where we had nothing in the world to eate but pottage of Sassafras leaues the like whereof for a meate was neuer vsed before as I thinke The broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and fasting that day the winde blew so strongly and the billow so great that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates This was vpon Easter eue which was fasted very truely Upon Easter day in the morning the winde comming very calme we entred the sound and by foure of the clocke we were at Chipanum whence all the Sauages that we had left there were fled but their weares did yeelde vs some fish as God was pleased not vtterly to suffer vs to be lost for some of our company of the light horsemen were farre spent The next morning wee arriued at our home Roanoak I haue set downe this Uoyage somewhat particularly to the ende it may appeare vnto you as true it is that there wanted no great good will from the most to the least amongst vs to haue perfited this discouerie of the Mine for that the discouery of a good Mine by the goodnesse of God or a passage to the South-sea or some way to it and nothing else can bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation And with the discouery of either of the two aboue shewed it will bee the most sweete and healthfullest climate and therewithall the most fertile soyle being manured in the world and then will Sassafras and many other rootes and gummes there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping which otherwise of themselues will not be worth the fetching Prouided also that there be found out a better harborough then yet there is which must be to the Northward if any there bee which was mine intention to haue spent this Summer in the search of and of the Mine of Chawnis Temoatan the one I would haue done if the barkes that I should haue had of Sir Francis Drake by his honourable courtesie had not bene driuen away by storme the other if your supply of more men and some other necessaries had come to vs in any conuenient sufficiencie For this riuer of Moratico promiseth great things and by the opinion of of M. Hariots the head of it by the description of the Countrey either riseth from the bay of Mexico or els from very neere vnto the same that openeth out into the South sea And touching the Minerall thus doeth M. Youghan affirme that though it be but copper seeing the Sauages are able to melt it it is one of the richest Minerals in the world Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward as before is saide and from thence foure dayes ouerland to the Riuer of Choanoak sconses being raised from whence againe ouer-land through the prouince of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks vp the Riuer of Moratico by the way as also vpon the said Riuer for the defence of our boats like sconses being set in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned and gaine within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least and so passe your discouery into that most notable countrey and to the likeliest parts of the maine with farre greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed Thus Sir I haue though simply yet truely set downe vnto you what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen and poore men of our company not without both paine and perill which the Lord in his mercy many wayes deliuered vs from could yeeld vnto you which might haue bene performed in some more perfection if the Lord had bene pleased that onely that which you had prouided for vs had at the first bene left with vs or that hee had not in his eternall prouidence now at the last set some other course in these things then the wisedome of man coulde looke into which truely the carying away by a most strange vnlooked for storme of all our prouision with Barks Master Mariners and sundry also of mine owne company al hauing bene so courteously supplied by the generall Sir Francis Drake the same hauing bene most sufficient to haue performed the greatest part of the premisses must euer make me to thinke the hand of God onely for some his good purpose to my selfe yet vnknowen to haue bene in the matter The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan the discouery of the same and at the last of our request to depart with Sir Francis Drake for England ENsenore a Sauage father to Pemisapan being the onely friend to our nation that we had amongst them and about the King died the 20. of April 1586. He alone had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against all matters proposed against vs which both the King and all the rest of them after Grangemoes death were very willing to haue preferred And he was not onely by the meere prouidence of God during his life a meane to saue vs from hurt as poysonings and such like but also to doe vs very great good and singularly in this The King was aduised and of himselfe disposed as a ready meane to haue assuredly brought vs to ruine in the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also with all his Sauages to haue runne away from vs and to haue left his ground in the Iland vnsowed which if hee had done there had bene no possibilitie in common reason but by the immediate hande of God that wee coulde haue bene preserued from staruing out of hande For at that time wee had no weares for fish neither coulde our men skill of the making of them neither had wee one graine of Corne for seede to put into the ground In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists and Mangoaks they had raised a brute among themselues that I and my company were part slaine and part starued by the Chaonists and Mangoaks One part of this tale was too true that I and mine were like to be starued but the other false Neuerthelesse vntill my returne iâ— tooke such effect in Pernisapans breast and in those against vs that they grew not onely into contempt of vs but also contrary to their former reuerend opinion in shew of the Almightie God of heauen and Iesus Christ whom wee serue and worship whom before they would acknowledge and confesse the only God now they began to blaspheme and flatly to say that our Lorde God was not God since hee suffered vs to sustaine much hunger and also to be killed of the Renapoaks for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of the whole maine of what prouince soeuer Insomuch as olde Ensenore neither any of his fellowes could for his sake haue no more credite for vs and it came so farre that the king was resolued to haue presently gone away as is aforesaid But euen in the
separated from vs by weather haue sped or what Prizes they haue taken whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete as yet we are able to say nothing And thus expecting your answere and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho I end Plymouth the 24 of October 1591. Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland By Sir Martine Frobisher Sir Richard Greenuile and diuers other English Captaines about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall in the yeeres 1589 1590 1591 c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies cap. 96. 97. and 99. THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening being by the Islands of Flores Coruo we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs which came from vnder the land which put vs in great feare for they came close by our Admirall and shot diuers times at him and at another ship of our companie whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen for they bare an English flagge vpon their main◠tops but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes About Euening they followed after vs and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes although the Moone shined The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y t tooke counsell together whereof one sailed backwards thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany for a time was out of sight but it was not long before it came again to y e other two wherwith they tooke coūsel came all 3 together against our ship because we lay in the lee of al our ships had y e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce thinking to deale so with vs that in y e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore whereof we wanted not much and in that manner with their flagges openly displayed came lustily towardes vs sounding their Trumpets and sayled at the least three times about vs beating vs with Musket and Caliuer and some great pieces and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe but spoyled all our sayles and ropes and to conclude wee were so plagued by them that no man durst put foorth his head and when wee shot off a peece wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe as if we had all bene cast away whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera not looking once behinde them to helpe vs◠doubting they should come too late thither not caring for vs but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes whereby it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other and what order is among them In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs little knowing in what case and feare we were as also because wee were not farre from Tercera left vs which made vs not a litle to reioyce as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life although wee were not well assured neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could on the other side we were in great doubt because we knew not what they did in the Island nor whether they were our friends or enemies and we doubted so much the more because we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal as wee made our accounts to doe that might conuoy vs from thence or giue vs aduise as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts it made vs suspect that it went not well with Spaine they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we for seeing our fleete they thought vs to bee Englishmen and that wee came to ouerrun the Island because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags and came in company with vs for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king for the Indian ships that should come thither Those Caruels came to view vs and perceiuing what we were made after vs whereupon the English ships left vs and made towardes them because the Caruels thought them to be friends and shunned them not as supposing them to bee of our company but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island which they presently did The Englishmen perceiuing that did put forwards into the sea so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse and woulde come vnto those Islands The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do or whether we should saile for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon Those newes put our fleet in great feare and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say as being dangerous for them to put into the road because it lieth open to the sea so that the Indian ships although they had expresse commandement from the king yet they durst not anker there but onely vsed to come thither and to lie to and fro sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted without ankering but being by necessitie compelled thereunto as also by the kings commandement and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre we made necessitie a vertue and entring the road ankered close vnder the Castle staying for aduise and order from the king to performe our voyage it being then the 24. of Iuly and S. Iames day The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war sailed by the Island of Tercera and to their great good fortune passed out of sight so that they dispatched themselues in
did so whereupon they returned to the viceroy and told him that we were good Christians and that they liked vs well and then they brought vs much reliefe with clothes our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals where many were cured and many died From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans place where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide and not to come into the citie thither we had all things necessary brought vs on Sundayes and holy dayes much people came and brought vs great reliefe The viceroy practised to hang vs and caused a paire of new gallowes to be set vp to haue executed vs wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not consent but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise brought newes from the king of Spaine what should be done with vs for they said they could not find any thing by vs whereby they might lawfully put vs to death The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico who sent foure priests to the Island to examine and confesse vs who said that the viceroy would burne vs when wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey They returned to the Bishop and told him that we were very good Christians The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions and said that wee were good Christians therefore he would not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret whom he kept prisoner in his pallace vntill the fleete was departed for Spayne The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico called Tescuco to card wooll among the Indian slaues which drudgery we disdained and concluded to beat our masters and so wee did wherefore they sent to the viceroy desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies to send for vs for they would not keepe vs any longer they said that we were deuils and no men The viceroy sent for vs and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico from thence he sent Anthony Goddard some other of our company with him into Spaine with Luçon the General that tooke vs the rest of vs staied in Mexico two yeres after and then were sent prisoners into Spaine with Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre admirall and generall of the Spanish fleet who caried with him in his ship to be presented to the K. of Spaine the anatomie of a giant which was sert from China to Mexico to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez to bee sent to the king of Spaine for a great wonder It did appeare by the anatomie that he was of a monstrous size the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel his necke-bones shoulder-plates arme-bones and all other lineaments of his other partes were huge and monstrous to behold the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his wast and of bignesse accordingly At this time and in this ship were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them which were also sent from China to be sent to the king of Spaine The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like vnto the blades of wild garlicke which they cut euery fifteene dayes they vse to water them twise a day as we doe our herbes here in England they put the blades in their pottage and vse them in their other meates whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull and procureth a good appetite When we were shipped in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his cabbin asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea we said that we would not fight against our Crowne but if we met with any other we would do what we were able He said if we had said otherwise he would not haue beleeued vs and for that we should be the better vsed and haue allowance as other men had and he gaue a charge to euery one of vs according vnto our knowledge Robert Barret was placed with the pilote I was put in the gunners roome William Cawse with the boat-swaine Iohn Beare with the quarter-masters Edward Rider Geffrey Giles with the ordinary mariners Richard the masters boy attended on him and the pilote shortly after we departed from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine for the port called Hauana wee were 26. dayes sayling thither There wee came in ankered tooke in fresh water and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete of Nombre de Dios which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes After his comming when he had watred his ships both the fleetes ioyned in one and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of both the fleets who turning through the chanell of Bahama his pilote had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called Cannaueral which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop our master Robert Barret for I being in the second watch escried land and called to Robert Barret bidding him looke ouer boord for I saw land vnder the lee-bow of the ship he called to the boat-swaine bid him let flie the fore saile sheat and lay the helm vpon the lee and cast the ship about When we were cast about we were but in seuen fathome water we shot off a piece giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about and so they did For this we were beloued of the Generall and all the fleet The Generall was in a great rage and swore by the king that he would hang his pilote for he said that twise before he had almost cast away the Admirall When it was day he commanded a piece to be shot off to call to councill the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him and asked what the matter was he said that his pilote had cast away his ship and all the fleet had it not bene for two of the Englishmâ—n and therefore he would hang him The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded him to the contrary When we came in the height of Bermuda we discouered a monster in the sea who shewed himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards in which parts hee was proportioned like a man of the complection of a Mulato or tawny Indian The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in writing and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof Presently after this for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule weather and then God sent vs a faire wind vntill such time as we discouered the Iland called Faial On S. Iames day we made
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
Corayans issuing foorth of the woods Many of the Corayans also haue retired themselues vnto the neighbour-islands from whence with numbers of great ships to the mighty losse of the Iaponians they assaile their small and weake ones and haue already sunke many of them Wherefore all the Iaponian lords which remaine in Coray haue written vnto Quabacondono that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remooue from the place where it is â—or auoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incurre Upon these aduertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his iourney to Coray to diuide the whole kingdome was hindred from his purpose and sent most friâ—ndly letters to all his nobles willing them to be of good cheere for that he would not deale about altering of their estates till 3. yeres were expired whereupon they were cased of eâ—ceeding great care and griefe For albeit there is no great trust to be giuen to his words yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle what he wil doe afterward God knoweth In Coray at this present there are aboue 200000â— Iaponian souldiers who at the commandement of Quabacondono are diuided throughout the whole kingdom Augustine lieth vpon the very extreame frontiers of China but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty riuer of 3. leagues broad and abound with great ships and haue planted innumerable troopes of men vpon the shore the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and vncertaine Neither doe wee know whether the Iaponians will proceede any farther this yeere or no. The third testimony of Coray signifying amongst other notable and politicall obseruations the later successe of the warres of Iapan against Coray and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that kingdome Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano bearing date from Iapan Anno 1594. THe whole Empire of Iapan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono and which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof there is not the bredth of one foote throughâ—ut all the whole Island which is not absolutely subiect vnto him And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie that if his successors follow the same course of gouernment there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbaâ—ion in any of the kingdoms And doubtles the meanes which he vseth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Iaponians are very great and effectuall One is that after he hath passed his publique promise he neuer putteth any of his aduersaries to death which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not for he hauing subdued any kingdom would put all the lords and gouernours to the sword But this king granteth vnto them not only life but also yerely reuenues whereby to maintaine themsâ—lues in an honest and meane estate in which regarde they all rest contented and willingly submit themselues Anoâ—her is in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants by whose assistance wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort sustâ—ined vnto such extreme pouerty that they haue scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together as likewise hee hath bereaued them of all kinde of weapons The third is because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions seditions frayes and skirmishes For whosoeuer be found culpable of this crime they dye euery mâ—n of them on both parties If any escape by flightâ— their kinsefolks are punished in their stead and for lacke of them their seruants and for defalt of both their next neighbours If many were guilty many are punished and suffer death but hence it commeth to passe that many innocent persons are constrained to die And this seueritie is the cause why there are at this present so seldome frayes and contentions in Iapan The fourth is that in administring of iustice hee is most vpright without all respect either to his owne kinred or to his ancient captaines or the blood royall or any of the Bonzij bee they neuer so famous and being once aduertized of a crime hee pardoneth no man And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to womâ—n yet will he permit none of his subiects to haue any concubines For which cause not many dayes agoe hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth being in alliance and dignitie most neere vnto himselfe And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines hee would haue put them all to death had not the gouernour of Miacó promised that hee would vndertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzij euery moneth to bee sworne that they should liue honestly vpon paine of death as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses vnder paine of death â—o giue vp their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime Hence it is that all of them if you regard their outward estate liue in exâ—reme feare The fift is for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers nor his great lordes to liue in idlenesse If there be no warrâ—s for their imployment hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces and in raising new forâ—râ—sses or in repairing and strengthening of olde and also in performing other notable workes to the ornament of Iapan and to his owne lasting honour So that at this present neere vnto Miacó there are thirtiâ— thousand men imployed about the building of one castle and in the citie of Bozacca aboue an hundred thousand which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions The sixt is his altering of gouernments for hee remooueth his gouernours from one extreme part of Iapan to another The seuenth for that vnto his souldiers besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted vnto them for their seruice in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes Wherof it commeth to passe that hee effecteth whatsoeuer hee thinkes good by their meanes Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre wherein his enemie was not vanquished according to his owne desire this late warre of China onely excepted which farre surmounted all his forces Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great garisoâ—s as well to keepe his honour as to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace The eighth is in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes who as hee coniectureth after his death might worke some innouatioâ—s in the common wealth or disturbe the kingdomes The ninth is because hee hath on no side within foure or fiue dayes iourney of Miacó any mightie or industrious captaine or gouernour The tenth and last is for that hee hath brought his yeerely râ—uenues to two millions of gold By these courses and meanes wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes and also that a fit way will be prepared for the conuersion of all the great lordes vnto Christian religion A briefe note concerning an extreme Northerne
Yle He left behinde him three sonnes Lagman Harald and Olauus Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time but being at length taken by Lagman hee was gelt and had his eyes put out Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem in which iourney also he died In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman sent messengers vnto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall vntill Olauus sonne of Godred were come to full age The king most willingly condescended vnto their request and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie hee should gouerne that kingdome which of right belonged not vnto him Howbeit he after he had once attained vnto the kingdome neglecting the commaundement of his lord vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie committing many heinous crimes and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie banded themselues against him and expelled him out of their dominions And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands And being come vnto the Island of Leodus hee sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him commaunding them to assemble themselues and to appoint him to be their King In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting rauished women and virgines and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh And when these things were reported vnto the princes of the Islands who had assembled themselues to chuse him king being mightely incensed thereat they made haste towards him and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company partly with sword and partly with fire In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was founded In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the Christians and a Comet appeared Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Manâ— at Santwat and they of the North obtained the victory In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts The same yeere Magnus king of Norway sonne of Olauus sonne of Harald Harfagre being desirous to view the corps of S. Olauus king and Martyr gaue commaundement that his monument should be opened But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened And when hee had seene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying Chuse I say vnto your selfe one of these two either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe called his Princes and Senatours and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell that with all speed he should depart out of Norway Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney which hee presently subdued and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man where he was no sooner arriued but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island it pleased him exceeding well and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales and finding two Earles therein either of them being called by the name of Hugo he slue the one and the other hee put to flight and so subdued the Island But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace in the sight of his Embassadours that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus Which when the Irishmen heard they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat But the King being better aduised I had rather said he not only beare his shooes but eate his shooes then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement and honourably enterteined his Embassadours Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them and concluded a league But the messengers returning vnto their lord tolde him of the situation of Irland of the beautie thereof of the fruitfulnesse of the soile and of the holesonmesse of the aire Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships being desirous to view the land when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish and was himselfe slaine together with all that were with him almost Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh Hee reigned sixe yeeres After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of Galway of whom he begat Godredus Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus Lagmannus and Haraldus and many daughters whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the Islands He begat
nor other beasts Their Emperors Dukes other of their nobles doe abound with silk gold siluer and precious stones Their victuals are al things that may be eaten for we saw some of them eat lice They drinke milke in great quantitie but especially mares milke if they haue it They seeth Mill also in water making it so thinne that they may drinke thereof Euery one of them drinkes off a cupfull or two in a morning and sometime they eate nought else all the day long But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to eate and they drinke the broath thereof Howbeit in summer time when they haue mares milke enough they seldome eate flesh vnles perhaps it be giuen them or they take some beast or bird in hunting Of their manners both good and bad Chap. 5. THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie and partly detestable For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world For they doe highly reuerence them and will deceiue them neither in wordes nor deedes They seldome or neuer fall out among themselues and as for fightings or brawlings wounds or manslaughters they neuer happen among them There are neither theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres If any beast goe astray the finder thereof either lets it goe or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it and without any difficultie receiueth it againe One of them honoureth another exceedingly and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them They are also very hardie and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full In riding they endure much cold and and extreme heat There be in a maner no contentions among them and although they vse commonly to be drunken yet doe they not quarell in their drunkennes Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him as much as conueniently he can Their women are chaste neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words But towards other people the said Tartars be most insolent and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and and ignoble persons whatsoeuer For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia the kings sonne of Georgia and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and estimation among them So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vnto them were they neuer so base would alwaies goe before them and take the vpper hand of them yea and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other people and beyond all measure deceitfull and treacherous towards them They speake fayre in the beginning but in conclusion they sting like scorpions For craftie they are and full of falshood circumuenting all men whom they are able by their sleights Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man they keepe it wonderfully secrete so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe nor find a remedie against their conspiracies They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke and in other actions Drunkennes is honourable among them and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe They are most intollerable exacters most couetous possessours and most nigardly giuers The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them Of their lawes and customes Chap 6. MOreouer they haue this law or custome that whatsoeuer man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery they are punished with death A virgine likewise that hath committed fornication they stay together with her mate Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft is put to death without all pitie Also if any man disclose their secrets especially in time of warre he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado layd on by a tall fellow In like sort when any inferiours offend inought they finde no fauour at their superiours handes but are punished with grieuous stripes They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall yea euen to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother daughter and sister by the mothers side For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely and also the wife of their father after his decease The yonger brother also or some other of his kindred is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased For at the time of our aboad in the countrey a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas was accused before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land and for selling them to others and although it could not be prooued yet was he put to death His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this came made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased brothers wife and the woman also to take him vnto her husband according to the custome of the Tartars She answered that she had rather die then so haynously transgresse the law Howbeit hee deliuered her vnto him although they both refused as much as they could Wherefore carying them to bed they constrained the youth lamenting and weeping to lie downe and commit incest with his brothers wife To be short after the death of their husbands the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in mariage They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes one lawfully begotten called Melich but the other Dauid borne in adulterie at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne Hereupon Melich vnto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother because it was gouerned before time by women went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him Nowe both of them comming to the court and proffering large giftes the sonne of the harlot made suite that he might haue iustice according to the custome of the Tartars Well sentence passed against Melich that Dauid being his elder brother should haue superioritie ouer him and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues each
one of them hath her family and dwelling place by her selfe And sometime the Tartar eateth drinketh and lieth with one and sometime with another One is accompted chiefe among the rest with whom hee is oftener conuersant then with the other And notwithstanding as it hath bin said they are many yet do they seldome fal out among themselues Of their superstitious traditions Chap. 7. BUt by reason of certain traditions which either they or their predecessors haue deuised they accompt some things indifferent to be faults One is to thrust a knife into the fire or any way to touch the fire with a knife or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldroÌ„ or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the fire For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire Another is to leane vpon the whip wherewith they beate their horses for they ride not with spurs Also to touch arrowes with a whip to take or kill yong birds to strike an horse with y e raine of their bridle and to breake one bone against another Also to powre out milke meate or any kinde of drinke vpon the ground or to make water within their tabernacle which whosoeuer doth willingly he is slaine but otherwise he must pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein to passe betweene two fiers Before it be on this wise purified no man dare once enter into it nor conueigh any thing thereout Besides if any man hath a morsell giuen him which he is not able to swallow and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth there is an hole made vnder his tabernacle by which hee is drawen forth and slaine without all compassion Likewise whosoeuer â—reads vpon the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles he is put to death Many other things there be like vnto these which they take for heinous offences But to slay men to inuade the dominions of other people and to rifle theiâ— goods to transgresse the commaundements and prohibitions of God are with them no offences at all They know nothing concerning eternall life and euerlasting damnation and yet they thinke that after death they shall liue in another world that they shall multiply their cattell that they shal eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe here vpon earth At a new moone or a full moone they begin all enterprises that they take in hand and they call the moone the Great Emperour and worship it vpon their knees All men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire Which purification is on this wise They kindle two fires and pitch two Iauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires binding a corde to the tops of the Iauelines And about the corde they tye certaine iagges of buckram vnder which corde and betweene which fires men beastes and tabernacles do passe There stand two women also one on the right side and another on the left casting water and repeating certaine charmes If any man be slaine by lightning all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid For their tabernacles beds and cartes their feltes and garments and whatsoeuer such things they haue are touched by no man yea and are abandoned by all men as things vncleane And to bee short they thinke that all things are to be purged by fire Therefore when any ambassadours princes or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft or haue brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment Chap. 7. THe East countrie whereof wee haue entreated which is called Mongal is repâ—rted to haue had of olde time foure sortes of people One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal that is the great Mongals The second company was called Sumongal that is the Water-Mongals who called themselues Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named Tartar The third was called Merkat and the fourth Metrit All these people has one and the same person attire of body and language albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces In the prouince of Yeka Mongal there was a certaine man called Chingis This man became a mighty hunter For he learned to steale men to take them for a pray He ranged into other countries taking as many captiues as he could and ioining them vnto himselfe Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey vnto him who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals or Tartars and slewe their captaine and after many conflicts subdued them vnto himselfe and brought them all into bondage Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats dwelling by the Tartars whom also hee vanquished in battell Proceeding from thence he fought against the Metrites and conquered them also The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted greatly disdeined thereat For they had a mighty puissant Emperour vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute Whose sonnes when he was dead succeeded him in his Empire Howbeit being young and foolish they knew not howe to gouerne the people but were diuided and fell at variance among themselues Now Chingis is being exalted as is aforesaid they neuerthelesse inuaded the forenamed countries put the inhabitants to the sword and carried away their goods for a pray Which Chingis hauing intelligence of gathered all his subiects together The Naimani also and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a certaine straight valley where after a battell foughten they were vanquished by the Mongals And being thus vanquished they were the greater part of them slaine and others which could not escape were carried into captiuitie In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans Occoday Cham the sonne of Chingis Cham after he was created Emperour built a certaine citie which he called Chanyl Neare vnto which citie on the South side there is an huge desert wherein wilde men are certainely reported to inhabite which cannot speake at all and are destitute of ioynts in their legges so that if they fall they cannot rise alone by themselues Howbeit they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels haire wherewith they clothe themselues and which they holde against the winde And if at any time the Tartars pursuing them chance to wound them with their arrowes they put herbes into their wounds and flye strongly before them Of the mutuall victories betweene them and the people of Kythay Chap. 9. BUt the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey prepared themselues to battell against the Kythayans Which their Emperour hearing set forward against them with his armie and they fought a cruell battell wherein the Mongals were
Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke nor any other of the Tartarian princes especially being in a publique place but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them And alwaies when hee rides there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars their wiues also The sayd Bathy is courteous euough vnto his owne men and yet is hee had in great awe by them he is most cruel in fight he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires How departing from Bathy they passed through the land of Comania and of the Kangittae Chap. 23. MOreouer vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy saying on his masters behalfe that we should go into their land vnto the Emperor Cuyne deteining certaine of our company with this pretence that they would send them backe vnto the Pope to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid there they were kept vntill our returne Upon Easter day hauing said our praiers and taken a slender breakfast in the company of two Tartars which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with many teares not knowing whether we went to death or to life And we were so feeble in bodie that we were scarce able to ride For all that Lent through our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes Neither had we ought to drinke but snowe melted in a skillet And passing through Comania we rode most earnestly hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day except when we went through deserts for then we were allowed better and stronger horses which could vndergoe the whole labour And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri that is Bulgaria magna the Bastarci that is Hungaria magna next vnto the Bastarci the Parositae and the Samogetae Next vnto the Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean On the South side it hath the Alani the Circassi the Gazari Greece and Constantinople also the land of Iberia the Cathes the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer the landes also of Scythia of Georgia of Armenia of Turkie On the West side it hath Hungaria and Russia Also Comania is a most large and long countrey The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe some notwithstanding fled from them and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage But most of them that fled are returned againe Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangitâ—ae which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria died for thirst in that desert As before in Comania so likewise in this countrey wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day The inhabitants therof were Pagans and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground but liued onely vpon cattell neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents These men also haue the Tartars rooted out and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey howbeit those that remained are reduced into their bondage How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour Chap. 24. MOreouer out of the land of the Kangittae we entered into the countrey of y e Bisermini who speake the language of Comania but obserue the law of the Saracens In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined many towns left desolate The lord of this country was called Soldan Altâ— who with al his progenie was destroyed by the Tartars This country hath most huge mountains On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach and all the whole countrey of the Saracens In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars namely Burin and Cadan the sonnes of Thyaday who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans and the Ocean In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans in which the Emperour built an house where we were called in to drinke Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. Departing from hence wee founde a certaine small sea vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine In which mountaine is reported to be a hole from whence in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue that traueilers can scarcely and with great danger passe by the same way In summer time the noise in deede of the winde is heard there but it proceedeth gently out of the hole Along the shores of the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes which although it bee not very great yet hath it many islandes and wee passed by leauing it on our left hande In this lande dwelleth Ordu whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes And it is the Orda or court of his faher which hee inhabiteth and one of his wiues beareth rule there For it is a custome among the Tartars that the Courts oâ— Princes or oâ— noble men are not dissolued but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour wherein one of his wiues dwelt Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe who was forthwith to be chosen Emperour Chap. 25. BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda but caused good attendance and entertainement after the Tartars fashion to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent and they caused vs to stay there and to refresh our selues with them one day Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul wee entered into the land of the Naymani who are Pagans But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles there fel a mightie snowe in that place and wee
to death at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie which for the same cause returned home Moreoouer vpon the foresaide Concubine and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced and they were put to death At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal which is a part of Russia deceased For being as it were for honours sake inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother and immediatly after the banquet returning vnto his lodging he fel sicke and within seuen dayes died And after his death his body was of a strange blew colour and it was commonly reported that the said Duke was poisoned to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour gaue and receiued letters Chap. 31. TO be short the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor who when he had heard of them that we were come vnto him coÌ„manded that we should return vnto his mother For he was determined the next day as it is abouesaid to set vp a flag of defiaÌ„ce against al y â— countreis of the West which he would haue vs in no case to know Wherefore returning we staied some few dayes with his mother and so returned baâ—ke again vnto him With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst that we could scarce hold life and soule together For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes was scantly sufficient for one day Neither could we buy vs any sustenance because the market was too farre off Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith named Cosmas who being greatly in the Emperours fauour procured vs some sustenance This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour which hee had made before it was set in the proper place and his seale which he also had framed Afterward the Emperor sent for vs giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary that wee should write downe our messages affaires and should deliuer them vnto him Which thing we performed accordingly Aâ—ter many daies he called for vs againe demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope which vnderstood the Russian the Sarracen or the Tartarian language To whom we answered that we had none of those letters or languages Howbeit that there were certaine Saracens in the land but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope And wee saide that wee thought it most expedient that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs we should diligently translate it into our own tongue and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope Then departed they from vs and went vnto the Emperour And after the day of S. Martine we were called for againe Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire and Chingay and Bala with diuers other Scribes came vnto vs and interpreted the letter word for word And hauing written it in Latine they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence to wit if we had erred in any word And when both letters were written they made vs to reade them ouer twise more least we should haue mistaken ought For they said vnto vs Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright it might breed some inconuenience They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them if need should require How they were licensed to depart Chap. 32. ANd as our Tartars told vs the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit he was desirous as we thought that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man exhorted vs to make the said petition we thought it not good for vs that the Emperor should send his ambassadours Wherfore we gaue him answere that it was not for vs to make any such petition but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them we would diligently by Gods assistance see them conducted in safetie Howbeit we thought it expedient for vs that they should not goe and that for diuers causes First because we feared least they seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly we feared that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions Thirdly we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way For our nations be arrogant and proud For when as those seruants which at the request of the Cardinall attended vpon vs namely the legates of Almaine returned vnto him in the Tartars attire they were almost stoned in the way by the Dutch and were compelled to put off those garments And it is the Tartars custome neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours till they haue reuenged themselues Fourthly least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force Fiftly because there could come no good by their ambassade for they were to haue none other commission or authoritie but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope and to the Princes of Christendome which very same letters wee our selues had and we knew right well that much harme might ensue thereoâ— Wherefore the third day after this namely vpon the feast of Saint Brice they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale sending vs vnto the Emperours mother who gaue vnto eche of vs â— gowne made of Foxe-skinnes with the furre on the outside and a piece of purple And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant they stole the better halfe Which false dealing of theirs we knew well inough but would make no words thereof How they returned homewards Chap. 33. THen taking our iourney to returne we trauailed all Winter long lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon For there were no trees but the plaine champion field And oftentimes in the morning we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension we arriued at the court of Bathy Of whom when wee had enquired what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written And hauing receiued letters for our safe conduct the thirteenth day after Pentecost being Saterday wee were proceeded as farre as Montij with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained which were withheld from vs and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs.
From hence wee trauailed vnto Corrensa to whom requiring gifts the second time at our hands we gaue none because we had not wherewithall And hee appointed vs two Comanians which liued among the common people of the Tartars to be our guides vnto the citie of Kiow in Russia Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars But the other guides namely the Comanians which were giuen vs by Corrensa brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow in the space of sixe dayes And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist. Moreouer the Citizens of Kiow hauing intelligence of our approch came foorth all of them to meete vs with great ioy For they reioyced ouer vs as ouer men that had bene risen from death to life So likewise they did vnto vs throughout all Russia Polonia and Bohemia Daniel and his brother Wasilico made vs a royalâ— feast and interteined vs with them against our willes for the space of eight dayes In the meane time they with their Bishops and other men of account being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars answered vs with common consent saying that they would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father and the Church of Rome for their Lady mistresse confirming likewise al things which they had sent concerning this matter before our comming by their Abbate And for the same purpose they sent their Ambassadours and letters by vs also vnto our Lord the Pope Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum Galli Anno gratie 1253. ad partes Orientales EXcellentissimo Domino Christianissimo Lodouico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri frater Willielmus de Rubruquiâ— in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem semper triumphaâ—e in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico de sapiente In terram alienarum gentium transibit bona mala in omnibus tentabit Hoc opus Domine mi Rex feci sed vtinam vt sapiens non stultus Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens sed non sapienter sed magis stultè de quorum numero timeo me esse Tamen quocunque modo fecerim quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis vt omnia scriberem vobis quaecunque viderem inter Tartaros etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas literas facio quod iniunxistis Cum timore tamen verecundia quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt quae debeam tantae scribere Maiestati Nouerit ergò vestra sancta maiestas quòd anno Domini millesfimo ducentessimo quinquagessimo tertio nonas Maij ingressi â—umus mare Ponti quod Bulgarici vocant Maius Mare habet mille octo milliaria in longum vt didici à mercatoribus distinguitur quasi in duas partes Circa medium enim eius sunt duae prouinciae terrae vna ad Aquilonem alia ad meridiem Illa quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis est castâ—um portus Soldani Turchiae Quae verò ad Aquilonem est est Prouincia quaedam quae nunc dicitur à Latinis Gasaria à Graecis verò qui inhabitant â—am super littus maris dicitur Castaria hoc eâ—t Caesaria Et sunt promontoriâ— quaedam extendentia se in mare contra meridienâ— versus Synopolim Et sunt tre centa milliaria inter Synopolim Cassariam Ita quod sint septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum latum sepringenta versus Orientem hoc est Hiberiam quae est prouincia Georgiae Ad prouinciam Gasariae siue Casariae appliâ—uimus quae est quasi triangularis ad Occidentem habens ciuitatem quae dicitur Kersoua in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus Et nauigantes coraÌ„ ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus praeparatum In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet ciuitatem quae dicitur Soldaia que ex transuerso respicit Synopolim Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares è contrario venientes de Rossia terris Aquilonaribus volentes transire in Turchiam Illi portant varium grisiam alias pelles pretiosas Alij portant telas de cottone siue bombasio pannos sericos species aromaticas Ad OrienteÌ„ verò illius prouinciae est ciuitas quae dicitur Matriga vbi ca dit fluuius Tanais in mare Pontiper orificiumhabens latitudiâ—em duodecem milliarâ—um Ille enim fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti facit quoddam mare versus Aquilonem habens in latitudine longitudine septinginta milliaria nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus vnde magna vasa non ingrediâ—ntur illud Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad praedictam ciuitatem Matertam mitâ—unt barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim vtemant pisces siccaâ—os sturiones thosas borbatas aâ—ios pisces infinitae multitudinis Praedicta verò prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus ad Occidentem scilicet vbi est Kersoua ciuitas Clementis ad meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia ad quam applicuimus quae est cuspis prouinciae ad Orientem Maricandis vbi est ciuitas Materta orificium Tanais Vltra illud orificium est Zikia quae non obedit Tartaris Et Sueui Hiberi ad Orientem qui non obediunt Tartaris Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem qui est de genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum qui obedit Tartaris posteà Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno qui non obedit Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem vsque ad Danubium totum est subditum Etiam vltrà Danubium versus Constantinopolim Valakia quae est terra Assani minor Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes solâ—unt eis tributum Et etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim vnam totum frumentum quod inuenerunt in massa Applicuimus ergò Soldaie in 12. Kalendas Iunij praeuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach Ego tamen predicaueram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam quod non estem nuncius nec vester nec alicuiâ—s sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram Tunc cùm applicuissem monebant me dicti mercatores vt cautè loquerer quia dixerunt me esse nuncium si non dicerem me
that morning and euening prayer with other common seruices appointed by the kings Maiestie and lawes of this Realme to be read and saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall and the marchant or some other person learned in other ships and the Bible or paraphrases to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly 14 Item that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the particulars of his charge and to render a perfect accompt of the diffraying of the same together with modest temperate dispending of powder shot and vse of all kinde of artillery which is not to be misused but diligently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the fleete and voyage together with due keeping of all instruments of your Nauigation and other requisites 15 Item no liquor to be spilt on the balast nor filthines to be left within boord the cook room and all other places to be kept cleane for the better health of the companie the gromals pages to bee brought vp according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea as well in learning of Nauigation as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth 16 Item the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by the marchants and not to be worne but by the order of the captaine when he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray for the aduancement and honour of the voyage and the liueries to bee redeliuered to the keeping of the marchants vntill it shal be thought conuenient for euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment 17 Item when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body and conseruation of his health the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant at the assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe wherein such needie person shall be at such reasonable price as the same cost without any gaine to be exacted by the marchants the value therof to be entred by the marchant in his booke and the same to be discounted off the parties wages that so shal receiue and weare the same 18 Item the sicke diseased weake and visited person within boord to be tendred relieued comforted and holpen in the time of his infirmitie and euery maner of person without respect to beare anothers burden and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him for the most benefite and publike wealth of the voyage and enterprise to be atchieued exactly 19 Item if any person shal fortune to die or miscary in the voyage such apparell and other goods as he shall haue at the time of his death is to be kept by the order of the captaine and Master of the shippe and an inuentorie to be made of it and conserued to the vse of his wife and children or otherwise according to his mind and wil and the day of his death to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards bookes to the intent it may be knowen what wages he shall haue deserued to his death and what shall rest due to him 20 Item that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes or open their commodities to any forrein princes or any of their subiects without the consent priuitie or agreement of the Captaines the cape Marchants and the assistants or foure of them whereof the captaine generall the Pilot Maior and cape marchant to be three and euery of the pettie marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant when they or any of them shall be required and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie marchants without the assent abouesaid and all wares and commodities trucked bought or giuen to the companie by way of marchandise trucke or any other respect to be booked by the marchants and to be wel ordred packed and conseâ—â—ed in one masse entirely and not to be broken or altered vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges and inuentorie of al goods wares and marchandises so trucked bought or otherwise dispended to be presented to the Gouernor Consuls and Assistants in London in good order to the intent the Kings Maiestie may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited according to our most bound dueties and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto them appertaineth and no embezelment shall be vsed but the truth of the whole voyage to bée opened to the common wealth and benefite of the whole companie and mysterie as appertaineth without guilt fraude or male engine 21 Item no particular person to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke of the company in sale of preferment of his own proper wares and things and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seuerall profite vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furnished and no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents as shal fortune to any one of them by his owne proper policie industrie or chance nor no contention to rise in that behalfe by any occasion of iewel stone pearles precious mettals or other things of the region where it shall chance the same to rise or to be found bought trucked permuted or giuen but euery person to be bounden in such case and vpon such occasion by order and directionâ— as the generall captaine and the Councell shall establish and determine to whose order and discretion the same is left for that of things vncertaine no certaine rules may or can be giuâ—n 22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion but to passe it ouer in silence without any declaration of it seeming to beare with such lawes and rites as the place hath where you shall arriue 23 Item for as much as our people and shippes may appeare vnto them strange and wonderous and theirs also to ours it is to be considered how they may be vsed learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord your ships and there to learne as you may without violence or force and no woman to be tempted or intreated to incontinencie or dishonestie 24 Item the person so taken to be well entertained vsed and apparelled to be set on land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shal know the secrets of his heart 25 Item our people may not passe further into a lande then that they may be able to recouer their pinnesses or ships not to credit the faire words of the strange people which be many times tried
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
great For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre which are no small number He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie thousand men and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men and towarde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand which is wonder to heare of yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant All his men are horsemen he vseth no footmen but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers which are thirtie thousand The horsemen are all archers with such bowes as the Turkes haue and they ride shore as doe the Turkes Their armour is a coate of plate with a skull on their heads Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold their desire is to be sumptuous in the field and especially the nobles and gentlemen as I haue heard their trimming is very costly and partly I haue seene it or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions which are fayre yet not like vnto his And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys or that strangers come to them they be very gorgious Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell and when he goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland which had at the lest fiue hundred horses their sumptuousnes was aboue measure not onely in themselues but also in their horses as veluet cloth of golde and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant What shall I farther say I neuer heard of nor saâ— men so sumptuous but it is no dayly guise for when they haue not occasion as I sayd before all their doing is but meane And now to the effect of their warres They are men without al order in the field For they runne hurling on heapes and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun for no cold wil hurt them Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and weather and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes from euery man must carie make prouision for himselfe his horse for a moneth or two which is very wonderful For he himselfe shal liue vpon water otemeale mingled together cold and drinke water thereto his horse shal eat green wood such like baggage shal stand open in the cold field without couert yet wil he labour serue him right wel I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with theÌ„ but one moneth I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man beast Now what might be made of these men if they were trained broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make theÌ„ to vnderstand y e things aforesaid I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not wel able to match with him coÌ„sidering the greatnes of his power the hardnes of his people straite liuing both of people and horse and the small charges which his warres stand him in for he giueth no wages except to strangers They haue a yerely sâ—ipend not much As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder shot or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions For there is no man of liuing but hee is bound likewise whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong Also if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters with all Also if there be a richman a fermour or man of liuing which is striken in age or by chance is maimed and be not able to doe the Duke seruice some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice will come to the Duke and complayne saying your Grace hath such an one which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Higâ—nes who hath great abundance of welth and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him and make him to helpe those that want Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth and if it be so proued he shall be called before the Duke and it shall bee sayd vnto him friend you haue too much liuing and are vnseruiceable to your prince lesse will serue you and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on and he may not once repine thereat but for answere he will say that he hath nothing but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces and cannot say as we the common people in England say if wee haue any thing that it is Gods and our owne Men may say that these men are in wonderfull great awe and obedience that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to
happen to disperse and scatter them euery shippe should indeuour his best to goe to Wardhouse a hauen or castell of some name in the kingdome of Norway and that they that arriued there first in safetie should stay and expect the comming of the rest The very same day in the afternoone about foure of the clocke so great a tempest suddenly arose and the Seas were so outragious that the ships could not keepe their intended course but some were perforce driuen one way and some another way to their great perill and hazard The generall with his lowdest voyce cried out to Richard Chanceler and earnestly requested him not to goe farre from him but hâ—e neither would nor could keepe companie with him if he sailed still so fast for the Admirall was of better saile then his shippe But the said Admirall I knowe not by what meanes bearing all his sailes was caried away with so great force and swiftnesse that not long after hee was quite out of sight and the third ship also with the same storme and like rage was dispersed and lost vs. The shippe boate of the Admirall striking against the shippe was ouerwhelmed in the fight and viewe of the Mariners of the Bonauenture and as for them that are already returned and arriued they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them But if it be so that any miserable mishap haue ouertaken them If the rage and furie of the Sea haue deuoured those good men or if as yet they liue and wander vp and downe in strange Countreys I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune and if they beliuing let vs wish them safetie and a good returne but if the crueltie of death hath taken holde of them God send them a Christian graue and Sepulchre Nowe Richard Chanceler with his shippe and company being thus left alone and become very pensiue heauie and sorowfull by this dispersion of the Fleete hee according to the order before taken shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the shippes And being come thither and hauing stayed there the space of 7. dayes and looked in vaine for their comming hee determined at length to proceede alone in the purposed voyage And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart it happened that hee fell in company and speech with certaine Scottishmen who hauing vnderstanding of his intention and wishing well to his actions beganne earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose But hee holding nothing so ignominious and reprochfull as inconstancie and leuitie of minde and perswading himselfe that a man of valour coulde not commit a more dishonourable part then for feare of danger to auoyde and shunne great attempts was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution determining either to bring that to passe which was intended or els to die the death And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his shippe although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde in respect of their doubtfull course yet notwithstanding they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chanceler that they were resolute and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment to make proofe and triall of all aduentures without all feare or mistrust of fuâ—ure dangers Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Captaines carefulnesse for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them feared lest through any errour of his the safetie of the companie should bee indangered To conclude when they sawe their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the shippes to be euery day more and more frustrated they prouided to sea againe and Master Chanceler held on his course towards that vnknowen part of the world and sailed so farre that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearely vpon the huge and mightie Sea And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay which was of one hundreth miles or thereabout ouer Whereinto they entred and somewhat farre within it cast ancre and looking euery way about them it happened that they espied a farre off a certaine fisher boate which Master Chanceler accompanied with a fewe of his men went towards to common with the fishermen that were in it and to knowe of them what Countrey it was and what people and of what maner of liuing they were but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his shippe for in those partes before that time they had neuer seene the like beganne presently to auoyde and to flee but hee still following them at last ouertooke them and being come to them they being in great feare as men halfe dead prostrated themselues before him offering to kisse his feete but hee according to his great and singular courtesie looked pleasantly vpon them comforting them by signes and gestures refusing those dueties and reuerences of theirs and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground And it is strange to consider howe much fauour afterwards in that place this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie whereupon the common people came together offering to these newe-come ghests victuals freely and not refusing to traffique with them except they had bene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome not to buy any forreine commodities without the knowledge and consent of the king By this time our men had learned that this Countrey was called Russia or Moscouie and that Iuan Vasiliwich which was at that time their Kings name ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were and what they came for whereunto answere was made that they were Englishmen sent into those coastes from the most excellent King Edward the sixt hauing from him in commâ—ndement certaine things to deliuer to their King and seeking nothing els but his amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby they doubted not but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both kingdomes The Barbarians heard these things very gladly and promised their aide and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request In the meane time Master Chanceler intreated victuals for his money
thence into Persia and to haue seene the trade of that countrey although I had enformed my selfe sufficiently thereof as well at Astracan as at Boghar and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria but when I should haue taken my iourney that way it was let by diuers occasions the one was the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie and the kings of Tartaria whereby the waies were destroyed and there was a Carauan destroied with rouers theeues which came out of India and Persia by safe conduct and about ten daies iourney from Boghar they were robbed and a great part slaine Also the Metropolitan of Boghar who is greater then the king tooke the Emperors letters of Russia from me without which I should haue bene taken slaue in euery place also all such wares as I had receiued in barter for cloth and as I tooke perforce of the king other his Nobles in paiment of money due vnto me were not vendible in Persia for which causes and diuers others I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium the same way I went so that the eight of March 1559 we departed out of the said Citie of Boghar being a Carauan of 600 Camels and if we had not departed when we did I and my company had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods For ten daies after our departure the king of Samarcand came with an armie besieged the said Citie of Bogâ—ar the king being absent and gone to the wars against another prince his kinsman as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeres For it is maruell if a King reigne there aboue three or foure yeres to the great destruction of the Countrey and marchants The 25 of March we came to the foresayd towne of Vrgence and escaped the danger of 400 rouers which lay in waâ—te for vs backe againe being the most of them of kindred to that company of theeues which we met with going foorth as we perceiued by foure spies which were taken There were in my company and committed to my charge two ambassadors the one from the king of Boghar the other from the king of Balke and were sent vnto the Emperor of Russia And after hauing taried at Vrgence and the Castle of Sellysure eight daies for the assembling and making ready of our Carauan the second of Aprill we departed from thence hauing foure moe Ambassadors in our companie sent from the king of Vrgence and other Soltans his brethren vnto the Emperor of Russia with answere of such letters as I brought them and the same Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge by the sayde Kings and princes to whome I promised most faithfully and swore by our law that they should be well vsed on Rusland and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie according as the Emperor had written also in his letters for they somewhat doubted because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia of long time before The 23 of Aprill we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe where we found our barke which we came in but neither anker cable cocke nor saile neuerthelesse wee brought hempe with vs and spunne a cable our selues with the rest of our tackling and made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll and rigged our barke as well as we could but boate or anker we had none In the meane time being deuising to make an anker of wood of a cart wheele there arriued a barke which came from Astracan with Tartars and Russes which had 2 ankers with whom I agreed for the one and thus being in a readines we set saile and departed I and the two Iohnsons being Master and Mariners our selues hauing in our barke the said sixe ambassadors and 25 Russes which had bene â—â—aues a long time in â—arâ—aria nor euer had before my comming libertie or meanes to get home and these slaues serued to rowe when neede was Thus sailing sometimes along the coast and sometimes out of sight of lande the 13. day of May hauing a contrary winde wee came to an anker being three leagues from the shoare there rose a sore storme which continued 44. houres and our cable being of our owne spinning brake and lost our anker and being off a lee shoare and hauing no boate to helpe vs we hoysed our saile and bare roomer with the said shoare looking for present death but as God prouided for vs we ranne into a creeke ful of oze and so saued our selues with our barke liued in great discomfort for a time For although we should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea yet if our barke had perished we knew we should haue bene either destroyed or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey who liue wildly in the field like beasts without house or habitation Thus when the storme was seased we went out of the creeke againe and hauing set the land with our Compasse and taken certaine markes of the same during the time of the tempest whilest we ridde at our anker we went directly to the place where we ridde with our barke againe and found our anker which wee lost whereat the Tartars much marueiled how we did it While we were in the creeke we made an anker of wood of cart wheeles which we had in our barke which we threw away when wee had found out yron anker againe Within two dayes after there arose another great storme at the Northeast and we lay a trie being driuen far into the sea and had much ado to keepe our barke from sinking the billowe was so great but at the last hauing faire weather we tooke the Sunne and knowing howe the land lay from vs we fel with the Riuer Yaik according to our desire wherof the Tartars were very glad fearing that wee should haue bene driuen to the coast of Persia whose people were vnto them great enemies Note that during the time of our Nauigation wee set vp the redde crosse of S. George in our flagges for honour of the Christians which I suppose was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before We passed in this voyage diuers fortunes notwithstanding the 28. of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan and there remained till the tenth of Iune following as well to prepare vs small boates to goe vp against the streame of Volga with our goods as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie committed vnto me to bee brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia This Caspian sea to say some thing of it is in length about two hundred leagues and in breadth 150. without any issue to other seas to the East part whereof ioyneth the great desert countrey of the Tartars called Turkemen to the West the countreyes of the Chyrcasses the mountaines of Caucasus and the Mare Euxinum which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues To the North is the riuer
in the rode the ships sent out of England almost laden ready to depart The 25 day departed for England out of the rode of S. Nicholas the ship Elizabeth The 26 day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Mary Susan and in the Thomas Allen went William Turnbul Matthew Tailboys Thomas Hudson and others The goods returned of the Persia voyage were laden into the ship William and Iohn whereof was Master William Bigat and in her with the same goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris The 11 of August the same ship being laden and dispatched departed from the rode of S. Nicholas and with her in company another of the companies fraighted ships called the Tomasin whereof was M. Christopher Hall In their returne homewards they had some foule weather and were separated at the sea the William and Iohn put into Newcastle the 24 of September from whence the sayd Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris came to London by land and brought newes of the arriuall of the ship The 25 of September both the sayd ships arriued at the port of London in safety and ankered before Limehouse and Wapping where they were discharged 1581. Obseruations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South Anno 1581. Michael Archangel Meridian altitude obserued at Michael the Archangel 42. degrees 30. minuts The true latitude 64. degrees 54 minuts  The English house in Colmogro The English house in Colmogro in latitude 64. d. 25. m. The meridian altitude there obserued the 29 of Iuly 42. d. 15. m. Recola Meridian altitude the 30 of Iuly 41. d. 40. m. 64. d. 20. m. Declination 16. d. 6. m. Yeegris Meridian 4 of August 41. d. 50. m. 62. d. 59. m. Declination Northerly 14. d. 49. m. Towlma Meridian altitude the 15 of August 40. d. 45. m. 60. d. 17. m. Declination Northerly 11. d. 2. m. Vologda Meridian altitude the 20 of August 40. d. 59. d. 17. m. Declination Northerly 9. d. 17. m. Vologda Meridian altitude 21 of August 39. d. 36. m. 59. d. 20. m. Declination 8. d. 56. m. Yereslaue Latitude by gesse 57. d. 50. m. Swyoskagorod Meridian altitude 21. September 31. d. 56. d. 4. m. Declination 2. d. 56. m. Ouslona Monastery Meridian altitude 23. September 30. d. 26. m. 55. d. 51. m. Declination 2. d. 56. m. Tetuskagorod Meridian altitude 28. September 28. d. 28. m. 55. d. 22. m. Declination 5. d. 35. m. Oueek Meridian altitude 5. October 30. d. 12. m. 51. d. 30. m. Declination 8. d. 18. m. Astracan Astracan meridian altitude 22. October 29. d. 36. m. 46. d. 10. m. Declination 14. d. 16. m. Astracan Meridian altitude 1 of Nouember 26. d. 35. m. 46. d. 9. m. Declination 17. d. 16. m. Certaine directions giuen by M. Richard Hackluit of the Middle Temple to M. Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia 1579. 1 FOr that England hath the best wool cloth of the world and for that the clothes of the realme haue no good vent if good dying be not added therfore it is much to be wished that the dying of forren countreyes were seene to the end that the arte of dying may be brought into the Realme in greatest excellency for thereof will follow honour to the Realme and great and ample vent of our clothes and of the vent of clothes will follow the setting of our poore on worke in all degrees of labour in clothing and dying for which cause most principally you are sent ouer at the charge of the city and therfore for the satisfying the lords and of the expectation of the merchants and of your company it behooues you to haue care to returne home with more knowledge then you caried out 2 The great dearth of clothes is a great let in the ample vent of clothes and the price of a cloth for a fifth sixth and seuenth part riseth by the colour and dying and therefore to deuise to die as good colours with the one halfe of the present price were to the great commodity of the Realme by sauing of great treasure in time to come And therefore you must haue great care to haue knowledge of the materials of all the countreys that you shall passe thorow that may be vsed in dying be they hearbs weeds barks gummes èarths or what els soeuer 3 In Persia you shall finde carpets of course thrummed wooll the best of the world and excellently coloured those cities townes you must repaire to and you must vse meanes to learne all the order of the dying of those thrummes which are so died as neither raine wine nor yet vineger can staine and if you may attaine to that cunning you shall not need to feare dying of cloth For if the colour holde in yarne and thrumme it will holde much better in cloth 4 For that in Persia they haue great colouring of silks it behocuâ—s you to learne that also for that cloth dying like dying haue a certaine affinity and your merchants mind to bring much raw silke into the Realme and therefore it is more requisit you learne the same 5 In Persia there are that slaine linnen cloth it is not amisse you learne it if you can it hath bene an olde trade in England whereof some excellent clothes yet remaine but the arte is now lost and not to be found in the Realme 6 They haue a cunning in Persia to make in buskins of Spanish leather flowers of many kindes in most liuely colours and these the Courtiers do weare there to learne which arte were no harme 7 If any Dier of China or of the East parts of the world be to be found in Persia acquaint yourselfe with him and learne what you may of him 8 You shall finde Anile there if you can procure the herbe that it is made of either by seed or by plant to cary into England you may do well to endeuour to enrich your countrey with the same but withall learne you the making of the Anile and if you can get the herbe you may send the same dry into England for possibly it groweth here already 9 Returne home with you all the materials and substances that they die withall in Russia and also in Persia that your company may see all 10 In some litle pot in your lodging I wish you to make daily trials in your arte as you shall from time to time learne ought among them 11 Set downe in writing whatsoeuer you shall learne from day to day lest you should forget or lest God should call you to his mercy and by ech returne I wish you to send in writing whatsoeuer you haue learned or at the least keepe the same safe in your coffer that come death or life your countrey may enioy the thing that you goe for and not lose the charge and trauell bestowed in this case 12 Learne you there to fixe and make sure the colour to be giuen by logge wood so shall we
in vse in England which the ambassadour caused to be done accordingly and sent them vnto him who seemed so well to like them as he caused them with much good allowance to be publikely read before diuers of his councell and many others of his nobility Now he drew hotly againe in question to marry some kinsewoman of her Maiesties that he would send againe into England to haue some one of them to wife and if her Maiestie would not vpon his next ambassage send him such a one as he required himselfe would then goe into England and cary his treasure with him and marry one of them there Here you must vnderstand that the yeere before this ambassage he had sent to her Maiesty by his ambassador to haue had the lady Mary Hastings in marriage which intreaty by meanes of her inability of body by occasion of much sicknesse or perhaps of no great liking either of herselfe or friends or both â—ooke no place The ambassador was now so farre growen into the Emperors fauor his affection so great to England as those great counsellers that were the ambassadors great enemies before were now desirous of some publike courtesies at his hands for their aduantage to the Emperour neither durst they now any more interpose themselues twixt the Emperour and him for not long before this the Emperor for abusing the ambassador had to shew his fauor towards him beaten Shalkan the chanceller very grieuously and had sent him word that he would not leaue one of his race aliue Now whilest the ambassador was thus strongly possest of the Emperours fauor he imployed himselfe in all he might not onely for the speedy dispatch of the negotiation he had in hand but laboured also by all the good meanes he might further to benefit his countrey and countreymen and so not long after wanne at the Emperours hands not onely all those things he had in commission to treat for by his instructions but also some other of good and great importance for the benefit of the merchants Priuate sutes obteined of the Emperor by the ambassador LEaue for Richard Fransham an English man and apothecary to the Emperour his wife and children to come home into England and to bring with him all such goods as he had gotten there He obteiâ—ed like leaue for Richard Elmes an Engliâ—hman one of the Emperours surgions He also got leaue for Iane Richards the widow of Doctor Bomelius a Dutchman and physician to the Emperour who for treason practised with the king of Pole against the sayd Emperour was rosted to death at the city of Mosco in the yere 1579. These following he obteined for the behoofe of the merchants HE procured for the merchants promise of recompense for certaine goods taken from their factors by robbery vpon the Volga He obtained likewise the payment of fiue hundred marks which was payd for ten yeeres before his going into Russia into the Emperours receit for a rent of a house that they had at Vologda He also got granted for them the repayment of fifteene hundred marks which had bene exacted of them the two last yeres before his comming thither He got also for them order for the repayment of an olde and desperate debt of three thousand marks a debt so desperate as foure yeeres left out of their accounts and by the opinion of them all not thought fit to be dealt with for too much offending the Emperor or impeaching his other businesse which was thought at least otherwise sufficient and was therefore left out of his instructions from her Maiesty He obteined that all strangers were forbidden to trade any more into Russia and that the passage and trade to all the Emperors Northren coasts and countries from the Wardhouse to the riuer of Ob should be onely free to the English nation Lastly of a great desire he had to do the merchants good without motion either of themselues here or their Agents there or any other of them he obteined of the Emperour the abatement of all their custome which they had long before payd and agreed still to continue which custome the Dutchmen and strangers being remooued as now it was agreed amounted to two thousand pounds yerely All thâ—se were granted some already payd before his comming from Mosco the olde priuilege ratified newly written signed and sealed and was to be deliuered to the ambassadour at his next comming to Court before when the Empeâ—or fell sicke of a surfet and so died After whose death the case was woondrously altered with the ambassador for whereas both in his owne conceit and in all mens opinion els he was in great forwardnes to haue growen a great man with the Emperor what for the loue he bare to her Maiesty and the particular liking he had of himselfe he now fell into the hands of his great enemies Mekita Romanouich and Andre Shalkan the chanceller who after the death of the Emperour tooke the speciall gouernment vpon themselues and so presently caused the ambassadour to be shut vp a close prisoner in his owne house for the space of nine weeks and was so straightly guarded and badly vsed by those that attended him as he dayly suspected some further mischiefe to haue followed for in this time there grew a great vprore in Mosco of nigh twenty thousand persons which remembring that his enemies reigned somewhat amazed the ambassadour but yet afterwards the matter fell out against that great counsellor Bodan Belskoy whom I noted before to be a special man in the old Emperors fauor who was now notwithstanding so outragiously assaulted as that he was forced to seeke the Emperors chamber for his safety and was afterwards sent away to Cazan a place he had in gouernment fiue hundred miles from Mosco where he hath remained euer since and neuer as yet called againe to court at which time the ambassador expected some such like measure and prepared himselfe aswell as he could for his defence yet happily after this was sent for to court to haue his dispatch and to take his leaue of the Emperor whither being conducted not after the woonted maner and brought to the councell chamber came to him onely Shalkan the chanceller and a brother of his who without more adoe tolde him for the summe of his dispatch that this Emperour would not treat of further amity with the Queene his mistresse then such as was betweene his late father and her before his comming thither and would not heare any reply to be made by the ambassadour but presently caused both himselfe and all his company to be disarmed of their weapons and go towards the Emperor In which passage there were such outrages offered him as had he not vsed more patience then his disposition afforded him or the occasion required he had not in likelihood escaped with life but yet at length was brought to the presence of the Emperour who sayd nothing to him but what the chanceller had already done but offered him a
death or other misfortunes of this life or no. So that it seemeth they haue euer or long time bene of that minde to value things no further then by the vse and necessitie for which they serue For person and complexion they haue broade and flatte visages of a tanned colour into yellowe and blacke fierce and cruell lookes thinne haired vpon the vpper lippe and pitte of the thinne light and nimble bodied with short legges as if they were made naturally for horsemen whereto they practise themselues from their childhood seldome going afoot about anie businesse Their speech is verie sudden and loude speaking as it were out of a deepe hollowe throate When they sing you woulde thinke a kowe lowed or some great bandogge howled Their greatest exercise is shooting wherein they traine vp their children from their verie infancie not suffering them to eate till they haue shot neere the marke within a certaine scantling They are the very same that sometimes were called Scythae Nomades or the Scythian shepheards by the Greekes and Latines Some thinke that the Turks took their beginning from the nation of the Crim Tartars Of which opinion is Laonicus Calcocondylas the Greek Historiographer in his first booke of his Turkish storie Wherein hee followeth diuers verie probable coniectures The first taken from the verie name it selfe for that the worde Turk signifieth a Shepheard or one that followeth a vagarant and wilde kinde of life By which name these Scythian Tartars haue euer beene noted being called by the Greekes 〈…〉 or the Scythian shepheards His second reason because the Turkes in his time that dwelt in Asia the lesse to wit is Lydia Caria Phrygia and Cappadocia spake the very same language that these Tartars did that dwelt betwixt the riuer Tanais or Don and the countrey of Sarmatia which as is well knowen are these Tartars called Crims At this time also the whole nation of the Turkes differ not much in their common speech from the Tartar language Thirdly because the Turke and the Crim Tartar agree so well together as well in religion as in matter of traffique neuer inuading or inurying one another saue that the Turke since Laonicus his time hath encroched vpon some Townes vpon the Euxin Sea that before perteined to the Crim Tartar Fourthly because Ortogules sonne to Oguzalpes and father to Otoman the first of name of the Turkish nation made his first roads out of those parts of Asia vpon the next borderers till hee came towardes the countreys about the hill Taurus where hee ouercame the Greekes that inhabited there and so enlarged the name and territorie of the Turkish nation till hee came to Eubaea and Attica and other partes of Greece This is the opinion of Laonicus who liued among the Turkes in the time of Amurat the sixt Turkish Emperour about the yeere 1400. when the memorie of their originall was more fresh and therefore the likelier hee was to hit the trueth There are diuers other Tartars that border vpon Russia as the Nagayes the Cheremissens the Mordwites the Chircasses and the Shalcans which all differ in name more then in regiment or other condition from the Crim Tartar except the Chircasses that border Southwest towardes Lituania and are farre more ciuill then the rest of the Tartars of a comely person and of a stately behauiour as applying themselues to the fashion of the Polonian Some of them haue subiected themselues to the Kings of Poland and professe Christianitie The Nagay lieth Eastwarde and is reckoned for the best man of warre among all the Tartars but verie sauage and cruell aboue all the rest The Cheremessen Tartar that lieth betwixt the Russe and the Nagay are of two sorts the Lugauoy that is of the valley and the Nagornay or of the hilly countrey These haue much troubled the Emperours of Russia And therefore they are content now to buy peace of theÌ„ vnder pretence of giuing a yeerely pension of Russe commodities to their Morseys or Diuoymorseis that are chiefe of their tribes For which also they are bound to serue them in their wars vnder certaine conditions They are said to be iust and true in their dealings and for that cause they hate the Russe people whom they account to be double and false in al their dealing And therefore the common sort are very vnwilling to keepe agreement with them but that they are kept in by their Morseis or Dukes for their pensions sake The most rude barbarous is counted the Mordwit Tartar that hath many selfe-fashions and strange kinds of behauiour differing from the rest For his religion though he acknowledge one God yet his maner is to worship for God that liuing thing y t he first meeteth in the morning to sweare by it all that whole day whether it be horse dog cat or whatsoeuer els it bee When his friend dieth he killeth his best horse and hauing flayed off the skinne hee carieth it on high vpon a long pole before the corpes to the place of buriall This hee doeth as the Russe saieth that his friend may haue a good horse to carie him in heauen but it is likelier to declare his loue towards his dead friend in that he will haue to die with him the best thing that he hath Next to the kingdome of Astracan that is the farthest part Southeastward of the Russe dominion lyeth the Shalcan and the countrey of Media whither the Russe marchants trade for rawe silkes syndon saphion skinnes and other commodities The chiefe Townes of Media where the Russe tradeth are Derbent built by Alexander the great as the inhabitants say and Zamachi where the staple is kept for rawe silkes Their maner is in the â—pring time to reuiue the silke-wormes that lie dead all the Winter by laying them in the warme sunne and to hasten their quickening that they may sooner goe to worke to put them into bags and so to hang them vnder their childrens armes As for the woorme called Chrinisin as wee call it Chrymson that maketh coloured silke it is bred not in Media but in Assyria This trade to Derbent and Samachi for rawe silkes and other commodities of that Countrey as also into Persia and Bougharia downe the riuer of Volga and through the Caspian sea is permitted aswell to the English as to the Russe merchants by the Emperours last grant at my being there Which he accounteth for a very speciall fauour and might proue indeede very beneficiall to our English merchants if the trade were wel and orderly vsed The whole nation of the Tartars are vtterly voide of all learning and without written Law yet certaine rules they haue which they hold by tradition common to all the Hoords for the practise of their life Which are of this sort First To obey their Emperour and other Magistrates whatsoeuer they commaund about the publike seruice 2 Except for the publike behoofe euery man to be free and out of controlment
the night Why not in the hill of Lipara opening with a wide and bottomlesse gulfe as Aristotle beareth record whereunto it is dangerous to approch in the night froÌ„ whence the sound of Cymbals and the noyse of rattles with vnwonted and vncouth laughters are heard Why not in the field of Naples neare vnto Puteoli Why not in the Pike of â—eneriffa before mentioned like Aetna continually burning and casting vp stones into the aier as Munster himselfe witnesseth Why not in that Aethiopian hill which Plinie affirmeth to burne more then all the former And to conclude why not in the mountaine of Vesuuius which to the great damage of al the countrey adioyning to the vtter destruction of Caius Plinius prying into y e causes of so strange a fire vomiting out flames as high as the clouds filling the aire with great abundance of pumistones and ashes with palpable darknesse intercepting the light of the sunne from al the region therabout I wil speake yet speake no more then the truth because in deede they foresaw that men would yeeld no credite to those things as being too well knowen though they should haue feined them to haue beene the flames of hell but they thought the burning of Hecla the rumor whereof came more slowly to their eares to be fitter for the establishing of this fond fable But get ye packing your fraud is found out leaue off for shame hereafter to perswade any simple man y t there is a hel in mount Helca For nature hath taught both vs others maugre your opinion to acknowledge her operations in these fireworkes not the fury of hell But now let vs examine a few more such fables of y e coÌ„moÌ„ people which haue so vnhappily misledd our historiographers cosmographers The eight section Neare vnto the mountaines the 3. fornamed Hecla c. there be three vaste holes the depth whereof especially at mount Hecla cannot be discerned by any man be he neuer so sharpe sighted but there appeare to the beholders thereof certaine men at that instant plunged in as yet drawing their breath who answere their friends exhorting them with deepe sighs to returne home that they must depart to mount Hecla and with that they suddenly vanish away TO confirme the formerlie of an earthly visible hell albeit I will easily grant that Frisius in writing these things did not entend to reproch any but only to blaze abroad new incredible matters certaine idle companions knowing neither hell nor heauen haue inuented this fable no lesse reprochfull then false and more vaine detestable then Sicilian scoffes Which fellowes these writers being otherwise men of excellent parts and to whom learning is much indebted haue followed with an ouer hastie iudgement But it were to be wished that none would write Histories with so great a desire of setting foorth nouelties strange things that they feare not in that regard to broch any fabulous oldmiues toyes so to defile pure gold with filthy mire But I pray you how might those drowned meÌ„ be swimming in the infernal lake yet for al that parleing with their acquaintance friends What Will you coniure raise vp vnto vs from death to life old Orpheus conferring with his wife Euridice drawen backe againe down to the Stigian flood in these parts of the world as it were by the bankes of snowey Tanais Hebrus descanting vpon his harpe But in very deed although others will not acknowledge the falshood vanity of these trifles yet Cardane being a diligent considerer of all things in his 18. booke de subâ—ilitate doth acknowledge find them out Whose words be these There is Hecla a mountaine in Island which burneth like vnte AEâ—na at certain seasons hereupon the coÌ„mon people haue conceiued an opinion this long time that soules are there purged some least they should seeme liars heape vp more vanities to this fable that it may appeare to be probable agreeable to reasoÌ„ But what be those vanities namely they feine certaine ghosts answering theÌ„ that they are going to mount Hecla as the same Cardane saith And further he addeth Neither in Island only but euery where albeit seldome such things come to passe And then he tels this storie following of a man-killing spright There was saith he solemnized this last yeare the funerall of a coÌ„mon citizen in the gate neare vnto the great Church by that marketplace which in regard of the abundaÌ„ce of herbs in our toong hath the name of the herbmarket There meets with me one of mine acquaintance I according to the custome of Phisiâ—ians presently aske of what disease the man died he giueth me answere that this man vsed to come home from his labour 3. houres within night one night amoÌ„g the rest he espied an hobgoblin pursuing him which to auoid he ran away with al speed but being caught by the spright he was throwne down vpon the ground He would faine haue made a shout was not able At length when the spright he had struggled together vpon the ground a good while he was found by certain passengers carried home halfe dead And when he was come to himselfe againe being asked what was the matter he vp and tolde this strange relation Hereupon being vtterly daunted discouraged when neither by his friends nor by Phisitians nor by Priests he could be perswaded that these things were but his owne conceits that there was no such matter 8. daies after he died I heard also afterward of others which were his neighbors that no man could more coÌ„stantly affirme himselfe to be wounded of his enemy then this man did that he was cast vpon the ground by a ghost And when some demanded what he did after he was tumbled on the earth The dead man quoth he laying his hands to my throat went about to straÌ„gle me neither was there any remedy but by defending my selfe with mine own hands When others doubted least he might suffer these things of a liuing man they asked him how he could discerne a dead man froÌ„ a liuing To this he rendered a very probable reason saying that he seemed in handling to be like Cottum that he had no weight but held him down by maine force And presently after he addeth In like manner as in Island so in the desert sands of AEgypt AEthiopia and India where the sunne is hoat the very same apparitions the same sprights are wont to delude wayfaring men Thus much Cardane Yet from hence I trow no man will conclude as our writers of Island do that in the places of AEgypt AEthiopia and India there is a prison of damned soules I thought good to write these things out of Cardane that I may bring euen the testimony of strangers on our sides against such monstrous fables This place of Cardane implieth these two things namely y e apparitions of sprights are not proper to Island alone which thing al meÌ„
receiue or deliuer vnto others opinions grounded vpon no plaine and manifest places of Scripture for certainties and trueths Deut. 4. and 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim. 3. Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius doe grace the Islanders is meerly contrary to Christian religion namely that they make al one reckoning of their whelps and of their children But more of this matter anone in the 7. section So therefore Munster disagreeth with himselfe whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians afterward he maketh to be master-builders of hell Also Krantzius and Munster both together when as those whom they affirme to be engraffed by faith into Christ they exempt from all sense of pietie and honesty in that they write that their sonnes are not dearer vnto them then their whelpes But to returne to the matter In very deed we haue no great thing to say concerning our religion what or of what sort it was when Gentilisme was first put to flight No more I thinke haue other Northern nations neere vnto vs to say concerning y e beginning of their faith For alas we must needs confesse bewaile with deepe sighes that vntill that day which shined vnto vs like the beginning of immortalitie brought vnto vs the pure doctrine of the gospel our countrymen as likewise other churches of the North were ouer-spred with more then Cimmerian darkenesse But we may iustly and religiously thinke thus much that among vs and our neighbors of Norway for I wil not range out of my bounds nor affirme any thing of vnknowen people after heathenish idolatry was rooted out Christian faith religion did florish far more sincere and simple as being lesse infected with the poison of poperie at that time then afterward when as the pestiferous leauen of the see of Rome being augmented the contagious mischiefe growing ripe the poison thereof was dispersed through y e whole world for as it shal afterward appeare Island embraced Christ many yeeres before the new idolatry of the papists began to preuaile and did sound foorth nothing but faith in God the Father the Sonne the holy Ghost like vnto those two most renoumed kings of Norway who as they had one common name so had they one common care and profession to aduance the gospel of Christ. I meane Olaus the sonne of Thryggo who was borne in the yeere of Christ 968. attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. yeere of his age and was the first as we haue heard that offred Christ vnto the Norwegians ouer whom hee reigned fiue yeeres and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus the sonne of Harald who in the yeere of Christ 1013. or thereabout gouerned with more seueritie for the space of 17. yeeres did boldly deliuer the doctrine of Christ. In the yere of Christ 1030. being vniustly slaine by wicked murtherers he shed his blood for y e name of Christ in a town of Norway called Sticfla Stodum Our countrey also had among many other one man of excellent pietie whose name was Nialus who about the yeere of Christ 1000. liued in the village of Berthorsbuol situate in the parish of Island called Landehum who also for his experience in humane affaires for his great wisedome and sage counsell was accompted famous For whereas in his time Island was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies the inhabitants being in subiection to no superiour magistrate he intermedled not in any quarels sauing that by his discreet vertue diligence hee set through and brought to composition a great number hee neuer did nor suffered violence but onely vpon the last day of his life So carefully auoyded he al seditions and strifes and gaue good assistance to others who were desirous also to auoyd and escape them neither did any man euer put in practise his counsel but it turned to his especiall good nor euer any did swerue therefrom but with the danger of his life and possessions The wordes or rather the oracles that came from him were so certaine that it was wonderful from whence any man should haue so great and so sure forecast and counsell of things to come as was found to be in him Whereupon his discreet and prouident wisedome ioyned with counsell became a prouerbe amongst vs Nials byta raden That is to say the counsel of Nialus or the thing is done or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel when any busines was atchieued prudently and with admirable discretion This man when for a slaughter committed by his sonne without his knowledge he was in his owne house beset with a 100. men who had conspired his death and when his enemies began on all sides to set his house on fire seeing his ende approch at length he brake into these words Doubtlesse these things happen by fate that is by the will of God Howbeit I put my hope and confidence in Christ that we meaning his wife and himselfe although this our fraile body shal vndergoe the corruption of death in the fire of our enemies yet that it shal be deliuered from eternal flames And so in the midst of these voyces and in the fury of the flames he with his wife and the manslayer his sonne in the yere of Christ 1010. ended his life A voyce vndoubtedly full well beseeming the sonnes of God arguing the notable comfort of his soule amidst the very pangs of death I therefore added those things to shew by what reason I was moued to thinke that in the very beginning of Christianitie receiued amongst vs mens minds were not so beguiled and ouerwhelmed in the darkenes of errors as of late a little before these our times they haue bene But after the Lord God by Luther and Luthers fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord and by his godly successours did make the doctrine of saluation more manifest and shaking off the heauie slothe and thicke miste of our minds by the finger of his right hand that is by his holy Spirit Matth. 12. v. 28. did plucke the eares of our hearts and opened our eyes that we might behold his sauing health We all and euery of vs do beleeue and confesse that God is a spirit Iohn 4. v. 24. eternal Esay 40. v. 28. infinite Iere. 23. v. 24. Psal. 139. v. 7.8.9 most good Matth. 19. v. 17. almighty Gen. 17. 1. Reuel 1.8 one in being and nature one in prouidence one in the making and gouerning of all things Deut. 6.5 Ephe. 4.5 But distinguished by the persons of the Godhead and their properties the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Matth. 28. 19. 3.17 God the Father the first person of the Godhead creator of heauen and earth and all other things Gen. 1. v. 1. and in those that folow the vpholder gouernor of all Psa. 115.3 Heb. 1.3 Father of our Lord Iesus Christ Psal. 2,7 and verses following and our Father through him Rom. 8. 15. keeper of our soules and bodies Luke 12.12 And that
their first entrance being past presently Christian Religion began to be considered vpon namely about the yeere of our Lord 974. Which thing aboue 20. yeres together was diuersly attempted of many not without notable rebellion amongst the rest there are mentioned two outlandish Bishops who with others diligently laboured in conuerting the Iland to Christian faith the former was one Fridericus a Saxon borne who in the yeere 981. came into Island and behaued himselfe couragiously in the office of preaching and preuailed so much that in the yeere 984. Churches were vsed in Island But the other outlandish Bishop or preacher whom they called Thangbrande came first into Island in the yeere 997. And then after 26. yeeres consulting about Religion at length in the yeere 1000. it was decreed in a generall assembly of all the inhabitants by their whole consent that the worship of heathenish Idoles being abandoned they should embrace Christian Religion Againe in the yeere 1050. it was decreed in a solemne assembly of the inhabitants that temporall or politique lawes the constitutions whereof being brought out of Norwaie were communicated vnto the Islanders by one Vlfliot in the yeere 926. should euery where giue place to the Canon or diuine Lawe In the yere 1056. one Isleif went beyond the seas out of Island to be coÌ„secrated bishop of IslaÌ„d He came home consecrated into Island and entred into the bishopricke of Schalholt in the yeere 1057. He died 1080. in the yeere of his age 74. The 4. of the Kalends of Iuly These things perhaps wil seeme trifiing short and base nor sufficiently worthy to be mentioned together with many other matters which follow but neither doe wee compile the Romane history neither yet shall these things be so trifling but that they may be of sufficient force to conuince the errours of Krantzius and others according to our purpose And vndoubtedly as touching the trueth of our histories it is euident that Saxo Grammaticus attributeth very much vnto them whose words in his preface of Denmarke be these Neither is the diligence of the Thylenses for so he calleth Islanders to be smothered in silence who when as by reason of the natiue barrennes of their soile wanting nourishments of riot they do exercise the duties of continuall sobrietie and vse to bestow all the time of their life in the knowledge of other mens exploits they supply their want by their wit For they esteeme it a pleasure to know and commit vnto memory the famous acts of other natìons reckoning it no lesse praise worthy to discourse of other mens vertues then to practise their owne Whose treasuries replenished with the monuments of historical matters I more curiously searching into haue compiled no smal part of this present worke by following of their relation neither despised I to haue those men for my iudges whom I knew to be skilfull in so great knowledge of antiquitie Thus farre Saxo. Wherefore I thinke it not amisse to proceede in the recitall of the Bishops of Island that the order and descent of them all being so farre foorth as is possible diligently put together out of our yeerely records may make good that which we haue alledged against Krantzius concerning Isleif the first Bishop of Island In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  I. Isleif 1056. Consecrated beyond the seas 1057. Returneth and entereth the Bishops sea of Schalholt 1080. Dieth in the yere of his age 74. the 4. of the Kalends of Iuly  II. Gysserus 1082. Consecrated beyond the sea 1083. Returneth into Island with his Bishopricke 1118. Dieth the 5. of the Kal. of May being tuesday  III. Thorlacus sonne of Runulphus In the yere of his age 32. Consecrated the same yeere wherein The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST I. Ionas sonne of Augmundus  Isleif his disciple  Consecrated beyonde the seas in the yeere of his age 64. his sirname was Sanctus vnto whose memorie the 3. of March was by the inhabitants in old time dedicated 1106. Dieth the 11. of the Kalends of May. 1121. II. Ketillus or Catullus  Consecrated 1122. Dieth 1145. III. Biorno  Being consecrated came into Island 1147. In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  his predecessor Gysserus deceased but yet 30. dayes before his death 1133. Dieth  IIII. Magnus 1134. Consecrated 1148. On the morrowe after the feast of all Saints in his parish towne of Heitardal the house being striken with lightning hee and 70. men with him were consumed with fire  V. Klaingus 1151. Chosen 1152. Entreth the see 1176. Dieth  VI. Thorlacus  Chosen two yeres before the death of his predecessour 1178. Consecrated 1193. Dieth  VII Paulus 1195. Consecrated 1211. Dieth  VIII Magnus 1216. Consecrated  IX Siguardus 1239. Entreth his see 1268. Dieth  X. Arnetus 1269. Entreth his see 1298. Dieth  XI Arnetus sonne of Helgo 1304. Consecrated 1305. Entereth the see 1309. Saileth into Norwaie to craue timber of the king of Norway wherewith the Church of Schalholt might be reedified which the same yere being toucht with lightning was burnt downe 1310. Returneth home 1320. Dieth  XII Ionas Haldorus 1321. Elected 1322. Consecrated the first of August 1322. Entreth his see 1338. Dieth  XIII Ionas sonne of Indrid a Noruagian borne 1339. Entreth his see 1341. Dieth The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST Dieth 1162. IIII. Brandus  Conâ—ecrated 1163. Entreth is Episcopall see 1165. Dieth 1201. V. Gudmundus sirnamed Bonus  Elected and consecrated 1203. Dieth 1237. VI. Botolphus  Returneth consecrated 1239. Dieth 1246. VII Henricus  Entreth the see 1247. Dieth 1260.  VIII Brandus an Abbat Goeth beyond the seas 1262. Entreth the Bishopricke 1263. Dieth 1264. IX Ierundusâ— Â Entreth his see 1267. Dieth 1313. X. Audunnus  Entreth his see 1314. Dieth 1322. XI Laurentius  Elected and consecrated 1324. Dieth in the Ides of April 1331. XII Egillus  Entreth his see 1332. Dieth 1341. XIII Ormus  Entreth his see 1343. Dieth vpon the feast of all Saints 1355. XIIII Ionas sonne of Eticus sirnamed Skalle  Being to enter his sea of Holen came into Island This Ionas being before time consecrated bishop of Gronland obteined licence of the bishop of Rome to enter the See of Holen which was at that time vacant Whereupon comming and not bringing with him the confirmation of this dignitie and function receiued from the Pope hee began to be suspected among the priests of the diocesse of Holen Wherefore he 1358 A Bishop of Gronland 1356. In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt  XIIII Ionas sonne of Siguardus 1343. Entreth his see 1348. Dieth on S. Magnus euen  XV. Gyrthus 1349. Consecrated at Aslo in Norway by Salomon bishop of Aslo 1356. Going beyond the seas he was drowned  XVI Thorarinnus 1362. Entreth his see 1364. Dieth  XVII Oddgeirus 1366. Entreth his
see 1381. Dieth vpon the Assumption of the blessed Uirgin in the port of Bergen in Norway falling downe from a packe of wares into the botome of the ship He was buried at Bergen in the Church of our Sauiour  XVIII Michael a Dane 1385. Entreth his see 1388. Resigneth and saileth into Denmarke  XIX William a Dane 1394. Entereth the Bishopricke  Dieth  XX. Arnerus sirnamed Milldur that is to say Liberall He was at one time Lord President of all Island bishop of Schalholt and vicebishop of Holen 1420. He died 1432. XXI Ionas Gerickson Sueden either sirnamed or borne is made Bishop ouer the Church of Schalholt and afterward for certaine bolde attempts being taken by one Thorualdus de Modruuolium as it is reported and a great stone being bound to his necke hee was cast aliue into the riuer of Schalholt which taketh name of the bridge and was there strangled 1445. XXII Goswinus bishop of Schalholt 1472. XXIII Sueno called y e wise bishop of Schalholt 1489. XXIIII Magnus sonne of Eiolphus Bishop c.  XXV Stephen 1494. Entreth the see Then liuing at one time with Godschalchus bishop of Holen who seemed worthy to be sirnamed cruel he had the same commendations for mercy and iustice that Godschalchus had The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST was sent backe vp thâ—m into Norway that the matter might bee set through by the iudgement of the king The king therefore fauouring his part he obteined the bishopricke of Holen  He dieth 1391. XV. Peter  Consecrated the same yere wherein his predecessour departed out of this present life  Entreth the see of Holen 1392. Dieth  XVI Ionas Wilhelmus English Either borne or sir-named  Entred the see 1432. XVII Godschalcus  Died. 1457. XVIII Olaus son of Rogwaldus nephew to the forenamed Godschalcus by the sisters side both of them being Norwayes  He was established 1458. He died 1497. XIX Godschalchus  The nephewe of Olaus deceased by the brothers side also hee being a Noruagian was elected the same yeere wherein his vncle deceased  He entreth the see And for the space of 20. whole yeres is reported cruelly to haue entreated many of the subiects In the yeere 1520. wheÌ„ he was in the midst of his cups and banqueting dishes heard that Ionas Sigismundus was departed out of this life whom with his wife and children he had for many yeres most cruelly oppressed he presently fell into a sudden disease and so not long after changed that violence for miserable death which in his whole life he had vsed against his distressed subiects 1500. XX. Ionas Araesonius  Entreth the see 1525. This man was the last most earnest mainteiner of Popish superstitions Who stoutely withstanding Gysserus and Martinus bishops of Schalholt was commanded by the  In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt 1519. He died or thereabout  XXVI Augmundus 1522. Chosen in the yeere wherein Stephen deceased Entreth the see  While he was Bishop the kings Lieu-tenant with some of his followers being inuited to Schalholt in the time of the banquet was slaine by certaine conspirators because hee had in all places wickedly wasted the inhabitants and their goods But Augmundus as the authour of that murther although he purged himselfe with an othe being transported into Denmarke there ended his life  XXVII Gysserus 1540. Elected Augmundus yet liuing 1541. Entred the see 1544. He was the abolisher of Popish traditions about Priests marriages his owne mariage being solemnized at Schalholt  XXVIII Martinus 1547. Bishop c And the yeeres folowing  XXIX Gislaus Ionas 1556. 1587. This man presently in the time of bishop Augmund began in his youth to be enflamed with y e loue of true pietie of the pure doctrine of the Gospel being pastour of the Church of Selardal diligently to aduance the same by which meanes he did so procure vnto himselfe y t hatred of Papists as being coÌ„streined to giue place vnto their craft crueltie he departed ouer to Hamâ—urg from whence coÌ„ming to Copen Hagen in Denmarke painefully proceeding in his former study of diuinitie he liued in the familiaritie and fauour of many but specially of D. D. Peter Palladius who was at that time bishop there Afterward returning into his countrey Martine gaue place vnto him of his owne accord This man died also hauing for the space of 31. yeres or there abouts professed the Gospel of Iesus Christ neither did he helpe further the Church of God by the sound of his voice onely but by all other meanes to the vtmost of his abilitie by teaching preaching writing by his wealth his counsel  XXX Otto Enerus a graue godly and learned man 1588. Being chosen he departeth his country 1589. Hee is consecrated returneth and entreth the sea endeuouring himselfe in the labours of his function The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST most religious king Christan the 3. vnder paine of banishment to come with all speed into Denmarke But neglecting the kings commaundement hee tooke Martine bishop oâ— Schalholt and committed him toward At length he himselfe also being taken by a man of great name whom before that time it is saide he had prouoked and being brought to Schalholt was together with his two sonnes by the authoritie of the kings Lieutenant beheaded In reuenge whereof not long after the saide Lieu-tenant with some of his company was villanously slaine by certaine roysters which were once seruants to the parties beheaded 1551. XXI Olaus Hialterus  Departed his countrey 1552. Entreth the see 1553. This man being as yet in the life time of his predecessour fellow-labourer with him was the first that kindled the loue of sincere doctrine at Holen in the hearts of many and then being bishop did openly teache and defend the said doctrine He died 1568. XXII Gudbrandus Thorlacius  The ornament not onely of his age but of posteritie also who besides that by the direction of the holy spirit he hath most notably brought thâ— worke begunne and left vnto him by his predecessour Olaus to that perfectioÌ„ which it hath pleased God to vouchsafe namely his labours and diligence in maintayning the trueth of the Gospel and in abolishing of Popish superstitions euen in this his countrey hee is the first that hath established a Printing house For which cause his countrey besides for many other books translated into our mother tongue shal be eternally bounden vnto him that the sacred Bible also by his meanes is fairely printed in the language of Island Hee I say being at this present Bishop when he was about to take his charge  Departed his countrey 1570. Returned and entred the see of Holen 1571. IN these times therefore light is restored vnto our soules from heauen and the gate of the kingdome of heauen is opened vnto vs by the sincere preaching of Christian doctrine For
the English Nation made without the Streight of Gibraltar to the Islands of the Açores of Porto Santo Madera and the Canaries to the kingdomes of Barbary to the Isles of Capo Verde to the Riuers of Senega Gambra Madrabumba and Sierra Leona to the coast of Guinea and Benin to the Isles of S. Thomé and Santa Helena to the parts about the Cape of Buona Esperanza to Quitangone neere Mozambique to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar to the citie of Goa beyond Cape Comori to the Isles of Nicubar Gomes Polo and Pulo Pinaom to the maine land of Malacca and to the kingdome of Iunsalaon ¶ By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newbery and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE Sir Robert Cecil Knight principall Secretarie to her Maiestie master of the Court of Wardes and Liueries and one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght honorable hauing newly finished a Treatise of the long Voyages of our Nation made into the Leuant within the Streight of Gibraltar from thence ouer-land to the South and Southeast parts of the world all circumstances considered I found none to whom I thought it fitter to bee presented then to your selfe wherein hauing begun at the highest Antiquities of this realme vnder the gouernment of the Romans next vnder the Saxons and thirdly since the conquest vnder the Normans I haue continued the histories vnto these our dayes The time of the Romans affoordeth small matter But after that they were called hence by â—orren inuasions of their Empire and the Saxons by degrees became lords in this Iland and shortly after receiued the Christian faith they did not onely trauell to Rome but passed further vnto Ierusalem and therewith not contented Sigelmus bishop of Shireburne in Dorcetshire caried the almes of king Alfred euen to the Sepulcher of S. Thomas in India which place at this day is called Maliapor and brought from thence most fragrant spices and rich iewels into England which iewels as William of Malmesburie in two sundry treatises writeth were remaining in the aforesayd Cathedrall Church to be seene euen in his time And this most memorable voyage into India is not onely mentioned by the aforesayd Malmesburie but also by Florentius Wigorniensis a graue and woorthy Author which liued before him and by many others since and euen by M. Foxe in his first volume of his Acts and Monuments in the life of king Alfred To omit diuers other of the Saxon nation the trauels of Alured bishop of Worcester through Hungarie to Constantinople and so by Asia the lesse into Phoenicia and Syria and the like course of Ingulphus not long afterward Abbot of Croiland set downe particularly by himselfe are things in mine opinion right worthy of memorie After the comming in of the Normans in the yeere 1096 in the reigne of William Rufus and so downward for the space of aboue 300 yeeres such was the ardent desire of our nation to visite the Holy land and to expell the Saracens and Mahumetans that not only great numbers of Erles Bishops Barons and Knights but euen Kings Princes and Peeres of the blood Roiall with incredible deuotion courage and alacritie intruded themselues into this glorious expedition A sufficient proofe hereof are the voiages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus the great beneuolence of king Henry the 2. and his vowe to haue gone in person to the succour of Ierusalem the personall going into Palestina of his sonne king Richard the first with the chiualrie wealth and shipping of this realme the large contribution of king Iohn and the trauels of Oliuer Fitz-Roy his sonne as is supposed with Ranulph Glanuile Erle of Chester to the siege of Damiata in AEgypt the prosperous voyage of Richard Erle of Cornwall elected afterward king of the Romans and brother to Henry the 3 the famous expedition of prince Edward the first king of the Norman race of that name the iourney of Henry Erle of Derbie duke of Hereford and afterward king of this realme by the name of Henry the 4 against the citie of Tunis in Africa and his preparation of ships and gallies to go himselfe into the Holy land if he had not on the sudden bene preuented by death the trauel of Iohn of Holland brother by the mothers side to king Richard the 2 into those parts All these either Kings Kings sonnes or Kings brothers exposed themselues with inuincible courages to the manifest hazard of their persons liues and liuings leauing their ease their countries wiâ—es and children induced with a Zelous deuotion and ardent desire to protect and dilate the Christian faith These memorable enterprises in part concealed in part scattered and for the most part vnlooked after I haue brought together in the best Method and breuitie that I could deuise Whereunto I haue annexed the losse of Rhodes which although it were originally written in French yet maketh it as honourable and often mention of the English natioÌ„ as of any other Christians that serued in that most violent siege After which ensueth the princely promise of the bountifull aide of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly elected king of Hungarie against Solyman the mortall enemie of Christendome These and the like Heroicall intents and attempts of our Princes our Nobilitie our Clergie our Chiualry I haue in the first place exposed and set foorth to the view of this age with the same intention that the old Romans set vp in wax in their palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors whereof Salust in his treatise of the warre of Iugurtha writeth in this maner Saepe audiui ego Quintum maximum Publium Scipionem praeterea ciuitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere cum maiorum imagines intuerentur vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam eam egregijs viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari quà m virtus eorum famam gloriam adaequauerit I haue often heard quoth he how Quintus maximus Publius Scipio and many other worthy men of our citie were woont to say when they beheld the images and portraitures of their ancestors that they were most vehemently inflamed vnto vertue Not that the sayd wax or portraiture had any such force at all in it selfe but that by the remembring of their woorthy actes that flame was kindled in their noble breasts and could neuer be quenched vntill such time as their owne valure had equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors So though not in wax yet in record of writing haue I presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchie the like images of their famous predecessors with hope of like effect in their posteritie And here by the way if any man shall think
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
gaue vs the force and power so to doe for they were by estimation a hundred against one Also the 22 day of the same moneth of September they fired a mine betweene Italy and Prouence which did no harme Of the terrible mine at the posterne of Auuergne ANd the 23 day of the same moneth they fired two mines one at the posterne of Spaine and the other by the bulwarke of Auuergne the which mine by Auuergne was so terrible that it made all the towne to shake and made the wall to open from aboue to beneath vnto the plaine ground howbeit it fell not for the mine had vent or breath in two places by one of the countermines and by a rocke vnder the Barbican the which did cleaue and by that cleft the sury and might of the mine had issue And if the sayd two vents had not bene the wall had bene turned vpside downe And for truth as it was reported to vs out of the campe the enemies had great hope in the sayd mine thinking that the wall should haue bene ouerthrowen and then they might haue entred into the towne at their pleasures but when they saw the contrary they were very ill pleased And the captaines determined to giue assault at foure places at once to make vs the more adoo and to haue an entrance into the towne by one of the foure And the sayd day and night they ceased not to shoot artillery and there came in hope of the mine threescore thousand men and moe into the trenches How the bulwarke of Spaine was lost and woonne againe THe 24 day of the same moneth a little before day they gaue assault at the breach of Spaine to the bulwarke of England to the posterne of Prouence and at the plaine ground of Italy all at one houre one time The first that mounted to the breach of Spaine was the Aga of the Ianissaries a valiant man and of great courage with his company and bare three score or three score and tenne banners and signes and pight them in the earth of the breach and then fought with our men and mounted on our repaires making other maner of fray and more rigorous then the other that were passed and the sayd skirmish lasted about sixe houres And forthwith as the assault was giuen a great sort of Turks entred into the bulwarke of Spaine and set vp eight or nine signes or banners vpon it and droue our men out I can not tell how vnwares or otherwise And they were lords of it three houres and more Howbeit there were of our men beneath in the mine of the sayd bulwarke the which bulwarke so lost gaue vs euill hope But incontinently the lord great master being at the defence of the posterne of England hauing knowledge of the sayd losse and that there was great fighting and resistance on both sides at the breach of Spaine marched thither with the banner of the crucifix leauing the charge of the sayd bulwarke in the hands of the bailife de la Moree messieur Mery Combant And the lord mounted on the wall of Spaine whereas then began a great skirmish and euery man layed his handâ—s to worke as well to put the enemies out of the breach as to recouer the bulwarke that was lost And the sayde lord sent a company of men into the bulwarke by the gate of the mine or by the Barbican the which entred at the sayd gate and went vp where they found but few Turkes For the artillery of the posterne of England right against the bulwarke of Spaine had so well met and scattered them that within a while our men had slaine all them that were left And thus the sayde bulwarke was gotten and recouered againe and with all diligence were made new repaires and strengths to the sayd place And in like sort the enemies were put from the breech and few of them escaped and all their banners and signes were left with vs. Surely it may be sayd that after the grace of God the trauerses of Spaine and Auuergne and the small artillery set on the houses right against the sayd breaches as it is sayd with the comming and presence of the lord great master hath giuen vs this dayes victory As touching the murder of the people done by the artillery of the bulwarkes of England and Spaine the quantity was such that a man could not perceiue nor see any ground of the ditches And the stench of the mastifs carions was so grienous that we might not suffer it seuen or eight dayes after And at the last they that might saue themselues did so and withdrew themselues to the trenches and the reuerend lord great master abode victorious of the sayd place and in like sort of the other three assaults the which were but little lesse then that of Spaine for they fought long But in conclusion the enemies beaten on all sides and in so many sorts with artillery were put backe and vanquished that there died that day at all the foure places fifteene or sixteene thousand And the slaughter was so great at the plaine Italy of the cursed enemies that the sea was made redde with their blood And on our side also died to the number of an hundred men or more And of men if dignity in the towne hauing charge died Sir Francis de Frenolz commander of Romania which Sir Francis was chiefe captaine of the great ship of Rhodes and he was slaine at the plaine of Italy wounded with two strokes of harquebushes it was great dammage of his death for he was a worthy man perfect and full of vertues There died also messieur Nastasy de sancta Camilla aforenamed hauing two hundred men vnder him of the lord great masters succours There died also diuers other worthy men that day and many were maimed Among all other that lost any member messieur Iohn de le Touz called Pradines being at the sayd bulwarke with a stroke of artillery had his arme smitten away in great danger to haue lost his life howbeit by the helpe of God he died not In like sort the same day was hurt Sir William Weston abouesayd captaine of the posterne of England and had one of his fingers stricken away with an harquebush which knight behaued himselfe right woorthily at all the assaults Of the Turkes part of great men were two principall captaines slaine vnder the Aga of the Ianissaries and another captaine that was come out of Surey to the campe certaine dayes before with sixe hundred Mamelukes and two or three thousand Moores And of them that were hurt of great men the Beglarby of Natolia had a stroke with an arrow as he was in the trench of Prouence And many other were wounded whose names be not rehearsed here because of shortnesse How the great Turke for anger that he could not get the towne would haue put his chiefe captaine to death and how they made â—1 mines vnder the bulwarke of England DUring this assault the great
together nor writing of letter to the great master he knew nothing Howbeit sith the great master had sent to him for to know his will he bade say to them that the great master should yeeld him the towne And in so doing he promised by his faith for to let him goe with all his knights and all other that would goe with their goods without receiuing any displeasure of his people of the campe And if he accepted not the sayd treatie to certifie him that he would neuer depart from Rhodes till he had taken it and that all his might of Turkie should die there rather then hee would faile of it and that there should neither great nor litle escape but vnto the cats they should be all cut in pieces and sayd that within 3. dayes they should giue him an answere for hee would not that his people should loose time and that during the sayd truce they should make no repaires nor defences within the towne When the great Turke had ended his wordes our ambassadours tooke their leaue of him and returned to the towne and there was giuen to each of them a rich garment of branched veluet with cloth of gold of the Turkish fashion Then Acmek basha tooke sir Passin and led him to his pauillion and intreating him right well caused him to abide all that day and night and in eating and drinking they had many discourses of things done at the siege questioning each with other And among all other things our ambassadour demaunded of Acmek and prayed him to tell for trueth how many men died of the campe while the siege was laied The said Basha sware vpon his faith and certified that there were dead of the campe of violent death that is to say of gunshot and other wayes 64000. men or more beside them that died of sicknesse which were about 40. or 50. thousand How one of the ambassadours made answere of his message and how the Commons would not agree to yeeld the towne REturne we now to our purpose and to the answere that our ambassadours brought to the lord great master The sayd Robert Perruse made the answere and told what the great Turke had sayd certifying that he would haue an answere quickly either yea or nay The which answere after the demaund of the great Turke hath bene purposed and concluded by the whole counsel and his offer treatie accepted howbeit the sayd ambassadours had it not to do so soone nor the first time that they went for good reasons but yet they would not deferre it for feare least he should repent him And vpon these determinations that they would haue sent the sayd Peruse to beare the answere came some of the common people of the towne to the lord great master that was with the lordes of the counsell and sayd that they were aduertised of the appointment that he had made with the great Turke and that he would yeeld the towne with couenaunts by him taken which they supposed ought not to be done without calling of them And because they were not called to it they sayd that they would not agree thereto and that it were better for them to die for the great Turke by some way would put them all to death as was done in Bellegrado in Hungarie How the lord great master sent two ambassadors for the Commons to the great Turke WHen the reuerend lord great master had heard their wordes he sayd graciously to them that as touching the acceptation of the great Turks offer it was needful so to do in the degree that the towne was and the causes wherefore he had done it the counsell had seene and discussed and that it was a thing that might not nor ought not to be sayd nor published in common for reporting of it to the enemies by traitours but be kept still and secret And moreouer that it was concluded to make an answere shortly for to take the great Turke at his word least he repented him For if they had bene called or the answere had bene giuen it had bene ouerlong businesse and in the meane time the Turke might haue changed his mind and that that he had done and concluded with the great Turke the lordes of the counsell had well regarded and considered in all things and for their profite and aduantage as much or more as for that of the Religion And that they would send to the great Turke againe other ambassadours the better to know his will and to be surer of his promise Then the lord great master ordained two other ambassadours for to goe to the great Turke which were two Spaniardes the one named sir Raimon Market and the other messire Lopez at whose issuing entered Sir Passin the first ambassadour and the other two went to the tent of Acmek basha for to leade them to the great Turke And when they were within the Turkes pauillion and had done him reuerence as appertained our ambassadours sayd that the great master had heard and seen his demaund to yeeld the towne And for y t it is a thing of great weight and that he had to doe and say with many men of diuers nations and because the time of answere was so short hee might not doe that that hee demaunded so soone Howbeit hee would speake with his people and then hee would giue him an answere How the Turke began the assault and how the Commons agreed to yeeld the towne WHen the great Turke heard the answere of our ambassadours he sayd nothing but commaunded his Bashas that they should begin the battell againe to the towne the which was done and then the truce was broken and the shot of the enemies was sharper then it was afore And on the other side nothing or very litle for fault of pouder for that that there was left was kept for some great assault or neede Howbeit the sayd Amek Basha kept one of the ambassadours and messire Lopez onely entered The great master seeing the warre begun and the shot thicker then it was afore and the enemies entred hourely by their trenches further into the towne called them that before had sayde to him that they would not the towne should be yeelded but had rather for to die And therefore the sayd lord sayd that he was content for to die with them and that they should dispose them to defend themselues well or to doe their endeuour better then they had done in times past And to the ende that each one of them should haue knowledge of his will for as then he spake but to foure or fiue of them that gaine sayd him he made a cry through all the towne that all they that were holden to be at the posternes or gates should giue attendance and not to come away day nor night on payne of death for afore the Rhodians came but litle there And that the other that were not of the posternes or that were of his succours should goe to the breach of Spaine where the
lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 the chiefe gouernors captaines of theÌ„ being hewen in sunder by the coÌ„mandement of that tyrant Mustafa Basha but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those cruell Turks ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion In the which euill successe comming to vs as I take it for our offences as I lament the generall losse so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querint of both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed the former of them being then as now also he was in this ouerthrow gouernour of Baffo in Cyprus the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece now called Corfu But things past are past amendment and they could neuer die more honourably then in the defence of their countrey Besides that the late blowes which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury in token of Gods wrath against them do much comfort euery Christian heart Moreouer this vniforme preparation which is certainly concluded and forthwith looked for by very many Christian Princes would God by all generally against these barbarous Mahometists whose cruelty and beastly behauiour I partly know and am able to iudge of hauing bene in Turky amongst them more then eight moneths together Whose vnfaithfulnesse also and breach of promise as the Venetians manly courage in defence of themselues and their fortresse your honour may easily reade in this short treatise and small handfull of leaues I hauing set downe also a short description of the Iland of Cyprus for the better vnderstanding of the whole matter The which I not onely most humbly beseech your honour now fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come and of my present good will but with your accustomed goodnesse towards me to defend the same against such persons whose tongues too readily roule sometime against other mens painfull trauels perswading themselues to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort by controlling and ouerdaintie sifting of other mens laboured tasks For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd heerein as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this my poore present wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie vnto whom I haue wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer I crauing pardon for my former boldnesse most humbly thus take my leaue From Lambhith the 23 of March Ann. 1572. Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer William Malim A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus by the which not onely the Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it but also the Turks whereby now he claimeth it may plainly appeare THe Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium Southward with the sea AEgyptium on the East part with the sea Syrium and Northward with the sea called Cilicium The which Iland in time past had diuers names called once Acamantis as Sabellicus witnesseth Philonides maketh mention that it was called sometime Cerasis Xenogoras writeth that is was named Aspelia Amathusa Macaria There were in times past fifteene cities or famous townes in it but now very few amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest strongest situated by the sea side There is also Nicosia which was woont by the traffike of Marchants to be very wealthy besides the city of Baffo Arnica Saline Limisso Melipotamo Episcopia Timosthenes affirmeth that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles and Arthemidorus writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles measuring of it from the East to the West betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta This Iland is thought to be very rich abundant of Wine Oile Graine Pitch Rozin Allum Salt and of diuers precious stones pleasant profitable and necessary for mans vse and much frequented of Marchants of Syria vnto the which it lieth very nere It hath bene as Plinie writeth ioyned sometime with Syria as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy It was a long time subiect vnto the Romans after to the Persians and to the Soldan of AEgypt The selfesame Iland was sometime also English being conquered by king Richard the first in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1192. Who as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English historie being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arriuall there inuaded and conquered the same soone after by force and hauing left behinde him sufficient garrisons to keepe the same departed from thence to Ptolemayda who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan that was the last christened king of Hierusalem for the same kingdome For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem And last of all the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time in this order following In the yeere of our Lord 1470 Iohn king of the sayd Iland â—onne to Ianus of Lusignan had by Helen his wife which was of the Emperiall house of Paleologus one daughter only called Charlotta and a bastard called Iames the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall of whom he had no issue so that he being dead Lewes Duke of Sauoy to whom shee was the second time married sonne to Lewes the second of that name vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertaine had the possession of the same Iames the bastard assoone as his father was dead of a Bishop became a souldiour and with an army wanne the Iland making it his owne by force This Duke of Sauoy hearing these newes with a number of well appointed souldiers arriued shortly after in Cyprus and recouering againe the Iland compelled the bastard to flie foorthwith ouer to the Soldan of AEgypt Who making himselfe his subiect in time so wrought and tempered the matter that the Soldan in person at his request passed ouer into Cyprus besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of Nicosia and at length compelled him to depart leauing his kingdome So that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland who shortly after cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro which Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone after as their daughter This Bishop not long after sickened and died leauing this his wife with child who liued not long after his fathers death By the which meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the law of adoption tooke vnto them the possession of
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
with them but themselues True it is that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary their â—ouse furniture seruants and all other things in such perfection and plentie that they want nothing Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes throughout the whole Realme Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice and receiuing of rents bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie ech one as it behoueth him Generally all these doe imprison malefactours cause them to be whipped and racked hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord a thing very vsuall there and accompted no shame These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City towne or village Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken and looke euen as they are taken so be they first whipped and afterward layde in prison where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold At that time when we were in prison there died of them aboue threescore and ten If happely any one hauing the meanes to get food do escape he is set with the condemned persons and prouided for as they be by the King in such wise as hereafter it shal be said Their whips be certaine pieces of canes cleft in the middle in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes that the standers by tremble at their crueltie Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed and if they come to the number of one hundred then are they incurable The Louteas obserue moreouer this when any man is brought before them to be examined they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present be the offence neuer so great Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnesse as dayly amongst vs it falleth out This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence and beare witnesse the processe cannot be falsified as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores Gentiles and Iewes haue all their sundry othes the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos the Brachmans by their Fili the rest likewise by the things they do worship The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen by the Moone by the Sunne and by all their Idoles in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one by and by with the least euidence he is tormented so be the witnesses he bringeth if they tell not the trueth or do in any point disagree except they be men of worship and credit who are beleeued without any further matter the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips Besides this order obserued of them in examinations they do feare so much their King and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe that that they dare not once stirre Againe these Louteas as great as they be notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue not trusting any others do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise and that is being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write ne did we stand before them with the vsuall ceremonies of that Countrey yet did they beare with vs so patiently that they caused vs to wonder knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue but we in a heathen Countrey hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne wanting an interpreter ignorant of that Countrey language did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice yea not to escape death for as the rumour goeth they shal be beheaded Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey and first no theft or murther is at any time pardoned adulterers are put in prison and the fact once proued are condemned to die the womans husband must accuse them this order is kept with men women found in that fault but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said where they shortly die for hunger and cold If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate his processe goeth further and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die Sentence being giuen the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot with a boord at his necke one handfull broad in length reaching downe to his knees cleft in two parts and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke the which they incloâ—e vp therein nailing the boord faâ—t together one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die is written in that part of the table that standeth before This ceremony ended he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons the which are found by the king as long as they do liue The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much keeping them both from rest eke letting them to eat coÌ„modiously their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord so that in fine there is no remedy but death In the chiefe Cities of euery shire as we haue erst said there be foure principall houses in ech of them a prison but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest and although in euery City there be many neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die Their death is much prolonged for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere though many die for hunger and cold as we haue seene in this prison Execution is done in this maner The Chian to wit the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice at the yeres end goeth to the head City where he
Spirituall consistorie before the Tundi Rebelles are executed in this manner especially if they be noble men or officers The king looke what day he giueth sentence against any one the same day the partie wheresoeuer he be is aduertised thereofâ— and the day told him of his execution The condemned person asketh of the messenger whether it may bee lawfull for him to kill himselfe the which thing when the king doeth graunt the partie taking it for an honour putteth on his best apparell and launcing his body a crosse from the breast downe all the belly murthereth himselfe This kind of death they take to be without infamie neither doe their children for their fathers crime so punished loose their goods But if the king reserue them to be executed by the hangman then flocketh be together his children his seruants and friends home to his house to preserue his life by force The king committeth the fetching of him out vnto his chiefe Judge who first setteth vpon him with bow and arrowes and afterward with pikes and swords vntill the rebell and all his family be slaine to their perpetuall ignominie and shame The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities in this Iland as Cangoxima a hauen towne in the South part thereof and Meaco distant from thence three hundred leagues northward the royall seat of the king and most wealthy of all other townes in that Iland The people thereabout are very noble and their language the best Iaponish In Meaco are sayd to be ninetie thousande houses inhabited and vpward a famous Uniuersitie and in it fiue principall Colleges besides closes cloysters of Bonzi Leguixil and Hamacata that is Priests Monks and Nunnes Other fiue notable Uniuersities there be in Iapan namely Coia Negur Homi Frenoi and Bandu The first foure haue in them at the least three thousand fiue hundred schollers in the fift are many mo For Bandu prouince is very great and possessed with sixe princes fiue whereof are vassals vnto the sixt yet he himselfe subiect vnto the Iaponish king vsually called the great king of Meaco lesser scholes there be many in diuers places of this Ilande And thus much specially concerning this glorious Iland among so many barbarous nations and rude regions haue I gathered together in one summe out of sundry letters written from thence into Europe by no lesse faithfull reporters than famous trauellers For confirmation whereof as also for the knowledge of other things not conteyned in the primisses the curious readers may peruse these 4 volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian and of late compendiously made latine by Petrus Maffeius my olde acquainted friend entituling the same De rebus Iaponicis One whole letter out of the fift booke thereof specially intreating of that countrey I haue done into English word for word in such wise as followeth Aloisius Froes to his companions in Iesus Christ that remaine in China and India THe last yeere deare brethren I wrote vnto you from Firando how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed me to trauaile to Meaco to helpe Gaspar Vilela for that there the haruest was great the labourers few and that I should haue for my companion in that iourney Aloisius Almeida It seemeth now my part hauing by the helpe of God ended so long a voiage to signifie vnto you by letter such things specially as I might thinke you would most delight to know And because at the beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour of writing letters betwixt vs. that he should speake of our voyage and such things as happened therein I should make relation of the Meachians estate write what I could well learne of the Iapans maners and conditions setting aside all discourses of our voyage that which standeth me vpon â— will discharge in this Epistle that you considering how artificially how cunningly vnder the pretext of religion that craftie aduersary of mankind leadeth and draweth vnto perdition the Iapanish mindes blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies may the more pitie this Nation The inhabiters of Iapan as men that neuer had greatly to doe with other Nations in their Geography diuided the whole world into three parts Iapan Sian and China And albeit the Iapans receiued out of Sian and China their superstitions and cermonies yet do they neuerthelesse contemne all other nations in comparison of themselues and standing in their owne conceite doe far preferre themselues before all other sorts of people in wisedome and policie Touching the situation of the countrey and nature of the soyle vnto the things estsooneserst written this one thing I wil adde in these Ilands the sommer to be most hot the winter extreme cold In the kingdome of Canga as we call it falleth so much snow that the houses being buried in it the inhabitants keepe within doores certaine moneths of the yeere hauing no way to come foorth except they breake vp the tiles Whirlewindes most vehement earthquakes so common that the Iapans dread such kind of feares litle or nothing at all The countrey is ful of siluer mines otherwise barren not so much by fault of nature as through the slouthfulnesse of the inhabitants howbeit Oxen they keepe and that for tillage sake onely The ayre is holesome the waters good the people very faire and well bodied bate headed commonly they goe procuring baldnesse with sorrow and teares eft soones rooting vp with pinsars all the haire of their heads as it groweth except it be a litle behind the which they knot and keepe with all diligence Euen from their childhood they weare daggers and swords the which they vse to lay vnder their pillowes when they goe to bed in shew courteous and affable in deede haughtie and proud They delight most in warlike affaires and their greatest studie is armes Mens apparell diuersely colouered is worne downe halfe the legges and to the elbowes womens attyre made hansomely like vnto a vaile is somewhat longer all manner of dicing and these they doe eschue The machant although he be wealthy is not accounted of Gentlemen be they neuer so poore retaine their place most precisely they stande vpon their honour and woorthinesse ceremoniously striuing among themselues in courtesies and faire speeches Wherein if any one happily be lesse carefull than he should be euen for a trifle many times he getteth euill will Want though it trouble most of them so much they doe detest that poore men cruelly taking pittie of their infantes newly home especially girles do many times with their owne feete strangle them Noble men and other likewise of meaner calling generally haue but one wife a peece by whom although they haue issue yet for a trifle they diuorse themselues from their wiues and the wiues also sometimes from their husbands to marry with others After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry Adoption of other mens children is much vsed among them In great townes most men and women can write and reade This Nation feedeth sparingly their vsuall
they saw it was in vaine for them to stay and therefore set vp sayles and by Gods prouidence auoyded all danger brought home the rest of their goods and came thence with all expedition and God be thanked arriued safely in England neere London on Wednesday being the 8 day of Iune 1585. In which their returne to England the Spaniards that they brought with them offered fiue hundred crownes to be set on shore in any place which seeing the Maister would not doe they were coutent to be ruled by him and his companie and craued mercie at their hands And after Master Foster demaunded why they came in such sort to betray and destroy them the Corrigidor answered that it was not done onely of themselues but by the commandement of the king himselfe and calling for his hose which were wet did plucke foorth the kings Commission by which he was authorized to doe all that he did The Copie whereof followeth being translated out of Spanish The Spanish kings commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. LIcentiat de Escober my Corigidor of my Signorie of Biskay I haue caused a great fleete to be put in readinesse in the hauen of Lisbone and the riuer of Sâ—uill There is required for the Souldiers armour victuals and munition that are to bee imployed in the same great store of shipping of all sortes against the time of seruice and to the end there may be choise made of the best vpon knowledge of their burden and goodnesse I doe therefore require you that presently vpon the arriuall of this carrier and with as much dissimulation as may be that the matter may not be knowen vntill it be put in execution you take order for the staying and arresting with great foresight of all the shipping that may be found vpon the coast and in the portes of the sayd Signorie excepting none of Holand Zeland Easterland Germanie England and other Prouinces that are in rebellion against mee sauing those of France which being litle and of small burden and weake are thought vnfit to serue the turne And the stay being thus made you shall haue a speciall care that such marchandize as the sayd shippes or huâ—kes haue brought whether they be all or part vnladen may bee taken out and that the armour munition tackels sayles and victuals may be safely bestowed as also that it may be well foreseene that none of the shippes or men may escape away Which things being thus executed you shall aduertise me by an expresse messenger of your proceeding therein And send me a plaine and diâ—tinct declaration of the number of ships that you shall haue so stayed in that coast and partes whence euery one of them is which belong to my Rebels what burthen goods there are and what number of men is in euery of them and what quantitie they haue of armour ordinance munition victuals tacklings and other necessaries to the end that vpon sight hereof hauing made choise of such as shall be fit for the seruice we may further direct you what ye shall do In the meane time you shall presently see this my commandement put in execution and if there come thither any more ships you shall also cause them to be stayed and arrested after the same order vsing therein such care and diligence as may answere the trust that I repose in you wherein you shall doe me great seruice Dated at Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585. And thus haue you heard the trueth and manner thereof wherein is to be noted the great courage of the maister and the louing hearts of the seruants to saue their master from the daunger of death yea and the care which the master had to saue so much of the owners goods as hee might although by the same the greatest is his owne losse in that he may neuer trauell to those parts any more without the losse of his owne life nor yet any of his seruantes for if hereafter they should being knowen they are like to taste of the sharpe torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house And as for their terming English shippes to be in rebellion against them it is sufficiently knowen by themselues and their owne consciences can not denie it but that with loue vnitie and concord our shippes haue euer beene fauourable vnto them and as willing to pleasure their King as his subiectes any way willing to pleasure English passengers The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine Noble men and Marchants of London for a trade to Barbarie in the yeere 1585. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the Treasurer Barons of our Eschequer and to al Maiors shirifs constables customers collectors of our customes and subsidies controllers searchers and keepers of our hauens and creekes ports and passages within this our realme of England and the dominions of the same and to al our officers ministers and subiects and to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine and to euery of them greeting Whereas it is made euidently and apparantly knowen vnto vs that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors Ambrose Erle of Warwike and Robert Erle of Leicester and also our louing and naturall subiects Thomas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman Ierard Gore the elder and all his sonnes Thomas Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbeney William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthony Garrard Robert How Henry Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henrie Farrington Iohn Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afield Robert Washborne Reinold Guy Thomas Hitchcocke George Lydiat Iohn Cartwright Henry Paiton Iohn Boldroe Robert Bowyer Anthonie Dassell Augustine Lane Robert Lion and Thomas Dod all of London Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary in the parts of Africa vnder the gouernment of Muly Hammet Sheriffe Emperor of Marocco and king of Fesse and Sus haue sustained great and grieuous losses and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented In tender coÌ„sideration whereof and for that diuers Marchandize of the same Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this our Realme of England and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing minding the reliefe and benefite of our said subiects and the quiet trafique and good gouernment to be had and vsed among them in their said trade of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbenie William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthonie Gerrard Robert Howe Henry
a place vpon the coast of Cornwal which the Cornish men cal Al 's Effeâ—ne that is Hel-cliffe and that Captaine Lister and all the men in the ship were drowned saue 5. or 6. the one halfe English the other Spanish that saued themselues with swimming but notwithstanding much of the goods were saued and reserued for vs by sir Francis Godolphin and the worshipful gentlemen of the Countrey there My Lord was very sorry for Captaine Listers death wishing that he had lost his voyage to haue saued his life The 29. of December we met with another shippe that tolde vs the saine newes and that sir Marâ—in Frobisher Captaine Reymond had taken the Admirall and vice-Admirall of the Fleet that we espied going to Terçera hauen But the Admiral was sunke with much leaking neere to the Idy Stone a rocke that lieth ouer against Plimouth sound and the men were saued This ship also certified vs that Captaine Prestons ship had taken a prize loden with siluer My Lord entred presently into this ship went to Falmouth and we held on our course for Plimouth At night wee came neere to the Ram-head the next Cape Westwards from Plimouth sound but we were afraid to double it in the night misdoubting the scantnesse of the winde So we stood off to Sea halfe the night and towards morning had the winde more large and made too little spare thereofâ— that partly for this cause and partly through mistaking of the land wee were driuen so much to lee-wards that we could not double that Cape Therefore we returned backe againe and came into Falmouth hauen where wee strucke on ground in 17. foote water but it was a low tâ—â—â— and ready againe to flowe and the ground soft so as no hurt was done Here with gladnesse wee set foote againe vpon the English ground long desired and refreshed our selues with keeping part of Christmas vpon our natiue soile The valiant fight performed by 10. Merchants ships of London against 12. Spanish gallies in the Straights of Gibraltar the 24. of April 1590. IT is not long since sundry valiant ships appertaining to the Marchants of London were fraighted rigged forth some for Venice some for Constantinople some to sundry other places of trafique among whom these ensuing met within the Straights of Gibraltar as they were taking their course homewards hauing before escaped all other danger The first whereof was the Salomon apperteining to M. Alderman Baâ—nam of London and M. Bond and M. Twyd of Harwich which went foorth the first day of February last The second was the Margaret and Iohn belonging to M. Waâ—s of London The thirde was the Minion The fourth was the Ascension The fifâ—h was the Centurion of Master Cordal The sixt the Violet the seuenth the Samuel the eight the Cresscent the ninth the Elizabeth and the 10. was the Richard belonging to M. Duffield All these ships being of notable and approued seruice comming neere to the mouth of the Straights hard by the coast of Barbary descried twelue tall Gallies brauely furnished and strongly prouided with men and munition ready to seaze vpon these English ships which being perceiued by the Captaines and Masters thereof wee made speedy preparation for the defence of our selues still waiting all the night long for the approching of the enemie In the morning early being the Tuesday in Easter weeke and the 24 of April 1590. according to our vsual customes we said Seruice and made our prayers vnto Almightie God beseeching him to saue vs from the hands of such tyrants as the Spaniards whom we iustly imagined to be and whom we knew and had found to be our most mortall enemies vpon the Sea And hauing finished our prayers and set our selues in a readinesse we perceiued them to come towards vs and that they were indeede the Spanish Gallies that lay vnder the conduct of Andre Doria who is Vice-roy for the King of Spaine in the Straights of Gibraltar and a notable knowne enemie to all Englishmen So when they came somewhat neerer vnto vs they waued vs a maine for the King of Spaine and wee waued them a maine for the Queene of England at which time it pleased Almightie God greatly to incourage vs all in such sort as that the neerer they came the leese we feared their great multitudes and huge number of men which were planted in those Gallies to the number of two or three hundred men in ech Gallie And it was thus concluded among vs that the foure first and tallest ships should be placed hindmost and the weaker smallest ships formost and so it was performed euery man being ready to take part of such successe as it should please God to send At the first encounter the Gallies came vpon vs very fiercely yet God so strengthened vs that if they had bene ten times more we had not feared them at all Whereupon the Salomon being a hot shippe and hauing sundry cast pieces in her gaue the first shotte in such a sowre sort as that it shared away so many men as sate on the one side of a Gallie and pierced her through in such maner as that she was ready to sinke which made them to assault vs the more fiercely Whereupon the rest of our shippes especially the foure chiefest namely the Margaret and Iohn the Minion and the Ascension followed and gaue a hot charge vpon them and they at vs where began a hot and fierce battaile with great valiancie the one against the other and so continued for the space of sixe houres About the beginning of this our fight there came two Flemings to our Fleet who seeing the force of the Gallies to be so great the one of them presently yeelded strooke his sailes and was taken by the Gallies whereas if they would haue offered themselues to haue fought in our behalfe and their owne defence they needed not to haue bene taken so cowardly as they were to their cost The other Fleming being also ready to performe the like piece of seruice began to vaile his sailes and intended to haue yeelded immediatly But the Trumpetter in that shippe plucked foorth his faulchion and stepped to the Pilote at the helme and vowed that if he did not speedily put off to the English Fleete and so take part with them he would presently kill him which the Pilote for feare of death did and so by that meanes they were defended from present death and from the tyrannie of those Spaniards which doubtlesse they should haue found at their handes Thus we continued in fight sixe houres and somewhat more wherein God gaue vs the vpper hand and we escaped the hands of so many enemies who were constrained to flie into harbour and shroude themselues from vs and with speed to seeke for their owne safetie This was the handie worke of God who defended vs all from danger in such sort as that there was not one man of vs slaine And in all this fierce
Pilgrim commaunded by Iacob Whiddon who houered all night to see the successe but in the morning bearing with the Reuenge was hunted like a hare amongst many rauenous houndes but escaped All the powder of the Reuenge to the last barrell was now spent all her pikes broken fortie of her best men slaine and the most part of the rest hurt In the beginning of the fight shee had but one hundreth free from sicknes and fourescore ten sicke laid in hold vpon the Ballast A small troup to man such a ship a weake garrison to resist so mighty an army By those hundred al was susteined the volâ—is boordings and entrings of fifteen ships of warre besides those which beat her at large On the contrary the Spanish were alwayes supplied with souldiers brought from euery squadron all maner of Armes and powder at will Unto ours there remained no comfort at all no hope no supply either of ships men or weapons the Mastes all beatâ—n ouer boord all her tackle cut asunder her vpper worke altogether rased and in effect euened shee was with the water but the very foundation or bottome of a ship nothing being left ouer head â—ither for flight or defence Sir Richard finding himselfe in this distresse and vnable any longer to make resistance hauing endured in this fifteene houres fight the assault of fifteene seuerall Armadas all by turnes aboord him and by estimation eight hundred shotte of great Artillerie besides many assaults and entries and that himselfe and the shippe must needes be possessed by the enemy who were now all cast in a ring round about him The Reuenge not able to mooue one way or other but as she was moued with the waues and billow of the sea commaunded the Master gunner whom hee knew to be a most resolute man to split and sinke the shippe that thereby nothing might remaine of glory or victory to the Spaniards seeing in so many houres fight and with so great a Nauie they were not able to take her hauing had fifteene houres time aboue ten thousand men fiftie and three saile of men of warre to performe it withall and perswaded the company or as many as hee could induce to yeelde themselues vnto God and to the mercie of none else but as they had like valiant resolute men repulsed so many enemies they should not nowe shorten the honour of their Nation by prolonging their owne liues for a few houres or a fewe dayes The Master gunner readily condescended and diuers others but the Captaine and the Master were of another opinion and besought Sir Richard to haue care of them alleaging that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertaine a composition as they were willing to offer the same and that there being diuers sufficient and valiant men yet liuing and whose wounds were not mortal they might do their Countrey and prince acceptable seruice hereafter And whereas Sir Richard had alleaged that the Spaniards should neuer glory to haue taken one shippe of her Maiestie seeing they had so long and so notably defended themselues they answered that the shippe had sixe foote water in holde three shot vnder water which were so weakely stopped as with the first working of the sea she must needs sinke and was besides so crusht and brused as shee could neuer be remoued out of the place And as the matter was thus in dispute and Sir Ricard refusing to hearken to any of those reasons the Master of the Reuenge while the Captaine wanne vnto him the greater party was conuoyd aboord the Generall Don Alfonso Baçan Who finding none ouer hastie to enter the Reuenge againe doubting least Sir Richard would haue blowne them vp and himselfe and perceiuing by the report of the Master of the Reuenge his dangerous disposition yeelded that all their liues should be saued the company sent for England the better sort to pay such reasonable ransome as their estate would â—eare and in the meane season to be free from Gally or imprisonment To this he so much the rather coÌ„descended as wel as I haue said for feare of further losse and mischiefe to themselues as also for the desire he had to recouer Sir Richard Greenuil whom for his notable valure he seemed greatly to honour and admire When this answere was returned and that safetie of life was promised the common sort being now at the ende of their perill the most drew backe from Sir Richard and the Master gunner being no hard matter to disswade men from death to life The Master gunner finding himselfe and Sir Richard thus preuented and mastered by the greater number would haue slaine himselfe with a sword had he not bene by force with-held and locked into his Cabben Then the Generall sent many boates aboord the Reuenge and diuers of our men fearing Sir Richards disposition stole away aboord the Generall and other shippes Sir Richard thus ouermatched was sent vnto by Alfonso Baçan to remooue out of the Reuenge the shippe being marueilous vnsauorie filled with blood and bodies of dead and wounded men like a slaughter house Sir Richard answered that hee might doe with his body what he list for hee esteemed it not and as he was carried out of the shippe hee swounded and reuiuing againe desired the company to pray for him The Generall vsed Sir Richard with all humanitie and left nothing vnattempted that tended to his recouerie highly commending his valour and worthinesse and greatly bewailing the danger wherein he was being vnto them a rare spectacle and a resolution sildome approoued to see one shippe turne toward so many enemies to endure the charge and boording of so many huge Armadas and to resist and repell the assaults and entries of so many souldiers All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish Captaine of the same Armada and a present actor in the fight who being seuered from the rest in a storme was by the Lion of London a small ship taken and is now prisoner in London The generall commander of the Armada was Don Alphonso Baçan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz. The admiral of the Biscaine squadron was Britandona Of the squadron of Siuil Marques of Arumburch The Hulkes and Flybotes were coÌ„manded by Luis Coutinho There were slaine and drowned in this fight well neere one thousand of the enemies aâ—d two speciall commanders Don Luis de sant Iohn and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga as the Spanish captaine confesseth besides diuers others of speciall account whereof as yet report is not made The Admirall of the Hulkes and the Ascension of Siuil were both sunke by the side of the Reuenge one other recouered the rode of Saint Michael and sunke also there a fourth ranne her selfe with the shore to saue her men Sir Richard died as it is sayd the second or third day aboord the Generall and was by them greatly bewailed What became of his body whether it were buried in the sea or on the land we know not
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâ—e lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning â—wo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ„ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâ—iae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
England I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius and diuers other learned men who said that this discouery hath bene reserued for some noble prince or woorthie man thereby to make himselfe rich and the world happieâ— desiring you to accept in good part this briefe and simple discourse written in haste which if I may perceiue that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe I will then impart vnto you a large discourse which I haue written onely of this discouery And further because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is without abilitie to performe the same I wil at leasure make you partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation wherein I haue not a litle trauelled to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to effect as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards whose common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one like bignesse And haue alâ—o deuised therein a Spherical instrument with a compasse of variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude And a precise order to pricke the sea card together with certaine infallible rules for the shortning of any discouery to know at the first â—ntring of any fret whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth it selfe into the land Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me for the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enterprise for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase shame the pleasure vanisheth but the shame remaineth for euer And therefore to giue me leaue without offence alwayes to liue and die in this mind That he is not worthy to liue at all that for feare or danger of death shunneth his countries seruice and his owne honour seeing death is ineuitable and the fame of vertue immortall Wherefore in this behalfe Mutare vel timere sperno Certaine other reasons or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest learnedly written by M. Richard Willes Gentleman FOure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie Islands which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes continually haunted for gaine and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing These Ilands although they stand East from the Meridian distant almost halfe the length of the worlde in extreame heate vnder the Equinoctiall line possessed of Infidels and Barbarians yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought and from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse vnto vs for like situation Westward as we haue for their vsuall trade with vs for that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other name then Portugall not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof Their voyage is very well vnderstood of all men and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of better knowen and trauelled then that it may seeme needfull to discourse thereof any further The second way lyeth Southwest betweene the West India or South America and the South continent through that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of passed these latter yeeres leauing thereunto therefore his name This way no doubt the Spaniardes would commodiously take for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there could the Easterne current and leuanâ— windes as easily suffer them to returne as speedily therwith they may be carried thither for the which difficultie or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of winde and streame this passage is litle or nothing vsed although it be very well knowen The third way by the Northeast beyond all Europe and Asia that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his perill enforced there to ende his life for colde congealed and frozen to death And truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of Geographers then allowable either in reason or approued by experience as well it may appeare by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree North by the vnlikely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow or at the least continually pestred therewith if happily it be at any time dissolued besides bayes and shelfes the water waxing more shallow toward the East that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire of the vncomfortable nights so neere the Pole fiue moneths long A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid happy Ilands Moluccae sir Humfrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo The enterprise of it selfe being vertuous the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise and whensoeuer it shal be finished the fruits thereof cannot be smal where vertue is guide there is fame a follower fortune a companion But the way is dangerous the passage doubtfull the voiage not throughly knowen and therefore gainesaid by many after this maner First who can assure vs of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the Northeast doe not both wayes lye in equall distance from the North Pole Stand not the North Capes of eyther continent vnder like eleuation Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West then the extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for colde and can you then promise a passenger any better happe by the Northwest Who hath gone for triall sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make profession in Cosmographie Ptolome the father of Geographie and his eldest children will answere by their mappes with a negatiue concluding most of the Sea within the land and making an ende of the world Northward neere the 63. degree The same opinion when learning chiefly florished was receiued in the Romanes time as by their Poets writings it may appeare tibi seruiat vltima Thyle said Virgil being of opinion that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph Moletius an Italian and Mercator a Germaine for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geographers of our time the one in his halfe Spheres of the whole world the other in some of his great globes haue continued the West Indies land euen to the North Pole and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way The same doctors Mercator in other of his globes and mappes Moletius in his sea Carde neuerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former continent haue
the shore they tooke in their sailes and lay adrift The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed we cast about towards the inward and had sight of land which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights which some of the Fleete and those not the worst Marriners iudged to be the North Foreland howbeit other some were of contrary opinion But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes And by reason of the darke miâ—ts which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous For whereas indeede we thought our selues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast were brought to the South-westwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe The cause whereof we haue since found and it shall be at large hereafter declared Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke but how we should be so farre shoe vp so suddainely within the said straights the eâ—pertest Mariners began to maruell thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouertaken in their accounts or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had obserued And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned someâ—imes round about euen in a moment after the maner of a whirlepoole and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard a farre off then the waterfall of London Bridge But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne whereby to take the height and so to know the true eleuation of the pole and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast the Generall with the Captaines Masters of his ships began doubtfully to question of the matter and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each mans opinion and specially of Iames Beare Master of the Anne Francis who was knowen to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner and hauing bene there the yere before had wel obserued the place and drawen out Cardes of the coast But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers Streits as some of the Fleete supposed and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like that the best Mariners therein may bee deceiued The tenth of Iuly the weather still continuing thicke and darke some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete and wandring to and fro with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea Bay or Streites they knew not or along a coast whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place as commonly in these parts it doth The Uiceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall who was with him in the Thomas Allen hauing lost sight of the Fleete turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with him Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost company of the Fleete and being all alone held it for best to turne it out to sea againe vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place into the open Sea againe being so narrowly distressed by the way by meanes of continuall fogge and yce that they were many times ready to leape vpon an Iland of yce to auoide the present danger and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes and some determined to tie the Hatches of the shipe togither and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous bloodie and Men-eating people The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way passed vp aboue sixtie leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side and a continuance still of an open Sea before them The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error and that this was not the olde straights yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course and knowen straights Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein thâ—n otherwise meaning by that policie being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie to induce the Fleete to follow him to see a further proofe of that place And as some of the companie reported he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea called Mar del Sur and dissolued the long doubâ— of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya 1 Of which mistaken straights considering the circumstance we haue great cause to confirme our opinion to like and hope well of the passage in this place For the foresaid Bay or Sea the further we sayled therein the wider we found it with great likelihood of endlesse continuance And where in other places we were much troubled with yce as in the entrance of the same so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce or other thing at all as in other places we found 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce and other things which doe fleete in the Sea either to the North or Eastwards of the same as by good experience we haue found 3 For here also we met with boordes lathes and diuers other
thicke mist so that we could not see a cable length before vs. And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne and folded in amongst flats and sands amongst which we found shoale and deepe in euery three or foure shippes length after wee began to sound but first we were vpon them vnawares vntill master Cox looking out discerned in his iudgement white cliffes crying land withall though we could not afterward descrie any land it being very likely the breaking of the sea white which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze and and thicke weather Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight to cast about to seaward which being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes was yet formost vpon the breach keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same too late to recouer it for presently the Admirall strooke a ground and had soone after her â—terne and hinder partes beaten in pieces whereupon the rest that is to say the Frigat in which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde cast about Eastsoutheast bearing to the South euen for our liues into the windes eye becâ—use that way caried vs to the seaward Making out from this danger wee sounded one while seuen fadome then fiue fadome then foure fadome and lesse againe deeper immediatly foure fadome then but three fadome the sea going mightily and high At last we recouered God be thanked in some despaire to sea roome enough In this distresse wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall whom wee sawe cast away without power to giue the men succour neither could we espie any of the men that leaped ouerboord to saue themselues either in the same Pinnesse or Cocke or vpon rafters and such like meanes presenting themselues to men in those extremities for we desired to saue the men by euery possible meanes But all in vaine sith God had determined their ruine yet all that day and part of the next we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the wracke as was possible for vs looking out if by good hap we might espie any of them This was a heauy and grieuous euent to lose at one blow our chiefe shippe fraighted with great prouision gathered together with much trauell care long time and difficultie But more was the losse of our men which perished to the number almost of a hundreth soules Amongst whom was drowned a learned man an Hungarian borne in the citie of Buda called thereof Budaeus who of pietie and zeale to good attempts aduentured in this action minding to record in the Latine tongue the gests and things worthy of remembrance happening in this discouerie to the honour of our nation the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator and rare Poet of our time Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and Discouerer of inestimable riches as it was left amongst some of vs in vndoubted hope No lesse heauy was the losse of the Captaine Maurice Browne a vertuous honest and discreete Gentleman ouerseene onely in liberty giuen late before to men that ought to haue bene restrained who shewed himselfe a man resolued and neuer vnprepared for death as by his last act of this tragedie appeared by report of them that escaped this wracke miraculously as shall bee hereafter declared For when all hope was past of recouering the ship and that men began to giue ouer and to saue themselues the Captaine was aduised before to shift also for his life by the Pinnesse at the sterne of the ship but refusing that counsell he would not giue example with the first to leaue the shippe but vsed all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire nor so to leaue off their labour choosing rather to die then to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge which then might be thought to haue perished through his default shewing an ill president vnto his men by leauing the ship first himselfe With this mind hee mounted vpon the highest decke where hee attended imminent death and vnauoidable how long I leaue it to God who withdraweth not his comfort from his seruants at such times In the meane season certaine to the number of foureteene persons leaped into a small Pinnesse the bignes of a Thames barge which was made in the New found land cut off the rope wherewith it was towed and committed themselues to Gods mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes destitute of foode not so much as a droppe of fresh water The boate seeming ouercharged in foule weather with company Edward Headly a valiant souldier and well reputed of his companie preferring the greater to the lesser thought better that some of them perished then all made this motion to cast lots and them to bee throwen ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell thereby to lighten the boate which otherwayes seemed impossible to liue offred himselfe with the first content to take his aduenture gladly which neuertheles Richard Clarke that was Master of the Admirall and one of this number refused aduising to abide Gods pleasure who was able to saue all as well as a few The boate was caried before the wind continuing sixe dayes and nights in the Ocean and arriued at last with the men aliue but weake vpon the New found land sauing that the foresayd Headly who had bene late sicke and another called of vs Brasile of his trauell into those Countreys died by the way famished and lesse able to holde out then those of better health For such was these poore mens extremitie in cold and wet to haue no better sustenance then their owne vrine for sixe dayes together Thus whom God deliuered from drowning hee appointed to be famished who doth giue limits to mans times and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying whom againe he will preserue neither Sea nor famine can confound For those that arriued vpon the Newe found land were brought into France by certaine French men then being vpon that coast After this heauie chance wee continued in beating the sea vp and downe expecting when the weather would cleere vp that we might yet beare in with the land which we iudged not farre off either the continent or some Island For we many times and in sundry places found ground at 50,45,40 fadomes and lesse The ground comming vpon our lead being sometimes oazie sand and otherwhile a broad shell with a little sand about it Our people loss courage dayly after this ill successe the weather continuing thicke and blustering with increase of cold Winter drawing on which tooke from them all hope of amendement setling an assurance of worse weather to grow vpon vs euery day The Leeside of vs lay full of flats and dangers ineuitable if the wind blew hard at South Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Laurence the coast full of dangers and vnto vs vnknowen But aboue all prouision waxed scant and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall Those in
or so short a time may be supposed albeit true in euery particularitie as partly by the former relation may be collected and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes liuing it pleased God to support this company of which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate and long infested the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord beginning continuing and ending the voyage which none els did accomplish either not pleased with the action or impatient of wants or preuented by death Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humfrey Gilbert knight faithfully for so much as I thought meete to be published wherein may alwaies appeare though he be extinguished some sparkes of his vertues he remaining firme and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly as was this to discouer possesse and to reduce vnto the seruice of God and Christian pietie those remote and heathen Countreys of America not actually possessed by Christians and most rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England vnto the which as his zeale deserueth high commendation euen so he may iustly be taxed of temeritie and presumption rather in two respects First when yet there was onely probabilitie not a certaine determinate place of habitation selected neither any demonstration of commoditie there in esse to induce his followers neuertheles he both was too prodigall of his owne patrimony and too careles of other mens expences to imploy both his and their substance vpon a ground imagined good The which felling very like his associates were promised and made it their best reckoning to bee salued some other way which pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation Secondly when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of abilitie and credit to performe his designements as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunitie and meanes which God might raise he thrust himselfe againe into the action for which he was not sit presuming the cause pretended on Gods behalfe would carie him to the desired ende Into which hauing thus made reentrie he could not yeeld againe to withdraw though hee sawe no encouragement to proceed left his credite foyled in his first attempt in a second should vtterly be disgraced Betweene extremities hee made a right aduenture putting all to God and good fortune and which was worst refused not to entertaine euery person and meanes whatsoeuer to furnish out this expedition the successe whereof hath bene declared But such is the infinite bountie of God who from euery euill deriueth good For besides that fruite may growe in time of our trauelling into those Northwest lands the crosses turmoiles and afflictions both in the preparation and execution of this voyage did correct the intemperate humors which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman and made vnsauorie and lesse delightfull his other manifold vertues Then as he was refined and made neerer drawing vnto the image of God so it pleased the diuine will to resume him vnto himselfe whither both his and euery other high and noble minde haue alwayes aspired Ornatissimo viro Magistro Richardo Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio aedis Christi Artium Philosophiae Magistro amico fratri suo SNon statueram ad tescribere cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum Putabaste superiore iam Iunio nos subsecuturum Iraque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum Itaque scribam ad teijsdem ferè verbis quia noua meditari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi hoc tempore non vacat Vndecimo Iunij ex Anglia reuera tandem feriò soluimus portu terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis Classis quinque nauibus constabat maxima quam frater Amiâ—alij accommodauerat ignotum quo coÌ„silio statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim nauigauimus ad 23. Iulij quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti ad gradum circiter 50. cùm vltrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre Insula est ea quam vestri Penguin vocant ab auium eiusdem nominis multitudine Nos tamen nec aues vidimus nec insulam accessimus ventis alio vocantibus Caeterùm conuenimus omnes in éundem locum paulò ante portum in quem communiconsilio omnibus veniendum erat idque intra duas horas magna Dei benignitate nostro gaudio Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia inter 47. 48. gradum Diuum Ioannem vocant Ipse Admiralius propter multitudinem hominum angustiam nauis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit iam duos dysentericis doloribus amisie de caeteris bona spes est Ex nostris nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iuuenime coniunxeram duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt Caeteri salui longè firmiores Ego nunquam sanior In hunc locum terâ—io Augusti appulimus quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam regni Angliae possessionem potestatemque vendicauit latis quibusdam legibus de religione obsequio Reginae Angliae Reâ—icimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs lautiùs Certè enim qualibus ventis vsi simus quà m fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit proinde nihil nobis deerit Nam extra Anglos 20 circiter naues Lusitanicas Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus â—ae nobis impares non patientur nos esurire Angli etsi satis firmi à nobis tuti authoritate regij diplomatis omni obse quio humanitate prosequunturâ— Nunc narrandi erant mores regiones populi Caeterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte quando praeter solitudinem nihil video Piscium inexhausta copia inde huc commeantibus magnus quaestus Vix hamus sundum attigit illicò insignialiquo onustus est Terra vniuersa montana syluestris arbores vt plurimùm pinus cae partim consenuêre partim nunc adolescunt magna pars vetustate collapsa aspectum terrae iter euntium ita impedit vt nusquam progredi liceat Herbae omnes procerae sed rarò à nostris diuerse Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum Inueni enim gramina spicas in similitudinem secales facilè cultura satione in vsum humanum assucfieri posse videntur Rubi in syluìs vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate Visi circa tuguria non-nunquam apparent conficluntur sed albi sunt vt mihi ex pellibus coniicere licuit minores quà m nostri Populus an vllus sic in hac regione incertum est Nec vllum vidi qui testari posset
in very short time procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them And yet to the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and presumptions I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled those parets doe testifie that they haue found in those countryes all these things following namely Of beasts for furre â— Marterns Beauers Foxes blacke and white Leopards Of wormes Silke wormes great large Of Birds Hawkes Biâ—ters Curlewes Herons Partridgesâ— Cranesâ— Mallards Wilde geese Stocke dooues Margaus Blacke birds Parrots Pengwins Of Fishes Coddeâ— Salmon Seales Herrings Of Trees Palme trees yeelding sweet wines Cedars Firres Sasafras Oake Elme Poplet And sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen Of fruites Grapes very large Muskemellons Limons Dates great Orrenges Figges Prunes Raisins great and small Pepper Almondsâ— Citrons Of Mettals Golde Siluer Copper Lead Tinne Of Stones Turkeis Rubies Pearls great faire Marble of diuers kindes Iasper Christall Sundry other commodities of all sorts Rosen Pitch Tarre Turpentine Frankincense Honny Waxe Rubarbe Oyle Oliue Traine oyle Muske codde Saleâ— Tallow Hides Hempe Flaxeâ— Cochenello dies of diuers sorts Feathers of sundrie sorts as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds And seeing that for small costs the trueth of these things may be vnderstood whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance I doe finde no cause to the contrary but that all well minded persons should be willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good an enterprise Now for the triall hereof considering that in the articles of the societie of the aduenturers in this voyage there is prouision made that no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first aduenture and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children his apprentises and seruants his and their freedome for trade and traffique which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue not and in the said articles it is like wise prouided that none other then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage or shal become adueÌ„turers in this supply at any time hereafter are to be admitted in the said society but as redemptionaries which will bâ— very chargeable therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the old prouerbe Nothing venture nothing haue For if it do so fall out according to the great hope and expectation had as by Gods grace it will the gaine which now they reepe by traffique into other farre countries shal by this trade returne with lesse charge greater gaine and more safety Lesse charge I say by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke whereof there are many whereby both easily and quietly they may transport from the innermost parts of the main land all kind of merchandize yea in vessels of great burden and that three times or twise in the yere at the least But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer and dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S. Humfrey Gilbert his assistants in Newfound land in August last For there may be very easily made Pitch Tarre Rosen Sope ashes in great plenty yea as it is thought though to serue the whole realme of euery of these kindes And of Traine oyle such quantity as if I should set downe the value that they doe esteeme it at which haue bene there it would seeme incredible It is hereby intended that these commodities in this abundant maner are not to be gathered from thence without planting and setling there And as for other things of more value and that of more sorts and kindes then one or two which were likewise discouered there I doe holde them for some respects more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered Of the fishing I doe speake nothing because it is generally knowen and it is not to be forgotten what trifles they be that the Sauages doe require in exchange of these commodities yea for pearle golde siluer and precious stones All which are matters in trade and traffique of great moment But admit that it should so fall out that the aboue specified commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere Yet it is very cleere that such and so many may be â—ound out as shall minister iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed For it is very certaine that there is one seat fit for fortification of great safety wherein these commodities following especially are to be had that is to say Grapes for wine Whales for oyle Hempe for cordage and other necessary things and fish of farre greater sise and plenty then that of Newfound land and of all these so great store as may suffice to serue our whole realme Besides all this if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same soilâ— a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne which leadeth to a place abounding with rich substance I doe not hereby meane the passage to the Moluccaes whereof before I made mention And it is not to be omitted how that about two yeeres past certaine merchants of S. Malo in France did hyre a ship out of the Island of Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their Countreymen and they would admit no mariner other then the ship boy belonging to the sayd ship to goe with them which shippe was about 70. tuâ—â—e I doe know the shippe and the boy very well and am familiarly acquainted with the owner which voyage prooued very beneficiallâ— To conclude this which is already sayd may suffice any man of reasonable disposition to serue for a taste vntill such time as it shall please almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings In the meane season if any man well affected to this iourney shall staud in doubt of any matter of importance touching the same he may satisfie himselfe with the iudgement and â—iking of such of good calling and credite as are principall dealers herein For it is not necessary in this treatise publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage The sixt Chapter sheweth that the traffique and planting in those countries shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and gainefull NOw to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our country as generally other trades and iourneis be it shall fall out in proofe that the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this enterprise was vndertaken First and chiefly in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ whereby they may be brought from falshood to trueth from darknesse to light from the hie way of death to the path of life from superstitious idolatrie to sincere Christianity from the deuill to Christ from hell to heauen And if in respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs were
they many moe that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity they were more then fully recompenced But heereunto it may bee obiected that the Gospel must bee freely preached â—or such was the example of the Apostles vnto whom although the authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors Kings and Princes aswel before Christs time as since might sufficiently satisfie yet for further answere we may say with S. Paul If wee haue sowen vnto you heauenly things doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall things And withall The workman is worthy of his hire These heauenly tidings which those labourers our countreymen as messengers of Gods great goodnesse and mercy will voluntarily present vnto them doe farre exceed their earthly riches Moreouer if the other inferiour worldly and temporall things which they shall receiue from vs be weighed in equall ballance I assure my selfe that by equal iudgement of any indifferent person the benefits which they then receiue shall farre surmount those which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had as they haue not the knowledge to put their land to some vse yet being brought from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge and made then to vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and employed as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans life then the whole now doeth What iust cause of complaint may they haue And in my priuate opinion I do verily thinke that God did create land to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things necessary for mans life But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the Christians for euer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse their grounds they shal be reduced from vnseemely customes to honest maners from disordered riotous routs and companyes to a well gouerned common wealth and withall shal be taught mechanicall occupations arts and liberall sciences and which standeth them most vpon they shal be defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and blood sucking neighbors the Canibals whereby infinite number of their liues shal be preâ—erued And lastly by this meanes many of their poore innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the sacrificer a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and man now and euer heretofore vsed amongst them Many other things could I heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue already more then halfe tired the reader The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there is not a matter of such charge or difficultie as many would make it seeme to be NOw therefore for proofe that the planting in these parts is a thing that may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse contrary to the allegation of many malicious persons who wâ—l neither be actors in any good action themselues nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting forward thereof and that worse is they will take vpon them to make moâ—e hilles seeme mountaines and flies elephants to the end they may discourage others that be very well or iudifferently affected to the matter being like vnto Esops dogge which neither would eate Hay himselfe nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feeds thereou I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance of this enterprise as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure for first by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse of long time to hold his merciful hand ouer this realme in preseruing the people of the same bath from slaughter by the sword and great death by plague pestilence or otherwise there are at this day great numbers God he knoweth which liue in such penurie want as they could be contented to hazard their liues and to serue one yeere for meat drinke aud apparell only without wages in hope thereby to amend their estates which is a matter in such like iourneyes of no small charge to the prince Moreouer things in the like iournyes of greatest price and cost as victuall whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey without money and powder great artillery or corselets are not needefull iu so plentifull and chargeable maner as the shew of such a iourney may present for a small quantitie of all these to furnish the Fort only will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in those parts which may be thought well worthy a greater charge Also the peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall before all other nations will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked people Another helpe we haue also which in such like cases is a matter of marueilous cost and will be in this iourney procured very easily that is to say To transport yeerely aswell our people as all other necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound land being not farre distant from the countrey meant to be inhabited who commonly goe with emptie vessels in effect sauing some litle fraight with salt And thus it appeareth that the souldiers wages and the transportation may be defrayed for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise haue giuen out Againe this intended voyage for conquest hath in like maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath as it were with his holy hand blessed the same before all others For after once we are departed the coast of England wee may passe straightway thither without danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies or doubtfull friends for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither which seldome faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May a benefite which the mariners make great account of for it is a pleasure that they haue in few or none of other iourneyes Also the passage is short for we may goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most hauing but au indifferent winde and returne continually in twenty or foure and twentie dayes at the most And in the same our iourney by reason it is in the Ocean and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy neither shall one ships people or goods there be subiect to arrest or molestation of any Pagan potentateâ— Turkish tyrant yea or Christian prince which heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our ships and merchandizes whereby great numbers of our countreymen haue bene vtterly vndone diuers put to ransome yea and some lost their liues a thing so fresh in memorie as it needeth no proofe and is well worthy of consideration Besides in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line whereby commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted and mens health very much
the Prouince of Canada to the port of the Holy Crossâ— where we had left our ships The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North and curred into that riuer at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands full of faire and goodly trees we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the riuer our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be set vp and commanded the boates to be made readie that with the neâ—t tide he might goe vp the saide riuer and consider the qualitie of it which wee did and that day went vp as farre as we could but because we found it to be of no importance and very shallow we returned and sayled downe the riuer How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse and in what state we found our ships and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our Captaine and our Captaine him and of certaine particular customes of the people Chap. 9. VPon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Hoâ—y Crosse where our ships were and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there had made and reared a trench before the ships altogither closed with great â—eeres of timber set vpright and very well fastened togither then had they beset the said trenâ—h about with peeces of Artilletiâ—â—nd other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues from the power of all the countrey So soone as the Lord of the countrey heard of our comming the next day being the twelfth of October he came to visite vs accompanied with Taignoagny Domagala and many others fayning to be very glad of our comming making much of our Captaine who as friendly as he could entertained them albeit they had not deserued it Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada which he promised to doe for the next day bâ—ing the 13 of the moneth he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed went to visite Donnacona and his people about a league from our ships The place where they make their abode is called Stadacona When we were about a stones cast from their houses many of the inhabitants came to meete vs being all set in a ranke and as their custome is the men all on one side the women on the other still dancing and singing without any ceasing and after we had salutâ—d and receiued one another our Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things then he caused all the women and children to passe along before him giuing ech one a ring of Tin for which they gaue him hearty thankes that done our Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny brought to see their houses which the qualitie considered were very well prouided and stored with such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth to passe away the winter withall Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boords as we doe vse parchment Donnacona told vs that they were skins of Toudamani a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe warre against them Moreouer they told vs that it was two yeeres past that those Toudamans came to assault them yea euen into the said riuer in an Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay where they had bin the night before as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo with 200 persons men women and children who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made they were assaulted by the said Toudamans who put fire round about the Fort and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues they were all slaine only fiue excepted who escaped For which losse they yet sorrowed shewing with signes that one day they would be reuenged that done we came to our ships againe The manner how the people of that Countrey liue and of certaine conditions of their faith maners and customes Chap. 10. THis people beleeue no whit in God but in one whom they calâ— Cudâ—uaigni they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shal follow whether good or bad Moreouer they say that when he is angry with them he casteth dust into then eyes they beleeue that when they die they go into the stars thence â—â— little little descend downe into the Horizonâ— euen as the stars doe that then they go into certaine greene fiâ—lds full of goodly faire precious trees floures fruits After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand we shewed them their error and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them for he is but a Diuell an euill spirit affirming vnto them that there is but one onely God who is in heauen and who giueth vs all necessaries being the Creatour of all himselfe and that onely we must beleeue in him moreouer that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised otherwise wee are damned into hell These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we shewed them all which they did easily beleeue calling their Cudruaigni Agouiada that is to say nought so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be baptised and their Lorde and Taignoagny Domagaia and all the people of the towne came vnto vs hoping to be baptised but because we did not throughly know their minde and that there was no bodie could teach them our beliefe religion we excused our selues desiring Taignoagny Domagaia to tell the rest of their countreymen that he would come againe another time bring Priests chrâ—some with vs for without them they could not be baptised which they did easily beleeue for Domagaia Tâ—ignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they were there Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad They liue in common togither and of such commodities as their countrey yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored the inhabitants of the countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts but very miserably In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts skins and in Sommer they goe barefooted They keepe and obserue the rites of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or â— vâ—â—tes which their husbands being dead do neuer marrie agaiâ—e but for the death of their husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life be sâ—earing al their faces with coleâ—â—uâ—â—â—â—â—ease mingled togither as thicke as the backe of a knife and by that they are knowen to be wâ—â—â—owes They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their maidens and that is this they put them all after they are of lawfull age to marry in a common place as harlots free for euery man that will haue to doe with them vntill such time as they find a match This I say because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those
we were not minded to doe to the end wee might shorten our way These two lands lie Northwest and Southeast and are about fiftie leagues one from another The sayd Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a halfe Upon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord we coasted ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island aboue which are large Champaines full of trees and also an enclosed sea whereas we could neither see nor perceiue any gappe or way to enter there into On Friday following being the 27 of the moneth because the wind did change on the coast we came to Brions Island againe where wee stayed till the beginning of Iune and toward the Southeast of this Island wee sawe a lande seeming vnto vs as an Island we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands lying toward the Sande after wee had knowen these things we returned to the Cape of the sayd land which doeth deuide itselfe into two or three very high Capes the waters there are very deepe and the flood of the sea runneth so swift that it cannot possibly be swifter That day we came to Cape Loreine which is in forty seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South on which cape there is a low land and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer but there is no hauen of any worth Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the South we named it Saint Paules Cape it is at 47 degrees and a quarter The Sonday following being the fourth of Iune and Whit sonday wee had notice of the coaste lying Eastsoutheast distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues and because the wind was against vs wee went to a Hauen which wee named S. Spiritus Porte where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence sayling along that coast vntill wee came to Saint Peâ—ers Islands Wee found along the sayd coast many very dangerous Islands and shelues which lye all in the way Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwestâ— about three and twenty leagues into the sea Whilest we were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britaine wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day being the eleuenth of the moneth vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence came to Cape Rase and entred into a Port called Rognoso where wee tooke in fresh water and wood to passe the sea there wee left one of our boates Then vpon Monday being the nineteenth of Iune we went from that Port and with such good and prospâ—rous weather we sailed along the sea in such sorte that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo by the grace of God to whom we pray here ending our Nauâ—gation that of his infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour and in the end bring vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie Amen Here followeth the language of the countrey and kingdomes of Hochelaga and Canada of vs called New France But first the names of their numbers Secada 1 Tigneni 2 Hische 3 Hannaion 4 Ouiscon 5 Indahir 6 Aiaga 7 Addigue 8 Madellon 9 Assâ—m 10 Here follow the names of the chiefest partes of man and other words necessary to be knowen the Head aggonzi the Browe hegueniascon the Eyes higata the Eares abontascon the Mouth esahe the Teeth esgongay the Tongue osnache the Throate agonhon the Beard hebelim the Face hegouascon the Haires aganiscon the Armes aiayascon the Flanckes atssonne the Stomacke aggruascon the Bellie eschehenda the Thighes hetnegradascon the Knees agochinegodascon the Legges agouguenehonde the Feete onchidascon the Hands aignoascon the Fingers agenoga the Nailes agedascon a Mans member aâ—moascon a Womans member eastaigne an Eele esgueny a Snaile vndeguezi a Tortois henlenxinia Woods conda leaues of Trees hoga God cudragny giue me some drink quaz â—hoaquea giue me to breakfast quaso hoa quascaboa giue me my supper quaza hâ—a quat frian let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoâ— a Man aguehâ—m a woman agâ—uaste a Boy addegesta a Wench agniaquesta a Child exiasta a Gowne cabata a Dublet caioza Hosen hemondoha Shooes atha a Shirt amgona a Cappe castrua Corne osizi Bread carraconny Water ame Flesh quahouascon Reisins queion Damsons honnesta Figges absconda Grapes ozoba Nuttes quahoya a Hen sahomgahoa a Lamprey zisto a Salmon ondacon a Whale ainne honne a Goose sadeguenda a Streete adde Cucumber seede casconda to Morrowe achide the Heauen quenhia the Earth damga the Sunne ysmay the Moone assomaha the Starres stagnehoham the Winde cohoha good morrow aâ—gnag let vs go to play casigno caudy come speak with me assigniquaddadiâ— â—ooke vpon me quagathoma hold your peace aista let vs go with y t boat casigno casnouy giue me a knife buazahca agoheda a Hatchet adogne a Bow ahenca a Darte quahetan let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat a Stagge aionnesta a Sheepe asquenondo a Hare Sourbanda a Dogge agaya a Towne canada the Sea agogasy the waues of the sea coda an â—sland cohena an Hill agacha the yce honnesca Snow camsa Colde athau Hotte odazani Fier azista Smoke quea a House canoca Beanes sahe Cinnamom adhotathny my Father addathy my Mother adunahot my Brother addagrim my Sister adhoasseue They of Canada say that it is a moneths sayling to goe to a lande where Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the Newfoundlands by him named New France The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier 1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay KIng Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Uoyages of discouery as wâ—ll by writing as by word of mouth touching that which hee had found and seene in the Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga and hauing also seene and talked with the people which the sayd Cartier had brought out of those Countreys whereof one was king of Canada whose name was Donnacona and others which after that they had bene a long time in France and Britaine were baptized at their owne desire and request and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine And albeit his Maiestie was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought ouer by him which were tenne in number sauing one little girle about tenne yeeres old yet he resolued to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe with Iohn Francis de la Roche Knight Lord of Roberual whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga and the sayd Cartier Captaine generall and leader of the shippes that they might discouer more then was done before
company neere vnto vs which we saw not by meanes of the great fogge which hearing the sound of the piece vnderstanding some of the company to be in great extremitie began to make towards vs and when they came within hearing of vs we desired them for the loue of God to helpe to saue vs for that we were all like to perish They willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could make towards them for they would do their best to saue vs and so we did And we had no sooner hoised our foresaile but there came a gale of winde a piece of a sea strooke in the foresaile and caried saile maste all ouerboord so that then we thought there was no hope of life And then we began to imbrace one another euery man his friend euery wife her husband and the children their fathers and mothers committing our soules to Almighty God thinking neuer to escape aliue yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past to aide vs with his helping hand and caused the winde a little to cease so that within two houres after the other ship was able to come aboord vs tooke into her with her boat man woman and child naked without hose or shoe vpon many of our fecte I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a yong sucking child in her armes lept too short and fell into the sea and was a good while vnder the water before the boat could come to rescue her and with the spreading of her clothes rose aboue water againe and was caught by the coat pulled into the boate hauing still her childe vnder her arme both of them halfe drowned and yet her naturall loue towards her child would not let her let the childe goe And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast vnder her arme still that two men were scant able to get it out So we departed out of our ship left it in the sea it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats ship goods when we left it And within three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New Spaine I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this foule weather in the night there came vpon the toppe of our maine yarde and maine maste a certaine little light much like vnto the light of a little candle which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo and saide it was S. Elmo whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers At the which fight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and worshipped it praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment and saue them from the perill that they were in with promising him that at their comming on land they would repaire vnto his Chappell and there cause Masses to be saide and other ceremonies to be done The friers cast reliques into the sea to cause the sea to be still and likewise said Gospels with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the storme to cease which as they said did much good to weaken the furie of the storme But I could not perceiue it nor gaue no credite to it till it pleased God to send vs the remedie deliuered vs from the rage of the â—ame His Name be praised therefore This light continued aboord our ship about three houres flying from maste to maste from top to top and sometime it would be in two or three places at once I informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be and they said that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather which flying in the winde many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of the ships that are at sea in foule weather And in trueth I do take it to be so for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea and in sundry ships at once By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes as God to whom all honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call vpon the liuing God who is the giuer of all good things The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arriued at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine very naked and distressed of apparell and all other things by meanes of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods and from thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruzâ— fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua marching still by the sea side where wee found lying vpon the sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes and all some of them of foure fiue and sixe cart load by our estimation which as the people tolde vs were in the great stormy weather which we indured at sea rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida which is three hundreth leagues ouer by Sea and brought thither So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz where wee remained a moneth and there the said Iohn Field chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordoua a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz Who hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family and of hiâ— misfortune by Sea came vnto him and receiued him and all his houshold into his house and kept vs there a whole moneth making vs very good cheere and giuing vs good intertainement and also gaue vs that were in all eight persons of the said Iohn Fields house double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth coates cloakes hose shirts smocks gownes for the women hose shooes and al other necessary apparel and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico horses moiles and men and money in our purses for the expences by the way which by our accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes And after wee were entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey I the saide Robert Tomson fell so sicke of an ague that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes from thence to Mexico And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of Mexico the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke and within three dayes after we arriued at the said Citie hee died And presently sickened one of his children and two more of his houshold people and within eight dayes died So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of Mexico of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company there remained but foure aliue and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way which
as prisoners to the citie of Mexico and there committed to prison in sundry darke dungeons where we could not see but by candlelight were neuer paâ—â— two together in one place so that we saw not one another neither could one of vs tell what was become of another Thus we remained close imprisoned for the space of a yeere and a halfe and others for some lesse time for they came to prison euer as they were apprehended During which time of our imprisonmeÌ„t at the first beginning we were often called before the Inquisitors alone and there seuerely examined of our faith and commanded to say the Pater noster the Aue Maria the Creed in Latin which God knoweth a great number of vs could not say otherwise then in the English tongue And hauing the said Robert Sweeting who was our friend at Tescuco alwayes present with theÌ„ for an interpreter he made report for vs y t in our own countrey speech we could say them perfectly although not word for word as they were in Latin Then did they proceede to demand of vs vpon our othes what we did beleeue of the Sacrament whether there did remaine any bread or wine after the words of consecration yea or no and whether we did not beleeue that the host of bread which the priest did hold vp ouer his head and the wine that was in the chalice was the very true and perfect body blood of our Sauiour Christ yea or no To which if we answered not yea then was there no way but death Then they would demand of vs what we did remember of our selues what opinions we had held or had bin taught to hold contrary to the same whiles we were in England to which we for the safety of our liues were constrained to say that we neuer did beleeue nor had bene taught otherwise then as before we had sayd Then would they charge vs that we did not tell them the truth that they knew the contrary and therfore we should cal our selues to remembrance make them a better answer at the next time or els we should be rackt and made to confesse the trueth whether we would or no. And so comming againe before them the next time we were still demanded of our beliefe whiles we were in England and how we had bin taught also what we thought or did know of such of our owne company as they did name vnto vs so that we could neuer be free from such demands and at other times they would promise vs that if we would tell them trueth then should we haue fauour be set at libertie although we very wel knew their faire speeches were but means to intrap vs to the hazard and losse of our liues howbeit God so mercifully wrought for vs by a secret meanes that we had that we kept vs still to our first answer would stil say that we had told the trueth vnto them and knew no more by our selues nor any other of our fellows then as we had declared and that for our sinnes and offences in England against God and our Lady or any of his blessed Saints we were heartily sory for the same and did cry God mercy and besought the Inquisitors for Gods sake considering that we came into those countreys by force of weather against our wils and that neuer in all our liues we had either spoken or done any thing contrary to their lawes that therfore they would haue mercy vpoÌ„ vs. Yet all this would not serue for stil from time to time we were called vpon to confesse and about the space of 3 moneths before they proceeded to their seuere iudgement we were al rackt and some enforced to vtter that against themselues which afterwards cost them their liues And thus hauing gotten froÌ„ our owne mouths matter sufficient for them to proceed in iudgement against vs they caused a large scaffold to be made in the middest of the market place in Mexico right ouer against the head church 14 or 15 daies before the day of their iudgement with the sound of a trumpet and the noise of their Attabalies which are a kind of drummes they did assemble the people in all parts of the citie before whom it was then solemnely proclaimed that whosoeuer would vpon such a day repaire to the market place they should heare the sentence of the holy Inquisition against the English heretikes Lutherans and also see the same put in execution Which being done and the time approching of this cruell iudgement the night before they came to the prison where we were with certaine officers of that holy hellish house bringing with theÌ„ certaine fooles coats which they had prepared for vs being called in their language S. Benitos which coats were made of yellow cotten red crosses vpon them both before behind they were so busied in putting on their coats about vs and in bringing vs out into a large yard and placing and pointing vs in what order we should go to the scaffold or place of iudgement vpon the morrow that they did not once suffer vs to sleepe all that night long The next morning being come there was giuen to euery one of vs for our breakfast a cup of wine and a slice of bread fried in honie and so about eight of the clocke in the morning we set foorth of the prison euery man alone in his yellow coat and a rope about his necke and a great greene Waxe candle in his hand vnlighted hauing a Spaniard appointed to goe vpon either side of euery one of vsâ— and so marching in this order and maner toward the scaffold in the market place which was a bow shoot distant or thereabouts we found a great assembly of people all the way and such a throng that certaine of the Inquisitors officers on horseback were constrained to make way and so comming to the scaffold we went vp by a paire of stayres and found seates readie made and prepared for vs to sit downe on euery man in order as he should be called to receiue his iudgement We being thus set downe as we were appointed presently the Inquisitors came vp another paire of staires and the Uiceroy and all the chiefe Iustices with them When they were set downe and placed vnder the cloth of estate agreeing to their degrees and calling then came vp also a great number of Friers white blacke and gray about the number of 300 persons they being set in the places for them appointed Then was there a solemne Oyes made and silence commanded and then presently beganne their seuere and cruell iudgement The first man that was called was one Roger the chiefe Armourer of the Iesus and hee had iudgement to haue three hundred stripes on horsebacke and after condemned to the gaâ—lies as a slaue for 10 yeeres After him were called Iohn Gray Iohn Browne Iohn Rider Iohn Moone Iames Collier and one Thomas Browne these were adiudged to
onely one halfe houre the Minion was made readie to auoide and so leesing her hedfaâ—ls and hayling away by the sterâ—â—fastes she was gotten out tâ—us with Gods helpâ— she dâ—fendeâ— the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men The Minion being past out they came aboâ—rd the Iesus which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men were defended and kept out Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Iesus at the same instant so that she had hard getting loose but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and gotten out by the sterne-fastes Nowe when the Iesus and the Minion were gottâ—n about two shippes length from the Spanish fleete the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke their Uiceadmirall burned and one other of their principall ships supposed to be sunke so that the shippes were little able to annoy vs. Then is it to be vnderstood that all the Ordinance vpon the Ilande was in the Spaniardes handes which did vs so great annoyance that it cut all the mastes and yardes of the Iesus in such sort that there was no hope to carrie her away also it sunke our small shippes wereupon we determined to place the Iesus on that side of the Minion that she might abide all the batterie from the land and so be a defence for the Minion till night and then to take such reliefe of victuall and other necessaries from the Iesus as the time would suffer vs and to leaue her As we were thus determining and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great shippes which were comming directly with vs and hâ—uing no meanes to auoide the fire it bredde among our men a maruellous feare so that some sayd let vs depart with the Minion other said let vs see whither the winde will carrie the fire from vs. But to be short the Minions men which had alwayes theâ—r sayles in a readinesse thouâ—ht to make sure worke and so without either consent of the Captâ—ine or Master cut therâ— saile so that very hardly I was receiued into the Minion The most part of the men that were left a liue in the Iesus made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat the rest which the little bâ—ate was not able â—o receiue were inforâ—â—d â—â— abide the mercie of the Spaniards which I doubt was very little so with the Minion only and the â—udith a small barke of 50 tunne we escaped which barke the same night forsooke vs in our great miserie we were now remooued with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shâ—oâ—es and there rode all that night the next morning we recouered aâ— Iland a mile from the Spaniardes where there tooke vs a North winde and being left onely with two ankers and two cables for in this conflict we lost three cables and two ankers we thought alwayes vpon death which euer was present but God preserued vs to a longer time The weather waxed reasonable and the Saturday we set saile and hauing a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse some desired to yeeld to the Spaniards some rather desired to obtaine a place where they might giue themselues to the Infidels and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at Sea so thus with many sorowfull hearts we wandred in an vnknowen Sea by the space of 14 dayes till hunger inforced vs to seeke the land for hides were thought very good meat rats cats mice and dogs none escaped that might be gotten parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price were thought there very profitable if they serued the turne one dâ—nner thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the boâ—ome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a halfe where we hoped to haue found inhabitants of the Spaniards reliefe of victuals and place for the repaire of our ship which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and brused with shooting off our owne ordinance that our wearie and weake armes were scarce able to defende and keâ—pe out water But all things happened to the contrary for we found neither people victuall nor hauen of reliefe but a place where hauing faire weather with some perill we might land a boat our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land whereunto I consented And such as were willing to land I put them apart and such as were desirous to goe homewardes I put a part so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place before said which being landed we determined there to take in fresh water and so with our little remaine of vâ—ctuals to take the sea The next day hauing a land with me fiftie of our hundreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboord there arose an extreame storme so that in three dayes we could by no meanes repaire aboord our ship the ship also was in such perill that euery houre we looked for shipwracke But yet God againe had mercie on vs and sent faire weather we had aboord our water and departâ—d the siâ—teenth day of October after which day we had faire and prosperous weather till the siâ—teenth day of Nouâ—mber which day God be praysed we were cleere from the coast of the Indies and out of â—hâ— chanell and gulfe of Bahama which is betweene the Cape of Florida and the Ilandes of Iucayo After this growing neere to the colde countrey our men being oppressed with famine died continually and they that were left grew into such weaknesse that we were scantly able to manage our shippe and the winde being alwayes ill for vs to recouer England we determined to goe with Galicia in Spaine with intent there to relieue our companie and other extreame wantes And being arriued the last day of December in a place neere vnto Vigo called Ponce Vedra our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into miserable disseases and died a great part of them This matter was borne out as long as it might be but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to goe a land yet by accesse of the Spaniards our feeblenesse was knowen to them Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by all meanes to betray vs but with all speede possible we departed to Vigo where we had some helpe of certaine English ships and twelue fresh mâ—n wherewith we repaired our wants as we might and departing the 20 day of Ianuary 1568 arriued in Mounts bay in Cornewall the 25 of the same moneth praised be God therefore If all the miseries and troublesome affâ—ires of this sorowfull voyage
otherwise must haue bene done by resting But as we came within some two miles of the towne their horsemen which were some hundred met vs and taking the alarme retired to their town ward againe vpon the first volley of our shot that was giuen them for the place where wee encountred being wooddy and bushy euen to the water side was vnmeete for their seruice At this instant we might heare some pieces of Artillerie discharged with diuers small shot towards the harbour which gaue vs to vnderstand according to the order set downe in the Euening before by our Generall that the Uice-admirall accompanied with Captaine Venner Captaine White and Captaine Crosse with other sea Captaines and with diuers Pinnesses and boates should giue some attempt vnto the litle Fort standing on the entrie of the inner Hauen neere adioyning to the towne though to small purpose for that the place was strong and the entry very narrow was chainedouer so as there could be nothing gotten by the attempt more then the giuing of them an alarme on that other side of the Hauen being a mile and a halfe from the place we now were at In which attempt the Uice-admirall had the rudder of his skiffe stroken through with a Saker shot and a litle or no harme receiued elsewhere The troopes being now in their march halfe amyle behither the Towne or lesse the ground we were on grewe to bee streight and not aboue fiftie paces ouer hauing the maine Sea on the one side of it and the harbour-water or inner sea as you may tearme it on the other side which in the plot is plainely shewed This streight was fortified cleane ouer with a stone wall and a ditch without it the sayd wall being as orderly built with flanking in euery part as can be set downe There was onely so much of this streight vnwalled as might serue for the issuing of the horsemen or the passing of caryage in time of neede but this vnwalled part was not without a very good Barricado of wine-buts or pipes filled with earth full and thicke as they might stand on ende one by another some part of them standing euen within the maine sea This place of strength was furnished with sixe great peeces Demi-culuerius and Sakers which shette directly in front vpon vs as wee approched Now without this wall vpon the inner side of the streight they had brought likewise two great Gallies with their prowes to the shore hauing planted in them eleuen peeces oâ— ordinance which did beate all crosse the streight and flanked our comming on In these two Galleis were planted three or foure hundred small shot and on the land in the guard onely of this place three hundred shot and pikes They in this their full readinesse to receiue vs spared not their shot both great and small But our Leiutenant generall taking the aduantage of the darke the day light as yer not broken out approched by the lowest ground according to the expresse direction which himselfe haâ— formerly giuen the same being the sea-wash shore where the water was somewhat fallen so as most of all their shot was in vaine Our Lieutenant generall commanded our shot to forbeare shooâ—ing vntill we were come to the wall side â—nd so with pikes roundly together we approched the place where we soone found out the Barricados of pipes or buts to be the meetest place for our assault which notwithstanding it was well furnished with pikes and shot was without staying attempted by vs downe went the buts of earth and yell mell came our swordes and pikes together after our shot had first giuen their volley euen at the enemies nose Our pikes were somewhat longer then theirs and our bodies better armed for very few of them were armed with which aduantage our swordes and pikes grew too hard for them and they driuen to giue place In this surious entry the Lieutenant generall siew with his owne hands the chiefe Ensigne bearer of the Spaniards who fought very manfully to his liâ—es end We followed into the towne with them and giuing them no leasure to breath we wanne the Market-place albeit they made head and fought a while before we got it and so wee being once seazed and assured of that they were content to suffer vs to lodge within their towne and themselues to goe to their wiues whom they had caryed into other places of the countrey before our comming thither At euery streetes end they had rassed vâ—â—y fine Baricados of earth-workes wich trenches without them as well made as euer we saw any worke done at the entring whereof was some litle resistance but soone ouercome it was with few slaine or hurt They had ioyned with them many Indians whom they had placed in corners of aduantage all bowmen with their arrowes most villariously empoysoned so as if they did but breake the skinne the partie so touched died without great maruell some they flew of our people with their arrowes some they likewise mischieued to death with certaine pricks of small sticks sharply pointed of a foote and a halfe long the one ende put into the ground the other empoysoned sticking fast vp right against our comming in the way as we should approch from our landing towardes the towne whereof they had planted a wonderfull number in the ordinaire way but our keeping the sea-wash shore missed the greatest part of them very happily I ouerpasse many particular matters as the hurting of Captaine Sampson at sword blowes in the first entring vnto whom was committed the charge of the pikes of the Uantguard by his lot and turne as also of the taking of Alonso Brauo the chiefe commander of the place by Captaine Goring after the said captaine had first hurt him with his sword vnto which Captaine was committed the charge of the shot of the sayd Uantguard Captaine Winter was likewise by his turne of the â—antguard in this attempt where also the Lieutenant generall marched himselfe the said Captaine Winter through a great desire to serue by land hauing now exchanged his charge by sea with Captaine Cecil for his band of footemen Captaine Powel the Sergeant maior had by his turne the charge of the foure companies which made the battaile Captaine Morgan who at S. Domingo was of the Uantguard had now by turne his charge vpon the companies of the Rereward Euery man as well of one part as of another came so willingly on to the seruice as the enemie was not able to endure the furie of such hot assault We stayed here sixe weekes and the sicknesse with mortalitie before spoken of still continued among vs though not with the same furie as at the first and such as were touched with the sayde sicknesse escaping death very few or almost none could recouer their strenght yea many of them were much decayed in their memorie insomuch that it was growen an ordinarie iudgement when one was heard to speake foolishly to say he had bene sicke of the Calâ—ntura
a man sorrowe to death For true it is sir Francis Drake died of the fluxe which hee had growen vpon him eight dayes before his death and yeelded vp his spirit like a Christian to his creatour quietly in his cabbin And when the Generall shall suruey his losse he shall finde it more then the losse of the English and the most of his destroyed by the bullet but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort vnto the Spaniard that it was thought to be a sufficient amendes although their whole fleete had beene vtterly lost Thirdly the Generall doth say of his owne credite and not by intelligence from any Indian or other that on the eleuenth of March last he met the English fleete at the I le of Pinos being fourteene good shippes who although they had the winde of him yet he set vpon them three times with all their shippes but the English fleete fled and refused to fight shooting now and then a shot but especially the Viceadmirall THis third lie of the Generall Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda whose name for the proliritie thereof may be drawen somewhat neere the length of a cable hath no colour of protection but it hath a iust proportion in measure to the lies of olde Bernardino de Mendoça his countreyman concerning the ouerthrowe of hir Maiesties Nauie in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and eight For except Don Bernaldino the Generall did purpose to winne the wheâ—stone from Don Bernardino de Mendoça the olde Spanish lyer I cannot coâ—iecture why he should write to his countrey for a truth that he chased the English Nauie with nine shippes and did three seuerall times giue the onset to the English fleete who being fourteene good shippes as he saith did flie and refuse to fight considering that the Spanish Uiceadmirall if he be liuing and many other can witnesse the contrarie who fighting like a true valiant man departed from the fight with a torne and battered shippe to saue her from sinking Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish fleete Don Bernaldino excepted that will say they were lesse then twentie sayle of shippes when they met the English fleete and the Spanish Nauie can witnesse that they receiued such store of bullets from the English fleete that they were glad to depart and in despight of them the English nauie did holde their determined course And taking a viewe of the Spanish fleete the next day their number was not aboue thirteene ships which did argue that they were either sunke or fled to harbour to saue themselues Fourthly the General saith that the English fleete fled away and left their oares for haft behind them in the sea IT was strange that they should leaue behinde them oares in the sea suhence there was not in the English fleete either Galley or Galliasse which required the vse of oares as for the oares of their ship-boates and other such small vessels they had slowed them aboord their shippes and were no impediment vnto them but most necessarie for them to vse and therefore not likely they would cast them ouerboord But it is more likely that the Generall fell into some pleasant dreanie at Sea wherein he did see a false apparition of victorie against the English and for lacke of matter did set this downe in his letter for newes of his countrey It is sinne to belie the Deuill and therefore the Generall shall haue his right the letter is so well contriued and yet with no great eloquence but with such art that there are not many more lines then there are lies which shewed that there are wonderfull and extraordinarie gifts in the Generall but I am perswaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should haue beene printed he would haue omitted many things conteined in the letter for the Doctor did vse him somewhat hardly in the wing the letter openly and more in suffering it to bee printed for friendes may like good fellowes send lies one to the other for recreation and feed their friends with some small taste thereof so it be kept close without danger to incurre the title of a lying Generall But as the matter is now handled through the simplicitie of the Doctor I cannot see but the Generall Don Bernaldino is like to carrie the title equally twixt both his shoulders Fiftly the Generall doth say in his printed letter that notwithstanding all the diligence he could vse he could not cause the English fleete to stay nor come neere them nor discharge one harquebuze or peece of artillerie but fled away as fast as they could ANd this lie also he doth not receiue by intelligence from any other but himselfe was an eye-witnesse in the action which made him bold to sende this with the rest into his countrey for current newes but herein Don Bernaldino was more bolde then wise for the torne and battered sides of his Galeons being compared with her Maiesties shippes and others that serued in that fight doe declare that his ships receiued at least two bullets for one Neither can it be concealed but his owne countreymen if any do fauour truth may easily see the losse and late reparations done vnto the kings fleete sithence they did encounter with the English Nauie whensoeuer they that remaine shall arriue in Spaine But the Generall seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession and wareth somewhat bold treading the true steps of olde Bernardino de Mendoça and yet Mendoça was somewhat more warie in his lies for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadowe them but the Generall growing from boldnesse to impudencie maketh no scruple to say that the English Nauie fled as fast as they could without discharging any harquebuze or peece of artillerie when as the battered sides of his ships doe returne the lie to his face For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behaue himselfe so valiantly that he was alwayes farthest off in the fight and had so great care of his owne person that he stoode cleare from the danger of musket or any small shot and durst not approch whereas our Generall was the foremost and so helde his place vntill by order of fight other shippes were to haue their turnes according to his former direction who wisely and politikely had so ordered his vangarde and rereward that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the Spaniarde so might they haue bene without all hope of victorie if their Generall had bene a man of any iudgement in sea-fights I knowe no reason why the English Nauie should flie from him for the Spaniarde may put all the gaine in his eye that euer he did winne from the English Peraduenture some silly nouice of our countrey meeting the Generall in Spaine and hearing a repetition of so many sillables in one name as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda might thinke them to be wordes of
coniuration and for feare of raysing a spirit might flie from him as from the Deuill or some simple Indian slaue hearing the like repetition of his long and tedious name might suppose it to be an armie of Spaniards and for feare runne away but the commanders and captaines of the English Nauie were men of such resolution that no Spanish bragges could dismay them for they haue often met them with their Pikes in their Spanish beardes nor the countenance of Don Bernaldino quaile them although hee were acowered in his gilt leather buskins and his Toledo rapier Sixtly the Generall saith in his letter that notwithstanding their flying away so fast the English left them one good ship well manned who tolde him that Drake dyed in Nombre de Dios in which ship were one hundred and fortie men and fifteene noble captaines of the best sort THe Generall Don Bernaldino like a resolute Spaniarde hauing already gone ouer his shooes maketh no danger to wade ouer his bootes also and as he hath begunne so hee both conclude I maruaile that he did not in writing his discourse remember this old saying that is A liar ought to haue a good memorie It were much better for him in mine opinion to reuoke the testimonie which he saith he had from the Englishmen concerning Sir Francis Drake his death at Nombre de Dios and stand to the intelligence receiued from the silly Indian slaue as it appeareth in his first lie for without all doubt there is no English man that will say if he haue his right senses that he dyed at Nombre de Dios for they all knowe the contrarie neither can the General auouch that he receiued intelligence from any English man that after the death of Sir Francis Drake they did elect for Generall Colonel Quebraran as he doth most falsely affirme in the latter ende of his vaine and friuolous letter seeing that this name was strange vnknowen to any in the English Nauie Neither do I imagine that any of those which the Generall saith he hath taken were so forgetfull as not to remember their Generals name But without all doubt this addition of so new and strange a name to the English Generall doth prooue that Don Bernaldino is not vnfurnished of a forge and storehouse of lies from whence as froÌ„ an euerflowing fouÌ„taine he sendeth forth lies of al sorts sufficient for his own store and great plentie to furnish his friends the Generall was much beholding to his godfathers who gaue him the name Bernaldino which we in English doe take to be plaine Barnard which name hath as it were a kinde of priuilege from being sharpely reprehended when the partie is thought to erre for it is a common saying amongst the schoolemen that Bernardus non videt omma viz. Barnard seeth not all things when he doth dissent from their opinions the which fauour we could be content to yeeld to Bernaldino for the name sake if he were not taken with so many manifest and impudent lies neither doe I thinke that Sennor Bernaldino will say that he sawe all that he hath written be it spoken in councell for shaming the Generall for is there any man so voide of reason as to thinke that any Englishman being demanded of his Generals name would write or spâ—ake Quebraran for Baskeruil So much difference there is in the sound of the sillables as there is no affinitie at all or likelihood of truth But such are the Generals rare gifts be it â—pokâ—n to his small prayse that we Englishmen must of force confesse that the Generall hath giuen a proud onset to carrie the whetstone from Sennor Bernardino de Mendoça neither will the hundred and fortie men and fifteene noble Captaines which he saith he did take of whom he might haue benâ— rightly informed of their Generals name acquit him of lying forgerie for giuing the name of Quebraran to the English Generall As for the good shippe well manned which he saith the English left them after the fight I am perswaded he hath no man to witnesse that lie for the ship was separated by weather from the English fleete in the night thirteene dayes before the fight with the Spanish Nauie and neuer to any mans knowledge came more in sight of the English fleete If the Spanish ship by chance did take the saide well manned ship as they call her I doubt not but they haue the ship the hundred and forty men and the fifteene noble Captaines to shew But euermore I gesse the Spanish reckoning will fall short when it is examined for the fifteene noble Captaines will prooue as I take it but three whose losse I grieue to thinke on Neither did the Spaniards gaine them by valour or we loose or leaue them for cowardise as most vntruely this bragging lier hath certified But the Generall like a prouident man to make his fame and credite the greater with his Prince and countrey taketh vpon him amongst other his miracles performed before the English fleete by way of amplification to make small matters seeme great as a little shooe to serue a great foote and finding that it can hardly be brought to passe he doth so stretch the leather with his teeth that it is readie to breake and yet notwithstanding al this will not serue his purpose for the printing of the letter doth marre the play and bringeth such matter in question as the Generall doth wish might be concealed and were he not of so drie and cholerick a complexion as commonly Spaniards are he would blush for very shame in publishing so impudently such manifest vntruthes For sithence his meeting with the English fleete at the I le of Pinos there hath bene by the worthie English Generals an honourable expedition from England into the Continent of Spaine where amongst other exploites hauing taken the citie of Cadiz in the sacke thereof was found some of Don Bernaldino his printed letters which comming to the handes of a captaine that serued in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the West Indies he hath thought very fit in regard of the slanders to the English Nauie contained in the saide letter to quote the errors that the trueth onely may appeare to all such as haue a desire to be rightly informed of such accidents as befell them in this late voyage to the West Indies and this may suffise to show Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda his great iudgement in amplyfying small matters or of nothing to make in shewe somewhat And now hauing thus farre informed you of the trueth in reproofe of the slanderous false and vntrue reports of this glorious lying Generall with a true disproofe to some of the grossest of his lies I will leaue him with the rest of his lying letter and the circumstances therein contained to your censures who in discretion may easily discerne the same And haue here following plainely and truely set downe the course and order of our whole
The solid world and made it fall before them Built all their braue attempts on weaker grounds And lesse perswasiue likelihoods then this Nor was there euer princely Fount so long Powr'd forth a sea of Rule with so free course And such ascending Maiestie as you Then be not like a rough and violent wind That in the morning rends the Forrests downe Shoues vp the seas to heauen makes earth to tremble And toombes his wastfull brauery in the Euen But as a riuer from a mountaine running The further he extends the greater growes And by his thriftie race strengthens his streame Euen to ioyne battell with th' imperious sea Disdayning his repulse and in despight Of his proud furie mixeth with his maine Taking on him his titles and commandes So let thy soueraigne Empire be encreast And with Iberian Neptune part the stake Whose Trident he the triple world would make You then that would be wise in Wisdomes spight Directing with discredite of direction And hunt for honour hunting him to death With whom before you will inherite gold You will loose golde for which you loose your soules You that chuse nought for right but certaintie And feare that valour will get onely blowes Placing your faith in Incredulitie Sit till you see a wonder Vertue rich Till Honour hauing golde rob golde of honour Till as men hate desert that getteth nought They loath all getting that deserues not ought And vse you gold-made men as dregges of men And till your poysoned soules like Spiders lurking In sluttish chinckes in mystes of Cobwebs hide Your foggie bodies and your dunghill pride O Incredulitie the wit of Fooles â—hat slouenly will spit on all things faire The Cowards castle and the Sluggards cradle How easie t' is to be an Infidel But you Patrician Spirites that refine Youâ— flesh to fire and issue like a flame On braue indeuours knowing that in them The tract of heauen in morne-like glory opens That know you cannot be the Kings of earth Claiming the Rights of your creation And let the Mynes of earth be Kings of you That are so farre from doubting likely drifts That in things hardest y' are most confident You that know death liues where power liues vâ—usde Ioying to shine in waues that burie you And so make way for life euen through your graues That will not be content like horse to hold A thread-bare beaten way to home affaires But where the sea in enuie of your reigne Closeth her wombe as fast as t' is disclosde That she like Auarice might swallow all And let none find right passage through her rage There your wise soules as swift as Eurus lead Your Bodies through to profit and renowne And skorne to let your bodies choke your soules In the rude breath and prisoned life of beastes You that herein renounce the course of earth And lift your eyes for guidance to the starres That liue not for your selues but to possesse Your honour'd countrey of a generall store In pitie of the spoyle rude selfe-loue makes Of them whose liues and yours one ayre doth feede One soile doeth nourish and one strength combine You that are blest with sence of all things noble In this attempt your compleat woorthes redouble But how is Nature at her heart corrupted I meane euen in her most ennobled birth How in excesse of Sence is Sence bereft her That her most lightening-like effects of lust Wound through her flesh her soule her flesh vnwounded And she must neede incitements to her good Euen from that part she hurtes O how most like Art thou heroike Autor of this Act To this wrong'd soule of Nature that sustainst Paine charge and perill for thy countreys good And she much like a bodie numb'd with surfeits Feeles not thy gentle applications For the health vse and honour of her powers Yet shall my verse through all her ease-lockt eares Trumpet the Noblesse of thy high intent And if it cannot into act proceed The fault and bitter penance of the fault Make red some others eyes with penitence For thine are cleare and what more nimble spirits Apter to byte at such vnhooked baytes Gaine by our losse that must we needs confesse Thy princely valure would haue purchast vs. Which shall be fame eternall to thy name Though thy contentment in thy graue desires Of our aduancement faile deseru'd effect O how I feare thy glory which I loue Least it should dearely grow by our decrease Natures that sticke in golden-graueld springs In mucke-pits cannot scape their swallowings But we shall foorth I know Golde is our Fate Which all our actes doth fashion and create Then in the Thespiads bright Propheticke Fount Me thinkes I see our Liege rise from her throne Her eares and thoughts in steepe amaze erected At thâ— most rare endeuour of her power And now she blesseth with her woonted Graces Th' industrious Knight the soule of this exploit Dismissing him to conuoy of his starres And now for loue and honour of his woorth Our twise-borne Nobles bring him Bridegroom-like That is espousde for vertue to his loue With feasts and musicke rauishing the aire To his Argolian Fleet where round about His bating Colours English valure swarmeâ— In haste as iâ— Guianian Orenoque With his Fell waters fell vpon our shore And now a wind as forward as their spirits Sets their glad feet on smooth Guianas breast Where as if ech man were an Orpheus A world of Sauages fall tame before them Storing their theft-free treasuries with golde And there doth plentie crowne their wealthie fields There Learning eates no more his thriftlesse bookes Nor Valure Estridge-like his yron armes There Beautie is no strumpet for her wants Nor Gallique humours puâ—rifie her blood But all our Youth take Hymens lights in hand And fill eche roofe with honor'd progenie There makes Societie Adamantine chaines And ioyns their hearts with wealth whom wealth disioin'dâ— There healthfull Recreations strow their meades And make their mansions daunce with neighbourhood That here were drown'd in churlish Auarice And there do Pallaces and temples rise Out of the earth and kisâ—e th' enamored skies Where new Britannia humblie kneeles to heauen The world to her and both at her blest feet In whom the Circles of all Empire meete G. C. Ad Thomam Hariotum Matheseos vniuersae Philosophiae peririssimum de Guiana Carmen Dat. Anno. 1595. MOntibus est Regio quasi muris obsita mulâ—â—s Circumsepit aquis quos Raleana suis. Intus habet largos Guaiana recessus hostili gestans libera colla iugo Hispanus cliuis illis sudauit alsit septem annos nouies nec tamen inualuit Numenâ— omen inest numeris Fatale sit illi Et nobis virtus sit recidiua precor Gualtero patefacta via est duce auspice Ralegh Mense vno ó factum hoc nomine quo celebrem Nocte dieque datis velisâ— remisque laborans Exegit summae dexteritatis opus Scilicet expensis magnis non ille pepercit Communi natus
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
barkes are constrained to discharge their goods at a place in the riuer called Branco de Malambo into small canoas which rowe close by the shores side In this riuer are great abundance of Crocodiles so huge and terrible to behold that such as neuer sawe them before are very fearefull at the first sight of them for if a man chance to put his hanâ— or foote into the water they will streight way catch at them In some places this riâ—er is very vnhealthfull and full of noysome wormes but the first place thereupon which the Spaniards doe inhabite called Mompox is exceeding healthfull The countrey adioyning vpon this riuer they call The new kingdome of Granada because the captaine called Cesada which first conquered the same and inhabited there was borne at Granada in Spaine for it is the vse of the Spanish captaines when they haue conquered any Prouince of the Indies to call it after the name of the place where they themselues were borne This new kingdome of Granada is very fruitfull and bringeth forth much corne other victuals and hath many gold-mines and great quantitie of emeralds wherof they send so many into Spaine that now they are become little worth but before these countreys were found they were in great estimation Here are also dwelling many of the Indian people so meeke and gentle of nature that they are called flies This land is very plaine and holesome and the inhabitants are giuen to peace From this kingdome they trauell to another countrey called La gouernacion de Popayan it is rich of golde and withall very fruitfull but fuller of mountaines then the new kingdome of Granada and hath fewer Indians dwelling in it but those that are there are full of courage and very valiant which caused the Spaniardes to make great warre before they could ouercome them In this prouince there are 13 townes of Spaniards and in The new kingdome of Granada there are nine townes of Spaniards From this countrey of Popayan they trauell along till they come to the first inhabitants of Peru dwelling in a towne which ioyneth vpon the South sea called Quito This towne I will leaue any further to speake of till I come particularly to intreate of Peru. Onely I haue spoken of the two foresaid Prouinces to the intent you might know that there is a passage by land from Cartagena to Peru which is about fiue hundred leagues through so that besides the two hundred leagues which they goe vp the riuer the other three hundred leagues is a countrey well inhabited and without danger to trauell in insomuch that oftentimes postes are sent too and fro But because it is so long a iourney marchants vse not to trauell that way but when they are inforced so to doe If any forren Nation should become Lordes of the South sea the king of Spaine might haue his treasure conueyed vnto this towne of Cartagena from Peru and so into Spaine For in times past there being a rebellion in Peru made by the Spaniardes against their king he sent his power to suppresse them through these Prouinces This I write onely for that I knowe some Englishmen haue thought that in taking the South sea or Panamá or Nombre de Dios from the king of Spaine his treasure of Peru could not be conueyed vnto him and that the king could not succour Peru if it wanted helpe Howbeit I doe here most certainely assure you that there be many wayes to Peru. But now I will returne to my former discourse Upon the seacoast of Tierra firma Eastward from Cartagena standeth a little towne called Santa Martha betweene which towne and Cartagena the mightie riuer of Magdalen before named falleth into the sea with such a strong current that by reason thereof it is knowen 20 leagues from the shore Santa Martha is a very poore towne because it hath often bene robbed by the Frenchmen and hath no trade but with a fewe Indians that dwell thereabout Here beginneth that wonderfull long ridge of high mountaines couered with Snow which streatching through many countreys runneth along the kingdomes of Peru and Chili and continueth to the very straights of Magellan These mountaines are seene with snow vpon their tops aboue thirtie leagues into the sea At the foote of these wilde mountaines there is a valley called Tagrona which is the richest place that is knowen thereabout but because the countrey adioyning is so mountainous and the inhabitants so many and of so good a courage shooting poysoned arrowes which are present death to such as are wounded with the same therefore it lyeth as yet vnconquâ—red notwithstanding it hath cost many Spanish captaines their liues Passing along the coast of Tierra firma to the East of Santa Martha there is an other small towne of aboue an hundred houses called Rio de Hacha This towne is somewhat rich by reason of the pearles which they get there Also they haue a trade with the Indians for some small quantitie of golde From hence they goe along the coast to Cabo de la Vela which because it is of the same propertie with Rio de Hacha before mentioned I omit to speake of it Upon this coast there is a lake or gulfe which openeth into the sea at the mouth whereof they gather great store of pearles Beyond this place there is another poore towne which hath sixe or seuen times beene spoyled by the Frenchmen From hence there lyeth an high way to the newe kingdome of Granada but it is aboue seuen hundred leagues in length this way is trauelled very seldome because the Indians will vsually set vpon the trauellers More vp into the land the countrey lyeth plaine and there is some golde and a fewe townes inhabited with Spaniardes whereof I haue had but small notice and therefore I let them passe The next place of any account is the Iland of Margarita where there are but fewe Spaniardes inhabitant This Iland of Margarita is very small and lyeth foure leagues from the maine lande it hath heretofore bene very rich of golde and pearles and so would haue continued till this present day had it not beene spoyled by men of warre because it standeth so farre from the maine land notwithstanding they yet gather good store of pearles Upon this Iland are bred better horses and mules then in any other part of the Indies therefore they carry them from hence to Peru albeit they haue great store of horses in Peru but not so good And because we haue begunne to speake of the Iland of Margarita you are to vnderstand that to the North of the foresaid coast of Tierra firma lie aboue seuentie Ilands being all very little except Cuba Hispaniola and Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico which I le of Boriquen although it bee not very great yet is it inhabited by the Spaniards The other smaller Ilands haue bene inhabited by the Indians and haue
had good store of gold pearles and emraldes but the Spaniards haue destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth and in many of those Ilands there is nothing of any value wherefore I haue small cause to intreate any further of them But Hispaniola is an Iland of great bignesse and hath bene very full of people and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles but now all is wasted away It was at the Spaniards first coming thither as full of inhabitants as any place of that bignesse in the whole world yet now there are none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they murthered themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards for being men vnder so small ciuill gouernement as they were neuer was there any people knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes for oftentimes a great number of them being together ouer night they should be found all dead before the morning such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards that they chose rather to die the death then to indure their insolencies It happened on a time that a Spaniard calling certaine Indians to worke in the mines which labour of all others did most grieue them they rather then they would goe offered to lay violent hands on themselues which the Spaniard perceiuing sayd vnto them seeing you will hang your selues rather then goe and worke I likewise will hang my selfe and will beare your company because I will make you worke in an other world but the Indians hearing this replied we will willingly worke with you here to the intent you may not goe with vs into another world so vnwilling were they of the Spaniards companie So that of all the inhabitantes of this Iland there were none that escaped death satte onely these fewe which came to passe by the meanes of this one Spaniarde otherwise they would haue hanged themselues also Some of these people are yet liuing but very few This Iland of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I le of Sant Domingo because the chiefe citie thereof is so called which was the first citie in all the West Indies that was inhabited There are in this citie aboue eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth This Iland is vnhealthfull for it raineth here the most part of the yeere The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar for here are many Ingenios or sugar-houses and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell there are copper mines also which is the cause that they haue such store of copper-money for their gold mines be all exhausted and the golde which they haue commeth from other places This Iland being as is beforesaide destitute of the first inhabitants and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios and to looke vnto their cattell they were forced to bring Negros thither out of Guinea where they haue so increased that the Iland is nowe as full of them as it was of the naturall inhabitantes so that the Spaniardes carrie Negros from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them The chiefest victuall that they haue in this Iland is a kinde of roote called Iuca which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death but first they boyle it and after presse it and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson howbeit this roote being pressed so dry that there remaineth no moisture in it they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes therof which are very sauory good to eat this is all the bread which they haue in those Ilands There go from hence yerely into Spaine 7 or 8 ships at the least full fraighted with sugar hides Neere vnto Hispaniola lyeth another greater Iland called Cuba it is like vnto Hispaniola although there is not so much sugar The principall towne of this Ilande is called Hauana which hath an excellent harborough belonging thereunto The townesmen are very rich by reason of the fleetes that come from Nueua Espanna and Tierra firma which touch there for the safeguarde of which fleetes and of the towne it selfe there is a castle built neere the said harborough kept with Spanish souldiers neither is there any castle or souldiers in all the Ilands but onely here There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico It is but little yet euery way as plentifull as the other two are and therfore I omit to speake thereof But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes vpon the maine lande Eastwarde and Southward from Margarita there are no townes inhabited by Spaniardes or Portugals till you come to Fernambuck vpon the coast of Brasill notwithstanding that betweene the sayd Iland and Fernambuck runneth the mightie riuer of Marannon whereof both because of the greatnesse and the riches contayned therein I must needes make some relation in regarde I haue promised to speake of euery place that is of any value in all the Indies This riuer is one of the greatest in the world and was first found when as the Spaniardes sought out the other coast but none can passe vp this riuer because of the greatnesse of the current which commeth downe as also there are many shelues of sand lying in the mouth thereof wherby it was long before the riches in and about this riuer were knowen vntill such time as the kingdome of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro passing thorough the countrey of Peru came at length into a lande which they named La Canela because there groweth great store of Smamome but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the East Indies The sayd Captaine proceeding farther into the countrey came at length to a mightie riuer where he sawe the countrey people rowing in their Canoas and bringing golde to buy and sell with the Spaniards Captaine Pizarro seeing this was desirous to finde out the ende of this riuer but he could not trauell by lande because of the high mountaines wherefore he made a small Barke or Pinnesse to goe and discouer from whence the saide Indians brought their golde and sent in the saide Pinnesse a Captaine vnder him called Orellana who with fiftie men went downe the riuer but could not returne to their Generall Pizarro because of the great current which was very strong against them forcing them to passe along the riuer and to enter into the Sea and so they sayled on forwarde to the foresaide Ile of Margarita but as they passed downe this riuer they found it well inhabited with Indians which were possessed of great store of golde These men with their Pinnesse were passing downe this riuer eight monethes for the riuer lyeth very crooked which maketh a long way by water neither durst the Spaniardes euer lande because
some because they durst not say to the contrary and others of their good will and so in the end they all agreed vnto his determined purpose Then made they Fernando de Gusman their head Agira was made a captaine This done because the people should the better hold their opinion he did as great a villany as euer any Spaniard coÌ„mitted for he made an altar wheron he and all the souldiers renounced their seruice vnto the king of Spaine so as people without a king those the said Don Fernando to be their king and did homage vnto him These matters being thus finished they consulted among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru For they could not goe vp the riuer by which they came downe in regarde of the strong current and going backe ouerland they should be very weake for want of horsemen wherefore they determined to goe downe the riuer Then saide Lopez de Agira that they would carry nothing with them but the pinnesses souldiers which should fight and that it were best to leaue behind them all the Indians which they brought from Peru with the women and the sicke men Whereunto the Generall Don Ferdinando would not agree because he knew that when they were gone the people of the countrey would kill them all Lopez de Agira hearing this and longing to be chiefe gouernour himselfe tooke vnto him 30 of his owne countreymen of his disposition and on the sudden slew Don Fernando whom not many dayes before he had sworne to obey now by his subtill practices being withall eloquent in his talke he caused the souldiers to appoint himselfe their gouernour made them beleeue that all the cruelties committed were for their saueguard neither did the tyrannie of this wretched man here ende He was borne in Biskay a countrey neere vnto France wherefore I beleeue him rather to haue beene a Frenchman then a Spaniard for that in the heart of a Spaniard could not be so much crueltie as this man shewed Now being readie to goe his way he determined not to carry with him any gentlemen or persons of qualitie and therefore he slew all such persons and then departing onely with the common souldiers he left behind him all the Spanish women and sicke men with all other creatures If I should rehearse all the cruell murthers of this wicked man one by one I should be ouer tedious vnto you Onely in fewe words I say that this man proceeded downe the riuer hauing with him onely foure hundred men but before he passed the riuer and was come to Margarita he had no more left but two hundred and thirty men for the rest hee had put to death and left on shore among the people of the countrey all which tyranny he vsed because he euer stood in feare of his life for had he seene at any time but two souldiers talking together he would streight suspect that they were conspiring of his death and therefore he vsed the practises abouesaide And he neuer went any way but that hee had in his company thirtie Biscaines of his owne will and minde readie to execute his cruell purposes As these souldiers with their Captaine came downe the riuer they sawe many Canoas with golde in them passing too and fro and people on both sides of the riuer and in their passage many times they landed and got good store of golde and victuals Now also did they finde that to be true which Orellana had reported namely that there were Amazones that is to say women that fight in the warres with bowes and arrowes but these women fight to aide their husbands and not by themselues alone without the companie of men as Orellana reported There were of these women vpon diuers partes of this riuer who seeing the Spaniardes fighting with their husbandes came in to succour them and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbandes for which cause it was named The riuer of Amazones The Spaniardes intent was onely to passe downe the riuer neither sought they at all to discouer the Inland and yet they tooke good store of golde putting it into one of their Pinnesses where Lopez de Agira himselfe was embarked which Pinnesse at the mouth of the riuer was cast away but he himselfe escaped because he had not as yet fulfilled his bloodie minde And when he was come to the Ilande of Margarita the Gouernour thereof supposing he had bene one of the kings loyall captaines receiued him with pinnesses and brought good store of victuals vnto him But he putting the sayd Gouernour immediatly to death landed on the Iland and â—ooke it and two shippes that were there and constrained likewise an hundred and fiftie men which he there found to goe with him besides others that went voluntarily carrying from thence good store of victuales and many horses also And then he returned to the maine land saying that with his small forces hee would subdue the whole Indias imagining belike that all the olde souldiers and poore people at the first sight of him would turne to his side and take his part Howbeit he was foulely deceiued for before he had marched two dayes iourney vp into the land the Gouernour of Nueua Granada came against him with a power of men but Lopez de Agira hoping that other souldiers would haue ioyned themselues vnto him whereby his strength might haue beene the more was quite frustrate of his expectation for euen his owne men left him and tooke part with the kings Captaine Nowe seeing himselfe thus left destitute of his souldiers and voide of all helpe he committed a more vnnaturall bloodie act then euer Nero the tyrant did for he murthered his owne daughter being but sixeteene yeeres of age which he had brought with him out of Peru the cause why he killed her was that she might not become a concubine to villaines nor be called the daughter of a traytor and these words â—e vsed vnto her so soone as he had giuen her her deaths wound but before he could finish this cruell act the souldiers came vpon him and cut him in pieces also his daughter died of her wound in that place Thus haue your heard the miserable ende of this bloodie caiâ—ife in regarde of whose treacherous and mischieuous dealing the king would neuer since suffer this riuer to bee throughly discouered so that the riches and treasure of the said riuer remaine vnknowen euen vntill this present day Now leauing to discourse any longer of this riuer of Marannon all the coast betweene the saide riuer and the riuer of Plate is called The coast of Brasill taking that name from a kinde of wood in the same countrey called Brasill-wood whereof there is great store in those partes This coast of Brasill was first discouered by Pedro Aluarez Cabral in the second voyage which the king of Portugall caused to be made to the East Indies and the foresayde
the moisture of the cloudes vnto it selfe that no raine falleth vpon the vallies of Peru. From these mountaines issue great store of riuers into the South sea with the waters whereof drawen by certaine sâ—uces and chanels they moisten their vineyardes and corne-fields and by this meanes the land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these mountaines and the mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Streits of Magellan lyeth a plaine of 60 leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victuals This countrey of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of gold and more of siluer as also great store of copper and tâ—â—ne-mines with abundance of saltpeter and of brimstone to make gun-pouder There are likewise cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel but no bigger then a steere of a yeere olde they serue to carry burthens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of al others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this countrey with horses kine sheepe and goates and likewise with plentie of wheat So that in fewe words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past kings of this land which were mightie Monarchs whose dominions stretched 1200. leagues and their lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this land there were two brethren of the blood royall which stroue who should haue the kingdome the one called Guascar and the other Aâ—abalipa Nowe Guascar had possession of all the mountaines and the lands within them and Atabalipa was lord of all the sea coast and of the valleys situate betweene the said mountaines and the sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shore called them Vera coche which in their language signifieth The fome of the sea Also Atabalipa the Indian prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answere that they were the messengers of a great lord and that they came to speake with the prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the sea side Whither being come they found the Indian prince sitting in a chariot of gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue 60000 Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards tolde them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that land to conuert them vnto the Christian faith Whereunto Aâ—abalipa answered that hee would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no â—ase with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two field-peeces and their caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant Iago The Indians hearing the noise of the ordinance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had bene come downe from heauen vpon them whereupon they fledde and left their prince as a booty for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for golde and siluer During the time of Altabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his brother Guascaâ— and had subdued all the mountaines and plaine couâ—â—reys Upon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hâ—e would gâ—ue them all that they should demaund This communication hauing continued a whole day â—t length a souldier named Soto sayd vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereunto the souldier replied thou shalt giue vs this house full of gold and siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making â— stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa sayde that if they would grant him respite to send into his kingdome he would fulfill thâ—ir demand Whereat the Spaniards much marueiling gauâ— him three moneths time but he had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter 〈◊〉 credible yet most tâ—â—e for I know aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue tenne millions of gold and siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become lords of the whole land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to dye by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Upon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabitâ—â— many places in this countrey The king in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresayd partners appoynted Diego de Almagro gouernour of halfe the land and Francisco Piçarro of the other halfe whom also hee made a Marques But these two consorts in parting of a land belonging vnto other men fell at â—ariance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Piçarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Piçarro continued not long for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of â—is fathers death slew Piçarro for which acte he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Piçarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there dyed in prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Piçarro rebelled with the whole countrey and became a cruell tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the countrey in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the ende ouercome hee lost his head like a traitour And thus dyed they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent king Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the gentlemen that conquered their land other some to others and the residue to the king and these Indians pay eche man for his tribute seuen pezos of fine golde which is about tenne ducats and a halfe There are in this countrey aboue fortie cities and townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine bishopricks and one archbishopricke Now after this countrey was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowy
his name in the countrey of Coray that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to â—eelde vnto him a kind of homage as he required which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence And as the Chinians be weake and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them if God doth not cut him off in this â—xpedition it may fall out according to his expectation But whatsoeuer become of China it is held for a certaintie that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo especially in this kingdom of Figen wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Oâ—uâ—a and all the â—orce of our Christianity and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before that he would make him a great man in China and that he would remooue these lordesâ— and deliuer thâ—ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles which would be the ruine of all this Christianitieâ— neither should wâ— haue any place wherein to remaine For as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes which they call Cuningaia to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry and to leaue onely the base people and labourers committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks wee shall hereby also leese our houses and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lordsâ— whom sometimes he handleth in such sort that he giueth them nothing to susâ—eine themselues and so they remaine with all their followers as men banished and vtterly ruined The second Testimonie contaiâ—ing the huge leuâ—es and preparations of Quabacondono as also his warres and conqueâ—ts and he sucâ—esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray Together with a description of the same kingdom and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment and also of the shipping of China Iapan and Coray with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent and other particulars very memorable Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591 and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution assembled sundry oâ— his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent who albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approued his determination For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine â—rom this warre although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter hee would put him to death Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene but prouision of ships armour munition and other necessaries for the warres Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects willed euery one of them not a man excepted to accompany him in this expedition inioyning and appointing to each one what numbers they should bring In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites whom to all mens admiration he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they Of whom by Gods good prouidence two are Christians to wit Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fiâ—ga Cainocami the sou of Quambioindono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen The other two are Ethniques namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen and an enemie both to Augustine and Caâ—nocami And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Tâ—ximo to follow Christian gouernours Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law which lately became a Christian with a thousand Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine who albeit they were Gentiles had many Christians to their subiects Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers besides mariners slaues and other base people to cary the baggage of the army all which being as great a number as the former so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray were made souldiers and bore armes Unto the said Augustine Quabacondono in token of singular fauour granted the first assault or inuasion of the kingdome of Coray to wit that he onely with his forces might enter the same the other lordes remaining in Ceâ—xima which is 18 leagues distant from Coray till they should bee aduertized from Augustine which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all howbeit as you shall forthwith vnderstand it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres he commanded the king of Bungo to â—ollow with 6000 souldiers so that with the 4000 which hee had before his number amounted vnto 10000 besides mariners and others which caried burthens This was must ioyful newes to vs and to all the Christians Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the gouernoâ—â— of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person the number of all together as appeared out of a written catalogue amounting to three hundreth thousand persons of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers The order prescribed in this whole armie was that first they should make their entâ—ance by the kingdome of Coray which is almost an island one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe â— yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an aâ—me of the sea â—roÌ„ Iapan Quabacondono determined to subdue the same for that it so aboundeth with victuals that from thence he might the easâ—ier inuade China While all things were preparing it was commanded that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia being twelue leagues distant from Fiâ—ando there should be erected a mightie great castle where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima And he built a third castle in Ceuxima that his passage might be the more commodious The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernoursâ— and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them all which so applyed that busines that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished
Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam Tabin suspicatur A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats whereinto mighty riuers descend The best course to be taken in discoueries The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu Upon the obseruations of the tides depend great speculations May. Iune Kene an Island of Norway The North cape doubled Wardhouse Iuly Willoughbies land â—0 leagues from Kegor A sight of perfect land 70. deg 3. min. An Island The maine land Bearebay 70. deg 26. min. The supposed maine of Noua Zembla Many ouerfals The bay of Pechora They had sight of Vaygatz In Island hauing store of wood water â— faire islands An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues The William and the George meete againe Their returâ—e The currant runneth with the winde August A whole land of yce 70. degr 4. min. Frost The appearing of the starres signe of Winter Much snow Great store of snowe 69 degrees 49 minutes Then are thwart against Vaigats The Islands Shoales off Colgoyeue They lost the William here The land of Hugry The bay of Morezouets The towne of Hungon They double the North Cape in their returne Fowlenesse Lowfoote The sound of Romesal October Moore soundâ— Berozoua Vstia The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. 1582 Doctor Iacob Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors â—mbassadour The Hollanders intrude into our trade ‖ M. Coâ—e The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorouich ‖ The Emperours house of recreation Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then yong and with his brother in this first voyage Newnox is froÌ„ the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles Note Anno 1554. Anno 1555. The King and Queenes letters M. Killingworths beard of a marueâ—lous length Anno 1556. Anno 1557. Loghar voyage 1560. The first trade to the Narue 1560. Alcock slaine in Persia. Edwards died at Astracanâ— Bannister died in Media ‖ Or Theodor. The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. â— Boris adopted as the Emperors third sonne The old Empresse her father and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets The day of Pheodor his coronation Iohn de Wale Chare Siberskâ— prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanoâ—ich his letters and requests to the Queene M. Horseis voiage froÌ„ Mosco to England ouerland 1586 * It is rosting to death Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr. Gen. 10. Ioseph l. 1 ca,14 The borders of Russia The Shires of Russia The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest The breadth and length of the Countrey Pechinga The colde of Russia The chiefe Riuers of Russia The fruits and graine of Russia The chiefe commodities of the Countrey 1 Furres These Rats are in Canada Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzaiâ— 2 Waxe 3 Hony 4 Tallow 5 Hide 6 Trane oyle The maner of hunting the Seale fish 7 Ickary 8 Hempe and Flaxe 9 Salt Nonocks 10 Tarre 11 Ribazuba 12 Slude 13 Saltpeter and brimstone 14 Iron The strange beasâ—es fish foule c. that breed in Russia Mosco Nouograd Iaruslaue Saxo Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. â—87 The maner of Russe building Souldiers by birth and inheritance Degrees of horsemen 1. â—raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000. Two other troupes to the number of 65000. Horsemen in continuall pay 80000. Footmen in continual pay 12000. StraÌ„gers mercenaries in pay 4300. The chief captains or leaders 1. The Voiauod or General 2. Lieutenant general 3. Marshals of the field foure Foure marshals deputies right Fiue Coronels vnder Captains Sixe Masters of the Artillery The walking Captaine Their order of mustering The horsemaÌ„s furniture The footmans furniture Prouision of victual Horsemens drummes The horsâ—mans maner of charging The footmans charge The walking Castle 1580. Reward for valure 1580. Lituania Narue Siberia and Ob. Conquest of a 1000 miles Permia and Pechora Means of holding chiefe townes Meanes of holding the countries of Pechora Permia and Siberia Siberia The kings brother of Siberia 1588. The PoloniaÌ„s called Laches by the Russe The Chrim Tartar The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar in the yeare 1571. Homage done bâ— the Russe to the Chrim Tartar The maner of the Tartars fight and armour The subtiltiâ— of the Tartar The Tartar religion The Tartar nobilitie The Tartar diet 1588. The Tartars dwelling Pachymerius Laonicus Calcocondylas 1400 The Nagay Tartar the cruellest The Chircasce the câ—uâ—llest Tartar The Cheremissen Tartar of two sorts the Lugauoy and the Nagornay The Mordwit Tartar y e most barbarous of the rest The reuiuing of silkwormes Chrinisin a kind of silkworme Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea No stranger without pasport admitted The Permians The Samoits The Samoits religion Slata Baba or the goldeÌ„ Hag. A fable The Sea Fishing oâ— sea The Samoits habit and behauiour The people of Meta Incognita such The â—appes The mart at Cola. Sleds drawen with Deere The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia Vologda Verst Vstiug Suchana Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame Pienega Nicholai Kuluio The regions by the North sea Pieza Piescoia Rubicho Czircho Czilma Petzora Pustosero Vssa * Cingulus mundâ— Stzuchogora Potzscheriema Camenipoias Samoged Foules and beasts Wilde people Poiassa Camen Artawischa Sibut Lepin Sossa Obi. Kitaisko Vuogolici Irtische Ierom. Tumen Grustina Kitai Blacke men without speech Serponow Lucomoria Men that yerely die and reuiue Obi. Calami Riuers Aureâ— Anus Obdora Cossin Cassima Tachnin a great riuer People of moÌ„strous shape A fish like a man Plinie writeth of the like fish The end of the iournall Mountaines The great Can of Cathay Moria is the sea Lucomoria Tumen Petzora Papin High mountaines supposed to be Hyperborei and Khipphet Cathay The fâ—uitâ—ull prouince of Rezan Iâ—â—oslaue Hony La regione della Cine. Confini delli vâ—rimi Tartariâ— Alcune Terre Incognite Confini Settentrionall della Russia The Countrey of China The coasts of the vttermost Tartaâ—s Certaine vnknowne Countrees The Northern coasts oâ— Russia The Northwest Master of the Horse The L. Steward The â— Treasurer Controller Chamberlaine Tasters Harbengers Gentlemen of the chamber The Gard. Groomes Constitution of their bodies Their diet An admirable induring of extreme heat and colde at one and the same time The Noble mans attire The Gentlemans apparel The Noble womans attire The Mousickâ— or common mans attire The Emperors stile increased The English Marchants complaints English Marchants in great fauour with the Emperor Halfe the debt of Aâ—tony Marsh remitted Ann. Dom. 1590. 1590 1585 The Emperor seised our merâ—â—ants goods 1591 This is a new poâ—t The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. 1591 1592 The Emperors â—â—ile lately enlarged This is a damty meat made of the roâ—d of sturgeons M. Thomas Lind. 1592 The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter M. Francis Cherie Anno Domini 1592. After our accompt 1596. 10. Febr. 1597. Prince Boris Pheodorowich by
that watereth al the gardens in the citie A Bizantin is 6. d. sterling S. Sophia is a Cathedral church of Nicosia Monte de la Croce Limisâ—o Carrobi Vulture Great plenty of very fat birds The Famagustans obserue the French statutes Cauo Bianco Another Cion A ship called el Bonna A great tempest Candia Goâ—i Antonie Gelber dâ—parteth this life Cauo Matapan Cauo Gallo Modon Sapientia Coron Napolis de Romanâ—a Prodeno Zâ—nâ—e and Cephalonia Castle Torneste vnder the Turke Cauo S. Maria on the coast of Albania Corâ—u Island The description of the â—orâ—e of Corâ—u The Island of Coâ—â—u is very plâ—â—tiâ—â—ll Câ—ssopo A daâ—geroâ—s 〈◊〉 in the ship Saseno Valona Meleda Curzola a fruitfull Iland In the Iland of Lesina are taken store of Sardinas The gulfe of Queâ—nâ—ro Rouignio Parenzo S. Nicolo an Iland Caorle standing at the eâ—â—ry of the marshes of Venice Our arriuall at Venice 1569. The Pâ—ince Pedro Doâ—â—a is captâ—iâ—e of 40 gallies â—â—dâ—â—â—he Empâ—roâ— Iuanâ—â—â—e Doâ—iâ—â— The Mauneses put out of the Iland of Chio â—y the Turkâ— The â—â—sâ—oâ—â—â—horowe â—â— all Tuâ—kie is â—en in eâ—ery hâ—â—dreth English men do buy more commodities of Chio then any other nation Great store of sundry commodities to be had in Chio. Diuers places where we may haue sweete oiles for our clothing farre cheaper then on t of Spaine Gaspar Campion maried in Chio 24 yeeres Store of hoops laden at Castilla de la mare for Candia Master Malim at Constantinople 1564. Rhodes lost Scio lost Cyprus lost * In Italy and other places the date of the yere of y e Lord is alwayes changed the first of Ianuary or on New yeres day and from that day reckoned vpon although wee heere in England especially the temporall lawyers â—or certaine caâ—ses are not woont to alâ—er the same vntill the Annunciation of our Ladie Carumusalini he vessels like vnto y e French Gabards sailing dayly vpon the riuer of Bordeaux which saile w t a misen or triangle saile * Maone be vessels like vnto y e great hulks which come hither froÌ„ Denmarke some of the which cary 7 oâ— 8 hundred tunnes a piece flat and broad which saile some of them with seuen misens a piece * Palandrie be great flat vessels made like Feriboats to transport horse Nicosia otherwise called Licosia Sig. Bragaâ—ino was Proâ—editore that is Gouernour and Sig. Baglione Generall of the Christian armie * Baffo of the ancient writers named Paphos in the which Citie there was a sumptuous Church dedicated to Venus * Arsenall in Constantinople and Venice is the place for munition and artillery to lie in Two Venetian sonses or Soldi amount but to one peny English * Albannis souldiers souldiers of Albania otherwise called Epiâ—us who coÌ„monly serue the Venetians both on horsebacke and foot very skilfull painfull Of this noble painfull Venetian gentleman M. Gio. Antonio Querini who was afterwardes hewen in sunder by the coÌ„mandement of Mustafa I was entertained very courteouslâ— in my trauell at Corcyra now called Corâ—u he being then tâ—eâ—e Mag. Castellano or Captaine of one of the castles In extremities meÌ„ haue no regard to spare trifles Prouident carâ—â—ull gouernours or magistrates seldome sleepe all the night at anâ— time much lâ—sse in dangerous seasons A small thing at the beginning or in due tiâ—e done helpeth much That certaine women inhabating this Iland be â—iragos or maÌ„kind I saw â—ufficient triall at my last being there in a city called Saline It is accouÌ„ted a good warlike shilt to leaue that to our enemies with hinderance which we can not any longer keepe and vse to our owne commodity The forwardnes of the captaine at dangerous times not only much comforteth the common souldier but also increaseth greatly his credit commendation w t all men Teglia in Latine called Teda is a certanie wood which burneth easily and sauoreth vnpleasantly of the which there is great store in Sicilia sometime it is vsed for a torch No necessarie thing to bee done was lest vnattempted on either part Mans courage oft abateth but hope seldome forsaketh Saguntina â—ames In Iuly the heat is so extreme in this Iland that the inhabitants thereof are not woont to trauell but by night onley A letter or supplication exhibited by the Cypriottes vnto Sig. Bragadino The answere of the former letter It standeth with reason in hope of sauing the greater to let the lesser go Necessitie oft times presseth vs in the â—nd to that which â—ur will continually spurneth against Giannezerâ— â—e the gard of the great Turke iâ— that Aga de Giannizetâ— is the captaine of the Turkes gard Iust Turkish dealing to speake and not to meane sodainly to promise and neuer to perform the same The propertie of true fortitude is not to be broken with sudden terrors Mustafa cosin germaine to y e thiefe which hong on the left side of our Sauiour at his Passion * Zechini be certaine pieces of fine gold coined in Venice euery one of the which is in value sixe shillings eight pence of our mony somewhat better equal altogether to a Turkish Byâ—altom His death answerable to his former life * A Foist is as it were a Brigandine being somewhat larger then halfe a galley much vsed of the Turkish Cursaros or as we call them Pirates of Rouers * The gate of the great Tuâ—ke is as much to say as Constantinople the which they call in the Turkish language Sâ—anbâ—ll Gli Venturierida spada are a kind of venturing souldiers who commonly are wont to â—olow the army in hope of the spoile Aleppo a â—amous riueâ—â—â— neere vnto Antiochia otherwise called in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the city of the Sunne * Bey in y e Turkish language signifieth knight with vs. * Begliarbei signifieth lord Admirall * Sangiaccho is that person w t the Turkes that gouerneth a prouince or countrey God suffereth much to be done to his seruants but neuer forsaketh them Necessitie oft times sharpeneth mens wits causeth boldnes The nature of euery commoditie is sooner vnderstood by lacking then by continuall enioying of the same * Candia of the old writers called Creta in latin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek because it had once a 100. Cities in it now there remaining but onely 4. thus commonly named Candia la Cania Reâ—ima and Scythia Iohn Foxe taken 1563. The valour death of their Boatswaine The Englishmen caried prisoners vnto an Hauen nere Alexandria The last of December Ianuariâ— Extremity of famine Iohn Fox his sword kept as a monument in Gallipoli The voyage of Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements to Constantinople The first voyage of M. William Harborne to Constantinople ‖ These two were Sir Edward Osborne And M. Richard Staper ‖ Ye calleth the Germaine emperor but king of Germanie The Turke demandeth like priuileges for his subiects in the Queenes dominions ‖ With vs the yeere 1579. Foedus Turciâ— Imperatoris cum Regina â—aitum Artâ—culi â—uiuâ— priuilegij