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A62350 A School for princes, or, Political reflections upon three conspiracies preceding the death of Alexander the Great translated out of French by A.O. A. O. 1680 (1680) Wing S883; ESTC R14690 43,281 190

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able to undergo the violence of his Tortures confess'd That he was the Head of that last Conspiracy that his Fathers Age and Authority had equally induc'd him to it that seeing him Head of a powerful Army Master of Media and the King's Treasury and fearing further that if he did not make haste Parmenio's Death might deprive him of the opportunity of making himself King he had conceived this execrable Design As for the rest that Parmenio was no ways guilty that he never had communicated his Intention to him for proof of which they might if they would put him again to the Rack His Judges fearing he might expire in his Tortures were oblig'd to let them cease to reserve him for a death more ignominious as it was publick They returned therefore to the King and acquainted him with the Criminal's Confession Alexander commanded them to bring him the next day to the Assembly desiring that he might own what he had said in the presence of the Macedonians Philotas his Deposition was then publickly read and acknowledged by him and Demetrius one of his principal Confederates was introduc'd Never did the most Innocent Man appear more concern'd for a Reproach cast upon him than Demetrius guilty as he was seem'd offended at the Examination made into his Crime which he disown'd with all the confidence of a good Conscience and proffer'd himself to be rack'd to shew his Innocence His impudence stir'd up Philotas his Choler who looking round about him spied a young Man called Calis and asked him How he could suffer Demetrius to stand so impudently in a Lye Calis whose imprudence brought him thither knew not what to answer and the Macedonians believed that Philotas accus'd as well the Innocent as Guilty But as soon as the Youth saw himself incompass'd with Guards he confess'd his Crime and charg'd Demetrius Calis his Confession shews how false it is what some Authors have written touching Philotas his Innocence For how could he know that this young Man was of the Conspiracy if he were not in it himself since neither Ceballinus nor Nicomachus nam'd him Pholotas and all his Confederates according to the custom of Macedonia were immediately slain with Stones whilst this miserable Wretch had the power to disown so detestable a Crime The Souldiers were touch'd with his Misfortune A little more constancy would have sav'd him from Death 'T is most certain Alexander ran the risk of losing his Life and of seeing all his Souldiers revolt They were inclined to Sedition they pitied the deplorable Condition of Parmenio whom they loved as their Father and his Son had never bin sacrificed to the fury of his Enemies had he but continued firm But when they saw that he confess'd Conspiracy upon Conspiracy Crime upon Crime their Pity was converted into Rage and they all massacred him as a Parricide The Macedonians had a cruel custom When any of them was convicted for conspiring the Death of their King that attempt was not only punish'd in the Person of the Criminal but his Relations receiv'd the same Punishment Almost all the Persons of Quality and brave Souldiers in Alexander's Army were either Philotas his Relations Friends or Confederates For fear of meeting with the same Entertainment some of them provided for their security by flight and others despairing of theirs kill'd themselves Without doubt the misfortune of so many brave Men would have rais'd a tumult in the Camp had not Alexander proclaim'd a Pardon to all the Conspirators Relations Amyntas and Simmias were excepted The flight of Polemon their younger Brother was the pretext of their disgrace the true cause the strict friendship they had always had with Philotas The King on his account bestowed several Favors on them and the care this unfortunate Man took to raise his Friends brought them into the same misery with himself Alexander perswading himself that they were of the Conspiracy endeavour'd to have them condemn'd as well as the rest He represented therefore to his Souldiers That he had reason long since to suspect the fidelity of Amyntas and his Brothers that his Mother Olympias had given him notice of their evil Intentions that the private Conferences between them and Philotas increased his suspicion that the flight of their Brother was the effect of a bad Conscience that they had bin all three not long since with him had dismiss'd the rest of their Company and would have executed their Design but that the Guards coming in prevented them that the day before Philotas was taken Antiphanes Commissary of the Horse having demanded Horses from Amyntas for those that wanted them he had insolently refus'd them and threatned him besides that this arrogancy could proceed from nothing else but their conspiring his Death and the hopes they had of accomplishing their Design on the Morrow That in fine after so many proofs of their perfidiousness there was no place left for Doubts Amyntas was brought forth into the presence of the Army and having obtained liberty to defend himself he desired that his Chains might be taken off and a Javelin given him which was done accordingly as a sure presage of favour for these badges of Honour give encouragement to speak whereas a Criminal groaning under the weight of his Chains commonly makes but a languishing harangue of little efficacy to stir up the compassion of his Judges Amyntas full of hopes represented That the friendship he had with Philotas could not with justice be imputed to him as a Crime that after that manner the chiefest of the Court would be found guilty that from that height of Fortune the favour of Alexander had seated him in he had attracted the respect or envy of every one that none being able to purchase the King's Favour if he were not supported by the friendship and protection of Philotas 't was no strange thing that every one should court him that they had with Alexander esteem'd his Zeal his Courage the Grandeur of his Services his Father's Merit but that they detested his Crime that they had had private Conferences with him but that this had bin all along their custom In fine That they had hated Philotas when they knew him a Parricide and disloyal as much as they had loved him whilst a happy Favorite and Arbiter of the Fortune of the Macedonians He added That if he were guilty for refusing Horses to Antiphanes the other was no less for demanding them that he had but two which Antiphanes would have taken away by force though he could not spare them without being reduced to the necessity of fighting on foot among the Cavalry For the rest that the suspicions of Olympias were to be suspected for that being sent into Macedonia he had by Alexander's Order drawn out Troops thence contrary to the Queen's pleasure that from his Obedience and Services sprang the resentment of Olympias that they should therefore punish him for having faithfully served his King and obeyed his Orders Amyntas was interrupted by
valiant Captains thou hast through a cruel Ingratitude inflicted Death on those that have preserv'd thy Life Was there ever such a Tyranny heard of Was ever the Virtue Valour and Love of Subjects thus rewarded If I consider the many Provinces we have conquer'd this great Empire of the Persians worthy of a better Prince I must own that we our selves are vanquish'd Strangers are our Masters thou thy self yieldest to their Laws their Customs their Habits their Manners their Alliances their Friendship and Religion which thou preferrest before our Laws sufficiently discover that they are Victors and thou their Slave O wretched O deplorable condition of the Macedonians Dost thou see now what is the Subject of our Animosity The only Obligation we have from thee is That thou wilt this day free us from a Servitude a thousand times more ignominious and cruel than Death to generous Spirits Happy those whom thou hast caused barbarously to be massacred Attalus Lyncestes Clitus Parmenio and Philotas Had they liv'd they would yet have groan'd under thy Tyranny the God's were pleased to withdraw them from a dismal train of miseries that thou inflictest on thy best Friends It may be thy Affection is seated in the Souldiers and the common People O Heavens thirty thousand Mules loaden with Gold and the riches spoils of the Enemy follow in the rear of thy Army when thy wretched Souldiers of all their Conquests retain nothing but Scars illustrious Marks of their Courage and thy Ingratitude In fine thou art no longer King of Macedonia thou art a Slave to the Persians Their delicacy pleases thee more than the Macedonian temperance We justly therefore pursue thee as a Desertor and at most it was not the King of Macedonia but the King of Persia that we would have kill'd And you Macedonians base Souls unworthy the Glory of your Ancestors miserable Slaves to a Tyrant's Pride Have you not the Hearts to shake off so infamous a Yoke And you my Father that hold your Sword at my Brest deserve not to have given Life to such a Son This day will you acquire by my death a glorious and eternal reputation suffer me then to speak and oppose not the liberty granted me from your God 'T is because he fears not the words of a Child Why hearest thou not Calisthenes To arrive to the highest pitch of Tyranny I see thou intendest to suppress in him all the freedom of the Greeks Think not that he is of the Conspiracy he never knew any thing of it and for proof of this we all proffer our selves to be rack'd Seek some other Pretext to satisfy thy revenge cut off the only true Macedonian in whom resides all the virtue of our Ancestors For thou hatest the looks of an honest Man For the rest pardon the miserable old Age of our Fathers and confound not the Innocent with the Guilty As for us we die with regret only for leaving thee alive These Invectives so incens'd the Assembly that the Souldiers would a hundred times have torn Hermolaus in pieces His own Father called Sopolis sometimes stopp'd his Mouth sometimes presented his Sword to his Brest to make him hold his peace but Alexander commanded him to retire Sopolis his Indignation could not be too great Men are born Subjects before they are Fathers The tender affection of a Father towards a Son is natural and cannot be stifled without doing himself extream violence however the safety of his Prince is to be preferred before that of his Children and the Voice of God to be obey'd rather than the Voice of Nature Alexander with admirable patience bore all that Hermolaus had said against him and having seated himself where he might be heard he answer'd in this manner Had what this Impostor has said bin true I could let you have torn him in pieces and not have heard his Invectives and were I guilty of those Cruelties he charges me with I own it I were unworthy to be King of the Macedonians But what occasion have I given Hermolaus to speak thus of me Some time since he committed an insolence and I caus'd him to be chastised according to our ancient Custom to hear him speak you would say I had cruelly tormented him What would not his Revenge have done since for being beaten with a Whip he could resolve upon a Parricide 'T is no wonder he should have an horrour for the Punishment of Parmenio of Philotas of Aitalus and Lyncestes in defending them he defends himself he would not be guilty if those who have committed the same Crime were declared Innocent And as for Clitus I wish I had not bin constrain'd to punish the Intemperance of his Tongue It is not always in our power to use Moderation the clemency of Kings is often times surmounted by the audacity of Subjects there are certain Injuries that cannot be pardon'd When Kings are injur'd they must be appeas'd by Submission and not provok'd through Obstinacy and Pride I wonder not at all that Hermolaus accuses me of Cruelty since he has the impudence to accuse me of Avarice I know Princes ought not to bear in mind the Favours they have bestowed on their Subjects but only the Services they have received from them I shall not therefore represent unto you that there are none of you but what are sensible of my Donatives that would diminish the price of my Liberality and the Acknowledgment you owe me But pray consider whence you had your Beds of Gold and Silver your Troops of Slaves your sumptuous Spoils and rich Booty As for the Persians I confess that coming into Asia to conquer not to lay desolate I cannot resolve to handle as Slaves a People whose Affection secures my Empire and your Glory and in this I think I give sufficient proof of my Moderation that I govern them in that manner that they can have no regret at my Victories Would you be continually employ'd to subdue Provinces already conquer'd which under an Imperious Dominion would be always revolting Would you be stopp'd in the mid'st of your Victories by Insurrections better restrain'd by kind usage than by force of Arms We should then extirpate whole Nations and make our selves feared more for our Cruelty than our Courage What glory would it be to the Macedonians to change the Name of Conquerors for that of Thieves and Murtherers And after all what have you to say against those that sight for you In sine is not Hermolaus wicked to scoff at the Oracle for owning me a God Should I refuse a Name so glorious and oppose the Will of Jupiter as if the grandeur of my Actions did not elevate me above Men. Further in War Reputation is worth an Army and I could wish for your Glory that the Indians would believe me a God But I see very well this insolent Youth hath said nothing but what he has learnt from his Master Calisthenes and he would have bin glad to have heard him vent the same Injuries
should have held my peace had not the King who was forestall'd incensed you against me his Speech is a Sentence of Death which now to endeavour to make him revoke is to call him Cruel and Unjust So that considering I must condemn Alexander's Judgment I cannot resolve to ask for Absolution His absence declares that my destruction is resolv'd upon and what can I hope for if the best of my Judges be inexorable However Philotas shall not die without clearing himself of the Crime he stands charg'd with What Proof have they Am I of the number of the Conspirators Did Nicomachus name me to his Brother or Dymnus to Nicomachus Who inquiring after the Names of those that had conspir'd the Death of Alexander and the Order of the Conspiracy the other ingages in it through the consideration of their Birth and Merit How could Dymnus then forget me that am thought their Head Did he fear destroying me He that had so great a confidence in Nicomachus he I say that ventur'd with him his own Life and the Lives of his best Friends Ceballinus the only Witness against me is not of the Conspiracy can he believe that I am he that discover'd it to me Dymnus is dead he never nam'd me His Confederates surviving him may hope for Pardon if they can cast their Crime on me Yet there 's none accuses me What! cannot Tortures wrest the Truth from them to whom as 't is common to the Miserable the ingaging others in their Misfortunes would be some comfort Do they believe in the condition I am in abandon'd condemn'd I am able to deliver them from their Tortures So you see Fellow-Souldiers the truth of the first Crime I am accus'd of I come now to the second The King says I daigned not to advertise him of the imminent Peril that threatned him I was not at all troubled at it 'T is true Sir I was to blame but you have pardon'd me You invited me to Sup with you in token of a Reconciliation At least you ought not to condemn me without hearing my Defence What new Crime have I committed Whence comes my Disgrace since yesterday-evening I expected nothing less than this dismal change The Wicked are continually troubled with the Image of their Crime Their Souls agitated with a thousand different Thoughts keep them perpetually alarm'd press'd with remorse of Conscience they seek for their security The ease Attarras found in apprehending me discovers the little care I took of my preservation When he bound me with Chains I was in a deep sleep I rely'd upon the credit of your word I feared not that the malice of my Enemies should prevail with your Clemency Further Sir could I fear any thing as to your Life upon the bare report of a Youth of no Reputation who destitute of all proof could do nothing but make a vain Alarm I suspected him too because he came not to me himself and look'd on it as some private revenge not fit for me to meddle with I feared likewise that he might deny what he had told Ceballinus and that I might have nothing but regret for so lightly committing the chief Officers of the Court But for all these Precautions I am sacrific'd to those I have spar'd 'T is objected Dymnus anticipated his Punishment by a voluntary Death Knew I that he would kill himself If Ceballinus his Relation have no other ground but this what does it prove against me Again had I bin a Confederate how could I have bin so quiet two days after the Conspiracy was detected I could easily have dispatch'd Ceballinus or hasten'd the stroke I was alone with the King in his Chamber who could have hinder'd me Did I want Dymnus his presence 'T was he then that was the Head of the Conspiracy and yet 't is I as is said that would have made my self King of Macedonia Whom among you Fellow-Souldiers have I endeavour'd to corrupt On whom have I bestowed Presents What Officers are there more than ordinary sensible of my Favours I am reproached for despising the Language of Macedonians What likelihood is there of it if I intend to make my self their King You know very well that since we have left our own Country and have learnt strange Tongues 't is to all of us some trouble to speak our own Alexander himself uses it not therefore he despises the Macedonians In truth all these Reproaches are but light as well as that of being a Friend to Amyntas who conspired against Alexander If it be a Crime to be a Friend to a King's Brother I am guilty but if his Birth ingag'd me in those Sentiments for him can I not be innocent because I did not divine What justice is there that the Frieds of the Guilty should be punish'd with them I ought to have died long since had this Friendship bin a Crime and if it be not Why is it brought in for my destruction But I pitied the condition of those that were to live under the Government of a Man that equall'd himself to the Gods 'T is true I wrote thus to Alexander but told I it any else Gave he me not the liberty to discover my Sentiments to him Had I not reason to fear that his Vanity might render him odious to his People If he have such Faith in the Oracle let him consult it touching my Crime Jupiter will never conceal a Secret of such consequence to his Son's Life And if you 'l rather trust to Tortures I am ready to undergo them My misfortunes dispence with my introducing my Relations I had two Brothers they both died in Battel for Alexander's and Your Glory I have only a Father left accus'd of the same Crime with me neither the Grandeur of his Services the consideration of his Age nor his passion for the King prevailing against the cruelty of those that envy him Miserable Wretch must I then dear Father be the cause of your Death Did you give me Life to deprive you of yours Is this the Recompence of so many Battels gain'd of so much Blood spilt in your Family Is this the Comfort you expected from me in your last days Nature was ready to redemand your Life full of Glory in the next Battel the Grandeur of your Courage would have laid you bleeding in the midst of your Trophies but your Enemies not contented to deprive you of an only Son envy you the glory of a Death that would have render'd you immortal But tell me was Parmenio himself believ'd when he wrote to Alexander how that Philip his Physician corrupted by Darius his Gifts and Promises had ingag'd to poison him The King gave so little credit to his Letter that he gave it Philip to read whilst he took his Physick to mock as it were at my Father's credulity I have made my self too the Subject of Rallery for having too lightly believed things more probable than what Ceballinus inform'd me If I give Information I make my self ridiculous
his Favours on the Wicked and Vicious The Honest if they are in misery seek not to get out of it by ways of Honesty they esteem them useless they take the shortest way and indeavour to invest themselves in charges through dissimulation malice and base complaisance when flattery and such other indirect means fail them their Spirits corrupted by new Maxims and imagining that the Wicked cannot be without a Recompence prompt them to Violence Injustice Treachery and oftentimes to conspire their Prince's Death Princes therefore should seek their security in the Hearts of those that live under their Dominion They should extend their 〈…〉 erosity to all their Subjects Not that a Monarch is oblig'd to bestow his Favours equally on all sorts of Persons Such a magnificence would rather attract Contempt than Love and Gratitude Presents like Meats disgust if they are not season'd with justice and distinction of Merit That Prince cannot be esteemed liberal that gives indifferently to every one That 's a prodigality proceeding neither from esteem nor friendship the only ingredients to gain Hearts in bestowing Benefits We have no acknowledgment barely upon the account of a Benefit our Gratitude has a more noble and worthy Object it considers principally the good Will and Affection of the Giver But on the other hand a Prince should avoid being so inconsiderately profuse as to give so largely to his Favorites Ministers or Friends as to deprive himself of the means to shew them further Favours nor indeed should he remove them from the necessity of desiring them for then they grow insolent in their good Fortune they look on their Prince as an exhausted Source they contemn his Affection grown barren they fly their Benefactor they hate him When a Man is elevated to the highest degree of his Ambition Ingratitude and Avarice are the inseparable Companions of his Pride A Prince should therefore comfort the Miserable but not make them happy do good but not all the good he can promote some many degrees above others but never to the highest Epimenes one of the Conspirators whether vanquish'd by Alexander's Liberality as considering that he might expect both a Pardon for his Crime and an extraordinary Recompence besides if he sav'd his King's Life who for a service of little consideration had given him fifty thousand Sesterces or whether fearing the Anger of the Gods reveal'd the Conspiracy to his Brother Eurylochus Who presently carries him to the Palace and asks to speak with the King Ptolomaeus and Leonatus who guarded his Chamber-dore having learnt from him that he had something to tell the King that concern'd his Life warn'd by Philotas his Example gave them entrance though the King after his debauch had need of rest Presently Epimenes relates the whole Order of the Conspiracy and Alexander though frighten'd at the danger he had run was glad of finding this Pretext to ruin Calisthenes Touching whom he ask'd Eurylochus several times if he were not a Confederate or Friend to the Conspirators But Eurylochus could give him no other Answer than that Calisthenes gave ear to the Invectives of those that spake boldly concerning his Conduct and Behaviour Alexander nevertheless treated him as a Confederate and calling to mind the freedom of that Philosopher who had refused to render him Divine Honour he ordered him to be shut up close Prisoner with the Conspirators As Alexander was severe to the Conspirators so he was liberal and grateful to Eurylochus and Epimenes To the latter he gave his Life to the former fifty Talents and the confiscation of Tiridates his Goods who was very rich So great Interest has a Prince in recompensing the fidelity of his Subjects that his Favours proceed rather from his Justice than his Liberality As many Favours as he confers so many Sentinels has he to watch for him Rewards have greater force than Punishments and the expectation of Good than the fear of Evil. The custom of pardoning those that reveal Crimes themselves are guilty of is no less ancient than necessary Impunity rouses the Conscience causes it to reveal the Treason and preserves the Life of the Prince However such Traitors are not to be confided in and 't is dangerous to seem to mistrust them they are like those Animals that are tam'd only for a time early or late they return to their first fierceness The next day Alexander caused the Conspirators all but Calisthenes to be brought forth into the Assembly The Criminals Relations were called and in their presence the King ask'd those Traitors What he had done to them to induce them to conspire his Death They as resolute as if they had bin upon the point of executing their Design answered him boldly That they were sorry they could not yet take away his Life These words stirr'd up the Souldiers indignation and they demanded those Parricides to be deliver'd to them A Crime if acknowledged with some Tokens of Repentance excites compassion if with impudent Confidence it creates Horror The Offence it self deserves pardon the vanity of boasting in it is insufferable For in this there is malice the other is a weakness that may be born with The King admiring the boldness and contumacy of these Youths represented to them That he had loved them all as his Children that not long since they had bin sensible of the effects of his Affection that they should therefore freely declare the occasion that led them to conceive so detestable a Design At these words they began to relent only Hermolaus with more constancy than a good Conscience could furnish took the word and addressing himself to Alexander Know you not said he that we are born free how comes it then that you handle us like Slaves A Tyrant as you are does not deserve to live To whom Alexander said Continue boldly what thou hast learnt of thy Master Calisthenes I accept of thy favour answer'd Hermolaus and in giving me leave to speak thou sufficiently declarest thy impiety Setting aside all thy other Actions Can there be a greater proof of thy licentiousness than the opinion thou hast of the Grandeur of thy Merit after having render'd thy self unworthy of protection from the Gods or the esteem of Men thou askest What induc'd us to conspire thy Death Does there any thing represent it self to my Eyes or Memory that does not mind me of thy intolerable Vanity of thy Cruelty worthy not of one but a thousand deaths If I look on thee I see a Monster of Pride who disowns great Philip for his Father and has the insolence to call himself the Son of Jupiter Nay such is thy impudence that thou requirest Worship from us as if thou wer't really in the number of the Gods and not the Object of their Fury If I look upon the Army I find I am first to make reflection on my self thou hast used me unworthily for couragiously killing of a Wild Boar. After this I must pity the misfortune of so many brave Men and
his Disobedience that his Reasons were no other than Aristotle ' s Fallacies and that he would not suffer Antipater vain and treacherous as he was to go unpunish'd Not long after this Antipater arriv'd He saw the Storm hovering over his Head and thought how he might prevent the Danger Wherefore he call'd his Sons Cassander Jollas and Philip and with all the authority and tenderness of a Father represents unto them That in vain he had given them Being if he did not endeavour to procure them a Life full of Happiness and Pleasure and that he should be himself very unhappy if he did not live after his Death in his Children succeeding him in his Revenues and Imploiments Those said he have no reason to applaud Nature that are born of an Illustrious Race and live unfortunately the more splendid their Birth the more heavy and insupportable is their Misery As Man is a part of the Universe through the qualities of his Temperaments and his Spirits so he is no part of the World Politick without Riches and Promotions To be without these is not to live but to die nay to die every day as long as ones Life lasts These Thoughts my dear Children disturb me only upon your account You know what great Glory I have acquir'd in the Armies which gain'd me a large share in Philip's Affection You have seen me rais'd to the highest degree of Grandeur Arbiter of a flourishing Kingdom caressed by Alexander till such time as his mind of late as much corrupted by the effeminacy of the Persians as it was formerly well instructed by the Precepts of Divine Aristotle induc'd him to depose me from governing Macedonia and upon the Report of my Enemies to suspect my Fidelity always incorruptible So that 't is impossible to support our Grandeur unless we take off the Head of this Monster Can you be of so base a Spirit as to resolve to live unhappy without Wealth without Honour Can you be so unnatural as to survive my Misfortune What say I Can you think to escape Death after they have taken away my Life Cassander thou hast had experience of this Tyrant's Cruelty thou hast heard his Threats Canst thou doubt of suddenly seeing the Effects Olympias infamous as she is has prevail'd against our Merit shall we wait like Clitus and Parmenio to be sacrific'd to Alexander's Fury No I can never think that the Off-spring of Antipater will degenerate from his Glory and that of his Ancestors Be not daunted at the Death of Philotas and Hermolaus like a good Pilot I have learnt to avoid those Rocks where others have bin Shipwrack'd Those were forc'd to have several Associates to intrust a Secret to many Persons we our selves can execute the Design I meditate They would have kill'd Alexander in the midst of his Guards in the sight of the the Army We will take him off by Poison at Table in the midst of good Cheer His Sickness and his Death will be imputed to his debauching Jollas is his chief Cup-bearer what is there more easy than to convey the Poison into his Wine or into his Water My dear Children 't is now no longer time to deliberate we must speedily kill Alexander or he will kill us Cassander Jollas and Philip presently resolv'd upon that great Villany and expected only the conveniency of some Feast that they might execute their Design In the mean while Alexander hastens towards Babylon where Embassadors from all parts of the World attended his coming to congratulate with him for his Conquests Nearchus one of his chief Officers advertised him of a Prediction of the Chaldeans threatning him with inevitable peril if he enter'd the City Babylon Though he was as much given to Superstition as any one yet nothing could stop his Journey In appearance he went thither as to the Diet of the Universe to impose Laws on all the Earth but in reality his Destiny drew him thither he went to his own destruction As he drew near the Walls of Babylon several Presages troubled him and he remember'd the counsel of Nearchus Nevertheless he would not return back but entred the City foreseeing as it were his Misfortune Not long after a Thessalian Physician made a Feast and invited Alexander and the chief of his Courtiers thither He failed not to be there and having drank of Hercules his Cup he felt such violent pain that he desir'd them to kill him with his Sword It was presently given out that drinking too much Wine had occasion'd his Distemper and thus Antipater's Authority stifled the Infamy of his Treason Plutarch writes that Alexander died of a violent Feaver and reports for proof of what he alleages that his Body continued for several days as fresh and sound as at the moment of his expiring I wonder that so Learned a Man should be ignorant of the nature of some Poisons that preserve from corrupting and leave no marks of their effect Whatsoever may be said 't is certain that perfidious Jollas poison'd the King's Water and then mix'd it with his Wine Thus expir'd great Alexander quell'd by Domestick Treason after he had conquer'd all the East The eminent Qualities appearing in him at the beginning of his Reign made every one admire him the enormity of his Vices proceeding from his Fortune render'd him odious to all the World He continu'd a long time magnificent liberal of a sweet and gentle disposition inclin'd to Justice and Clemency he became at once unjust cruel extravagant mistrustful superstitious and so addicted to all sorts of Vice that there was no hopes of his returning So Illustious an Example as this may serve to instruct all Princes that there is no Power stronger than a resolute Heart that there is no Prudence but may be o're-reach'd by Malice and that the Dispair of one Man is more to be fear'd than an Army FINIS
examine in this Conqueror's Conduct all that 's most remarkable that Princes may form themselves according to so excellent a Model The Actions of Alexander and the Intreigues of the Conspirators will teach them to defend themselves from Domestick Treasons and to elevate themselves by Justice Clemency and Liberality as much above the Vulgar as they exceed them in Grandeur and the advantages of Birth I will begin with the Conspiracy of Philotas so much the more blameable for conspiring the Death of his Master and his King as he was indebted to him for his Fortune THE CONSPIRACY OF PHILOTAS ALexander was arriv'd to the highest pitch of Grandeur Darius was dead and his Army vanquish'd Asia had chang'd her Master who seeing himself in the Persian Throne and finding nothing more on Earth to satisfy his Ambition would have had his Subjects given him Divine Worship The luster of too great Majesty is so far from attracting Respect and Fear that it excites great Ones to Envy and makes them aspire to wear the Diadem and whosoever equals himself to the Gods is unworthy to live among Men. And hence it came that Philotas one in Alexander's Army that could not support his Pride endeavoured to dispatch him Of all Vices Ambition is the most dangerous because it bears a resemblance of Virtue it has apparently the same end the desire of Glory is inseparable to them both and of this Philotas was as greedy as Alexander Virtue and Ambition have their original from the same Source from grandeur of Courage from a noble bold and undertaking Spirit the difference I find between them is this Justice limits bounds to Virtue Ambition knows none has no Faith no Friendship no Honesty it dares all things neither the fear of Danger nor the power of Justice can detain it it generates those criminal thoughts that strike at Royalty the hatred jealousie and revenge of great Ones Three sorts of Persons commonly conspire the Death of Princes Certain melancholy People who at any price whatsoever though it be at the expence of their Lives enterprise extraordinary Actions to eternise their Memory to Posterity not much caring whether it be honourable or held in abomination such was he that burnt the Temple of Diana the Jacobin that kill'd Henry III and many others Some transported with an abominable desire of Revenge care not to survive an Injury receiv'd as he that stab'd Henry IV. And almost all great Ones in the Revolution of a State hope for some change of Fortune For this last reason the common People are to be feared when a Government is changed from a Democracy to a Monarchy the Nobility when it has bin an Aristocracy the Princes of the Blood if a Kingdom be Hereditary the Ministers and Favorites if Elective The Kingdom of Macedonia descended for several Ages from Father to Son and whilst there were Successors no one dar'd enterprise any thing against his King's Life Alexander labour'd to secure himself immortality by Actions of an Heroick Courage by the grandeur of his Enterprizes he was enflam'd with a desire of Glory little minding the preservation of his Life and less the leaving a Successor to his Empire He prefer'd Bagoas before Barsine Roxane known to be great with Child at his Death could not keep the Macedonian Captains from dividing among themselves those vast and lovely Provinces into as many Kingdoms The Scepter of Alexander therefore being to fall into strange Hands his Nobles pretended to his Crown which there was no appearance of their arriving to the King being young and vigorous therefore they were to hasten their Expectations by the means of Ingratitude of Treachery of a Crime horrid and detestable Nothing retains Ambition but the fear of a lawful Successor in which consists the security of a Prince for there 's none will form any Design contrary to his Faith and Duty unless he be supported by more than ordinary hopes Alexander's Death would have made almost as many Kings as were Macedonian Captains what wonder then if he were continually expos'd to the murmuring of his Souldiers to the Infidelity of his Friends to Domestick Treacheries I am much mistaken if it were not this that first gave Philotas thoughts of advancing himself to Royalty Parmenios's Valour Merit and Esteem who commanded a puissant Army in Media confirm'd him in his Design and his own Grandeur finish'd his Resolve 'T is dangerous to suffer any to approach too near to that whose Possession can make them happy that Husband may blame himself that shews his Wife to another who after falls in love with her Royalty has greater Charms 't is like a polish'd Glass dull'd with the least Breath of those are near it or like the Fountain of Narcissus the transcendent Beauty appearing in it is so charming that there 's none can see it and live without the enjoyment A Prince that gives too great preferment to a Favorite a Minister or a great Captain nourishes a Rival a cruel Enemy a Competitor for his Empire that has but one step to mount into his Throne We read in the Histories of all Ages of several Kings Favorites of an obscure Birth incapable of great Matters who coming into an entire possession of their Master's Favours oftentimes by ways shameful and wicked have dar'd to aspire to their Crowns What may we not then expect from a great Captain Generous Liberal Ambitious of an illustrious Birth Head of a powerful Army belov'd of the Souldiers and the common People I own it pleasant for a Monarch to discharge himself of the weighty Burthen of State-Affairs on the capacity of some Minister to repose himself from the Glory of his Armies upon the valour of a great Captain to intrust his most secret Thoughts with the Wisdom and Discretion of a Favorite But this Favorite this Minister this Captain should be only Executors and not Masters of their Prince's Will and this Prince should as far exceed them in discerning Merit in understanding of Affairs in judicious Fore-sight in eminency of Capacity as in Power and Grandeur Such exquisite Parts are to be feared in a Favorite his Fidelity is shaken by so great Advantages and we have seen in this Age a King formidable to his Enemies implore the Assistance of another King against his Favorite If a Prince must needs spend his Generosity if he must needs heap up Favours upon his Subjects let him take heed not to bestow them all in one Place or on several Persons united in Friendship or Blood who may have the same Desires the same Will Be a Minister never so powerful if he have but one Employ one Charge in an Empire he can have no more Creatures than his Authority reaches Should he meditate any Design destructive to the State he would meet with a thousand Obstacles A General of an Army who is neither Master of the Treasury nor has Intelligence with a Superintendent is not at all to be feared He that commands the Land-Forces
against me in your presence He is an Olynthian and therefore I had him not brought in because the Macedonians only have the Priviledg to be try'd by the Army As for the Criminals Relations they shall live and enjoy their Charges though I should not have let these Parricides know this that if they had any sentiment of Affection for them they might die with more regret Alexander is worthy of praise for pardoning the Criminals Relations It concern'd his Prudence as well as his Bounty so to do And I am ready to think that this Law of the Macedonians inveloping the Innocent with the Guilty was only made to give terror without any design of putting it in execution For what likelihood was there of massacring a number of brave Men highly necessary to the State for their Valour and Experience I suppose too in a great Army it would have bin more dangerous than easy to have condemn'd them Laws are to be applied as Medicines which not rightly used work a contrary effect and bring Death instead of curing After the King had dismissed the Assembly the Conspirators were deliver'd over to their Companions who to testify their fidelity and the horror they had for the Treachery of Parricides executed them in a cruel manner We can learn nothing certain from History concerning the Death of Calisthenes Some write that he died upon the Rack others that he endur'd the Rack and was afterwards Crucified all agree that either he liv'd a most miserable Life or dy'd a most cruel Death Certain 't is that he was no ways Confederate in the Conspiracy but he was of a morose humour inflexible and very unproper for the Court He would treat with the King upon equal terms and speak at Court as in the Schools whence Aristotle said of him That he had all the Austerity of a Philosopher all the Eloquence of an Orator but very little Conduct and Judgment Whatsoever may be said the memory of Alexander will be odious to all Ages for causing to be executed a Man of an incorruptible probity excellent in Wisdom and Knowledg the fairest Ornament of Greece THE CONSPIRACY OF ANTIPATER NOw are we arrived to the triumph of Perfidy hitherto have bin but vain endeavours Fortune was vigilant in Alexander's preservation but at last she delivers him over to a Traitor who by Poison hurries him out of the World that had made himself Master of it Antipater is the Man the more blame-worthy as Alexander had intrusted him with the Kingdom of Macedonia This Prince when he went for Asia left behind him his Mother Olympias a Woman haughty ambitious cruel and if we may believe History Adulterous and skill'd in Magick He left her all the Authority and State of a great Princess and commanded Antipater to observe all her Motions but to do nothing that might shew distrust The jealousy of supream Authority presently divided these ambitious Spirits and the affection of the People Antipater was the Image of their Prince Olympias his Mother the Laws of the Kingdom defended Him Nature protected Her Had Alexander foreseen these Discords he had done like a great Prince to leave in Macedonia these two Spirits jealous one of another This was the only means in his absence to preserve himself the Kingdom of his Ancestors To leave his Mother in absolute Authority was dangerous the Macedonians doubtless would never have yielded Obedience to a Woman the Grecian Provinces would have revolted and all the Neighbour Princes jealous of Alexander's Grandeur would have taken up Arms and have made use of his absence On the other hand it was to be fear'd that if Antipater were established sole Governor of so powerful a Kingdom Olympias as the Prince's Mother might make a Party sufficient to effect the ruin of the State But the choice Alexander made of these two Persons was not the effect of his Providence For Antipater having written a Letter to him full of Invectives against Olympias he laugh'd at the reading of it and said to those then present That one Tear from his Mother was able to efface all the evil Impressions that could be given of her Conduct that Antipater was a very bad Politician to oppose the Queen's Desires and that all Greece could not make him suspect her And Antipater having added That Cleopater Alexander's Sister prostituted her self shamefully and led a very dissolute Life he answered That she might make use of her Royal Priviledg On the other hand Olympias accused Antipater of Tyranny Her Policy was to set Alexander against him and to perswade him that she had an intire motherly Affection for him a true Zeal and Passion for his Service Alexander desiring to please his Mother and suspecting upon the Advice she had given him Antipater's Fidelity takes from him the Government of Macedonia and confers it on Craterus Alexander having therefore taken from Antipater the Government of Macedonia should either have secur'd a Man of so great Credit or have recompenced his Services He on the contrary instead of sending him away calls him into the Army and prefers his Sons Jollas and Philip to Charges not to be intrusted but with those on whom a Prince has showred Favours In the mean while he continues disaffected towards their Father irritating his Courage already not well brooking the Affront given him Alexander glorying in his Conquests meditated vast Designs the extent of so great an Empire not satisfying his Ambition he aspir'd to the Monarchy of the Universe In the mean while Antipater receiving the news of his Disgrace presently conspires the Death of his King And remembring the unfortunate Success of the Conspiracies both of Philotas and Hermolaus he avoided the Precipice into which they fell He took other measures and thought Poison an infallible means to dispatch Alexander Some write that Aristotle gave him this Advice But as for me I cannot imagine that Philosopher capable of so great a Villany against his Pupil and his King who had loaded him with Favours The Example of Seneca who according to all appearance conspir'd the Death of Nero proves nothing against Aristotle he only made profession of Wisdom the other aspir'd to an Empire Alexander's Death being resolv'd upon Antipater sent his Son Cassander to the Army intending speedily to follow him and charg'd him to acquaint the King how false and malicious Olympias her Accusations were Coming to the Army near Babylon and seeing the Persians prostrate themselves at the King's feet he began openly to scoff at them and could not forbear laughing which so offended the King that he took him by the Hair of his Head drag'd him on the Ground and trampl'd on him Some days after Cassander having undertaken his Father's Defence against those that were come to accuse him the King commanded him to hold his peace saying 'T was very unlikely Men should come so far to tell him Lies Cassander would continue but Alexander told him in choler That he would make him repent of