gouernours as I haue sayd with equal authoritie all in his opinion or the far greater parte very catholique But he was no sooner dead but all these orders of his were ouerthrowen and a protector made the third day after the kinges death and sone after religion changed and the law of six articles abrogated and as litle regard had to king Henries will and ordinances as if he had neuer byn king of this realme or mayster to the breakers And among other these changes was displaced Gardener himself one of the cheef of those sixteen appoynted for gouernours by king Henry and not only thrust from all authoritie but sent also to the tower of London prisoner as before I haue shewed and other Catholique Lordes remoued in lyke manner from the Councel for lyke endes and purposes Then began a new world of making new Lordes new Earles new Marqueses new Dukes in deuiding great states offices dignites in good felowship amonge themselues all in the name of the childe king though he were not yet crowned nor three weekes past synce his fathers death New men also were called out of Germany to wit Peter Martir and Martin Bucer two apostated friars with their wenches that had been Nunnes who must come to teache a new religion in England but with expresse condition to be indiffereÌ„t to reache that sect opinion either of Luther Swinglius or Caluin or other that should be determined and agreed vpon by the Parlament then in gathering together and so they were contented and with that condition they were sent the one to Oxford and the other to Cambrige Then was the new English forme of seruice drawen out in hast by certayne of the Protectors chaplayns in Somerset place in London not fully agreeing to any of the Captaynes doctrine aforesaid but somewhat mingled of them all and much also of the Catholique ryte and forme all which was approued soone after for apostolical and established by the lay part of the Parlament for the cleargie reclaymed and all men inforced to sweate vnto it and so for the old religion receaued by the vniuersal church and continued in England for aboue a thousand years and confirmed by so many miracles at the beginning as S. Bede and other ancient authors do affirme and allowed by the consent of all our learned English for so many ages now was there a new religion deuised in corners set vp by certayne obscure and hungrie fellowes in hast within the space of two monethes and authorized by a parlament of vnlearned lay men to be the rule of our saluation But in the meane space the Duke of Somerset now head of this church for that the childe king was at play could think nothing of it attended principally to his temporall aduancement to purchase good old land and caused his seruantes to set forward the new religion without troobling him therin saying that all should be examined and approued afterward by the authoritie of the yong king as trew head of the Church and so it was Then followed great tumultes and rebellious in the realme as also iarring and falling out of the great protestant Councellors among themselues The protector first cut of the head of his brother the Admiral and then the Earle of VVarwicke cut of the head of the Protector and diuers of his frendes and made himself duke of Northumberland and then plotted with the duke of Suffolke to cut of all king Henries children and to bring in Suffolkes daughter and Northumberlandes sonne as they did For which soone after both their heades were cut of also by Queen Marie and Catholique religion was restored agayne to the state wherin first it was when king Henry her father began this tragedie and first put all out of ioynt Thus passed the matter briefly and all this Bishop Gardener had seen and passed through and had plaied his parte in diuers actes and pageantes to wit as an actor in the beginnyng and as a patient after as hath byn shewed And being now restored to his old estate agayne and more ouer made Chancelour of the realme and looking back vpoÌ„ the dream past had he not trow you iust cause to preache hora iam est nos de somno surgere it is tyme to aryse from sleep wherin we haue slumbered these tweÌ„ty yeares and more in suche varietie of tossinges and to walk with more light and stead fastenes for the tyme to come let it be left I say to the iudgment of euerie discreet reader whether this theame parable were fitly chosen and wel applied by B. Gardener or no or rather blasphemously peruerted as our Hunting deuyne Sir Francis wil needs haue it and so much for this tyme of Bishop Gardener About C. Allen for that I haue byn ouer large in B. Gardeners affaires I meane to be verie breef so much the breefer for that the matters obiected agaynst him by this accuser are very cauils if we consider the substaÌ„ce of the thing it self for he sayth that this English traytor though he were a Cardinal at Rome and sworn to the Popes paÌ„table hath sent froÌ„ thence many slanderous and seditious pamphlets and in one which was the treatise against the English execution of iustice he seemeth to wish that doctor Sanders and doctor Bristow had spared to speak so much in defence of Pius Quintus Bul agaynst her Maiestie and yet he doubteth not to affirme that these two learned men of â—reat zele and excellencie had their special reasons to do so which he will neither desend nor reproue c. And further he proceedeth sayth this maÌ„ to excuse all the preestes and studentes beyond the seas and all such as haue come ouer and saith that all of them â—ince that censure of his holinesse to vse sayth he his owne wordes did vse all â—euerence and respect to her Maiestie vttering in no preaching speach or booke â—o not at the houre of their death and martyrdome nor euer before in any their confessions to the magistrate any disloyal word agaynst her Maiestie These woordes recyteth Hastinges out of the discourse against their English iustice as wordes of moderation or rather blushing as he â—ermeth them for that which was done before and yet he sayth that â—n an other treatise of defence of Sir VVilliam Stanlies act in geuing â—uer Deuentrie to the king of Spayne the Cardinal cometh to â—tter himself as far as either Sanders or Bristow or any other in approbation of the sayd excomunication which thing albeit this kinght â—o greatly condemne yet cannot I any thing marueyle thereat considering that the Cardinals opinion being as he was could be no other in substance touching matters of controuersie then was that of doctor Sanders doctor Bristow and the rest And though for peace â—â—oderation and edification he liked wel in others and specially â—n the yonger sorte of preestes that they should auoyd all occasion of â—ateful speach in this odious
great Saint for his Christian libertie and constancie S. Chrysostome in lyke manner shalbe condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal Lordes Arcadius and Honorius Christian Emperours and with their wyues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with king Henry the second For he prâ—ached agaynst them publiquely with great vehemencie and thundred out excomunication agaynst them and was twyce banished and driuen out of his Bishoprike by their disfauor and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singuler holy man and Theodosius the yonger son of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnitie honour and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the sinnes of his pareÌ„tes in persecuting so blessed a man And as the story sayth made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers sinnes As did also often our king Henry the sonne for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Wel then to conclude this matter treason there was none nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas agaynst king Henry for it was donn with all due respect of the Archbil hopes parte and according to the lawes ecclesiastical both of churche realm And as for the mannes behaueour and actions in the rest of his lyf if we beleeue three or foure historiographers together of greate credit and sanctitie that liued at the same tyme and conuersed with him they were admirable in all kynd of vertue His death was by wilfull murder without iustice or commaundment of king or any magistrate as all the world knoweth His canonization was presently vpon his death by diligent inquiry of all factes and circumstances and by vniuersal applause of all christendom King Henry the second excused himself of the murder admitted his canonization builded his shryne and sepulcher adorned the same with greate giftes came thither in person and not only denyed as I haue sayed that his intention euer extended to his murder but also tooke seuere punishement and pennaÌ„ce of himself for the vniust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceyued agaynst so holy a man of which penance of the kings one that liued at the same tyme and saw it wryteth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulcher and receyued first fyue ierkes at fyue Bishops handes and fourescore and three at so many monks â—andes and after lay on the bare ground and other such circuÌ„stances as in the author you may read All those that had byn enemies to the blessed man or had had parte in his death came after to greate miserie by Gods iust iudgmentes And fynally all the Christian world for these foure hundred yeares haue holden him for a glorious martir and builded many a churche to God in his memorie in other countries many great moâ—arches haue come to England of purpose to visit his sepulcher and others haue sent great presentes and donaries Many miracles haue â—yn recorded by graue authors and publique testimony of the whole â— land to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher in witnes of his â—anctitie All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred yeares together let any man iudge whether they ought â—ot to be of more weight with a wyse and pious Christian then this â—raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hoat spurr that knoweth â—ot what he sayth and much lesse careth or indeuoureth how to â—roue it But let vs see now his third position that he feigneth to be among â—s as a grouÌ„d of religioÌ„ These two irreligious prophane grouÌ„des saith he â—eing layd though you haue seen that the knight hath layd them as fiâ—ions of his own grownds of ours they proceed to a third set it down â—r a Popish ground also that it was a dangerous and deadly sinne for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his cleargie in any of their orders inioyned and commanded in such reuerence and regard must he and his cleargie be had that the meanestâ— masse Priest comming with authority from him must be obeyed vnder payn of damnation though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God in Christians and disloyal to men in subiects This is his narration from which if ye separate a manifest lye oâ— two with some fond exagerations for without this kynde of leuiâ— the poore knight can make no batch as for example that the Pope anâ— his Cleargie must be obeyed though they commaund blasphemies against God and disloyalty against princes which is a shameles slander and that the disobedience if he speake of omission in any one order inioyned by Pope and Cleargie is a deadly sinn and the lyke if you separatâ— I say these ouer lauishings of the hastie knight all the rest he obiecteth is rather commendation of Catholique religion then any reproche at all for in that he saith wee obey the meanest preest as the highest if he come with authoritie of the highest he sheweth therby that we haue among vs true obedience and subordination and thaâ— for conscience sake Not respecting so much the person that commandeth as him for whome and in whose name and authoritie hâ— commandeth and therin we fulfill the precept of S. Paule Obedite praâ—positis vestris subiacete eis ipsi enim peruigilant quasi rationem pro animabuâ— restris reddituri Obey your Prelates and humble your selues vnto them he distinguisheth not betwene high and lowe for they keep diligent watche ouer your soules as men that must render account theroâ— to God And in other places he sayth that this obedience must bâ— with such reuerence humilitie and inward affection as vnto Chryâ—â— himself whose substitutes our spiritual superiours be though neuer so mean or contemptible in mannes sight And again S. Paul sayth this obedience must be non solum propteâ— iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience that is vnder pain of deadly sinne or of damnation though this wise knight do iest at the phrase which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place saying qui autem resistuâ— damnationem sibi acquirunt those that resist to obey procure damnation to themselues And this is answere sufficient for so ydle an obiectionâ— that we obey the meanest masse Priest coÌ„ming with authority of the highest in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spirituall poinâ— of doctrine if he were capable of it and most true to witt that the meaner the substitute is that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior the greater honor is donn to the sayd prince or superior and the greater vertue is argued therby to be in him that obeyeth for that he is not induced by any talent or commendation of the sayd substitute to obey him but only for loue
the kinges hart we shall discouer both trecherous cogging and shameles forgerie in the hart and hand of this counterfayt knight Thus then I begin the declaration The conditions of that most famous and royal mariage between the two greatest Monarches of Christēdome king Philip and Queen Marie and the conuentions agreed vpon between both nations and between the princes themselues Queē Marie the Emperour Charles then resyding in Flanders and king Philip and eche of their Councels and Parlaments are yet extant and for the most part in print wherby it may be seen that all those poyntes that this sely fellow cometh in withall now after the market ended about the succession of our realme the priuie Councel of what nation they should be the condition of our nobilitie the Parlament the lawes of the realme the portes castles and garrisons the officers of the courte and household and other lyke circumstances were particulerly treated agreed vpon and prouyded for before hand by all partes Neither was there euer any complaynt that the king or his nation brake any one of them whyle they were among vs but added rather diuers benefytes and courtesies of their owne accord aboue that which they had promised and were bound vnto As for the expences and for the furniture of the mariage so much I meane as came from abrode as also for the two Spanish and English nauies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges vntill they arryued at Portesmouth and the whole trayne from thence to winchester where he met with the Queen and the mariage was celebrated at the charges of the same King of Spayne All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them as within two or three monethes after their arryual all England was full of Spanish coyne The priuie councel of England was wholie and intirely as it was before neither was any Spaniard euer put into it the officers of the Queens household were altogether English the king for his owne affayres and his other kingdomes had a particuler Councel which interrupted not ours the nobilitie of our land was exceedingly honoured by him and many of them had particuler great pensions also yearly from him the captaynes and soldiers that he vsed of our nation as namely at the warre of Saynt Quintins he honoured highly and made them equall in all poyntes of seruice and honor with Spaniardes and payd them himself without further charges to England saue only geuing them their vpper cassockes with the crosse according to the custome The marchantes commonly he made free to enioy and vse all priuileges and preferments throughout all his kingdomes countries and prouinces and in England he had such care to yeeld our nation contentment as he gaue expresse order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out the English should be fauored and the Spaniard punished which he caused to be executed with such rigor as it cost diuers Spaniardes their lyues when the English were much more in fault and I haue heard it spoken by some of the Councel at that tyme that Queen Marie was so afflicted diuers tymes with this partialitie of the kinges towardes the English agaynst his owne nation as it cost her many a bitter teare for verie compassion shame And so much the more was she moued therewith for that she saw many English partly vpon this indulgence of the kinges and partly for that being secretly heretiques they had auersion and hatred to the Spanish nation to abuse themselues intollerably in offering most inhumane and barbarous iniuries vnto them No Spaniard could walke by night nor scars by day alone but he should be eyther wounded or thrust between two or three swashbucklers that attended particulerly to those exercyses and so put in danger of his lyf Villanous wordes were ordinarie salutations to them in the streetes as also often tymes in churches but no remedy was to be had nor would any man beare Witnes lightly in behalf of the Spaniard agaynst the English though the iniurie were neuer so manifest If any thing were to be bought in the market the Spaniard must paie dooble for it and for that most Spaniardes drunk water they must buy it also dearly in many places if they would drink it and often could not haue it for mony and diuers wells were sayd to be poysoned of malice therby to destroy the Spaniardes Many deuises were vsed to draw Spaniardes into priuate houses and familiaritie was offered them to that end and if any entred to talke with the wyf daughter or seruant as they were thought propēse in that kynde then rushed forth the husbād father brother or master that lay in wayte with other catchpoles of thesame conspiracie to apprehend them and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselues with good store of money And I haue heard from the mouth of a greate noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that tyme and now is a Vyceroy vnder the king that some English would send their wyues daughters of purpose into the fieldes where Spaniards walked to allure them to talke with them and therby to intrap them and get money from them I omit to name more violent meanes of taking purses and playne roberies and other lyke artes to get the Spaniards money from them by force which yet were many and some most barbarous and shamefull to our nation and the mention and memorie therof maketh vs blush when in other countries we are told of them as namely this that followeth which my self haue heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alyue to wit the old Count de Fuensalida cheef steward at this day of the kinges houshold who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to diuers noble men of his nation and to some others and being at the table mery and fearing nothing as in a peaceable and ciuil commonwealth it seemed he had no cause there came rushing in some twentie or thirtie maskared good fellowes with their swordes drawen and commanded that no man should stirre vnder payne of death and so kept them all at the table and their seruantes shut vp into diuers houses of offices where they were found vntill the theeues had ransaked the whole house and packed vp the siluer plate that was in store and so departed And these are the heroical actes and honorable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the ciuilitie and courtesie of our countriemen towardes Spaniards in those dayes which being obiected vnto vs in all forayne nations where we trauayle the french also recounting as bad or worse donne to them to whome at that tyme we were open enemies it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed and their eares to burne in respect of the dishonour of our countrie as also to consider what
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld
who haue instituted the degrees of Doctors Licenciates Maisters and Bachelers and apointed preferments for them you or we And to speake of positiue Diuinitie only and Scriptures wherof you will seeme to bragg who haue conserued and published the Bible in the learned tongues of Hebrue Greek and Latin euen in our dayes Were not the Biblia Complutensia in all three tongues printed and set foorth by the expences of a fransiscan frier Cardinall Ximenes Arch-bishop of Toledo within these three or fourscore yeares And were not the last Biblia Regia set foorth in foure or fiue tongues by Catholique men by the authority and charges of his Catholique Maiestie of Spayn And are not the Comentaries written vpon the Scriptures by Catholique men euen at this day aboue twenty for one more then those of Protestants why then do heretiques lyke apes bragg and prate in presence of lions that in euery kinde oâ— learning do bear them downe But now to the second position VVhen they had thus setled this blinde cours saieth our knight to keepe the people from knowledge c. Then they offer an other position that it was not for lay men to medle with matters of religion that belonged only and wholy as 〈◊〉 priueledge to Priests thereby making them secure and careless of God and aâ— godlinesse In setting downe of this forged position there is some subtlety ioined with impudencie For first in the former parte where he sayth we hold that it is not for lay men to medle with religion he subtely leaueth doubtful this worde medle either to signifie that lay men must not determine or defyne matters of religion or els not to medle or care for them at all In the former sence we graunt that in Synods and Counsels where coÌ„trouersies of fayth are to be treated Priests and Clergy-men haue only authority to define and determine for that S. Paule sayth that they are apointed by the holy Ghoste to gouern the church though before they come to determine they do help themselues also by the learning of lay men and take their iudgement when they may giue light as in all Counsels is seen But in the second sence it is moste impudeÌ„t that he inferreth that hereby we would make lay meÌ„ secure careleâ— of God all godlinesse For how doth it follow The Queen of EnglaÌ„d doth refer the determinatioÌ„ of all good lawes orders vertuous proceedings within the realm vnto the voices of her priuie counsell or of the parlament ergo heerby she maketh free secure and careles all the rest of her realm from obseruation of good orders law and honest behaueour Or in the self same matter of religion I may argue thus the determination of matters of fayth is remitted only at this day in England to Bishops ministers and not to their wiues ergo heerby those â—ood wiues are made secure and careles of God all godlinesse there 〈◊〉 no difference in the consequence at all VVherfore as malice here lost her eyes so doth she also her wits in â—hat which followeth for presently he leapeth to raile vpon the â—aints of heauen and namely vpon S. Thomas of Canterbury though â—mpertinent to his purpose for he was treating of lay men as you â—aue hearde whome he sayth we make careles of God and all godlinesse â—or that we refer the determination of controuersies in religion not â—nto them but vnto Priests only and now let euery one consider how â—his consequence holdeth which enseweth and it is enough sayth he â—f one of these fellowes come diligently and deuoutly to hear masse goe to confesâ—ion once a year to be as religious a man secundum vsum Sarum as could be wiâ—hed and though he were to be tainted and to be taxed with the grossest sinnes â—et Rome by the authority from their vicar generall had at rik to hale them into the â—able of their Saints and so to canonize them as we haue example of Thomas Becket in Henry the thirds tyme whose treasons to the prince were apparent and manifest c. But before I answere in the cause of S. Thomas I will aduise this â—alumniator first that his skoff of a religious man secundum vsum Saâ—um is ridiculous on his side if we compare him to his holy ministers that follow the vse of the tauern at chaering crosse do neither heare masse nor go to confessioÌ„ once in seuen yeares nor meane to amend or â—â—ake satisfaction and then it is a great lye that we require nothing els â—ut going once a year and a far greater that men of the grossest sinnes â—re made Saints among vs and finally nothing els is heer but iests and lyes Secondly I put Sir knight in mynde that talking of lay men S. Thomas example that was a Priest and head of Priests was not to his purpose Thirdly moste grosly and ignorantly he erreth in the tymes for that S. Thomas his death and canonization was in King Henry the second and not the thirds as fondly he affirmeth but aboue thirty years before king Henry the third was borne Fourthly that this poore man maketh an vnequal match to fight with Saints and will rest in the end with a broken head And finally that he sayth S. Thomas his treasons to his prince were apparent manifest is a manifest slaunder For there is nothing in all the whole discourse of his controuersie with King Henrie the second that sauoureth of treason or that impugned any one law of the realm then in vre For that the recourse he made to Rome was lawfull at that day as it is now in any other Catholique country The controuersie was only about the liberty of the English Church which the king sought to abridge and the other as primate to defend Nor did the king or his officers chardge him with treasons nor could they by any shew of Iustice. For if in euery contention or dissention that a spiritual subiect or Ecclesiastical Prelate may haue with his temporall prince the subiect shalbe condemned of treason according to this seruile censure of Protestantes that to flatter princes make them absolute lordes both of body and sowl then Iohn Baptist also must be accompted a traytour that dealt so peremptorily with his king Herod that was his liege Lorde in temporal affayres Or if you will haue examples of Christian princes S. Ambrose must be a traytor first for resisting openly his Lord and king Valentinian the yonger then for handling so hardly the elder Theodosius Emperour in Millan as he shut him out of the church and made him goe home agayne with shame and do penance S. Hilarius also S Athanasius shalbe traitors for their contentions with Constantius their lawull Emperour and temporall Lord who bâ—nished them from their Bishoprikes And the former of the two wrote two vehement bookes inuectiues agaynst the sayd Emperour and yet no man euer accompted him a traytor for the same but rather a
England during the raigne of fourtie yeares notwithstanding â—ll the pressures vexations dishonours rapines slaughters impriâ—onments and deaths which they haue suffered in this space at the hands of Protestantes Puritans and Atheists for their religion VVhich afflictions layd together haue byn more then euer subiecteâ— since England was a monarchie suffered at home in this kynde Now then mark that which followeth If we looke one our own chronicles we shall scars finde any one Princes raigne though oâ— far fewer yeares then this euen when the people were all of one reliâ—gion and none of these afflictions and pressures layd vpon them buâ— that many more commotions troobles and rebellions happened then in this long tyme and among so infinite exasperations haue insued And if we looke vpon the short raignes of king Edward Queen Mary and the parte of king Henryes tyme after alteration in religion there is no comparison And whence cometh all this trowâ— you but of the singuler vertue and vnspeakeable patience of the Catholique subiectes of our tyme vnder her Maiestie that haue liued and suffered all this with gronning only and secret teares without further breach to defend themselues or reuenge ther iniuries And truly when forayn nations do both see and read the bloody list of lawes made against Catholiques and Catholique religion in England within these forrtie yeares and do heare of the rigorous execution of thesame together with the incredible molestations that therby are layed vpon so great and potent numbers of people that lack noâ—â—corage also to aduenture euen to death it self in fauor of their said religion they rest astonished and do wonder how either the countriâ—â— can remayn voyd of continual tumults or the prince free from infinitâ— dayly perils seing that desperation in such matters is the next dore to all extremities especially the persecution beinge so rigorous and violent so vniuersal and exorbitant as infinite people are interessed and touched therby either inmediatly by themselues or in their children seruantes kinsfolkes or frendes whereupon fynallie they do greatly admire as I haue said the modestie patience and longanimitie of the English Catholiques And so much the more for that the Protestant when he is vnder and disâ—auored hath no patience at all but breaketh out continually to most violent tumultes and rebellions If we do consider the deportement of the protestantes in Queen Maries tyme and how euery moneth almost they had either rebellious or new turbuleÌ„t practises against the state and Queen not being ashamed at length also by publique bookes to make all weomen incapable of royal gouernement a man would think this fellow very shameles not to blush to make this discourse agaynst Catholiques so soon after those broiles of his owne people And yet these differeÌ„ces are to be noted in the cause first that Q. Maryes gouernement dured but â—tle more then foure yeares and this of her Maiestie hath donne fourty â—en were the principal protestantes not touched nor pressed but now â—o Catholiques at all is spared they were restreyned only from brining in of nouelties these are forced to renounce their old religioÌ„ that â—om the first coÌ„uersion of the land they and their fathers haue profesâ—ed and vowed to keep they had few or no forrayn princes of their â—eligion round about to geue them courage or assistâ—nce these haue â—e most and strongest in Christendome and yet are quiet and this for England But if we passe our eye beyonde this litle Iland also and consider â—hat reuel these frends of Sir Francis though not of Saynt Francis â—aue made in other countries since the beginning of their innouaâ—ions to witt in Germanie France Flandres Poland Swethland Demnarke and Scotland agaynst their true and lawful princes what â—rmies campes battayles and insurrections what desolation of counâ—ries cities townes and linages they haue caused and what slaughter â—nd hauok of Christian blood they haue procured more impudent and â—idiculous will this clamor and exaggeratioÌ„ of our crowching knight â—eem to be about two earles only that vpon feare of force gathered â—heir seruants neighbours and tenants together and presently fled â—nd of two or three other gentlemen wherof the one was put to death â—or hauing a description of certaynes portes and hauens only found in â—is chamber and for that he had some intelligence with the Queene of Scottes and with Don Bernardin de Mendoza Embassador for the King of Spayne resident in England though nothings els could be â—roued against him the other went beyond the feas for that he could â—ot lyue with his conscience at home and neuer hurted them since And of two earles more committed the one vpon suspition and nothing proued against him that was known before his piteous death which God only knoweth how he came vnto the other for flying first for his conscience out of the realme he beeing taken on the sea and brought back again and after diuers yeares of imprisonment without any further matter layd to his charge was after condemned principally if not onely for a Masse heard or caused to be said in the tower of LoÌ„don which was such a treason as all his noble ancestors would haue byn glad to haue ben coÌ„deÌ„ned for his posteritie may glori that he was for that neuer Earle in England synce it was Christian was euer brought to the bar for such and so glorious and so holy a treason And to conclude all these accusations in deed layd together against English Catholiques are but very tryfles and triuial things that dayly happen in moste quiet peaceable commonwealthes where no man is afflicted by the state at all But that infinite greater and more haynous stirres and breaches haue not bin raysed within the space of fourtie yeares where so deadly differences in religion and so continual persecution against so great a body haue bin in vre this I say as I sayd before that to men of iudgement and indifferencie and of experience in gouernment is a maruelous wonder and a moste famous canonization of the patience magnanimitie and fidelity of English Catholiques and her Maiestie and the realme are happy that they haue such subiects And if they will not beleue me let them but turn the leaf a litle against protestants puritans and other new sectaries and restrain them from their desires and pinch them with persecution but a quarter of that they haue donn to Catholiques and they shall se and feele by experience which kynde of people is more apte to obey or to woork turmoiles and perils to their weal-publique and gouernours And therby also will appear the vanitie and malice of this impertinent and spitefull slanderer who endeth his inuectiue with these woords There is no end saith he with this people their practises are pestilent their perswasions perilous their platforms traiterous and to serue their turn they want not cunning to execute all so violent they are in their vilanies and treasons and so shameles
his dignitie Bishopâ—ke held in the tower all the tyme of that gouernmeÌ„t wherin the â—uke ruled all but yet the duke being condeÌ„ned to death knowing â—e gentle nature of the Bishop that he was nothing vindicatiue he â—esolued to rely vpoÌ„ him of all other men so made petitioÌ„ after senâ—ce of death geueÌ„ agaynst him that he might speake only with the Biâ—hop before his death as well about matters concerning his soule â—nd conscience as also for disposing of his other affaires VVhich peâ—tion being graunted though somewhat hardly by the Queen and â—ouncel for that it had byn hindred by the Dukes aduersaries that â—new and feared in this case the Bishops tendernes of hart at last he â—as sent to the tower in the company of an other Councelor to be â—resent at their talke who afterward recounted and I haue heard it â—om his own mouth the hartie teares that the said Bishop shed at â—e sight and conference with the Duke who after much speech said â—o the Bishop towards the end with great affliction of mynd My â—ood lord B. And is there no hope at all for me to liue and to do â—ome pennance in the rest of my dayes for my sinnes past alas let me â—ue a litle longer though it were but in a mous-hole To which the Bishop answered o my lord I would God that any thing could haue â—ontented your grace but a kingdom when you were at libertie and â—n prosperitier and now also I would it lay in my power to geue you â—his mous-hole for I would allow you the best pallace I haue in the world to be your mous-hole and I do offer to do for you what I can â—oâ—sibly But yet for that your offence is great sentence is past aâ—aynst you and your aduersaries are many it shalbe best for you to prouyde for the woorst and especialie that you stand well with God in matters of conscience and religion for to speake playnlie it is mosâ— lykely that you must dye To that the Duke answered that he would dispose him self and desired he might haue a learned preest sent him for his confession and spiritual coÌ„fort And as for religion sayd he you know my Lord B. that I can be of no other but of yours which is the Catholique for â— neuer was of any other in deed nor euer so foolish as to beleeue any of that which we haue set vp in King Edwardes dayes but only to vse the same to my owne purpose of ambition for which God forgeue me and so I meane to testifie publiquely at my death for it is the truth so he did and his coÌ„fession was put forth in print as the world knoweth and at this day much of it extant in Stowes chronicleâ— B. Gardener went away with an afflicted hart for the Duke shed many a teare for him on the way as he returned and presently went to the Queen and intreated so earnestly for him as he had haâ— gayned her consent for his lyf which so much terrified the Dukes aduersaries as presently they got the Emperour Charles that was iâ— Flanders to wryte to the Queen a verie resolute and ernest letter that it was not safe for her nor the state to pardon his lyf and with that he was executed All which story I haue byn inforced to repeate a litle the more larger therby to check the malignant speech of this our sicophanâ— knight against so worthie a man whome he will needes make â— bloody and cruel monster and to haue sought malitiously the death of her Maiestie when she was Lady Elizabeth VVhich was so faâ— of from his condition and nature espetially she being at that tyme an obiect rather of loue and compassion then of enuy and hatred aâ— I dare say he doth him apparent and wilful wrong Yet it may be that he hath heard somewhat about the discouery of a certaynâ— bracelet imputed to the Chancelor in examination of Sir Thomas Wiattes affayres and his complices In which bracelet it was said that all the secretie of that conspiracie lay hidden and that the Chancelor did pearse the matter further then others which may be alsâ— true that point belonging then to his office and obligation but that he euer vsed or vrged the knowledge gotten therof to the ladies peril this Hastinges neither in hast nor by leasure will euer be able to proue And so much of this poynt touching her Maiesties person Let vs examine the rest that he writeth of B. Gardener some â— the woords were repeated before but heer they are necessary againâ—â— by reason of the commixion with that which followeth The recusants sayth he cannot professe more loyalty and loue to the Queen that now is then did Gardener to her father and brother writing a booke de vera obedientia c. But when these two noble princes were dead and Queen Marie in the kingdom then he did tear of his glorious vizard for he and his compliâ—ces neuer rested vntil they had brought in the Spanyard aud matched him with Queen Marie by which they betrayed God her and the whole realme It seemeth that this poore seely man is either very ignorant in matters of our own realm or very badly bent to tel manifest vntruthes For who knoweth not that albeit Bishop Gardener at the beginning of king Henryes defection from the church of Rome being born away with the stream of the tyme and with some feare of the kings violent proceeding and not very full instructed perhaps in that controuersie of the Supremacie for that it was at the very first entrance to his Bishoprik after the fall of Cardinal VVolsey shaken also with the frailty of humane infirmity he shronk with S. Peter and stepped somwhat asyde in that booke of his de vera obedientia c. But yet how soon he did recall himself agayn and condemned his owne doing therin and how much also he preuailed in secret with the king himself in that poynt of doctrine you shall hear afterward by his own testimony And as for king Edwards raigne it is a flat fable and fiction which our knight telleth vs of Bishop Gardeners following the sway also of that time for it is well knowen that he being one of the cheifest among those sixteen counsellors that were apoynted by king Henries testament and earnest charge of mouth at his last hower to gouern his sonne and realme during the minoritie of the yong king with expresse commaundement also of the dead king that neither protector should be chosen nor yet any poynt of Luthers Zwinglius or Caluins religion brought in Bishop Gardener as a faithful counsellor striued what he could at the very first entrance to haue both these orders of king Henry obserued But ambitioÌ„ ouerbearing all first a Protector within 40. howers after the kings death and then soone after an innouation also of religion was thrust vpon the realme by violence of some that packed
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
Prefect after dinner and their exhorting him to the enterpryse with making him many offers temporal and assuring him for his soule that if he died in the enterpryse he should go to heauen presently both in body and soule and many other such circumstances set dowâ—e in the printed narration all I say are shewed manifestly to be false and forged vpon examination and attestation of catholique magistrates of the places aforenamed and of the persons themselues mentioned in the fable and among other poyntes it is proued by many witnesses that the Prouincial of the Iesuites in the rogation weeke which they do name was in Bruxeles to wit aboue threscore myles of and had departed from Doway in the moneth of Ianuarie before and of Peter Panne also it is proued that he was not in Doway at that tyme nor could be for that he was working in his maysters shop at Ypers So as by these and many other most euident demonstrations there to be seen it is made cleer that this is but an heretical fiction to defame Iesuites for their zeal in Gods true religion in which respect as they are more dear to almighty God so ought they to be also to all good men that behold these diuelish deuises of Sathan and his instruments agaynst them But let vs returne to England where Sir Francis beateth also vpon the same nayl as you haue heard at the beginning of this incounter saying that he cannot perceiue the thirst that Persons aud his pew-fellowes haue of seeking her Maiesties blood to be yet quenched but how doth the poore man proue that they haue had that thirst no way how doth he proue that it is not yet quenched for that he perceiueth it not nor yet how it may be the causes still remayning why they sought it before o sillie disputer how he flieth still from the point he should proue I requier that he should proue that Iesuites haue sought the Queenes Maiesties blood and he giueth a reason why they haue not left to seek it and what is this reason for that the same causes of seeking it do remayn stil that were before What are these causes he nameth them not but it seemeth they can be no other then the difference of religion and the persecution made vpon them for the same VVel then all the substance of this argument is brought to this issue that for so much as Sir Faancis old head cannot perceiue how Iesuites persecuted for religion by the Queen can loue her or pray for her or cease to hate her and not seek her blood therfore it is so and must be thought so But to this argument answereth Saint Paule when he saith animalis homo non percipit ea quae spiritus Dei sunt a fleshly and sensual man perceyueth not the thinges that are of Gods spirit such for example as are the louing of a mannes enemies praying for them and rendring good for euil which yet spiritual men such as Iesuites are taken to be may perhaps both perceyue and practise and so I perswade myself they do and I haue heard in particular by such as come from English Seminaries beyond the seas where Iesuites and especially father persons here accused hath a hand that there is a custome and precept not only for all in general to remember her Maiestie in their ordinarie praiers but also in the particular deuotions assigned to euerie particuler person at the beginning of euerie moneth The Queen of England hath her particuler place of recommendation among other princes and before them also in the number of them that are assigned to pray for her so as this practise of praying for persecutors so much praysed by Christ though it enter not into Sir Francis worldly spirit and fleshly vnderstanding yet may it and doth it as it seemeth into Iesuites And this might serue now as well for defence of all Iesuites in general as of father Persons in particuler seeing no seueral matter is layd agaynst either of them but yet I may not let passe by law of common frendship to adde some few lynes also in the fathers case by name seing that by name he is accused of so odious a cryme as is to haue a thirst of shedding the blood of our Soueraigne lady and Queen About which accusation I would aske this accuser how this appeareth and how it cometh to passe that in so many yeares so many others hauing byn suspected some apprehended other indicted condemned and executed for imputation of lyke heynous crymes none euer that is knowen accused father Persons by name to haue induced or perswaded them to the lyke enterpryse though if they had it had byn no condemnation but much lesse probabilitie when not so much as an accusation is extant Let the examinations and arraynementes of Parry Sauage Ballard Babington with all his fellowes that were condemned with him Polewheel also Daniel Hesket and such others be vewed ouer and see whether any of them do accuse father Persons to haue byn partaker oâ— priuie to their councels actions or attemptes in this behalf let the recordes be sought out of all the preestes declarations that haue byn put to death within these twentie yeares which are more then a hundreth and consider whether any haue confessed fathers Personâ— euer to haue proposed any such matter vnto them and yet the most part of them were acquaynted with him many also sent into England by his direction and if he had felt such a deadly thirst of blood and of her Maiesties blood as this accuser sayth the readiest way for quenching therof had byn to persuade some of these men that come of purpose to aduenture their lyues for religion and feare not the leesing of any thing in this world to haue taken the enterpryse vpon them for the common good and for setting the vse of their religion at libertie ther by But there is no such matter and these are but fictions and deuyses of enemies to make men odious no preest hitherto nor Iesuite that I haue hearde of hath euer confessed of himself or others of that vocation any such attempt or meaning at all It seemeth they are gouerned by an other spirit and rule to wit by that of holy Dauid who made this vow touching his enemie and persecutor Saul Viuit Dominus quia nisi Dominus percusserit eum aut dies eius venerit vt moriatur aut in praelium descendens perierit propitius sit mihi Dominus ne extendam manum meam in Christum Domini As the Lord liueth sayth he except God stryk him or that his day come of natural death or that he going into the field to fight do perish there God be merciful vnto me that I lay not my handes vpon his anoynted So then father Parsons protesteth as I am credibly informed that he was neuer consenting witting willing inducing yeelding nor priuie to any such personal attempt against her Maiestie in his life Moreouer he
haue wrought or do woorke ergo c. Anthichrist shall raigne but three yeares and a half when he commeth as is gathered by ancient wryters out of the Prophet Daniel chapter 7. and 12. and out of the 12. chapter of the Apocalips where it is sayd that he shall reigne a tyme tymes half a tyme for so S. Iohn himself interpreteth the matter c. 11. 13. saying it shalbe for 42. monethes which make iust three yeares a half but the Popes of Rome haue raigned for more ages then these are yeares and consequently cannot be Antichrist Beside this the Scripture teacheth vs plainly that before Antechrist come Henoch and Helias shall returne againe to oppose themselues against him and in the end shall conuert the Iewes Malach. 4. Ecclesi 48. Math. 17. Apoc. 11. but we see not yet this poynt fulfilled to proue the Pope to be Antechriste ergo c. Lastly for I will be no longer in this matter streight after the end of Antechristes kingdome which shall endure but three years and a half as before hath bin shewed shal ensew the day of iudgment and consummation of the world as the Prophet Daniel foretelleth cap. 7. and Saint Iohn in the Apoc. cap. 20. and the same is gathered out of Christes own wordes also Math. 24. and the foresaid Prophet Daniel speaking againe of this matter in the 12. chapter saith that the kingdome of Antechriste shall endure a thowsand two hundreth and ninetie dayes which maketh the former number of three years and a half And then he addeth these woordes happy is he that expecteth and ariueth vnto a thowsand three hundreth and thirtie and fiue dayes which is fourtie and fiue dayes after the death of Antechriste for that then Christe coÌ„ming to iudgmeÌ„t shall bring the crownes of iustice for those that are victors c. And seeing that the Popes of Rome haue endured now so long yet the end of world hath not ensued it is manifest as wel by this reason as by all the other before alleaged that these Popes cannot be properly Antechriste as our new malignant raylers do affirm But it may be some wil say seeing the absurditie of the former false position that the Pope of Rome is not properly that Antechriste which is foretold by the scriptures but only a forerunner of his and such as disposeth the way to his comming at the end of the world in which sense Saint Iohn hauing sayd Children this is the last houre and as you haue heard Antechriste commeth or is to come for so the greek verb signifieth plainly being of the present tense and not of the time past where the latin is doubtful and may be taken both wayes Saint Iohn I say hauing foretold in his epistle that Antechrist was to come in this last houre or age of the world after the appearing of the true Christe he addeth immediatly these wordes And euen now many Antechristes are made and therby we know that this is the last houre c. VVhich is as if he had sayd that forasmuch as we do see many become Antechristes that is to say do become opposite to Christe both in spirit and operatioÌ„ and doo begin to worke the misterie of iniqâ—itie as Saint paule calleth it agaynst true Antechristes comming heerby we know that this is the laste age from Christe to Antechriste and so to the worldes end which immediatly is to ensew after Antechristes ariual If I say our knight and his compagnions will confesse this that the Pope of Rome is not that proper Antechriste foretold heer by Saint Iohn to come in the end of the world but only that he is one of those other forerunning Antechristes already made and appearing in S. Iohns dayes to prepare the way which yet no heretique nor Sir Francis himself though neuer so shameles will daâ—e to auow of the Bishops of Rome of the primitiue churche when Saint Iohn wrote those wordes that they were Antechristes they being known to be Saintes and holy martirs for some ages together if this I say be graunted then it followeth that all these mennes ianglings in bookes and pulpits against the Popes of Rome to proue them Antechristes faleth to the ground and is made ridiculous for that in this sense all euil men whatsoeuer may be called Antechristes that is contrarie to Christe who do woorke iniquitie and cooperate to the kingdome of sinne which Christe came to ouerthrow and so all Turkes Moores Tyrants Persecutors and other wicked people are Antechristes in this sense as forerunners of true Antechriste and contrarie to Christe neither is there any thing peculier to the Popes of Rome though we should confesse them to be neuer so wicked in life but the very truthe is that principally and aboue others in this sense the name of Antechriste is proper to heretiques and sectaries who vnder the name of Christe do impugne Christe and leauing the common receiued vnion of fayth do finde out contrarie pathes by themselues And against such men did Saint Iohn especially speake those wordes that many Antechristes were already made to wit the Ebionites Cerâ—â—thians and Nicholaites then newly sprong vp And for this cause also doth he say Antichristi facti sunt they are made Antichristes and not borne so for that by their owne malice they made themselues such in departing from vnion And now whether Popes or the Protestants do participate more of this qualitie of heretical Antichriste by breaking vnion in faith and religion from the whole bodie of Christendome I leaue to the discreet reader to ponder And thus much may serue about calling the Pope Antichriste As for Rome whether it be Babilon or no litle importeth it to the matter we haue in hand so we agree in the sense for not only Saint Iohn in his Apocalips but Saint Peeter also in his epistle doth call Rome Babilon and we deny it not for it was in respect of the great confusion of iniquitie Idolatrie and persecution that the infidel Emperours vsed and were to vse against Gods Saints But that either Saint Iohn or Saint Peeter did call is Babilon in respect of the Christians that were in it at that tyme I think Sir Francis himself will blush to say and consequently the name of Babilon giuen to Rome when it was impious and pagan aperteineth nothing to Rome now after it is Christian nor hath this fond obiection need of any further answere For the rest of the rayling and contumelious speach wherby the Pope is termed the proud Priest Archeprelat of Rome touching the words Priest and Prelat they are names of his dignitie as they were in Christe and the Apostles themselues who were both Priests and Prelates Arche-prelates also in that they were more principal then others As for prowd that dependeth of the Popes inward disposition which our knight ought to haue knowen in all law of good christianitie how it standeth
decreed with himself that neither she nor any of that cursed nation so he termed it and yet the Popes holines had absolued it should gouern England any more But blessed be God who hath blessed vs with the lyfe and raigne of our blessed Queen who I trust shall liue to geue him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation iustly so to be called because the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them shall euer see the day to rule in England And thus you see that vnder the colour of this mariage saluation of soules seemed to be sought for but in deed destruction both of our bodies and soules was pursued c. for without regard of sex age or degree all were destined to slauerie and bondage at the least howsoeuer they escaped with lyfe This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis for what can be more sottish then to say that your wyse author before named discouereth vpon his owne knowledge and hearing that the kinges intention was to roote out the nobilitie to oppresse the commonaltie to slea or send to Barbarie for slaues all that were born within twentie yeares before If your author knew this of his owne knowledge how say you also by hearing and if he heard it of others how could he know it of his owne knowledge But whatsoeuer you say how could he in Spayne discouer so great a secret that lay in the kinges brest in England Besydes this how incredible are the thinges in themselues that he recounteth namely that dreame or old wyues tale of making all slaues within twenty yeares old of which number and within which age he had taken diuers already into his seâ—uice in England and vsed singular curtesie vnto them and one of his Grandes in Spayne to wit the Count after Duke of Feria had maried an English ladie that as I ghesse was within the compasse of that age or not much aâ—boue it at that day and should all these haue byn sent think you to Barbarie together Impudencie then it is in this fond knight to alleage such improbable and palpable lyes out of an author without name and much more lack of shame is it to auouch them himself for truthes and to adde other fables that are yet more monstrous as of the kinges destining to slauerie bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twentie yeares but of all other English also as this man sayth without regard of sex age or degree and that he vsed to call our nation cursed euen then when the Popes holines had absolued it who will geue eare or credit to such absurd inuentions And further to fill vp sayth he the full measure of his impietie he had layd his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen wheras all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to haue byn at that day her cheefest stay and defence as before I haue shewed at large in the third incounter as also that verie litle plotting of the kinges behalf would haue serued at that tyme to haue wrought his will if he had wished her destruction for the manifold reasons that there I haue alleaged he fynding her in disgrace and in prison at VVoodstock when he came into England and hardly pressed about wyats insurrection from the peril wherof and other lyke assaultes he espetially deluiered her and procured her return to the courte agayne and consequently I sayd there and heer I repeat it agayne that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this vnciuil knight to pay the carefull protection of her person which his Maiestie yealded to her grace in those dayes of her distresse with these intolerable slanders and outragious false criminations now and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authoritie to passe to the print espetially conteyning diuers other personal reprochefull contempteous and villanous calumniations agaynst so great and potent a prince as the king catholique of Spayne is And namely that where this good fellow hauing told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captayne refusing the poysoning of his enemie Pirrhus that was offered to him for money by his physitian he sent the sayd physitian bound to Pirrhus himself and then he addeth this illation But the king of Spain delt not so with the Queen our mistris when her poysonable portugall phisitian Lopus would haue poysoned her for from such hopes he taketh hart c. By which wordes he would haue men to imagin that his catholique Maiestie had either hired Lopus to do that fact if any such matter was indeed intended or at least that he was priuie consenting to it for how otherwise could he haue warned the Q. of the danger intended and yet it is manifest that no such matter was euer or could probably be knoweÌ„ to the king of Spain Neither did euer Lopus giue any such signification or suspition at his death or before of the king of Spaines priuitie nor was he a man to haue correspondence in Spayn being knowen to be a Iew in religion fled from those parts and was enimy to the king in all respects as wel touching religion as the afaires of Portugal and onely England is the receptacle of such people at this day nor had his catholique Maiestie any Embassador or other agent or correspondence in England to plot such treaties nor euer was it heard that he would hearken to such base wayes of reuenge vpon his enimyes And therefore all this put together doth make it more then Turkish impietie to put in print such infamous stuffe agaynst the Maiestie of so high a prince by name without any proof at all as though there were no God no conscience no iudgement to make account vnto nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authoritie which yet our dreaming knight himself alitle before will needes proue out of Sâ— Peeter and S. Paul to be due to such princes as he liketh to assigne it euen in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soule and consequently also to an other tribunal so vnconstant and mutable are these good fellowes not only in their sayinges and doctrines but also in their actions as led wholy by passion and interest and referring all to times persons and occasions seruing their turnes and commodities And thus much haue I thought conuenient to be answered to the malitious calumniations of this slaÌ„derous wach-word-giuer against the noble and renowned nation of Spanyardes and their most Catholique pious wise and potent king whose excellent vertues are greater then by my pen can be expressed and his loue and fauors to our nation such and so many especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholiques as no gratitude of ours can equal nor make due recompence in the state we stand in and therefore must leaue it
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the