King Richard entred the field with great pomp both in brauery and traine he had in his company the Earle of S. Paule who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any sudden or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was verie curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde shoulde touch any parte of the listes vpon paine of death This proclamation beeing eâ—ded another herrald cryed Behold her Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes royall to doe this deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was houering on horsebacke at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson veluet embroadered â—itchly with lions of siluer and mulberie trees and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was iust and true he entred the fielde boldly crying aloud God aide him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet curtained aboute with red and white damaske and placed at the other ende of the listes The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare he caried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the trauerses and chaires of the combatants should be remoued commaunding them in the Kings name to mount on horsebacke and adresse themselues to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beauiers and cast their speares into the restes Then the trumpetes sounded and the Duke of Hereforde set forth towards his enimy about fixe or seauen paces but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde the King cast downe his warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them and commaunded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained aboue two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fittest to be done At last the Herralds cryed silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the lists royall and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions being not onely ready but forward and desirous to darrein the battel but because this was a matter of great consequence import the King with the aduise of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Hâ—nrie Duke of Hereford because he had displeased the King and for diuers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the terme often yeeres without the Kings especiall licence vpon paine of death When this iudgement was heard a confused noyse was raysed among the people some lamenting eyther the deserte or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde whom they exceedingly fauoured others laughing at the conceite of the King first in causing and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare gaue the signe of battell set his men in aray marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice suddenly commanded them all together cockles Then the Herralds cryed againe ô yes and the secretarie did reade on how the King had likewise otdayned that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke because he had sowen sedition by words whereof he could make no proofe should auoide the realme of England and neuer returne againe vpon paine of death and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes vntill he had receiued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp for wages of the garison of Calice which was still vnpaide and that the King prohibited vpon paine of his grieuous displeasure that any man should make suite or entreatie to him on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes These sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oth that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to reuenge But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose for oathes are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or â—euenge and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded theâ— seperate are powers was not altogether to bee conâ—â—â—ed Therefore the later plinâ—â—â— of this Realme haue with more 〈◊〉 wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and 〈◊〉 and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great offenders from entring into desperite and daungerous attempts which men in 〈◊〉 and disgrace haue more vehemencie to begin and more 〈◊〉 to continue When the 〈◊〉 had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streigâ— that they left them neither space to fight nor way to flie but without force enforced them to yeelde they sent to Hreâ—â—â—us Pontius an aged ruler of their state for his aduise what were best for them to doe his answere was that the Romaines should be permitted to depart without any 〈◊〉 losse orscorne This pleased not such as 〈◊〉 â—â—â—her couetous for spoyâ—e 〈…〉 for blood â— and therefore they sent vnto him the second time who then returned answere that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde and not one man suffered to escape The contrarietie of these two counsailes brought the olde man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which hee thought best would by vnexspected fauour prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followes Yes said the Samnites to graunt them their liues yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them This is the way answered Herenâ—ius which neither winneth friends nor weakeneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against vs nothing diminish the force And euen so in matters of more particularity than
to relent they decreased euery daye more and more both in power and in hope King Henrie the next morning after hee was come to the Tower sent to the Maior of the Citie to put Souldiours in armes for his resistance who presentlye presented vnto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent vpon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thanks and soone after he issued out of London with twentie thousand tall men and came to Hounslowe Heath abiding there and as it were daâ—ing his enemyes to ioyne issue in the field contemning theyr disorderlye multitude as a vayne terrour of names without forces But the confederates eyther for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of theyr owne or else lingring perhappes after some succour out of Fraunce refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting vp the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented vnto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richardes wife did then abyde to whom vppon the plaine trueth before declared fame had falslye descanted that King Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henrie for feare of him was fledde with his children and friendes to the Tower of London All which was as lightlye beleeued as it was vainlye toulde wherevppon shee defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his seruants that attended vppon her and hauing in some sorte satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight she and the Lordes departed together first to Wallingforde and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the waye to take armour and to rise in ayde of king Richard who was saide they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lordes tooke theyr lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie in one Inne the Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the towne suspecting all this countenance to be but the vaine flashe of a false fire did in the night with about foure score Archers beset and set vpon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie laye who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put vpon necessitie shewed great manhood and persistance in defending themselues against the townsmen The Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates wherevpon a certaine Priest of their companye set diuers houses in the towne on fire supposing thereby to diuert the townsmen from theyr assault to the sauing of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their furie and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would neuer labour to rescue their losses but to reuenge them and that with the bloud of the Lordes those flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an vproare and in armes shooting fiercelie and running vpon the Lords with a rashe and desperate rage not caring to loose many wherof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exceter and they that were with him perceiued the force of the assaylants daungerouslie to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to susteine the furie of so many so obstinately bent they fledde out of the backe side towards the campe intending to bring the whole army to the rescue but the soldiers hauing heard a tumuâ—â— and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puisance whereupon being strooke with a sodaine and false feare and wanting a commaunder of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselues without measure and so whilest euery man endeuoured to saue himselfe all were brought to theyr confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury the Lords Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselues against the townsemen as they coulde who manfully maintained the fight with great bloudshed of theyr enemies from midnight vntill three of the clocke the next day in the after noone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wounded to death and taken and the same euening theyr heades were stricken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Bâ—â—nard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and 28. other Lordes Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exceter when he found the army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but moste especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this vnhappy tumult many times he did attempt to haue escaped by sea into Fraunce but he was alwayes driuen backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee sat at supper in a certaine friendes house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conâ—ecture that the death of the Duke of Glocester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryuance chiefly in the same place had been apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their actions eyther by their pleasure or by their power that reuenge of iniurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth neuer faile but commeth surely although perhappes slowly This duke was a man of high parentage of a franke minde and wealth answerable thereunto openly praiseâ— worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of he was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towardes Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalenâ— the counterfeite of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartred with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chapleines Diuerse other Lordes and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatible nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in reuenging his owne iniury or rather maintaining the iniury he had done the heads of the chiefe conspiratours were pitched vpon poles and set ouer London Bridge in all other partes of the realme a spectacle both lamentable and
haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
course of punishment is out of course which doth neither reclaime the mind of men nor restraine the might from mischieuous endeuors But againe to our purpose The Duke of Norfolke hauing now got a fall where he thought to take his rest repented his enterprise and vtterly condemned his light conceite of the Kings lightnesse and so with extreame griefe and anguish of minde he departed out of the Realme into Almaine and from thence trauelled to Venice where through violence of thought and discontentment in short time he ended his dayes This sentence of banishment was giuen against him the same day of the yeere wherein the Duke of Gloucester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice The Duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the King at Eltham who there stroke away foure yeres of his banishment euen offred himselfe to be sawned vpon thanked for so odious a benefit And this infoâ—inate aduenture he neither bate put â—aingloriusly not yet tooke impatieÌ„tly but in the midst of his misery retained still his reputation and honour shewing no signe of sorow or submines in his countenance nor letting fall any intemperate and vnseemely word The people as he departed by heapâ— flocked about him some to see and some to salute him lamenting his departure in such sort as though their onely light and delight did then forsake them not sparing to exclaime that it was against the law of armes against the custome of the Realme and against all right whatsoeuer that he should exiled who had done his honourable endeuour for the maintenance of his appeale This affection was the more exceâ—â—â—e for that the duke was driuen into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hateful persons in all Realme being the onely noble man then aliue of the popular faction the loue was wholly accumulated vpon him which was before deuided among the rest And thus the Duke leauing England tooke shipping and passed the Seat to Galice from thence went into Fraunce where hee was honourably entertained by Charles the French King and found such fauour that hee should haue taken to wife the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie vnckle to the King of Fraunce but King Richardâ— fearing the sequel if the fauor which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme should be strengthned with so great affinitie in Fraunce cast such stops in the way that the marriage did not proceede This yeare the Lawrell trees withered almost throughout the Realme and afterwardes against all expectation recouered life flourished againe The same yeare in Christmasse holy-daies a deepe ryuer which rumneth betweene Snedlistorie and Hareswood neere to Bedford suddainely stayed the streame so that for three miles in length the channell was left drie and no course of water did hinder passage on foot This was afterwards interpreted too presage the reuolt of the people the deuision which happened the yeare following to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies either forged in that fabulous age or happening commonly and of course are then onely noted when any notable accident doth ensue When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beame she had no sooner set foote within this land but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not bene seene many yeares before whereby diuers ships within the hauen were quashed to peeces but especially and first of all the ship wherin the Queene was casried this was the rather obserued because such stiffe â—â—ormes were likewise stirring when the King brought his second wife out of France wherin many ships perished and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost At New castle vpon Tine as two shipwrites were squaring a piece of Timber whersoeuer they hewed bloud issued forth in great aboundance At one of the Kings pâ—llaces flies swarmed so thicke that they obscured the ayre these fought together most fiercely so that sackfuls lay â—eau vpon the ground and this continued so long that scarce the third part of them as it was thought remained aliue many like accidents are recorded of that time but I wil maintaine neither the truth of them nor what they did portend being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious then not credulous and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous when any strange euent doth ensue Yet as I am loath to auouch any vaine and trifling matter so dare I not detract all truth froÌ„ things anciently reported although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying many do suppose that those things which are fatally allotted though they neuer be auoided yet sometimes are foreshewen not so much that we may preuent them as that wee shuold prepare ourselues against them In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Iothn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster died and was buried on the north-side of the high alter of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paule in London hee was a man aduised and warie in his passages of life liking better safe courses with reason then happy by chaunce of his owne glory he was neither negligent nor ambitiously careful towards the King hee caried himselfe in tearms honourable inough for a moderat prince and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire whereby there neuer happened to him any extraordinary matter either in preiudice or preferment After his death the Duchy of Lancaster did in right deuolue to the Duke of Hereforde his eldest son but the King as the nature of man is inclinable to hate those whome hee hath harmed seazed all the landes and goodes which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster into his owne handes and determined to perpetuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne reuoking the letters patteÌ„ts which were graunted to him at his departure whereby his generall atturneis were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue liuerie of any inheritance which during his exile might fall vnto him his homage being respited for a reasonable fine The king supposed his estate more safe by the weaknesse and want of the Duke whome he had nowe in some iealousie and doubte but these violent dealinges were meanes rather to prouoake his mischiefes then to preuent them for by iniurious suppressing of the Dukes greatnesse he greatly augmented the same Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings onely vncle which remained aliue had hetherto moued his patience to endure many things against his liking but nowe either in disdaine of this indignity or in distrust both of his owne safety and of the common tranquillity of the realme hee retired himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his son to his house at Langley supposing priuatnes to bee the best defence both from danger and blame where neither the King had iudgement to discerne nor any about him had either hearte or honesty to admonish what was done amisse where an honourable fame was held suspected and a good life more in hazard theÌ„ a bad protesting that none of these practises were either
in death and find the weaknesse and fault of the counsell which you are about to follow Many like speeches were with great vehemeÌ„cy often repeated but the kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as he was vnable to gouerne himselfe in his prosperous estate so was he much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therfore perceiuing himselfe so straitly beset that he could hardly either escape away or shift any longer he desired speech with Tho. Arundel archbish of Cant. L. Hen. Percy earle of Northumb. of whom the one he had banished the other he had proclaimed traitor not long before These two came vnto him the king vpon short coÌ„ference vnderstanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was coÌ„tent not to demand that which he saw he could not obtaine thereupon agreed that he would relinquish his estate vpoÌ„ condition that an honorable liuing might be assigned him life promised to 8. such persons as he would name the greatest number whom aduersity did not alter This was then both readily faithfully promised by the Archbish. and the earle afterward solemnly ratified by the duke The king ceased not to intreat submisly promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare aboue his ability without measure the earle incouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aide secured by his oath the safety of the kings person Then the king desired to talke with the duke which was likewise promised so the archbish the earle departed the king remoued to the castle of Flint about 8. miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the coutenances words of both were noted by them that were present the king seemed abiect base the duke neither iusulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The king repeated many benefits kindnesses that he had shewed how in former time he had spared the dukes owne life lately his sonnes in regard where of he desired him with such submisnes as was agreeable rather with his necessity then his honour that he would shew some pitie where he had receiued such pleasure and permit him to enioy his life with such priuate maintenance as was coÌ„uenient for his estate The duke put hâ—m in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would prouide for his safety for which he suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked thought it not much to haue it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the king was kept safe and sure enough from hindring any of the dukes purposes neither could it so easily haue bene discerned what had beue best for him to do as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the duke and his army to Chester and from thence secretly conueyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe vntill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeal ded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arriuall so that his iournyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristowe so into Wales backe againe to Chesten a man shal not easily trauaile ouer the land in shorter time then he conquered it So frienly was fortune vnto him that hee eyther found or made a readie passage through al hinderances and lets it seemed that he needed onely to open his armes to meete and receiue her as she offered her selfe vnto him All the Kings treasure Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his companie were afterwards also despoyled by the souldiours of Northumberland and Wales Some writers affirme that the King did not yeald himselfe but was forelaied taken as he was secretly passing froÌ„ Flint to Chester but the authoritie of others who liued in that time eyther in the plaine viewe or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but knowe and for their professioÌ„ would not but deliuer the very truth hath drawne me to follow their report which I find also receiued by some late wrighters of as great deapth in iudgement and choice as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine citizens conspired to lay themselues in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for priuate grieuances partly for the cruelty that he had vsed towards the whole citty but the Maior vpon intelligence preuented the practise and rode forth in person with a coÌ„uenient company to conduct him safely vnto the tower Shortly after the duke came to LondoÌ„ in solemn estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parlament to be holden at Westminster the last day of SepteÌ„ber in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred and kind friends coÌ„cerning the order of his proceedings The duke of Yorke who a litle before had bene gouernour of the realm for the king theÌ„ was the chiefest directer of the duke thoght it best that K. Richard should both voluntarily resigne also solemnly be deposed by consent of all the states of the realme for resignation only would be imputed to feare and depriuatiâ—â— to force whereof the one is alwaies pitied and the other enuied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desart being willing to forsake that which he is adiudged worthy to forgo then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his kingdom by meere constraint nor leaueth it without iust cause This aduice pleased the rest and for executing therof vpon the day of S. Michaeil which was the day before the parlament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundell archbish of Canturbury Richard Scroupe archbish of Yorke Iohn bishop of Hereford Henry duke of Lancaster Henry earle of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland L. Hugh Burnell L. Thomas Berkley L. Rose L. Willoughby L. Abergeiny the Abbat of Westminster the Prior of Canterbury Willam Thirminges and Iohn Makeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stâ—ke and Iohn Burbacke Doctours of Law T. Herpingham and T. Gray knights W. Ferby and Dionise Lophane publike Notaries and diuers others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought foorth apparelled in his royall to be the diademe on his head and the scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a chaire of estate Neuer was prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a king but he must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliuer the other After a little pause and expectation the king arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my selfe that
Lordes concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure eyther safe quiet or daungerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolue vppon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things First whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henrie be with good iudgement or iustice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a king being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title may vppon imputation eyther of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subiects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which he should deserue so heauie iudgement I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state or in a consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet he hath not supreme power of Maiestie but in the one the people haue the highest empire in the other the Nobilitie and chiefe men of estate in neyther the Prince Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians who after the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their Kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce who were many times arreigned vppon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power ouer the people then the people had ouer them Of the second condition were the Romaine Emperours at the first of whome some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were sodainlie surprised by iudgement and authoritye of the Senate and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not onely restrayne but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state such are also the Kinges of Denmarke and Sweueland who are many times by the nobilitye deiected eyther into pryson or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power neuer pertayned to his dignitie In these and such like gouernmentes the Prince hath not regall rightes but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdomes of Iudea and Israell and is now in the kingdomes of England Fraunce Spaine Scotland Muscouia Turky Tartaria Persia Aethiopia and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he bee vnprofitable to the subiectes yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person nor hazard his power whether by iudgement or els by force for neyther one nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince from whome all authority is deriued and whose onely presence doeth silence and suspend all inferiour iurisdiction and power As for force what subiecte can attempt or assist or counsaile or violence against hys Prince and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeede from punishment of secular lawes except by worde or deed it breake foorth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince without attempt without endeuour haue beene adiudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince haue afterwardes beene executed for the same All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King it hath bin adiudged to deserue death And least any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety are the onely authors of these iudgementes let vs a little consider the patternes and preceptes of holy Scripture Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slue the King burnt the Temple tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty after the glut of this bloudy butchery the people which remayned he led Captiue into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commaunded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fierye furnace What crueltye what iniustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him and of Baltasar hys Sonne that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen and Ezechtel with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer whose homager and tributary he was What snall we say of Saul did he not put all the Priestes to execution because one of them did relieue holy and harmelesse Dauid did he not violently persecute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite he fell twice into the power of Dauid who did not onely spare but also protect the King and reprooued the pretoâ—an souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine who vpon request and for pitty had lent his hand as he said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israell and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle reuelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other perticuler and priuiledged commaundement but in the generall precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obedience vnto Princes whether they be good or euill the law of God ordaineth that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet Dauid forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord rayle vpon the iudges neither speake euill against the ruler of the people And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers And least
vgly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peeces heads and quarter of vnfortunate dismeÌ„bred wretches putrifâ—ing aboue ground not al for desert but many to satisfy either the mallice or want of King Henrieâ— friends insomuch as many graue men openly gaue forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard again as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to liue where nothing then where any thing might be permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head this confederacy began hearing of these aduentures as he was going betweene his monastery and his mansion fell sodainly into a palsie and hardly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprize fortune gaue policy the check and by a strange accedent which wisdome could not foresee ouerturned the deuise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling a long was like to haue turned king Henry out of his seate The bishop of Caerliel was condemned vpon this treason but the extreamity of his feare and griefe closed vp his daies and preuented the violence and shame of publicke execution And now king Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enioy that sweet security which he did vainely expect and first all his goods which hee did giue in satisfaction of the iniuries that hee had done were brought to deuision and share amongst his enemies shortly after he was remooued from the Tower to the Castle of Leedes in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the ende that by often changing hee might eyther more secretly bee dispatched or more vncertainly found heere being kept in streight prison both innocent ignorant of this offence was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiuing that the Lords so far preuailed with their late strategeme that if their stomacke had bin answerable to their strength their bloud beginning had not ended in faintnes and sloath they might haue driuen him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to be put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloake open rebellion vnder the colour of following sides nor countenance his coÌ„spiracy either with the person or name of K. Richard whether hee did expressely commaund his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gaue allowance thereto when it was doone The most current report at that time went that hee was princely serued euery day at the Table with aboundance of costlie meates according to the order prescribed by Parlament but was not suffered to tast or touche any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and vnnaturall crueltie both against a King and a kinseman should not proceed from King Henrie me thinke a man of a moderate and milde disposition not yet from any other minde which is not altogether both sauage in humanitie and in religion prophane One wrighter who would seeme to haue the perfect intelligence of these affayres maketh report that King Henrie sitting at his table sad and pensiue with a deepe sigh brake foorth into these wordes Haue I no faithfull friend that will deliuer me of him whose life will breed destruction to me and disturbance to the realme and whose death will bee a safetie and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my daunger dooth continue and what securitie what hope shall we haue of peace vnlesse the seede of sedition be vtterly rooted out Vppon this speech a certaine Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently departed from the Court accompanyed with eyght tall men and came to Pomfrete and there commaunded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assaye before King Richard should no more vse that manner of seruice and let him quoth he now eate wel for he shall not eate long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was serued without courtesie or assaye whereat he merueyled and demaunded of the Esquire why he did not his dutie the Esquire answered that he was otherwise commaunded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was latelye come from King Henry The King beeing somewhat mooued at this acte and answere tooke the caruing knife in his hand and strucke the Esquire therewith lightly on the head saying the deuill take Henry of Lancaster and thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the chamber with eight men in harneys euery one hauing a byll in his hand Wherevpon King Richard perceiuing their drift and his owne daunger put the table from him and stepping stoutlye to the formost man wrested the bill out of his hand wherewith although vnarmed and alone he manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew sowre of his assailants Sir Pierce lept to the chaire where king Richard was wonte to sit whilest the rest chased him about the chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was he with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and foorthwith he was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is saide that at the pointe of his death hee gathered some spirit and with a fainte and feeble voyce groaned foorth these wordes My great grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my grandfather king Edward the third obteyned possession of the crowne and now is the punishment of that inâ—â—trie powred vpon his next successour Well this is right for mee to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may ioye at my death and enioye his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like iustice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our mindes will not suffer this violence vnreuenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the iudgement of his foresight they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great fauour and rewards for his vngracious seruice was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which he hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices euen where they are profitable Heerevpon hee grew at the first discontented and afterwardes mightely turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclaime that to pleasure one vnthankefull person he had made both himselfe and his posteritie hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henrie with great discontentment and disquiet held the kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henrie the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the Frenchmen the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put to death eyther
by the commaundement or conâ—iuence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many 〈…〉 suspicions of poisonâ— and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester who beeing a tyrant and vsurper was lawfully slaine in the field and so in his person hauing no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent dealers that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie as reuenge our iniuries and harmes and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment and many times by waye of retaliation euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was King Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all wrighters agree although all agree not vppon the manner of the violence Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie and grace and comlinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abiect spirit but the one by ease the other by flatterie were much abased He deserued many friends but found fewe because hee sought them more by liberalitye then vertuous dealing He 〈◊〉 merueilous 〈◊〉 in all his actions which may verye well bee 〈◊〉 to his negligence and sloath for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will loose whatsoeuer fortune or other mens 〈…〉 hee was driuen is such distresse that 〈…〉 it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie for which other men will not sticke to put theyr goods and liues and soules in hazarde Hee liued three and thirtie yeares and reigned two and twentie His dead body was embaulmed and 〈…〉 couered with Lead all saue his face and carryed 〈…〉 and in all the chiefe places by the waye his face was 〈…〉 that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paulâ— the King beeing present and all the chiefe 〈…〉 Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking ham shire about 〈…〉 myle from London and there obscurely 〈◊〉 by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noble men without coâ—â—â—uence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the 〈…〉 but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken vp and remooued to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters with Queene Anne his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet could not readily finde rest for his bones euen after death It was not amisse in regard of the common wealth that he was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had 〈◊〉 him prisoner and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her dayeâ— this yeere also dyed Thomas Moâ—bray the exiled duke of Norfolke whose death would much haue been lamented if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he ouerliued his honour saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this 〈…〉 Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons Iohn Richard Arthur this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not stayrred his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing he did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten eyther his fame or his fall but by moderation attayned safely that degree of praise and honour which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behinde him two noble sonnes expresse resemblencers of his integritie Edward who succeeded in his dignitie and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantlye kept his fidelitie nor stoutlie maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd by which title and discent his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie as heereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in making preparation to inuade England and to that end had now raysed an armie royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to haue beene transported But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Richard did the more hasten his death vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose gaue ouer the enterprise some being grieued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plentifull a countrie others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabell his daughter who had bin espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours and gaue in answere that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice which should fullye commune and conclude with them both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henrie Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meete sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the Frenchmen especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest Sonne a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres but the French King denyed that
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
the king with regard of the dangerous and discontend times the duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and aduise partly by their inclination bending to the 〈◊〉 course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and a 〈◊〉 on the other was for that time layed aside The same yere Michael Dâ—lapoole was made Clancellour of England and created earle of Suffolke and Robert Veerâ— earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dubline being the first man within this realme that was eâ—obled with that 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 they grew in honour sordid they 〈◊〉 hate for many noble men did infinitely stomacke their vndeserued aduancements and with these the fauour of the people generally went but the kings intemperate affection was peremptory 〈…〉 not regarding 〈…〉 could not resist it The yeere next following Robert Veere the new Marques was created duke of Ireland This yere the Knights and burgesses of 〈◊〉 put vp many complaints against the Earle of suffolke vpon which they 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 triall namely 〈◊〉 he 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in taking of him to farme all the profits 〈…〉 crowne thow wantonly he wasted the treasure of the land in 〈◊〉 liberalitie and vnnecessary charges how deepe he had diued into the kings debt how carelesse and 〈…〉 in his office how greatly he had 〈◊〉 deceived and 〈◊〉 the king in 〈◊〉 dealing and 〈◊〉 particularly 〈◊〉 with diuers other 〈…〉 dishonor and dishonesty both in priuate actions and in office This 〈◊〉 was a merchants sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden he could not gouerne himselfe in the change but 〈◊〉 lay 〈…〉 of his minde which were suppressed and 〈…〉 rulleâ—â—ng 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 he made 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉 Yet the king was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 and so passed them ouer with a short audience as his maner was in matters of 〈◊〉 weight 〈…〉 with the complaint Afterwards a 〈…〉 but answere was made that this needed not since the kings wants might be furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancellour neither was it to any purpose so long as the 〈…〉 ordered by such 〈◊〉 as before it had beene 〈…〉 was like 〈…〉 the matter against the 〈…〉 and the king perswaded 〈…〉 honourable not safe to beare him out that to priuate men it was sufficient if themselues abstaine from wrong but a prince must prouide that none do wrong vnder him for by mainteining or wincking at the vices of his officers he maketh them his owne and shal surely be charged therewith when first occasion doth serue against him At the last vpon instant importunity of both houses the king did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine noble men giuing them authority to heare and determine all matters which were obiected against the L. Chancellour and then was a Subsidie graunted with exceptiâ—n that the money should be expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the realme The king did further demaund that the heires of Charles Blâ—ys who made claime to the duchy of Britaine should be sold to the French men for thirty thousand marks and the money granted to the duke of Ireland for recouery of those possessions which the king had giuen him in Ireland this was likewise assented vnto vpon condition that before Easter then next ensuing the duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard earle of Arundell Commissioners for the earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas duke of Glocester the kings vncle and the sayd earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the king kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the dissent of his minde or to auoid the griefe which his neerenesse would increase And now was the Chancellour left vnto himselfe to answere to those demeanures wherein he made the kings blinde fauour his priuiledge and protection supposing neuer to see the same either altered or ouer-ruled In the end being conuict of many crimes and abuses he was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the kings Exchequer himselfe was adiudged woorthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the kings pleasure and vnder sureties he was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Fâ—â—rdâ— Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was remoued also from being Lord Treasorer of England he was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Arte of seeming in making the best shewe of whatsoeuer he spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessiuely his ryote auarice and ambition not able to moderate the lustes and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne ouer the King â—â—turned againe to London and did presently receiue the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiaritie then at any time before These Triumuirs did not cease to stirre vp the Kings stomake against those Noble men whose speciall excellencie had made matter of fame and regarde partly for the disgraces which they had receiued partly vpon malicious emulation to see the other so fauoured and themselues so odious and that their priuate choller and ambition might beare some shewe of publike respect they suggested vnto the King that he was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if we respect sayd they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you haue the shewe but they the authority of a Prince vsing your name as a colour and countenance to their proceedings and your person as a cypher to make them great and be your selfe nothing Looke to the dutie of your subiectes and it is at their deuotion so that you can neither commaunde nor demaunde any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your priuate actions your liberalitie the greatest vertue in a prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and fauour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much vnder gouernment of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they haue done the power of a Prince and in this we thinke they may iusty be feared hauing so great might ioyned with so great aspiring mindes For power is neuer safe when it doth exceede ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as he liueth or like the Iuie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe aboue the toppe it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twigge to a tree and high
c. 5 Item how are they to be punished who resisted or letted the King in exercising his royall power by remitting any penalties or debts whatsoeuâ—r 6 Item when a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commaundement declared and commonâ— Articles limited by the King vpon which the Lordes and commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords commons will proceed vpon other Articles and not vpon the Articles limitted by the King vntill the King hath first giuen answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrarie were enioyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to haâ—e the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lordes and commons should first proceede vpon the Articles limitted by the King or that they should first haue answere of the King vpon the Articles propounded by them â—efore they proceede any further 7 Item whether may the King when he pleaseth dissolue the Parliament and commaunde the Lordes and commons to depart or no 8 Item since the King may aâ— his pleasure remoue any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences Whether may the Lordes and commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item what punishment haue they deserued who 〈◊〉 in Parliament that the Statute whereby King Edward Carnaruane was deposed should be brought forth by view whereof the new Statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item whether the iudgement giuen in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and reuocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrelles were drawne by Iohn Blake a Counceller at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the mindes of other made answere as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the prerogatiue of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to be punished by death except it pleaseth the king to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to be punished as traitours To the sixth that whosoeuer resisteth the kings rule in that point deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the seuenth that the king may at his pleasure dissolue the Parliament and whosoeuer shall afterwards proceed against the kings minde as in a Parliament he is worthy to be punished as a traitour To the eighth that they can not and whosoeuer doeth the contrary he deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the ninth that aswell the motioner as also the bringer of the sayd statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as traitours To the tenth they answered that the said iudgement seemed to them erronious and reuocable in euery part In witnesse whereof the iustices aforesayd with Iohn Locktone the kings sergeant at law haue subscribed and set their seales to these present c. When these bloody sentences of death and treason were vnder generall large termes thus fastened vpon the lords the king supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by couler of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weake resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of small force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his best indeuour and first accounting the lordes as condemned persons he made diuision of their lands and goods among those that he fauououred Then he waged souldiers to be in a treadinesse for his assistance and sent the earle of Northumberland to arrest the earle of Arundell at his castle in Reygate where he then lay But the earle of Arundell either vpon aduertisement or suspition of the kings minde bandâ—d himselfe so strong that when the earle of Northumberland came vnto him he dissembled his intent and left his purpose vnperformed Thus were these proceedings of the king as now in counsell so afterwards in euent not much vnlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first solde the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when he came within the forrest either by vnskilfulnesse or misaduenture he not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The duke of Gloucester hauing secret intelligence of the kings displeasure and of his drift sent the bishop of London to perswade the king to entertaine a more fauourable opinion of him making faith to the bishop with a solemne oath that he neuer entended any thing to the preiudice of the king either in person or state The Bishop not vnskilfull to ioyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the king that his displeasure against the Lords was not grouÌ„ded vpon iust desert but either vpon false suggestions of their enemies or erronious mistaking aâ— some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and fauour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull seruice how honourable this agreement would be to the king how profitable to the realme and how daungerous to both these troubles might encrease The king seemed to giue good eare credit to the bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the king soone stiffened his minde against all impression of friendship Heereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lordes those obiections wherewith great men are vsually charged sparing no spight of speech and vsing all arte to aggrauate matters against them The bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not vpon his owne necessity nor loue to the king but onely to satisfie his bloody and ambitious humour wherein he was so immoderate that rather then the lords should not be destroyed he would ouerwhelme them with the ruines of the state for tumults might in deed be raised by men of little courage but must be maintained with the hazzard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his counsell in this matter was to be followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance not his complaints against any man to be any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the king At these words the king was exceedingly wroth and charged the bishop with menacing threats to auoid his presence When the duke of Glocester had knowledge heereof he signified the daunger to the earles of Arundell Warwicke and Derbie aduising them to take armes and vnite themselues for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely hope of safety
among those of the contrarie part hauing caused the death of no man but onely in the fielde Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the gouernment of the Lordes and also an oath was taken of all the Subiects within the Realme to be true and faithfull vnto the King The king in taking this oath of the Lordes bewrayed his inward conceite by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those he fauoured and angerly on those whome hee hated by which vntimely discouery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterwarde both to preuente the reuenge which he much desired and to procure the mischiefs which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was graunted and to the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the lordes hee to haue the name of a King and they the authority and maiesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the xj yeere of the kings reigne he being yet vnder age and in gouernement of others But the yeere following he beganne to take vpon him more liberty and rule and vpon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained he did euer after beare a hard minde against them And first he assembled them in the Councell chamber and there demanded of what yeeres they tooke him to be they answered that he was somewhat aboue one and twenty then sayd he I am of lawfull age to haue the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe me wrong to holde me still vnder gouernement as though the condition of a king were harder then of a subiect This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to denie and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well sayd the king since I am no longer an Infant I heere renounce your rule and take vpon me such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my predecessours heeretofore haue lawfully vsed Then presently he began his Phaetons flourish and commaunded the Bishop of Elie being L. Chancellour to resigne his seale which the king receiued and put vp and therewith departed out of the chamber but soone after he returned againe and deliuered the same to William Wickham bishop of Winchester constituting him L. Chancellour thereby Many other officers he likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also he remooued the Duke of Gloucester the Earle of Warwicke and many others from his Priuy councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Gloucester was gathering of forces against him but vpon examination there was found not onely no trueth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly haue disgested the raysing of these reportes but the King whether vpon a generall delight to be tickled in the eares with such tales or vpon particular desire to haue some quarell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the Raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genua desired his ayde against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoyled all the Sea coasts Ilands of Italy and Fraunce which fronted vppon theÌ„ The King sent a choyse companie of Souldiers ynder the coÌ„duct of Henrie Earle of Derby who behaued himselfe in this charge with great integritie courage inciting his men the good by prayse the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to vpbraide the vices of the other And first hee passed into Fraunce and there ioyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this seruice then with might and minds vnited they sayled together into Afrike At their arriuall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commaunded his Archers to breake through and make passage dispising the enemie whome he knew to be weake and vnskilfull in seruice and not to haue that aduantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to be accompted a helpe the other to seeme to neede no help the enemies were forced to flie and leaue the shoare vnto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and aboue three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight fower Dukes were taken and a great yet vncertaine number of common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head Cittie of that Countrie this they besieged in short time tooke chiefely by the prowes of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wals and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeuour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight waies turned to their lasciuious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitiful and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another ryoting with women here streames of bloud heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken aboue fower thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laide siege to this Castle the space of fiue weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sickenesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall hauing but litle prouision and many vnprofitable mouthes to consume it herevpon they sent vnto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their countrie this the Christians accepted vpon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thenceforth surcease from making spoyle vpon any of the coastes of Italy or Fraunce Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedie end the onely seruice as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without iotte of iarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vaunting or brauing in words but moderately imâ—arted to the rest the honour of the exployt so by valyanâ—y performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glorie encreased without bit of enuie In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeres of the reigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the fauour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would haue borrowed of them a thousand poundes which they feeling much
at London to whome the King made faith for the safetie of their persons and indemnitie of their goods and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise all this was as rashly belieued as it was craftely giuen out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolued their forces and remained in expectancie what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament began at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Heâ—rie Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credite and authoritie with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite they were proude arrogant and ambitious and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour professed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie to the ende that being lately start vp they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importunate trauaile all the Charters of pardon graunted by the King were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator and departed the house because they might not be present in iudgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundell and the Earle of Warwicke were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had bene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to be hanged drawne and quarterâ—d but the King so moderated the seueritie of this sentence that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed and the Earle of Warwicke committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man The Duke of Gloucester was so greatly fauoured that it was thought a point both of policie and peace notto bring him to his open answere but to put him to death secreately so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoeuer he deserued yet dying as he did not called not heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused for executing the commision against Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in vse as in possession and himselfe was adiudged to exile charged to depart the realme within sixe weekes then next ensuing So hee went into Fraunce where afterwardes he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours and of his counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that he was free from all daungers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceiued more secreate contentment then he would openly bewraye as more able to dissemble his ioy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceiued not that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce On the other side the common people were much dismayed hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their priuate affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishapes hapned vnto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King And to make their deathes the more odious the Earle of Arundell was reputed a martyr and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or grounde that this his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knewe the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp and viewed ten daies after it was interred and finding the cause to be fabulous hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde and all mention of his buriall to be taken away forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed but this restrainte raysed the more and they who if it had beene lawefull woulde haue saide nothing beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare vnto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Herforde at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Notingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Noâ—mans whose chiefest rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subiect to beare the fourme of the common-wealth beeing framed by the victors farre from equallity of all and yet the King excepted without eminencie of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale and made this honour hereditary conferring it vnto many since which time diuerse princes of this lande haue bene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quallity and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Duchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester the Lorde Neuill Earle of Westmerland the Lorde Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friendes for the most parte are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Rauens in Arabia so long as they are ful doe yeeld a pleasant voyce but being empty doe make a horrible crie Now the Duke of Hereford raysed his desires together with his dignities and either vpon disdaine at the vndeserued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the Kingâ— or vpon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps vppon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controwlement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke he brake into complaint how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extreamities vsed to some discouraged the rest from entermedling in any publique affaires how in steade of these hee was
deuised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their mindes according to the princes disposition gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease whereby cowardise crepte in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glorie The chiefest affaires of state had bene ordered for a long time according to priuate respects wherby the common-wealth lost both the fatte and the fauour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canuased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted by the Frenchmen and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce the possossion of Callice and of other townes which hee helde in those parts but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and ciuility and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries whereby it yeelded to the kings coffers thirty thousand pounds euery yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the houlding thereof charged the King with the yearely dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had bene sent into these seuerall countries but scatteringly and dropping and neuer so many at once as to furnish the warres fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with greate preparation and charge but beeing once out of credite whatsoeuer fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were inputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility it was by the Kings base hearted parasites to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated or depraued or enuied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies commenders that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to haue the name of a man of priuate estate famous for the same in euery mans mouth Hereupon fewe sought to rise by vertue and valâ—e the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed byâ—men of weakest sufficiency by whose counsell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best harted nobility was many times attempted at the last wrought The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe landlord of this realme and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life Great summes of mony were yearly rather exacted from the subiects then by them voluntarily graunted whereof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes the aduancement of his hatefull fauorites To these he was somewhat aboue his power liberall for which cause he was faine to borrow begge and extort in other places but he purchased not so much loue by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes which were mâ—â—ny times paid double in one yeare diuers newe impositionâ— were by him deuised put in vse sometimes exacting xii d. of euery person throughout the realme sometimes of euery religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of euery secular priest asmuch and of euerie lay person maried or sole xii d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence hee wiped away from the people such heapes of money as were litle answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certaine Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires corporations within the realme to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them as common enemies excepte they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselues to his mercie and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate made their acknowledgment submission in writing vnder their scales afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his fauour as the land being already greatly impouerished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of theÌ„ strange vnaccustomed oathes which were put likewise in writing vnder their seales They were also coÌ„pelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes wherein the King might afterwardes cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure These and such like violences were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second whoe maintaining great warres and obteyning a larger dominion then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes and yet his treasure after his death was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his subiects and they againe a heauie hart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valure sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolued to reuolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ireland which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne exercising all the crueltie in wasting of the country which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augmeÌ„t by report wherupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that
rather then to a fight for the sauage Irish were not vnder one gouernement but were deuided into many partialities and factions and seldome did two or three parts ioyne their common strenth and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little reioyced the common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grieuances to lay them together aggrauate them by construction euery man more abounding in complaints then he did in miseries Also the noblemen the principall obiect of cruelty began to discourse both their priuate dangers the deformities of the state and vpon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not be confined to cast it vpon some other who was most like to repaire that which K. Richard had ruined or if sayde they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will we sell him both our liues lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace we can not enioy The onely man vpon whom all men resolued was Henry duke of Hereford whom since the death of his father they called duke of Lancaster not at his own motion or desire but because he was generally esteemed meet as being of the royall bloud and next by discent froÌ„ males to the succession of the crowne one that had made honorable proofe of his vertues and valure the onely man of note that remained aliue of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause he was deeply touched at that time both in honor and in state This attempt pleased as possible to proue and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England declaring that aswel for the benefit of the realm as for their owne particular safety they were forced to vse force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his vnfortunate gouernment and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not prouide him a base multitude only they themselues helpe in bare wishes aduise but would also adioyne their hands and theiâ— liues so that the peril should be common to all the glory only his if fortune fauored the enterprise These letters were conueyed by men crafty and bolde yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated vnto theÌ„ Thomas Arundell late Archbishop of Canterburie at that time whether deseruedly or without cause an exile in France then they trauailed by seuerall waies and in counterfeit attire to Parris where all met at the house of one Clugney where the Duke theÌ„ soiourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side thankes on the other and ioy of both the Archbishop of Canterburie hauing obtained of the Duke priuacie and silence made vnto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sence following We are sent vnto you right high and noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and states of our land not to seeke reuenge against our King vpon priuate iniury and displeasure nor vpon a desperate discontentment to set the state on fire nor to procure the ambitious aduancement of any perticular person but to open vnto you the deformities and decaies of our broken estate and to desire your aide in staying the ruinous downfall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our countrie hath borne and the noble actes which it hath atchiued doth nothing els but make the basenes more bitter vnto vs wherinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes haue heretofore bene famous and memorable not onely within the bownds of our Ocean sea and in the Ilands adioyning vnto vs but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Affricke against the infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes haue bene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to prouoke vs to hostility But nowe the rude Scots whose spirits we haue so many times broken and brought on their knees doe scornfully insult vppon vs the naked and fugitiue Irish haue shaken of our shackles and glutted themselues vppon vs with massachres spoiles with these we dayly fight not for glory but to liue insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a verie ieast to our most base and contemptible enemies In deed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these countries but in such sort that they haue much wasted the realme with their maintenance but neither reuenged nor relieued it with their armes and no meruaile for all our diligent and discreete leaders the verie sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or els lie buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile conduct of those who can best apply themselues to the Kings youthfull delightes Among these auncient nobility is accompted a vaine ieast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieues me to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which euery man seeth our auncestors liued in the highest pitch and perfection of libertie but we of seruilitie being in the nature not of subiectes but of abiectes and flat slaues not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proude disdainefull fauorites not alwaies the same but euer new no sooner haue we satisfied some but fresh hungrie masters are straight waies set vpon vs who haue more endamaged vs by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What vnusuall kindes of exactioâ—are dayly put in practise without either measure or end and oftentimes with out neede or if any be it proceedeth rather vpon ryotus expenses then any necessary or honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subiects to be throwne away amongst vnprofitable vnthriftes And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capital crimes or by smal matters aggrauated or else by open crueltie and force his life or libertie is forthwith hazarded I were too tedious too odious too friuolus to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate the lamentable losse of your vncle other noble friends could be forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of qualitie within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neere friends doeth not plainly perceiue that no man enioyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one great
Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to robbe and spoile without correction or reproofe 6 Item that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme yet he laide to them in the Parlament rebellion and manifest treason 7 Item he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords seruants by menace to make great fines extreame paiments to their vtter vndooing and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted he made them fine a new 8 Item where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme and the commonwealth of the same the king caused all the roules records to be kept froÌ„ them contrary to his promise made in parlament to his opeÌ„ dishonor 9 Item â—e vncharitably commaunded that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streitly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said king without reason or ground banished him the realme for ten yeares contrarie to all equitie 12 Item before the Dukes departure he vnder his broad Scale licenced him to make atturneys to prosecute and defend his causes the said king after his departure would suffer none atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions subuerting the lawe contrarie to his oath and honour 14 Item he borowed great summes of money and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one peny paide 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie counsaile and the same treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head and sometimes in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed noble men and impouerished the poore commons 17 Item the parlament setting and enacting diuers notable statutes for the profit and aduancement of the commonwealth he by his priuie friends and solicitours caused to be enacted that no acte then enacted should be more preiudiciall to him then it was to his predecessours thorow which prouiso he did often as he list and not as the lawe ment 18 Item for to serue his purpose he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of parlament when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect and the election had fully proceeded he put out diuers persons elected and put in others in their places to serue his will and appetite 20 Item he had priuie espials in euery shire to heare who had of him any communication and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing and outragious dooing he straightwayes was apprehended and made a grieuous fine 21 Item the spiritualtie alledged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without lawe ot custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth of diuers things to them committed in charge both for the honor of the realme and profit of the king the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobilitie he caryed the Iewels and Place and treasure ouer the sea into Ireland to the great impouerishing of the realme and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extortions he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once beleeue him nor yet his owne subiects 25 Item he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that he contrarie to the great Charter of England caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Marciall because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselues to his mercie whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes contrarie to lawe and caused diuers of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great vndooing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellour according to lawe would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie â—eale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterburie without cause or iudgement and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the bishops goods he graunted to his successor vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree 31 Item vppon the accusation of the Archbishop the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and aduised him not to come to the Parlament and so without answere he was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laide which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie The noble men gaue their voyces part corrupted by fauour part awed by feare and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one dooth flye all will follow Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against king Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbote of Glastenburie Thom. Earle of Gloucester Thom. Lord
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
spoyling the goods and spilling the bloud of the vnhappy people besides the ruynes and deformities of many Citties and holdes vntill his lawful inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth me to remember how many florishing Empires and Kingdomes haue bin by meanes of such contentions eyther torne in peeces with detestiue diuision or subdued to forren Princes vnder pretence of assistaunce and ayde and I neede not repeate howe sore this realme hath heertofore beene shaken with these seuerall mischieues and yet neyther the examples of other countries nor the miseries of our own are sufficient to make vs to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our vnstayed mindes and restlesse resolutions doe nothing els but hunt after our owne harmes no people haue more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other countries the swoord of inuasion hath been shaken against vs in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath bin kindled amongs vs what are these innouasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blowe vp the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen vnto vs which Aesope fableth to haue been fallen vnto the Frogges who beeing desirous to haue a King a beame was giuen vnto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a king of quicker courage then was sent vnto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually deuoured them The mildenesse of king Richard hath bred in vs this scorne interpreting it to be cowardise and dulnes of nature the next heyre is likewise reiected I will not say that wyth greater courage we shall finde greater cruelty but if eyther of these shall heerafter be able to set vp theyr side and bring the matter to tryall by armes I do assuredly say that which part soeuer shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wracke And thus haue I declared my minde concerning this question in more wordes then your wisedome yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that wee haue neyther power nor policy eyther to depose king Richard or to elect Duke Henrie in his place that king Richard remaineth still our Soueraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for vs to giue iudgement vpon him that the Duke whom you call king hath more offended against the king and the relame then the king hath done eyther against him or vs for being banished the realme for ten yeeres by the king and his counsaile amongst whome his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall lycense he hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the land and dispossessed the Kyng from his royall estate and now demaundeth iudgement against his person without offence proued or defence heard if this iniury and this periury doth nothing moue vs yet let both our priuate and common dangers somwhat withdraw vs from these violent proceedings This speach was diuerslie taken as men were diuersly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most parte did make shew for king Henrie and therevpon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of S. Albones Whose counsaile and coniecture then contemned was afterwardes better thought vpon partly in the life time of king Henrie during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of xxxvi yeares twelue set battailes vpon this quarrell were fought within the realme by English men only and more then foure score Princes of the royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that king Richard should be kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliuerance that he should be the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Actes of the Parlament holden at Westminster in the xi yeare of King Richard were reuiued and the Parlament houlden the xxi yeare of king Richard was wholy repealed and they who were attainted by that Parlament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their landes without suing lyuerie and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene receiued out of their lands in the meane time Herevpon Richard Earle of Warwicke was deliuered out of prison and the Earle of Arundelles sonne recouered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fullye restored againe to their Countrie libertie and estate It was further prouided that none of those which came in ayde of King Henrie against King Richard should for that cause be impeached or troubled Also the King gaue to the Earle of Westmerland the Countie of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland he gaue the Ile of Man to be houlden of him by the seruice of bearing the sworde wherewith he entred into England Diuers other of his followers he aduaunced to offices of highest place and charge some vpon iudgement and for desert but most part to win fauour and perhappes proiecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to preuent reuenge then to leade an innocent and harmlesse life It was further agreed that the procurers of the death and murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should be searched out and seuerelie punished And iudgement was giuen against the appellants of the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundell that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their heyres that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannors Lordshippes c. then in their hands which sometimes apperteined to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should be surrendred into the ChaÌ„cerie and there be cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannors Lordships possessions and liberties they should be at the grace and mercie of the King that they should giue no liueries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such officers as were meerelie necessarie for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giuing him ayde or encouragement against the iudgement of his deposition then he should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the common people that many officers had committed greeuoâ—s extoruons and wrongs eyther by the open maintenance or secret conâ—itiuence of these Lords First those officers were remoâ—ued and that corruption taken away with integritie which briberie hâ—d wrought in placing for money men of bâ—d
Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishoppe of Caerliele Sir Thomas Biunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all poyntes both of feature and fauour so neerely resembled King Richard that the Lordes dissembled afterwardes that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrewe themselues into a secret Chamber to counsaile heere the Duke of Exceter who was moste hotly bent eyther to restore or to reuenge the cause of his deposed brother declared vnto the rest the alleageance that they had sworne vnto King Richard the honours and 〈◊〉 whereunto they were by him aduaunced that therefore they were bounde both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that king Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and vniustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neyther the obedience of subiectes nor loue of friendes as though they were men who knewe to doe any thing better then to defend and if neede were to dye for theyr lawfull Prince and louing patron that king Henrie by violent inuading or fraudulent insinuating himelse into the kingdome of his naturall and leige Prince was but a tyrant and vsurper and such a one as it was lawfull for any man by any meanes to throw downe without respect whether he were a good man or euill for it is lawfull for no man vpon pretence and shewe of goodnesse to draw soueraignty vnto himselfe that the lawes and examples of best gouerned common wealthes did not onely permit this action but highly honoured it with statues and garlandes and tytles of nobility and also rewarded it with all the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable and almost necessarie to the common wealth by extinguishing those warres which the Scots menaced the Frenchmen prepared and the Welshmen had already begun vpon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the common wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policie and to that purpose he deuised that a solemne Iustes should be challenged to be kept at Oxforde in Christmasse holydayes betweene him and twentie on his part and the Earle of Salisburie and twentie on his part to which king Henrie should be inuited and when he was most intentiue in regarding their militarie disport he should sodainlie be surprized by men which without suspition might at that time be assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently bee restored both to his liberty and to his state This deuise was no sooner vttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resoluing vpon the enterprize they tooke an oath vpon the Euangelistes the one to be true and secret to the other euen to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartite wherein they bound themselues to doe their best assay for the death of the one king and deliuerance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and deliuered to euery Lord a counter pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whome howe they should be ordred and placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all thinges were thus contriued and theyr hungry ambitious mindes were well filled with the vaine winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exceter came to the king at Windsore and desired him for the loue that he bare to the noble feares of Cheualry that he would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the iudge of theyr performances if any controuersie should arise The king supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in shew easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other confederates where they busily bestirred themselues in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of thys acte When the Dutchesse of Exceter king Henries Sister perceiued the drift of the deuise and saw that the Duke was vppon his iourney alas good Lady howe was shee distracted in minde with a sharpe conflicte of her conceiptes one waye she was mooued with nature towardes her brother another waye shee was more strongly stirred with loue towards her Lord and husband and both wayes shee was deuided in dutie And what sayd shee is this loue then against nature or about it shall I bee vndutifull to my Prince or is no dutie comparable to the dutie of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two deerest friends in this case of extremitie that it is doubtfull which but certainlie one must be ruined by the other Heerewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped vnto her and seazing softlie vppon her hand vsed these wordes What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on floate Content your selfe woman for whatsoeuer the euent shall be it cannot bee euill to you nor worse to me then now it is For if my purpose preuaile and my brother bee restored againe to his crowne both of vs shall be sure neuer to decline if it bee preuented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall be doone vnto you and I shall be then sure of that distruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When hee had thus saide hee kissed her and so leauing her to the torture of a thousand thornie thoughts he tooke his iorney towards Oxforde with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There he sound all the rest of his complices well armed and banded except onely the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and defendants were in a readinesse determined the daye following to ride to Oxforde according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much maruailed at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it euery man coniectured as he was diuersly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent vnto him in poste to knowe the certaine truth Before the messenger came to the Duke hee was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of York and carried with him his counterpane of the Indenture of confederacy As they sate at dinner the
some at this present and many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I hane deserued this deiection if it be iust or if it be wrongfull that I could not auoide it Indeede I doe confesse that many times I haue shewed my selfe both lesse prouident and lesse painfull for the benefite of the common-wealth then I should or might or intended to doe hereafter and haue in many actions more respected the satisfying of my owne particular humour then either iustice to some priuate persons or the common good of al yet I did not at any time either omit dutie or coÌ„mit grieuance vpon natural dulnesse or set malice but partly by abuse of corrupt councellers partly by errour of my youthfull iudgement And now the remembrance of these ouer-sights is so vnpleasant to no man as to my selfe and the rather because I haue no meanes left either to recompence the iniuries which I haue done or to testifie to the world my reformed affections which experience and stayednesse of yeares had already corrected would dayly haue framed to more perfection But whether all the imputations wherewith I am charged be true either in substance or in such qualitie as they are layd or whether being true they be so heinous as to inforce these extremities or whether any other Prince especially in the heate of youth and in the space of two and twentie yeares the time of my vnfortunate raigne doth not sometimes either for aduantage or vppon displeasure in as deepe maner grieue some particular subiect I will not now examine it helpeth not to vse defence neither booteth it to make complaint there is left no place for the one nor pitie for the other and therefore I referre it to the iudgement of God and your lesse distempered considerations I accuse no man I blame no fortune I complaine of nothing I haue no pleasure in such vaine and needlesse comforts and if I listed to haue stood vpon tearmes I know I haue great fauourers abroad and some friends I hope at home who would haue beene ready yea forward on my behalfe to set vp a bloudy and doubtfull warre but I esteeme not my dignitie at so high a price as the hazard of so great valure the spilling of so much English bloud and the spoile and waste of so flourishing a Realme as thereby might haue bene occasioned Therefore that the Common-wealth may rather rise by my fall then I stand by the ruine thereof I willingly yeeld to your desires and am heere come to dispossesse my selfe of all publike authority and title and to make it free and lawfull for you to create for your King Henric Duke of Lancaster my cousin germaine whom I know to be as worthie to take that place as I see you willing to giue it to him Then he read openly and distinctly the forme of his cession wherein he did declare that he had discharged his subiectes from their oathes of fealtie and homage and all other oathes whatsoeuer and of his owne will free motion did abdicate the title dignitie and aucthoritie of a King and rendred vp the possession of the Realme with the vse and title thereof and all the rights thereunto appertaining To this the King subscribed and was sworne and then hee deliuered with his owne hands the Crowne the Septer and the Robe to the Duke of Lancaster wishing vnto him more happinesse therewith then had euer happened vnto himselfe Then he did constiture the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford his procurators to intimate and declare this his resignation to all the states of the realme which should be assembled together in Parliament Lastly he gaue all his riches and goods to the summe of thee hundred thousand pounds in coyne besides his Iewels plate for satisfaction of the iniuryes that hee had done desiring the Duke al the rest that were present seuerally by their names not altogether to forget that he had beene their King nor yet too much to thinke vpon the same but to retaine of him amoderate remembrance and in recompence of the ease that hee had done them by his voluntarie yeelding to permit him to liue safely in a priuate and obscure life with the sweetenesse wherof he was so possessed that froÌ„ theneforth he would preferre it before any preferment in the world All this was deliuered and done by the King with voyce and countenance so agreeable to his present beauinesse that there was no man to vnmindefull of humane instabilitie which was not in some measure moued thereat insomuch as a fewe secrete teares melted from the eyes of many that were present in whose mindes a confessed and obscure alteration alreadie gâ—nne to beginne So proâ—e and inclinable are mento pitie miserie although they haue procured it and to enuie prosperitie euen that which they haue raysed Vpon Munday next following the Parlament began at Westminster and the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford the Kings Atturneys for this purpose declared openly to the states there assembled the Kings voluntarie resignation and demaunded whether they would assent and agree therevnto the Barons of the realme by seuerall and particular consent the commons with one generall voyce did expreslye accept and admit the same Then it was thought meet that certaine defects and misdemeanures concerning matters of gouernment should be obiected against the King for which he should be adiâ—dged as vnworthy as he seemed vnwilling to reteine the kingdome To this purpose certaine articles were engrossed and openly read in which was conteyned how vnprofitable the King had bin to the realme how vniust and grieuous to the subiectes contrarie both to his honour and to his oath The chiefest of which articles are these that follow 1 FIrst that King Richard did wastefully spend the treasure of the realme and had giuen the possessions of the crowne to men vnworthy by reason whereof new charges were dayly laide on the neckes of the poore comminaltie 2 Item where diuers Lords as well spirituall as temporall were appointed by the high court of Parlament to commune and treate of matters concerning the state of the realme and the commonwealth of the same they being busied about the same commission he with others of his affinitie went about to impeache them of treason 3 Item that by force and menace he compelled the Iustices of the realme at Shrewsburie to condiscend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords Insomuch as he began to raise warre against Iohn Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundell Richard Earle of Warwicke other Lords contrarie to his honor and promise 4 Item that he caused his vnckle the Duke of Gloucester to be arrested without lawe and sent him to Calice and there without iudgement murthered him and although the Earle of Arundell vpon his arraignement pleaded his charter of pardon he could not be heard but was in most vile and shamefull manner sodainly put to death 5 Item he assembled certaine