„ or name of K. Richard whether he did expresly command his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gave allowance thereto when it was done The most current report at that time went that he was princely served every day at the Table with abundance of costly meats according to the order prescribed by Parliament but was not suffered to taste or touch any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and unnaturall cruelty both against a King and a kins-man should not proceed from King Henry mee thinke a man of a moderate and mild disposition nor yet from any other mind which is not altogether both savage in humanity and in religion prophane One writer who would seeme to have the perfect intellgence of these affayres maketh report that King Henry sitting at his Table sad and pensive with a deepe sigh brake forth into these words Have I no faithfull friend that will deliver mee of him whose life will breed destruction to mee and disturbance to the Realme and whose death will bee a safety and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my danger doth continue and what security what hope shall we have of peace unlesse the seed of sedition bee utterly rooted out Vpon this speech a certain Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently parted from the Court accompanied with eight tall men and came to Pomfret and there commanded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assay before King Richard should no more use that manner of service and let him quoth hee now eat well for he shall not eat long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was served without courtesie or assay wherat hee marvelled and demanded of the Esquire why he did not his duty the Esquire answered that hee was otherwise commanded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was lately come from King Henry The King being somewhat moved at his act and answer tooke the carving knife in his hand struck the Esquire therwith lightly on the head saying the devil take Henry of Lancaster thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the Chamber with eight men in harneys every one having a bill in his hand Whereupon King Richard perceiving their drift and his owne danger put the table from him and stâ—pping stoutly to the formost man wrested the bill â—ut of his hand wherewith although unarmed and alone hee manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew foure of his asâ—aylants Sir Pierce lept to the Chaire where King Richard was wont to sit whilest the rest chased him about the Chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was hee with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and forthwith hee was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is sâ—id that at the point of his death he gathered sâ—me spirit and with a faint and feeble voice groaned forth these words My great Grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my Grandfather King Edward the third obtained possession of the Crowne and now is the punishment of that injury powred upon his next successor Well this is right for me to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may joy at my death and enjoy his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like justice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our minds will not suffer this violence unrevenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the judgement of his fore sightâ— they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great favour and rewards for his ungracious service was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which hee hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices even where they are profitable Hereupon he grew at the first discontented and afterwards mightily turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclayme that to pleasure one unthankefull person hee had made both him selfe and his posterity hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henry with great discontentment and disquiet held the Kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henry the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the French-men the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put
to death either by the commandement or connivence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many and manifest suspicions of poyson and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vncle the Duke of Glouâ—ester who being a Tyrant and Vsurper was lawfully shine in the field and so in his person having no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent Dâ—alers that God in his secret judgement doth not alwayes so certainely provide for our safety as revenge our injuries and harmes and that all our unjust actions have a day of payment and many times by way of retaliation even in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was king Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all Writers agree although al agree not upon the manner of the violence He was a man of personage rather wel proportioned then tall of great beauty and grace and comelinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abject spirit but the one by ease the other by flattery were much abased Hee deserved many friends but found few because hee sought them more by liberality then vertuous dealing Hee was marvellous infortunate in all his actions which may very well be imputed to his negligence and sloath for he that is not provident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will lose whatsoever fortune or other mens labours doe cast upon him At the last hee was driven to such distresse that hee accounted it as a benefit to be disburdened of his royall dignity for which other men will not sticke to put their goods and lives and soules in hazard Hee lived three and thirty yeares and raigned two and twenty His dead body was embalmed and seared and covered with Lead all save his face and carried to London and in all the chiefe places by the way his face was uncovered and shewen that by view thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul the King being present and all the chiefe men of the Citie Then hee was conveyed to Langley Abbey in Buckinghamshire about twenty miles from London and there obscurely enterred by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noblemen without confluence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the Funerals but afterwarward at the commandement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken up and removed to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his ancestors with Queene Anna his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and unfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and unquiet could not readily find rest for his bones even after death It was not amisse in regard of the Common-wealth that hee was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among their good deeds And thus doe these and the like accidents daily happen to such Princes as will bee absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeare Humfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as hee returned out of Ireland where King Richard had left him prisoner and shortly after the Dutchesse his Mother with violence of griefe ended her dayes this yeare also dyed Thomas Mowbray the Exiled Duke of Norfolke whose death would much have beene lamented if hee had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he over-lived his honour and saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this time Iohn Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife hee left behind him three sonnes Iohn Richard and Arthur this Ioan was afterwards married to King Henry as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeare Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not slayned his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his carriage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing hee did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten either his fame or his fall but by moderation attained safely that degree of prayse and honour which others aspiring unto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behind him two noble sons expresse resemblancers of his integrity Edward who succeeded in his dignity and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantly kept his fidelity nor stoutly maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the third by which title and discent his posterity claimed the Crowne and Kingdome of this Realme from the successors of King Henry as hereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of France lost no time all this while in making preparation to invade England and to that end had now raysed an Army royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to have beene transported But it is very like that this haste for the deliverance of King Richard did the more hasten his death upon newes whereof the French-men perceiving their purpose for his restitution to bee to no purpose gave over the enterprise some being grieved that the occasion was lost of making spoyle of so plentifull a countrey others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whereupon it depended Shortly after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabel his daughter who had beene espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henry most honourably received these Embassadors and gave in answer that he would speedily send his Commissioners to Calice which should fully commune and conclude with them both of this and other weighty affayres concerning both the Realmes Not long after hee sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henry Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meet sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the French-men especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had given in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that shee might bee married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest sonne a
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glory then refuse either for perill or for paines and in service hee often proved himselfe not onely a skilfull Commander by giving directions but also a good Souldier in using his weapon adventuring further in person sometimes then policy would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receipts hee was very courteous and familiar respectively towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regard especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by unprofitable curtesies then by churlish benefits In all the changes of his estate hee was almost one and the same man in adversity never daunted in prosperity never secure retaining still his Majesty in the one and his mildnesse in the other neither did the continuance of his raigne bring him to a proud poâ—t and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares hee remained so gentle and faire in carriage that thereby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard Hee could not lightly bee drawne into any cause and was stiffe and constant in a good Yet more easie to bee either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to bee terrified by threats To some men hee seemed too greedy of glory making small difference of the meanes whereby hee attained it and indeed this honour in noble minds is most hardly over-ruled and oftentimes it draweth even the wisest awry But before I proceed any further in describing either the qualities or acts of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his Cosin Germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either causes or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the third crowned King over this Realme of England in the eleventh yeare of his age at which yeares the mind of man is like to the potters earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way soever it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the governance of the King at the first was committed to certaine Bishops Earles Barons and Iustices But either upon nicenes to discontent the King or negligence to discharge their duty every one was more ready with pleasant conceits to delight him then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speeches need small endeavour and alwayes findeth favour whereas to advise that which is meet is a point of some paines and many times a thanklesse office Hereupon two dangerous evils did ensue flattery brake in and private respects did passe under publike pretences In the third yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should bee committed to one man to avoid thereby the unnecessary wast of the Treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend unto many So by the whole consent of the Nobility and Commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwick and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Exchequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did immoderately bend himselfe to the favouring and advancing of certaine persons which were both reproveable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconveniences for many young Noble-men and brave Courtiers having a nimble eye to the secret favours and dislikes of the King gave over themselves to a dissolute and dishonest life which findeth some followers when it findeth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thrive the King also by favouring these was himselfe little favoured and loved of many for it is oftentimes as dangerous to a Prince to have evill and odious adherents as to bee evill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veere Earle of Oxford Michael Delapoole afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminency either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwayes next unto him both in company and counsell by these hee ordered his private actions by these hee managed his affaires of state hee spared neither the dignity nor death of any man whose authority and life withstood their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee removed Sir Richard Scroope from being Lord Chancellour of England to which office hee was by authority of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the grant of certaine Lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his deniall the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties upon whom the King might cast away and consume but spend in good order hee could not advertising him also to have respect that riote did not deceive him under the terme and shew of liberality and that gifts well ordered procure not so much love as placed without discretion they stirre envy This Chancelour was a man of notable integrity and diligence in his office not scornefully turning away from the ragged coate of a poore suppliant or pale face of a sickly and feeble limmed â—uâ—er holding up their simple soiled bils of complaint nor yet smothering his conscience with partiall maintaining of such as were mighty but being alike to all hee was soone disliked of those that were bad In the eight yeare of this Kings raigne the destruction of the Duke of Lancaster was intended likewise upon the like dislike the plot was laied by Iustice Trisilian offences were devised Appellours appointed and Peeres named hee should have beene put under arrest suddenly and forthwith arraigned condemned and executed But the Duke upon privy intelligences of these contrivances fled to his Castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the King So this matter beganne to grow to a head of division which the Common people at that time very busily desired and fought but the Kings Mother travelling incessantly betweene the King and the Duke notwithstanding shee was both corpulent and in yeares laboured them both to a reconcilement the King with regard of the dangerous and discontented times the Duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and advise partly by their inclination bending to the safest course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and distrust on the other was for that time layed aside The same yeare Michael Delapoole was made Chancellour of England and created Earle of Suffolke and Robert Veere Earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dublin being the first
man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veerâ— the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of â—ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
Item When a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commandement declared and common Articles limited by the King upon which the Lords and Commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords and Commons will proceed upon other Articles and not upon the Articles limited by the King untill the King hath first given answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrary were enjoyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to have the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lords and Commons should first proceed upon the Articles limited by the King or that they should first have answer of the King upon the Articles propounded by them before they proceed any further 7 Item Whether may the King when hee please dissolve the Parliament and command the Lords and Commons to depart or no 8 Item Since the King may at his pleasure remove any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences whether may the Lords and Commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item What punishment have they deserved who moved in Parliament that the statute whereby King Edward Carnarvan was deposed should bee brought forth by view whereof the new statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item Whether the judgement given in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael De-la-poole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and revocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrels were drawne by Iohn Blake a Councellour at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the minds of other made answer as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the Prerogative of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to bee punished by death except it pleaseth the King to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to bee punished as Traytours To the sixth that whosoever resisteth the Kings rule in that point deserveth to bee punished as a Traytour To the seventh that the King may at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament and whosoever shall afterwards proceed against the Kings mind as in a Parliament hee is worthy to bee punished as a Traytour To the eighth that they cannot and whosoever doth the contrary hee deserveth to be punished as a Traytour To the ninth that as well the Motioner as also the Bringer of the said statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as Traytours To the tenth they answered that the said judgement seemed to them erronious and revocable in every part In witnesse whereof the Iustices aforesaid with Iohn Locktone the Kings sergeant at Law have subscribed and set their seals to these presents c. When these bloudy sentences of death treason were under generall and large Tearmes thus fastened upon the Lords the King supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by colour of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weak resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of smal force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his first indeavour and first accounting the Lords as condemned persons hee made division of their Lands and goods among those that hee favoured Then hee waged Souldiers to bee in a readinesse for his assistance and sent the Earle of Northumberland to arrest the Earle of Arundel at his Castle in Reygate where hee then lay But the Earle of Arundel either upon advertisement or suspition of the Kings mind banded himselfe so strong that when the Earle of Northumberland came unto him hee dissembled his intent and left his purpose unperformed Thus were these proceedings of the King as now in Councell so afterwards in event not much unlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first sold the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when hee came within the forrest either by unskilfulnesse or misadventure hee not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The Duke of Glocester having secret intelligence of the Kings displeasure and of his drift sent the Bishop of London to perswade the King to entertaine a more favourable opinion of him making faith to the Bishop with a solemne oath that hee never intended any thing to the prejudice of the King either in person or state The Bishop not unskilfull to joyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the King that his displeasure against the Lords was not grounded upon just desert but either upon false suggestions of their enemies or erroniâ—us mistaking of some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and favour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull service how honourable this agreement would bee to the King how profitable to the Realme and how dangerous to both if these troubles might encrease The King seemed to give good â—are and credit to the Bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the King soone stiffened his mind against all impression of friendship Hereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lords those objections wherewith great men are usually charged sparing no spight of speech and using all art to aggravate matters against them The Bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not upon his owne necessity nor love to the King but onely to satisfie his bloudy and ambitious humour wherein hee was so immoderate that rather then the Lords should not bee destroyed hee would overwhelme them with the ruines of the State for tumults might indeed bee raised by men of little courage but must bee maintained with the hazard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his Counsell in this matter was to bee followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance nor his complants against any man to bee any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the King At these words the King was exceedingly wroth and charged the Bishop with menacing and threats to avoid his presence When the Duke of Gloucester had knowledge hereof hee signified the danger to the Earles of Arundel Warwick and Derby advising them to take armes and unite themselves for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely way of safety These three Earles were the chiefest strength to the side but the Duke bare the most stroke because hee was most bold and his greatnesse almost obscured the
all his courses now crossed first rashnes in taking armes and afterwards by cowardise in maintaining them The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associates by letters yet without any vanting or enlarging Tearmes his speeches also were moderate rather extenuating his fact then extolling it but by stopping his fame it much encreased when men esteemed his high thoughts by his lowly words and his conceit in great exploits by his contempt of this Then the Lords met and marched together towards London whither they came upon Saint Stephens day having almost forty thousand men in their army and first they shewed themselves in battaile array in the fields neare unto the Tower within the view of the King afterwards they tooke up their lodgings in the Suburbs the Major and Aldermen of the City came forth and gave liberall allowance of victuall to the souldiers offering unto the Lords entertainement within the City but they did not accept it Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distrâ—ction of the Common-wealth the vanquished part being full of malice and the Conquerours of presumption the one wanting power the other right to command and rule The Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine others of the neutrality fearing the sequele perswaded the King to come to a treaty with the Lords but hee made shew of very light regard of all these dealings let them stay said hee untill they have wearied themselves with maintaining this multitude and then I will talke further with them When the Lords understood the drift of his devise they beset the Thames and all other passages and protested that they would not depart untill they had talked with him to his face The King having neither strength to resist nor scope to scape consented to a treaty and to that end desired the Lords to come to him into the Tower but they refused that place of meeting upon feare of false measure untill the King permitted them to search as diligently and come as strongly as they thought it meet So they came unto the King well guarded and after a few could kindnâ—sses and strange salutations they laid before him his proceedings against them at Nottingam his letters which he sent to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his word for the raising of armes against them his agreement with the French King for the yeelding up of Calis and other strong holds which he possessed in those parts with divers other points of dishonourable dâ—aling and negligent government What should the King then have said or done all these matters were so evident and so evill that there was no place left either for deniall or defence Therefore ingenuously first with silence and patience afterwards with teares hee confessed his errours And certainely the stiffe stomack of the Lords relented more to these luke warme drops then they would have done to his Cannon shot Then it was agreed that the next day the King should meet with them at Westminster and there treat further both of these and other necessary affaires of the Realme So the Duke and the rest of the Lords departed except the Earle of Darby who stayed supper with the King and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose but when hee was also gone some of the secret Counsailours or Corrupters rather and Abusers of the King whistled him in the eare that his going to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards Thâ— Kings mind was soone changed but the Lords being now stirred and feeling the Kings hand weake to governe the bridle became the more vehement and sent him word that if hee did jeofaile with them and not come according to appointment they would chuse another King who should have his Nobility in better regard This peremptory message so terrified the King that hee not onely went to Westminster but suffered the Lords to doe there even what they would So they caused him much against his liking to remove out of the Court Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Foord Bishop of Durisme Frier Thâ—mas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the Kings Confessour Likewise they removed the Lord Souâ—â— the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnel Lord Beaumount Sir Albred Veere Sir Baldâ—wine Bereford Sir Richard Alderbury Sir Iohn Worth Sir Thomas Clifford and Sir Iohn Lovell taking sureties for their appearance at the next Parliament Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court and put under sureties to wit the Lady Mowen the Lady Moling and the Lady Ponings which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth Furthermore they arrested Simon Burly William Elinghame Iohn Salisbury Thomas Trivet Iames Berneis Nicholas Dagworth and Nicholas Bâ—â—mbre Knights Richard Clifford Iohn Lincolne and Richard Motford Clearkes Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell and Iohn Blake Counceller at the Law all these were committed to divers Prisons where they were forth-comming but not comming forth untill the Parliament next following After the feast of the Purification the Parliament beganne at London and yet the King used many means either to dash or deferre the same to which the Lords came attended with the number and strength of a full army upon colour to represse any riotâ— that might happen to arise but in truth that by this terrour they might draw the whole mannage of affaires unto themselves This assembly continued untill Whitsuntide next following with very great fear of some men and hope of others and expectation of all Herein was Iustice Trisilian by counsaile of the Lords against the Kings mind condemned to bee drawne and hanged which judgement was presently executed upon him the like sentence and execution passed upon Sir Nicholas Brambre Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Barneis Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lords at Nottingham Also the Iustices who gave their judgement concerning those Articles Robert Belknape Iohn Holt Roger Fâ—lthrope and William Burghe were condemned to perpetuall exile and yet they did not enterpose themselves but intermeddle by constraint Sir Simon Burly was also beheaded who was Keeper of Dover Castle and had conspired to deliver the same unto the Frenchmen hee was infinitely â—aughty and proud equall to the meanest in vertue and wisedome but in bravery and traine inferiour to no Duke Divers other were either put to death or banished and some as it happened when the reine of fury is at large without any great cause The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death but laboured very instantly for the life and liberty of many in so much as hot speeches did arise betwene the Duke of Glocester and him whereby hee purchased a favourable opinion among those of the contrary part having caused the death of no man but onely in the field Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the Government of the Lords
rashly believed as it was craftily given out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolved their forces and remained in expectancy what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament beganne at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Henry Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credites and authority with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of cruelty and deceit they were proud arrogant and ambitious and upon confidence of the Kings favour professed enemies to men of ancient Nobility to the end that being lately start up they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importuned travaile all the Charters of pardon granted by the King were in this Parliament annulled and revoked Then the Prelates did constitute Sir Henry Percie their Procuratour and departed the house because they might not bee present in judgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundel and the Earle of Warwick were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had beene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselves Royall power in judging to death Simon Burly Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to bee hanged drawne and quartered but the King so moderated the severity of this sentence that the Earle of Arundel was onely beheaded and the Earle of Warwick committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the I le of Man The Duke of Glocester was so greatly favoured that it was thought a point both of policy and peace not to bring him to his open answer but to put him to death secretly so hee was strangled under a feather bed at Calis by the Earle of Nottingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoever he deserved yet dying as hee did not called nor heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury was also accused for executing the commission against Michael De-la-poole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in use as in possessionâ— and hee himselfe was adjudged to exile and charged to depart the Realme within six weekes then next ensuing So hee went into France where afterwards hee became a principall meane of the revolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the I le of Gernsey and Sir Reinold Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to bee one of his Governours and of his Counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that hee was free from all dangers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceived more secret contentment then hee would openly bewray as more able to dissemble his joy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceived not that the state of a Prince is never stablished by cruelty and craft On the other side the Common people were much dismayed having now lost those whom they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their private affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishaps happened unto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomack was stirred thereby to much hate and heart-burning against the King And to make their deaths the more odious the Earle of Arundel was reputed a Martyr and Pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or ground that his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knew the King caused the corps to bee taken up and viewed tenne dayes after it was interred and finding the same to bee fabulous hee caused the ground to bee paved where the Earle was laid and all mention of his buriall to bee taken away forbidding publikely any such speeches of him afterwards to bee used But this restraint raised the more and they who if it had bin lawfull would have said nothing being once forbidden could not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare unto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe hee would curse the time that ever hee knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of King Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Hereford at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Nottingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Normans whose chiefest Rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subject to beare the fourme of the Common-wealth being framed by the Victours farre from equality of all and yet the King excepted without eminency of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornâ—wall and made this honour hereditary conferring it unto many since which time divers Princes of his land have beene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quality and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Dutchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lord Spencer Earle of Glocester the Lord Nevill Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his Steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made division of a great part of the lands of the Duke of Glocester and of the Earles of Arundel and Warwick supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to have purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friends for the most part are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Ravens in Arabia so long as they are full doe yeeld a pleasant voice but being empty doe make a horrible cry Now the Duke of Hereford raised his desires together with his dignities and either upon disdaine at the undeserved favour and advancement of some persons about the King or upon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps upon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controulement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke hee brake into complaint how the King regarded not the Noble Princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extremities used to some discouraged the rest from intermedling in any publique affaires how instead of these hee was wholly governed by certaine new-found and new-fangled favorites vulgar in birth corrupt in qualities â—aving no sufficiency either of councell for peace or of courage for warre who being of all men the most unhonest
now got a fall where he thought to take his rest repented his enterprise and utterly condemned his light conceit of the Kings lightnesse and so with extreame griefe and anguish of mind hee departed out of the Realme into Almaine and from thence travelled to Venice where through violence of thought and discontentment in short time he ended his dâ—yes This sentence of banishment was given against him the same day of the yeare wherein the Duke of Glocester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice The Duke of Hereford tooke his leave of the King at Elâ—ham who there stroke away foure yeares of his banishment and even offered himselfe to be fawned upon and thanked for so odious a benefit And this infortunate adventure hee neither bare out vain gloriously nor yet tooke impatiently but in the midst of his misery retained still his reputation and honour shewing no signe of sorrow or submisnesse in his countenance nor letting fall any intemperate and unseemly word The people as he departed by heaps flocked about him some to see and some to salute him lamenting his departure in such sort as though their only light and delight did then forsake them not sparing to exclaime that it was against the Law of Armes against the custome of the Realme and against all right whatsoever that he should be exiled who had done his honourable endeavour for the maintenance of his appeale This affection was the more excessive for that the Duke was driven into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hatefull persons in all the Realme and being the only noble man then alive of the popular faction the love was wholly accumulated upon him which was before divided among the rest And thus the Duke leaving England tooke shipping and passed the Seas to Calice and from thence went into France where he was honourably entertained by Charles the French King and found such favour that hee should have taken to wife the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie Vncle to the King of France but King Richard fearing the sequel if the favour which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme should be strengthned with so great affinity in France cast such stops in the way that the marriage did not proceed This yeare the Lawrell trees withered almost throughout the Realme afterwards against all expectation recovered life and flourished againe The same yeare in Christmasse holydayes a deepe River which runneth betweene Snedlistorie Hareswood neare to Bedford suddenly stayed the streame so that for three miles in length the channell was left dry and no course of water did hinder passage on foot This was afterwards interpreted to presage the revolt of the people and the division which happened the yeare following to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies either forged in that fabulous age or happening commonly and of course are then onely noted when any notable accident doth ensue When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beamâ— she had no sooner set foot within this Land but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not beene seene many yeares before whereby divers ships within the haven were quashed to peices but especially and first of all the ship wherein the Queene was carried this was the rather observed because such stiffe stormes were likewise stirring when the King brought his second wife out of France wherein many ships perished and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost At New-castle upon Tine as two shipwrights were squaring a piece of Timber wheresoever they hewed blood issued forth in great abundance At one of the Kings palaces flyes swarmed so thicke that they obscured the ayre these fought together most fiercely so that sackfuls lay dead upon the ground and this continued so long that scarce the third part of them as it was thought remained alive many like accidents are recorded of that time but I will mainetaine neither the truth of them nor what they did pretend being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious then not credulous and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous when any strange event doth ensue Yet as I am loath to avouch any vaine and trifling matter so dare I not detract all truth from things anciently reported although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying many doe suppose that those things which are fatally allotted though they never be avoyded yet sometimes are foreshewen not so much that we may prevent them as that wee should prepare our selves against them In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster dyed and was buried on the north-side of the high altar of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul in London he was a man advised and wary in his passages of life liking better safe courses with reason then happy by chance of his owne glory hee was neither negligent nor ambitiously carefull towards the King hee carried himselfe in termes honourable enough for a moderate Prince and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire whereby there never happened to him any extraordinary matter either in prejudice or preferment After his death the Duchie of Lancaster did in right devolue to the Duke of Hereford his eldest sonne but the King as the nature of man is inclinable to hate those whom he hath harmed seazed all the Lands and goods which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster into his owne hands and determined to perpetuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne revoking the Letters Patents which were graunted to him at his departure whereby his generall Atturnies were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue Liverie of any inheritance which during his exile might fall unto him his homage being respited for a reasonable fine The King supposed his estate more safe by the weaknesse and want of the Duke whom he had now in some jealousie and doubt but these violent dealings were meanes rather to provoke his mischiefes then to prevent them for by injurious suppressing of the Dukes greatness he greatly augmented the same Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings only Vncle which remained alive had hitherto enforced his patience to endure many things against his liking but now either in disdaine of this indignity or in distrust both of his own safety and of the common tranquillity of the Realme he retyred himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his sonne to his house at Langley supposing privatenesse to be the best defence both from danger and blame wher neither the king had judgement to discerne nor any about him had either heart or honesty to admonish him what was done amisse where an honourable fame was held suspected and a good life more in hazard then a bad protesting that none of these practises were either devised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang
by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their minds according to the Princes disposition gave over themselves to delicacy and ease whereby cowardise crept in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glory The chiefest affaires of state had been ordered for a long time according to private respects whereby the Common-wealth lost both the fat and the favour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canvased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoyle Likewise the south parts were oftentimes wasted by the Frenchmen and in France many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliver unto the King of France the possession of Calice and of other townes which hee held in those parts but the performance thereof was resisted by the Lords whether this were true oâ— surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose government I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and civâ—lity and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaimed countries whereby it yeelded to the Kings coffers thirty thousand pounds every yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the holding therof charged the King with the yearly dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had beene sent into these severall countries but scatteringly and dropping and never so many at once as to furâ—ish the wars fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with great preparation and charge but being once out of credit whatsoever fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were imputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieved by some of the Nobility it was by the Kings base hearted Parasites to whom military vertue was altogether unpleasant so extenuated or depraved or envied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kind of enemies Comâ—menders that to be a discreet and valiant Commander in the field was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to have the name of a man of private estate famous for the same in every mans mouth Hereupon few sought to rise by vertue and valour the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed by men of weakest sufficiency by whose councell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best hearted Nobility was many times attempted and at the last wrought The profits and revenues of the Crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe Landlord of his Realme and challenging no great priviledge by his Raigne but only a dissolute and uncontrouled life Great summes of money were yearely rather exacted from the subjects then by them voluntarily granted wherof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings private delights the advancement of his hatefull favorites To these he was somewhat above his power liberall for which cause hee was faine to borrow beg and extort in other places but hee purchased not so much love by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenths and fifteenths which were many times paid double in one yeare divers new impositions were by him devised and put in use sometimes exacting xii d. of every person throughout the Realme sometimes of every religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of every secular Priest as much and of every lay person married or sole xii d. Vnder the favourable tearme of benevolence he wiped away from the people such heaps of money as were little answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the Realme great summes of money upon his privy Seals so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certain Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires and Corporations within the Realme to declare unto the people the Kings heavy displeasures against them for that they had beene abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade upon them as common enemies except they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselves to his mercy and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in every shire and Towne-corporate made their acknowledgement and submission in writing under their seales and afterwards were faine to graunt unto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his favour as the land being already greatly impoverished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of them strange and unaccustomed oathes vvhich vvere put likevvise in vvriting under their seale They vvere also compelled to set their hands and seales to blancke charts wherein the King might afterwards cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the Realme was in a manner at his devotion and pleasure These and such like violences were farre wide from the moderate government of King Henry the second who maintaining great warres and obtayning a larger dominion then pertained at any other time to this Realme of England never demanded subsidie of his subjects and yet his treasure after his death was found to be nine hundred thousand pounds besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heavie hand upon his subjects and they againe a heavie heart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valour sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolved to revolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safety joyned with slaverie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King received Letters of advertisement out of Ireland which being priviledged from other venimous beasts hath alwayes beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his Garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of March who had beene declared heyre apparent to the Crowne exercising all the cruelty in wasting of the countrey which wrath and rage of victory could incite a barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augment by report whereupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that hee should undertake the warre in person or commit it to Commanders of lower degree Some perswaded him that wholly to subdue Ireland stood neither with policie nor yet almost
parts joyne their Common strength and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little rejoyced the Common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grievances to lay them together and aggravate them by construction every man more abounding in complaints then hee did in miseries Also the Noble men the principall object of cruelty beganne to discourse both their private dangers and the deformities of the State and upon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not bee confined and to cast it upon some other who was most like to repaire that which King Richard had ruined or if said they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will wee sell him both our lives and lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace wee cannot enjoy The onely man upon whom all men resolved was Henry Duke of Hereford whom since the death of his Father they called Duke of Lancaster not at his owne motion or desire but because hee was generally esteemed meet as being of the Royall bloud and next by descent from males to the succession of the Crowne one that had made honourable proofe of his vertues and valour the onely man of note that remained alive of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause hee was deepely touched at that time both in honour and in state This attempt pleased as possible to prove and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England and declaring that as well for the benefit of the Realme as for their owne particular safety they were forced to use force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his unfortunate government and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not provide him a base multitude onely and they themselves helpe in bare wishâ—s and advise but would also adjoyne their hands and their lives so that the perill should be common to all the glory only his if fortune favoured the enterprise These letters were conveyed by men crafty and bold yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated unto them Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury and at that time whether deservedly or without cause an exile in France then they travelled by severall wayes and in counterfeit attire to Paris where all met at the House of one Clugney where the Duke then sojourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side and thanks on the other and joy of both the Archbishop of Canterbury having obtained of the Duke privacy and silence made unto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sense following Wee are sent unto you right high and Noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and States of our land not to seeke revenge against our King upon private injury and displeasure nor upon a desperate discontentment to set the State on fire nor to procure the ambitious advancement of any particular person but to open unto you the deformities and decayes of our broken estate and to desire your aid in staying the ruinous downefall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our Countrey hath borne and the Noble acts which it hath atchieved doth nothing else but make the basenesse more bitter unto us whereinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes have heretofore beene famous and memorable not onely within the bounds of our Ocean-Sea and in the Ilands adjoyning unto us but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Africk against the Infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes have beene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to provoke us to hostility But now the rude Scots whose spirits we have so many times broken brought on their knees do scornefully insult upon us the naked and fugitive Irish have shaked oft our shackles and glutteth themselves upon us with massacres and spoiles with these wee dayly fight not for glory but to live insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a very jeast to our most base and contemptible enemies Indeed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these Countries but in such sort that they have much wasted the Realme with their maintenance but neither revenged nor relieved it with their armes and no mervaile for all our diligent and discreet leaders the very sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or else ly buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile and conduct of those who can best apply themselves to the Kings youthfull delights Among these ancient Nobility is accompted a vaine jeast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieves mee to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which every man seeth our Ancestours lived in the highest pitch and perfection of liberty but wee of servility being in the nature not of subjects but of abjects and flat slaves not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proud and disdainefull favorites not alwayes the same but ever new and no sooner have wee satisfied some but fresh hungry Masters are streight wayes set upon us who have more endammaged us by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What unusuall kinds of exactions are dayly put in practise without either measure or end oftentimes without need or if any be it proceedeth rather upon riotous expenses then any necessity of honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subjects to bee throwne away amongst unprofitable unthrifts And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capitall crimes or by small matters aggravated or else by open cruelty and force his life or liberty is forth with hazarded It were too tedious too odious too frivolous to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate and the lamentable losse of your Vncle and other Noble friends could bee forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of quality within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neerest friends doth not plainely perceive that no man enjoyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one and great men in the other are continually endangered This then is our case but what is our remedy we have endured and we have entreated but our patience
did in this manner breake from him And doe these also said he forsake me doth their faith and my fortune end together well if I had forsaken them in time I had not been forsaken of others who once loved me better and now are able to harme me more But now I see the blindnesse of my judgement I plainely see that there is no friendship in flattery nor treachery in plaine truth and I would I had as much time to reforme this error as I am like to have to repent it but they would not suffer mee to bee wise when I might and now they have made me wretched they runne from me they could be the causes but they will not be companions of my miseries such attendants are Crowes to a carcasse which flocke together not to defend but to devoure it and no sooner have they laid the bones bare but straight-wayes they are gone Thus the King having lost both the feare and love of his subjects disturbed and distracted in thoughts without comfort councell or courage remained still in Wales as a stranger at home as an exile in his owne Kingdome not daring to goe to London nor any man desirous to come to him shifting still from place to place and as it fals out to men distressed and amazed fearing all things but most disliking the present The Duke continually pursued him with a mighty Army but the Kings company was too small to do any thing by force and yet too great to remaine in secret neither were they in any sort assured unto him but such as shame and reverence retained a while bands of small countenance with men fearefull of danger and carelesse of credit At the length he came to the Castle of Conweye and there being utterly destitute both of helpe and hope he stood divided in mind what way to bend his course all his followers were more ready to impugne the opinions of other then to give direction themselves as seeing better what to shun then what to follow and as it alwayes chanceth in desperate causes that way was commonly preferred whereof the opportunity was already past Some advised him that it was then time to think rather of saving his life then recovering his estate You see said they how greatly and how wholly your subjects are set against you it is but in vaine to look for a suddain change or without a change to hope that your purposes may prevail give place for a time to the current of this fury let it have the full sway and when it is at the highest pitch it will turne againe and then you shall have the tide as strong on your side as it is now against you This motion or rather commotion of the people is violent and against nature and therefore as a stone forced upward is most strong at the beginning and the further it passeth the more it weakneth untill at last it returne to the naturall course againe Therefore give a little space for the bad to draw back for the good to put forward treasons prevaile on the suddaine but good counsailes gather forces by leasure You have example in your noble Progenitor King Henry the third against whom the Lords set up Lewis the French Kings son conditions were concluded and faith was made that he should be their King but this purpose lasted not the pulling on for before they had possessed him of the kingdome they joyned together in armes against him and were as fierce to drive him out of the Realme as they had beene found to draw him in The like alteration may you likewise not only hope but assuredly expect for the minds of men are constant in nothing but inconstancy persevere only in change in dislike of things present they desire new wherwith they rest not long contented but are many times glutted even with the first sight And indeed how can they long endure the Raigne of him who attayning the Kingdome onely by their favour and might shall hold the same in a manner at their courtesie and will for every unpleasant command shall be deemed ingratitude every suit rejected shall charge him with unkindnesse Yea if honour be not offered they will be discontented and upon any occasion of displeasure thinke themselves as able to displace him as they were to set him up therefore you may for a time returne againe into Ireland or else passe the seas to your Father in law the King of France you may assure your selfe of his assistance to set upon your side and recover your losses Times have their turnes and fortune her course too and fro like the sea and magnanimity is shewne by enduring and not relinquishing when she doth crosse only loose no point of courage and keepe your person at large reserving your selfe to that good hope which never dyeth whilst life endure Others who were enemies to all counsaile whereof themselves were not Authors perswaded the King that the Nobility and Commons of the Realm had attempted so far that they would rather dye then desist not so much for hatred to you as for feare to themselves having so deadly incensed your displeasure against them For it is a hard matter to forgive and impossible to forget those injuries and indignities which they have offered And to omit what some Princes have done what all will promise to doe they will soone find fresh and bleeding examples what you are like to doe The Duke of Gloucester and the Earle of Arundell and of Warwicke did rise in armes against you not to remove you from your Crowne but to remove certaine persons from your company an action more displeasing then prejudiciall unto you at the last a friendship was made and charters of free pardon granted unto them but what followed was ever the breach perfectly made up did displeasure dye or was it only dissembled ah it grieveth us to thinke how the present want of their lives hath fully revenged their deaths for if they had lived their countenance and authority would easily have stayed these stirs and the manner of their deaths doth strike an obstinate persistance into all your enemies As for refuge to forraine Princes you shall surely receive of them entertainment and allowance and yet may grow burdensome and at last perhaps faile but it is very hard to draw any Prince into so dangerous a quarrell and more hard by that meanes to prevaile or if you should it is to be feared that the victorers will hold to themselves the benefit of their conquest and not yeeld it over unto you Few countries but have beene under pretence of ayde by forrainers subdued and this was the onely cause which first drew the Saxons into this land who so assisted the Britaine 's against their enemies that themselves could not be resisted from possessing their kingdome Yet we do not altogether condemne the helpe of strangers in cases of extremitie but doe account it a remedy least to be trusted and last of all to be tryed What
then if first you should procure a treaty to see in what termes the people stand against you It may be that upon some conditions they will submit themselves unto you as heretofore they have done Or if they will needs deforce you from your kingdome yet if an honourable maintenance may be assured what shall you lose therby What shall you lack You have no child to be disinherited the chiefest motive which maketh men so greedy to get and so carefull to keepe And as for your selfe you shall bee removed from a steep and slippery hill to a smooth and pleasant plain from tempestuous seas to a calme haven from dangerous travaile to secure rest if there be no solace without safety no felicity without firmnesse you shall find the private life not onely more sweet but more high and happy then your princely state The tallest trees are weakest in the tops in widest fields are greatest tempests and envy alwayes aimeth at loftiest marks so that to be placed on high is a false felicity and a true misery in shew a rule but indeed a subjection to all the subjects having least stay to stand and most danger in the fall and therefore if you come downe safely you are therein priviledged above many other But you shall lose you will say the credit and the countenance of a King so you shall the cares and so you shall the casualties The Crowne and Scepter are things most weighty to weld if a Prince be good he is laden with labour if evill with infamy and reproach if either with perils on every side hee is beset with dangerous Rocks with deadly Gulfes and continually tossed with strong and sturdy tempests so that to be freed from these feares is to be esteemed an escape and not a losse This did the Stoick Philosopher perceive who seeing Dionysius sit merily and freely conceited in the Theater being a little before expelled his Kingdome greatly condemned the error of his people who had banished him to such liberty and so preferred him by his punishment These are the dreams of Philosophers you will say who usually deprave and contemne honour and yet never lie from honourable mens tables Let passe then Philosophers go to vaine and sottish men Seleuchus being a King was wont to say that if a man knew with what cares the Diadem was clogged hee would not take it up although it lay in the street You will say peradventure that like the Boat-man hee looked one way and pulled another or like the Lapwing he cryed most when hee was furthest from his Nest vainely dispraysing that which hee was loathest to loose What say you then to Antiochus whom when the Romans had dispoyled him of all Asia he sent unto them great thankes that they had rid him of infinit and importable cares and set him at a moderate quiet you will say that hee made a vertue of his necessity Well then wee are somewhat neere your case and they that cannot frame their wils to this wisdome let them thanke their enemies for enforcing them to it But what say you to Dioclesian who did voluntarily relinquish not a small and corner Kingdome but the greatest Empire that the world did ever beare and found so sweet contentment in that exchange that when hee was importuned by the Senate to resume his estate hee utterly rejected their suite But what need we travell in externe Histories for those examples whereof wee have so large supply in our own the ancient Saxon Kings Kingilsus Ina Ceolulpus Fadbertus Ethelredus Kenredus Offa Sebbi and Sigebertus did of their owne accord lay downe their Diadems and Scepters and betake themselvs to solitary religious lives Now many Princes have held their estate with better fortune but none did ever with greater honour leave it then you should at this present for others have abandoned their rule either for desire of case or for avoidance of dangers or upon some sluggish or superstitious devotion but you for love to your Countrey shall forbeare to seeke your uttermost remedy in setting up a most cruell warre wherein much English bloud should bee spilt and the Realme deprived of many worthy armies Let others bee reported to forsake their Kingdomes when they had no longer pleasure to hold them but your praise shall bee for giving over when it is greatest benefit unto the people and the more hope you have to prevaile if you list to contend the greater commendations will it bee to yeeld as being rather voluntary then by constraint The King commended the courage of the first but this last Counsell best agreed with his faint and feeble Spirit more yeelding to feare then forward in hope apt by the one to despaire unable by the other to hold out in any hard adventure preferring alwayes abject and base safety before hazard with honour Yet were many ready to reply that all speech of conditions and yeelding was both dishonourable and also dangerous for even in hardest haps said they a Noble nature will not presently relinquish but first endeavour either by courage to repell the danger or by wisedome to decline it and why should you so little esteeme your glory and fame as without battell or blow striken to bind your hands and yeeld up your weapons and put yâ—ur selfe upon miserable mercy or if the honour of your Noble house doth nothing move you yet let danger and despaire at least arme you to boldnesse for neither the Duke nor his friends will bee so confident as to thinke themselves safe so long as you shall remaine although in private state alive Indeed you may assure your selfe that faire words will bee given and large offers made but the performance shall consist in the courtesie of the Conquerour and nothing will bee thought unlawfull to him that hath power King Edward the second was too heavy to bee indured even of his owne Sonne and many have used violence to themselves rather then they would fall into the power of their concurrents and doe not you expect more favour or greater fortun then other have found let never that senselesnesse possesse your mind to imagine that a Prince may live safely in private estate for in this case there is no meane betweene Caesar and nothing betweene the highest honour the deadliest downefall Therefore omit neither all nor any one meanes unassayed to maintaine your side by armes no greater harme can happen at the hardest then that which willingly you runne into you can but die if you bee vanquished and die you shall if you doe yeeld but by the one you shall end your life with glory by the other with shame and perpetuall reproach And although you doe now esteeme equally of both yet when you shall see your selfe pent in prison in dayly feare and expectancy of a bloudy Messenger you shall then perceive a difference in death and find the weakenesse and fault of the Councell which you are about to follow Many like speeches were
with great vehemency often repeated but the Kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as hee was unable to governe himselfe in his prosperous estate so was hee much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therefore perceiving himselfe so straitly beset that hee could hardly either escape away or shift any longer hee desired speech with Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland of whom the one hee had banished the other hee had proclaimed Traytour not long before These two came unto him and the King upon short conference understanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was content not to demand that which he saw hee could not obtaine and thereupon agreed that hee would relinquish his estate upon condition that an honourable living might be assigned him and life promised to eight such persons as hee would name the greatest number whom adversity did not alter This was then both readily and faithfully promised by the Archbishop and the Earle and afterward solemnely ratified by the Duke The King ceased not to entreat submisly and promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare above his ability and without measure the Earle encouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aid secured by his oath the safety of the Kings person Then the King desired to talke with the Duke which was likewise promised and so the Archbishop and the Earle departed and the King removed to the Castle of Flint about eight miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the countenances and words of both were noted by them that were present the King seemed abject and base the Duke neither insulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The King repeated many benefits and kindnesses that hee had shewed how in former time hee had spared the Dukes owne life and lately his Sonnes in regard whereof he desired him with such submisnes as was agreable rather with his necessity then his honour that hee would shew some pitty where hee had received such pleasure and permit him to enjoy his life with such private maintenance as was convenient for his estate The Duke put him in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would provide for his safety for which hee suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked and thought it not much to have it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the King was kept safe and sure enough from binding any of the Dukes purposes neither could it so easily have beene discerned what had beene best for him to doe as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the Duke his army to Chester and from thence secretly conveyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe untill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeelded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arrivall so that his journeyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristow and so into Wales and back againe to Chester a man shall not easily travaile over the land in shorter time then he conquered it So friendly was fortune unto him that he either found or made a ready passage through all hinderances and lets and it seemed that hee needed onely to open his armes to meet and receive her as shee offered her selfe unto him All the Kings treasure and Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his company were afterwards also despoiled by the souldiers of Northumberland and Wales Some Writers affirme that the King did not yeeld himselfe but was forelaid and taken as he was secretly passing from Flint to Chester but the authority of others who lived in that time either in the plain view or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but know for their profession would not but deliver the very truth hath drawne mee to follow their report which I find also received by some late Writers of as great deapth in judgement and choyce as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine Citizens conspired to lay themselves in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for private grievances and partly for the cruelty that he had used towards the whole City but the Major upon intelligence prevented the practice rod forth in person with a convenient company to conduct him safely unto the Tower Shortly after the Duke came to London in solemne estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parliament to bee holden at Westminster the last day of September in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred kind friends concerning the order of his proceedings The Duke of Yorke who a little before had beene Governour of the Realme for the King then was the chiefest Directour of the Duke thought it best that King Richard should both voluntarily resigne and also solemnely be deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme for resignation onely would be imputed to feare and deprivation to force whereof the one is alwayes pitied the other envied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desert being willing to forsake that which he is adjudged worthy to forgoe then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his Kingdome by meere constraint nor leaveth it without just cause This advice pleased the rest and for executing thereof upon the day of S. Michael which was the day before the Parliament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury Richard Scroupe Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Hereford Henry Duke of Lancaster Henry Earl of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland Lord Hugh Burnel Lord Thomas Barkly Lord Rose Lord Willoughby Lord Abergeiny The Abbot of Westminster the â—riour of Canterbury William Thirminges and Iohn Markeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stoke and Iohn Burback Doctours of Law Thomas Herpingham and Thomas Gray Knights William Forby and Dionisâ— Lopham publike Notaries and diverâ— others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought forth apparelled in his Royall robe the diademe on his head the Scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a Chaire of estate Never was Prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a King but hee must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliver the other After a little pause and expectation the King arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my self that some at this present many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I have
to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoâ—verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified
all doubt they make expresse mention of the evill For the power and authority of wicked Princes is the ordinance of God and therefore CHRIST told Pilate that the power which hee had was given him from above and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a Prophane and Heathen Prince the Lords annointed For God stirred up the Spirit even of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehosaphat said to his Rulers they execute not the judgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof David calleth them Gods because they have their rule and authority immediately from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adjudged by their Subjects for no power within their Dominion is superiour to theirs but God reserveth them to the forest triall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wisemâ—n will the Lord appearâ— unto them and a hard judgement shall they have The law of God commandeth that the Childe should bee put to death for any conâ—umely done unto the Parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanies odious and execrable both to God and man surely hee deserveth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift up his hand against him for no offence is so great as to bee punished by parricide but our Countrey is deerer unto us then our Parents and the Prince is Pater patriae the Father of our Countrey and therefore more sacred and deere unto us then our Parents by nature and must not bee violated how imperious how impious so ever hee bee doth hee command or demand our persons or our purses wee must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kings have Dominion over the bodies and over the cattle of their Subjects at their pleasure Doth hee enjoyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God wee must neither wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selves to all manner of punishment and shew our subjection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an Heresie to hold that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his Subjects for any disorder or default either in life or else in government there will bee faults so long as there are men and as we endure with patience a barren yeare if it happen and unseasonable weather and such other defects of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of Rulers and quietly expect either reformation or else a change But alas good King Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he ever committed examine rightly those imputations which are laid against him without any false circumstance of aggravation and you shall find nothing objected either of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and oversights have escaped him yet none so grievous to bee termed tyranny as proceeding rather from unexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull malice Oh how shall the World bee pestered with Tyrants if Subjects may rebell upon every pretence of tyranny how many good Princes shall dayly bee suppressed by those by whom they ought to bee supported if they leavy a subsidy or any other taxation it shall bee claimed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attempts against their Persons it shall bee exclaimed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaimed tyranny But let it bee that without authority in us or desert in him King Richard must bee deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason have wee without his right to give it to him if hee make title as Heire unto King Richard then must hee yet stay untill King Richards death for no man can succeed as Heire to one that liveth But it is well knowne to all men who are not either wilfully blind or grossely ignorant that there are some now alive Lineally descended from Lâ—onel Duke of Clarence whose off-spring was by judgement of the High Court of Parliament holden the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard declared next Successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the title from Edmund Crouchback I will passe it over seeing the authours thereof are become ashamed of so absurd abuse both of their owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the claime is now made by right of conquest by the cession and grant of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a Subject pretend against his Soveraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heinous treason as for the resignation which King Richard made being a pent Prisoner for the same cause it is an act exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to bind him and seeing that by the lawes of this Land the King alone cannot alienate the ancient Jewels and ornaments partaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot give away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the Kingdome Neither have wee any custome that the people at pleasure should elect their King but they are alwayes bound unto him who by right of bloud is right successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence usurped for nothing can then be freely done when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his Legions obtaine the law of Velleia to be made whereby hee was created Dictatour for fourescore yeares and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Servia to bee promulged by which hee was made perpetuall Dictatour but both these lawes were afterwards adjudged void As for the deposing of King Edward the second it is no more to bee urged then the poisoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must live according to lawes and not to examples and yet the Kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke back to times lately past we shall find that these titles were more strong in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster For King Henry the first being at large liberty neither restrained in body nor constrained in mind had appointed him to succeed as it was upon good credit certainely affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was annointed King and obtained full possession of the Realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Anjowe having a neerer right by his Mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his Father was a stranger and himselfe borne beyond the Seas raised such rough warres upon King Stephen that there was no end of spoiling the goods and spilling the bloud of the unhappy people besides the ruines and deformities of many Cities and
Holds untill his lawfull inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth mee to remember how many flourishing Empires and Kingdomes have beene by meanes of such contentions either torne in pieces with detestive division or subdued to forreigne Princes under pretence of assistance and aid and I need not repeate how sore this Realme hath heretofore beene shaken with these severall mischieves and yet neither the eâ—amples of other Countries nor the miseries of our owne are sufficient to make us to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our unstayed minds and restlesse resolutions doe nothing else but hunt after our owne harmes no people have more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other Countries the sword of invasion hath beene shaken against us in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath beene kindled among us and what are these innovasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blow up the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen unto us which Aesop fableth to have beene fallen unto the Frogges who being desirous to have a King a beame was given unto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a King of quicker courageâ— then was sent unto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually devoured them The mildnesse of King Richard hath bred in us this scorne interpreting it to bee cowardise and dulnesse of nature the next Heire is likewise rejected I will not say that with greater courage we shall find greater cruelty but if either of these shall hereafter bee able to set up their side and bring the matter to triall by armes I doe assuredly say that which part soever shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wrack And thus have I declared my mind concerning this question in more words then your wisedom yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that we have neither power nor policy either to depose King Richard or to elect Duke Henry in his place that King Richard remaineth still our Soveraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for us to give judgement upon him that the Duke whom you call King hath more offended against the King and the Realme then the King hath done either against him or us for being banished the Realme for tenne yeares by the King and his Counsaile amongst whom his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall license hee hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the Land and dispossessed the King from his Royall estate and now demandeth judgement against his person without offence proved or defence heard If this injury and this perjury doth nothing move us yet let both our private and common dangers somewhat withdraw us from these violent proceedings This speech was diversly taken as men were diversly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most part did make shew for King Henry and thereupon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of Saint Albones whose counsaile and conjecture then contemned was afterwards better thought upon partly in the life time of King Henry during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of 36. yeares twelve set battailes upon this quarrell were fought within the Realme by English men onely and more then fourescore Princes of the Royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that King Richard should bee kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliverance that hee should bee the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Acts of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the 11. yeare of King Richard were revived and the Parliament holden the 21. yeare of King Richard was wholly repealed and they who were attainted by that Parliament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their Lands without suing livery and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene received out of their lands in the meane time Hereupon Richard Earle of Warwick was delivered out of prison and the Earle of Arundels Sonne recovered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fully restored againe to their Countrey Liberty and Estate It was further provided that none of those which came in aid of King Henry against King Richard should for that cause bee impeached or troubled Also the King gave to the Earle of Westmerland the County of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland hee gave the I le of Man to bee houlden of him by the service of bearing the sword wherewith hee entred into England Divers other of his followers he advanceth to offices of highest place and charge some upon judgement and for desert but most part to winne favour and perhaps projecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to prevent revenge then to lead an innocent and harmelesse life It was further agreed that the Procurers of the death and Murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should bee searched out and severely punished And judgement was given against the appellants of the Earle of Warwick and the Earle of Arundel that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their Heires that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannours Lordships c. then in their hands which sometimes appertained to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should bee surrendred into the Chancery and there bee cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannours Lordships Possessions and Liberties they should bee at the grace and mercy of the King that they should give no liveries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such Officers as were meerely necessary for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giving him aid or encouragement against the judgement of his deposition then hee should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the Common people that many Officers had committed grievous extortions and wrongs either by the open maintenance or secret connivence of these Lords First those Officers were removed and that corruption taken away with integrity which bribery had wrought in placing for money men of bad quality in high degrees of office and service then Proclamations were made that if any man had beene oppressed by
their names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter of whom mention hath beene made before Thomas Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishop of Caerliele Sir Thomas Blunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all points both of feature and favour so neerly resembled King Richard that the Lords dissembled afterwards that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrew themselves into a secret Chamber to counsaile here the Duke of Exceter who was most hotly bent either to restore or to revenge the cause of his deposed brother declared unto the rest the allegeance that they had sworne unto King Richard the honours and preferments whereunto they were by him advanced that therefore they were bound both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that King Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and unjustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neither the obedience of subjects nor love of friends as though they were men who knew to doe any thing better then to defend and if need were to dye for their lawfull Prince and loving Patron that King Henry by violent invading or fraudulent insinuating himselfe into the kingdom of his naturall liege Prince was but a tyrant usurper such aone as it was lawful for any man by any means to throw down without respect whether hee were a good man or evill for it is lawfull for no man upon pretence shew of goodnes to draw soveraignty unto himself that the laws examples of best governed common-wealths did not only permit this action but highly honored it with statues garlands title of Nobility also rewarded it with al the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable almost necessary to the Common-wealth by extinguishing those wars which the Scots menaced the French-men prepared the Welshmen had already begun upon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the Common-wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policy and to that purpose hee devisâ— that a solemne Iusts should bee challenged to be keept at Oxford in Christmasse holy-dayes betweene him and twenty on his part and the Earle of Salisbury and twenty on his part to which King Henry should be invited and when hee was most intentive in regarding their military disport hee should suddenly be surprised by men which without suspition might at that time bee assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently be restored both to his liberty and to his estate This devise was no sooner uttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resolving upon the Enterprize they tooke an oath upon the Evangelists the one to bee true and secret to the other even to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartiâ—e wherein they bound themselves to doe their best assay for the death of the one King and deliverance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and delivered to every Lord a counter-pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whom how they should bee ordered placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all things were thus contrived and their hungry ambitious minds were well filled with the vain winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exeter came to the King at Windsore desired him for the love that he bare to the noble feats of Chevalry that hee would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the Iudge of their performances if any controversie should arise The King supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in show easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other consederates where they busily bestirred themselves in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of this act When the Dutchesse of Exceter K. Henries sister perceived the drift of the devise and saw that the Duke was upon his journey alas good Lady how was shee distracted in mind with a sharpe conflict of her conceipts one way she was moved wiâ—h nature towards her brother another way she was more strongly stirred with love towards her Lord and husband and both wayes she was divided in duty And what â—aid shee is this love then against nature or above it shall I bee undutifull to my Prince or is no duty comparable to the duty of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two dearest friends in this case of extremity that it is doubtfull which but certainely one must bee ruined by the other Herewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped unto her and seazing softly upon her hand used these words What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on sloate Content your selfe woman for whatsoever the event shall bee it cannot bee evill to you nor worse to mee then now it is For if my purpose prevaile and my brother be restored againe to his Crowne both of us shall bee sure never to decline if it be prevented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall bee done unto you and I shall bee sure then of that destruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When he had thus said hee kissed her and so leaving her to the torture of a thousand thorny thoughts hee tooke his journey towards Oxford with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There hee found all the reâ—â— of his complices well armed and banded except only the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and Defendants were in a readinesse determined the day following to ride to Oxford according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much marvelled at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it every man conjectured as he was diversly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent unto him in poste to know the certaine truth Before the Messenger came to the Duke he was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of Yorke and carried with him the counterpane
fearefully shrinking backe and when they once began to relent they decreased every day more and more both in power and in hope King Henry the next morning after he was come to the Tower sent to the Major of the Citie to put Souldiers in armes for his assistance who presently presented unto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill-men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent upon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thankes and soone after hee issued out of London with twenty thousand tall men and came to Hounslow Heath abiding there and as it were daring his enemies to joyne issue in the field contemning their disorderly multitude as a vaine terrour of names without forces But the confederates either for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of their owne or else lingring perhaps after some succour out of France refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting up the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented unto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richards wife did then abide to whom upon the plain truth before declared fame had falsly descanted that K. Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henry for feare of him was fled with his children and friends to the Tower of London All which was as lightly beleeved as it was vainely told whereupon she defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his servants that attended upon her and having in some sort satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight shee and the Lords departed together first to Wallingford and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the way to take armour and to rise in ayde of King Richard who was said they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lords tooke their lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury in one Inne the Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the Towne suspecting all this countenance to bee but the vaine flash of a false fire did in the night with about fourescore Archers beset and set upon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury lay who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put upon necessity shewed great man-hood and resistance in defending themselves against the Townsmen The Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates whereupon a certaine Priest of their company set divers houses in the Towne on fire supposing thereby to divert the townsmen from their assault to the saving of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their fury and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would never labour to rescue their losses but to revenge them and that with the blood of the Lords vvhose flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an uproare and in armes shooting fiercely and running upon the Lords with a rash and desperate rage not caring to loose many whereof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exeter and they that were with him perceived the force of the assaylants dangerously to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to sustaine the fury of so many so obstinately bent they fled out of the back-side towards the Camp intending to bring the whole Armie to the rescue but the souldiers having heard a tumult and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puissance whereupon being strooke with a sodain and false feare and wanting a Commander of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselves without measure and so whilst every man endeavoured to save himselfe all were brought to their confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury and the Lords and Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselves against the townesmen as they could who manfully maintained the fight with great bloodshed of their enemies from midnight untill three of the clocke the next day in the afternoone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wonded to death and taken and the same Evening their heads were striken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Barnard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and twenty eight other Lords Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exeter when he found the Army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but most especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this unhappy tumult many times hee did attempt to have escaped by Sea into France but hee was alwayes driven backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee saâ—e at supper in a certain friendâ— house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conjecture that the death of the Duke of Gloucester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryvance chiefly in the same place had beene apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their Actions either by their pleasure or by their power that revenge of injurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth never fayle but commeth surely although perhaps slowly This Duke was a man of high parentage of a franke mind and wealth answerable thereunto openly praise worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of hee was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towards Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalen the counterfeit of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartered with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chaplaines Divers other Lords and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatable nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in revenging his owne injury or rather maintaining the injury that hee had done the heads of the chiefe conspirators were pitched upon poles and set over London Bridge in all other parts of the Realme
deserved this dejection if it be just or if it be wrongfull that I could notavoid it Indeed I do confes that many times I have shewed my selfe both lesse provident lesse painful for the benefit of the Common-wealth then I should or might or intended to doe hereafter and have in many actions more respected the satisfying of my owne particular humour then either justice to some private persons or the common good of all yet I did not at any time either omit duty or commit grievance upon naturall dulnes or set malice but partly by abuse of corrupt Counsellors partly by errour of my youthfull judgement And now the remembrance of these oversights is so unpleasant to no man as to my selfe and the rather because I have no meanes left either to recompence the injuries which I have done or to testifie to the World my reformed affections which experience and stayednesse of yeares had already corrected and would dayly have framed to more perfection But whether all the imputations wherewith I am charged be true either in substance or in such quality as they are laid or whether being true they be so heinous as to inforce these extremities or whether any other Prince especially in the heate of youth and in the space of two and twenty yeares the time of my unfortunate raigne doth not sometimes either for advantage or upon displeasure in as deepe manner grieve some particular subject I will not now examine it helpeth not to use defence neither booteth it to make complaint there is left no place for the one nor pitty for the other and therefore I referre it to the judgement of God and your lesse distempered considerations I accuse no man I blame no fortune I complaine of nothing I have no pleasure in such vaine and needlesse comforts and if I listed to have stood upon termes I know I have great favourers abroad and some friends I hope at home who would have beene ready yea forward on my behalfe to set up a bloudy and doubtfull warre but I esteeme not my dignity at so high a prize at the hazard of so great value the spilling of so much English bloud and the spoile wast of so flourishing a Realme as thereby might have beene occasioned Therefore that the Common-wealth may rather rise by my fall then I stand by the ruine thereof I willingly yeeld to your desires and am heere come to dispossesse my selfe to all publike authority and title and to make it free and lawfull for you to create for your King Henry Duke of Lancaster my Cousin Germaine whom I know to be as worthy to take that place as I see you willing to give it to him Then he read openly and distinctly the forme of his cession wherein he did declare that he had discharged his subjects from their oaths of fealty and homage all other oaths whatsoever and of his owne will and free motion did abdicate the title dignity and authority of a King and rendred up the possession of the Realm with the use and title thereof and all the rights thereunto appertaining To this the King subscribed and was sworne and then he delivered with his owne hands the Crowne the Scepter and the Robe to the Duke of Lancaster wishing unto him more happinesse therewith then had ever happened unto himselfe Then he did constitute the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford his Procuratours to intimate and declare this his resignation to all the States of the Realme which should be assembled together in Parliament Lastly hee gave all his riches and goods to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine besides his Iewels and plate for satisfaction of the injuries that hee had done desiring the Duke and all the rest that were present severally by their names not altogether to forget that he had beene their King nor yet too much to thinke upon the same but to retaine of him a moderate remembrance and in recompence of the case that he had done them by his voluntary yeelding to permit him to live safely in a private and obscure life with the swetnesse whereof he was so possessed that from thenceforth he would preferre it before any preferment in the World All this was delivered and done by the King with voyce and countenance so agreeable to his present heavinesse that there was no man too unmindefull of humane instability which was not in some measure moved thereat in so much as a few secret teares melted from the eyes of many that were present in whose minds a confused and obscure alteration gan to begin So prone and inclinable are men to pitty misery although they have procured it and to envy prospery even that which they have raised Vpon Munday next following the Parliament beganne at Wâ—stminster and the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford the Kings Atturneies for this purpose declared openly to the States there assembled the Kings voluntary resignation and demanded whether they would assent and agree thereunto the Barons of the Realme by severall and particular consent the Commons with one generall voice did expresly accept and admit the same Then it was thought meet that certaine defects and misdemeanures concerning matters of government should bee objected against the King for which he should be adjudged as unworthy as hee seemed unwilling to retaine the Kingdome To this purpose certaine articles were engrossed and openly read in which was contained how unprofitable the King had beene to the Realme how unjust and grievous to the Subjects contrary both to his honour and to his oath The chiefest of which Articles are these that follow 1 FIrst that King Richard did wastfully spend the Tresure of the Realme and had given the possession of the Crowne to men unworthy by reason whereof new charges were dayly laid on the necks of the poore Comminalty 2 Item Where divers Lords as well Spirituall as Temporall were appointed by the High Court of Parliament to commune and treat of matters concerning the State of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same they being busied about the same commission he with with others of his affinity went about to impeach them of treason 3 Item that by force and menace hee compelled the Justices of the Realme at Shrewsbury to condiscend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords Insomuch as he beganne to raise warre against Iohn Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundel Richard Earle of Warwick and other Lords contrary to his honour and promise 4 Item that he caused his Vncle the Duke of Glocester to be arrested without law and sent him to Calis and there without judgement murthered him and although the Earle of Arundel upon his arraignement pleaded his charter of pardon he could not bee heard but was in most vile and shamefull manner sodainly put to death 5 Item he assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make warre on the aforesaid Lords and suffered them